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                <text>New Architecture Movement - How it all began</text>
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                <text>A personal description by John Murray</text>
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                <text>NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
HOW IT ALL BEGAN - A PERSONAL DESCRIPTION&#13;
User involvement in Design&#13;
As the project architect of the new Edgewick Primary School in Coventry, I was briefed by the City Education Client Officer, a helpful, experienced and committed client. But when I asked him how I should accommodate useful suggestions from the new Head Teacher about the design of her new school he said, “Just ignore her”. I decided instead to ignore him and went on to work closely with the Head teacher, staff and pupils in developing the design of a successful and well-regarded Primary School adjacent to the existing Victorian Primary School, situated near a large Courtaulds factory and not far from the centre of Coventry.&#13;
For me this was proof that the users of a building must be fully involved if the design is to be successful. It was a very important lesson and my respect for the committed Head has stayed with me ever since.&#13;
Now of course, consultation and participation are an integral part of the design process. But in 1968 they were not.&#13;
(I discovered that in 2014 because of a shortfall in school places, Coventry City Council decided to double the number of pupils so both schools were demolished and replaced by a large PFI school)&#13;
Working for Tenants and Residents&#13;
In the early 1970s many architects while working in offices were also providing free design advice and alternative schemes to tenants and residents groups faced with unacceptable redevelopment proposals. This work was in stark contrast to how they were earning their living during the day, but it taught both sides the benefits of having a design service available to and accountable to the people who used buildings.&#13;
I was working for tenants in Newham while during the day I worked for BDP. BDP incidentally was a very good firm whose idealistic founding partner Grenfell-Baines stated it should be multi- disciplinary and fully involve and reward its staff. (3Rs, Responsibility, Recognition and Reward) (These ideas subsequently influenced the NAM Public Design Group’s proposals).&#13;
At that time, my wife Ursula was working in a Community Development Project in Canning Town. Through her I became involved with West Ham tenants.&#13;
Most private firms were not so good as BDP for salaried staff, hence salaried architects desire for change. The RIBA was seen to be a mouthpiece for private Architectural Practice.&#13;
These ideas became more widespread throughout the profession both amongst salaried architects and teachers in schools of architecture. At the same time, new young Labour councillors, who had emerged from tenants’ struggles, were beginning to be elected and this encouraged the development of NAM ideas in councils, for example Haringey.&#13;
Architects Revolutionary Council (ARC)&#13;
While working in BDP, we used to occasionally visit the AA in nearby Bedford Square at lunchtimes. There was also an AA Studio in Percy Street near the BDP office. There I met the tutor, Brian Anson and his students. Brian had established with his students the Architects Revolutionary Council (ARC).&#13;
They talked to us about ARC’s proposal for a New Architecture Movement to develop ARC’s ideas and especially to take on the RIBA, ARC’s bête noir. They were trying to encourage sympathetic architects, teachers and students to attend an inaugural conference to establish the New Architecture Movement. After I talked to Brian about my interest in public design he asked me to make a presentation about a national design service at the proposed conference.&#13;
In November 1975 an advert appeared in the architectural press inviting participants to attend the inaugural congress of a hitherto unheard of New Architecture Movement in the unlikely setting of Harrogate. The congress, organised by ARC after discussion with sympathetic architects, brought together a considerable number of like-minded salaried architects and students.&#13;
NAM was born&#13;
 1&#13;
&#13;
The New Architecture Movement&#13;
Harrogate is a very attractive and stylish former spa town in Yorkshire. No doubt ARC chose it for that reason.&#13;
I presented a paper on a National Design Service to the Congress. Apart from meeting many like- minded architects, the main thing I remember about the congress is the debate about the proposed structure for the New Architecture Movement.&#13;
NAM Structure&#13;
ARC proposed that an elected Leader and committee should govern NAM. This resulted in an animated debate. The women at the meeting persuaded the men that the New Architecture Movement should be structured like the women’s movement; ie, groups of people interested in particular issues who would come together as necessary, not at the diktat of a higher body. In retrospect I think this was NAM’s great strength so we didn’t spend our time nit-picking as would inevitably have been the case if we had agreed to the centrally controlled body that ARC wanted.&#13;
It was eventually agreed that NAM should be structured as local groups. There was also to be a liaison group, whose role was to coordinate the different campaign groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual congress. Groups would report to each other through a magazine called SLATE.&#13;
Liaison Group&#13;
I was involved in the first London liaison group and in due course we got a grant from the Rowntree Foundation, which enabled us to set up an office in 9 Poland Street.&#13;
During the first few months after Harrogate, we discussed how NAM should develop. We drafted NAM’s objectives (attached) and organised our first meeting in May 1977 in Covent Garden to encourage more salaried architects to join. Anne Karpf reported the event very favourably in Building Design.&#13;
Groups&#13;
The following campaign groups developed over time:&#13;
• Alternative Practice&#13;
• Education&#13;
• Feminist Group&#13;
• Professional Issues (A number of us were elected to ARCUK to represent ‘unattached’ architects)&#13;
• Public Design Group&#13;
• SLATE&#13;
• Trade Unions and Architecture&#13;
These groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress.&#13;
Although I was involved in the liaison group and other groups, my main interest was in developing the ideas for a National Design Service. This eventually became the Public Design Group. It included one of Brian Anson’s AA students and architects and students from Sheffield and Nottingham. So we did a lot of travelling, usually meeting in Sheffield.&#13;
See separate report on how the Public Design Group evolved and how its ideas were eventually developed in Haringey.&#13;
NAM’s ideas became more widespread throughout the profession both amongst salaried architects and teachers in schools of architecture.&#13;
John Murray&#13;
NAM Founder Member 31 August 2015&#13;
2&#13;
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                <text>A Short History of the Architectural Profession. A5 Booklet inc. 23 pp.</text>
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                <text> bia.&#13;
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE&#13;
ARCHITECTURAL PROFESSION&#13;
&#13;
 SYSZ&#13;
IFCRIME DOESaNT PAY... LUHEREGE&#13;
|ARCHITELTS&#13;
AL THEIA Mo NEY?&#13;
Preface&#13;
The purpose of this thesis is to show the development of&#13;
the architectural profession from its origins to the present day.&#13;
With its development it has become obvious that to do the subject justice, it would need to be a book in its own right. Therefore,&#13;
it is much regretted that too many issues are dealt with far too briefly, but I do believe that it is of sufficient credibility to be worthy of note, and a valuable introduction to the subject for people becoming interested in the profession for the first time. There&#13;
is a short reading list at the end for those interested in understanding my source of material. I hope that within a few years it might be possible to create the book this subject demands.&#13;
My thanks to Brian Anson, George Mills and the year I spent&#13;
as a member of the Architects Revolutionary Council, which enabled a concentrated study of the architectural profession. I hope that this study reflects a socialist perspective and I thank the Communist Party of Great Britain for improving my Marxist analysis, at which Iam no expert.&#13;
I dedicate this work to the principle of the New Architecture Movement: "For all, a better environment",&#13;
Front illustration by kind permission of L, Hellman. Other illustrations courtesy of ARC.&#13;
ma ~-=_Go.e&#13;
NEW ARCHTTECTMRE WOVEYENT CONTAVT ADDRESS c/O J. Broming, 36 Elm Grove London N.8-.&#13;
&#13;
 over Europe separated it from the cultural tradition of these other European states.&#13;
1&#13;
In England, this had the effect that anyone claiming to be an architect could not just develop from his home culture, but had to deliberately study the architecture of Italy, and later Greece.&#13;
This was the first impetus to separate master builder from architect. Inigo Jones was the person responsible for introducing classical architecture to England. He is also significant because his position&#13;
as Court Architect revealed the need of the Crown to create its own impressive buildings. It also helped to make the style fashionable&#13;
and created the demand for more architects capable of designing in&#13;
this style. Right from the start we can see how an idea or fashion&#13;
is introduced by the elite of society, the Crown, taken up by the nobles and lords, made popular, plagiarized and finally, scrapped when it&#13;
has become common, by the introduction of a new style. The timescale of this cycle is dependent upon the amount of building being done at any one time, i.e. fashions come and go much quicker when there is a lot of work about.&#13;
Architects found that the application of styles was both helpful and unhelpful in the struggle to maintain their position in society. Styles helped architects because they were the people who chose the new fashion and, therefore, were the leaders. Styles hindered them because the styles were quickly copied and circulated amongst builders, which meant that the architects’ leadership was constantly being undermined. Architects began to feel that being dedicated followers&#13;
of fashion was not likely to be a lasting solution to the maintenance of their status in society and other means should be found for spreading the influence of architects to strengthen their position.&#13;
The great fire of London in 1666 provided the first opportunity&#13;
for architects to spread their authority in a more general way. Wren's plans for London, whilst not being wholly implemented, clearly show that the architectural role had developed aspirations for the total control of the built environment. Another aspect revealed was the difficulty of construction supervision and the number of jobs an architect could handle. Wren found it necessary to concentrate on the construction of St. Paul's to such an extent that he moved into a house with a clear&#13;
view of the Cathedral. This meant that he had to rely on juniors toa large extent to detail and supervise the construction of the many parish churches that bear his name as architect.&#13;
After Wren, it is possible to trace the history of the architect “through a number of architects at any one time, Hawksmoor and&#13;
Vanborough, the Adam Brothers, etc. This plurality of architects developed an awareness in the higher classes of society of architecture and architects. Though some builder craftsmen became acceptable architects, it was quite common for the gentry to dabble in architecture themselves. Indeed, any man pretending to be educated in the eighteenth century was expected to know the classical orders of architecture and to be capable of creating a classical composition himself.&#13;
2&#13;
The purpose of this thesis is to show the development of the architectural profession from its origins to the present day. It is not a history of architects or styles, though they are significant factors, but it relates more specifically to the role of the architect in society, and how he has organised himself to fulfil that role.&#13;
The term "architect" at a basic level means a designer of buildings. The word itself comes from the ancient Greek and Latin via Vetruvius etc., but it is probable that the role of the architect started long before the Greeks. The origins of architecture lie in vernacular buildings, which simply stated means vernacular build- ings are not designed, but grow from the skills and traditions of a particular culture. Ina culture where men are not equal and where kings and lords wish to show their power, or that of their religion, large and impressive buildings are an ideal medium for their needs.&#13;
It follows that vernacular buildings are inadequate for the purpose&#13;
due to their common character, but no one knows how to build anything else. To build something extraordinary needs planned instructions&#13;
as to how to proceed with the construction, and in order that this may be done, plans or pictures or models of the finished product have to be made. Generally, any culture that begins monument building takes its vernacular building as a starting point and then proceeds to scale it up. Some people have said the Pathenon was a scaled-up Greek house.&#13;
In Europe, this meant that until the advent of the renaissance&#13;
the architect's role was played by a master craftsman who applied&#13;
his art and skill ina scale greater than his vernacular origins. As these buildings grew from vernacular scale buildings they took with them the relationships of that society as expressed in built form, and while they created some vast cathedrals, castles, etc., it was still possible for them to relate to the people they were built for. Self- conscious man, or modern man, is often thought to have come about with the renaissance.&#13;
the vernacular traditions still continue for the majority of buildings, special buildings that needed to be uncommon were designed as a conscious choice of styles and systems, not necessarily related to the culture of the society for which they were intended.&#13;
houses of Venice, Milanetc.&#13;
In architectural terms, this means that while&#13;
Italy was the founder of the modern renaissance man, in part due to the development of capitalist enterprise, hence the great trading&#13;
The rise to power of traders, such as the Medici, had to be demonstrated publicly through the patronage&#13;
of the arts andan impressive building programme.&#13;
reflected the need of the nouveau riche to associate themselves with&#13;
the wealth and authority of previous ages. That is why, not unnaturally&#13;
for Italians, they turned to the glorious past of the Roman Empire for inspiration. Thus, whilst the renaissance very clearly had historical and traditional values for Italy, its subsequent stylistic application all&#13;
The buildings&#13;
&#13;
 3&#13;
an architect often measured his own building works. Coupled with this was the extent to which "contractors" or master builders could mis-manage the accounts of projects. This led the public in the form of clients, or the higher classes of society, to complain that the whole building industry was immoral and criminal - they made no distinction between architect, measurer or builder. The growth of the industry had led to the establishment of many people claiming to be architects, and many new building firms or contractors. This caused such confusion and disarray that the more thinking architects began to try to find solutions to the problem.&#13;
Though the solution to the problem was probably never seen clearly by anyone or any section of the building industry, it is true that architects were the first section to crystalise their views and form a pressure group to achieve their aims. Evidence shows that there were five groups whose separate positions were beginning to clarify from the confusion caused by the sudden growth of the whole building industry. By looking at each section and how they came to terms with their problems, we may obtain some idea of the complexity of the problem.&#13;
Firstly, at the top of the tree was the client, either personal or corporate. His problem was that he did not know whether he was&#13;
being cheated or not. This could only be solved if there were ways of ensuring that the people employed were honest, and if not there was some way of checking on what they had done. In essence, the separa- tion of jobs did this because each section could then be checked and played off one against the other.&#13;
The problems were more complex for the architect:&#13;
- he had to convince the clients that he was honest.&#13;
- his social status was being eroded by the number of people&#13;
claiming to be architects.&#13;
- his role was threatened by confusion with, and takeover by,&#13;
contractors.&#13;
- he was restrained if involved in one building firm, by the&#13;
geographical locality and workload capabilities of the firm. In about 1820 a number of architectural societies were formed to discuss and learn about architecture. These appeared in London, Liverpool, Manchester, etc. and reflected the growing popularity amongst the bourgeois for "learned societies".&#13;
The formation of the Institute of British Architects in 1833 was&#13;
an attempt by the profession to use the disguise of "learned society"&#13;
to create a trade association for the profession. Consequently, the Institute could not become just a London-based "learned society" like&#13;
the Royal Academy, but had to become the federated control of all the architectural clubs inthe country. Because it allowed membership&#13;
of measurers (the forerunners of quantity surveyors) it was not felt satisfactory by a small but professionally-orientated number of architects. They believed that to overcome the problem of dishonesty in the profession, it was necessary that architects should not measure their own, or other architects', work. This would then clear architects of the charge of measuring dishonestly so as to increase their own fees. +&#13;
This initial popularising of architecture in high society enabled it&#13;
to be talked about and discussed as an entity in itself without which&#13;
it is unlikely to have weathered its first crisis in the 1820s and 1830s.&#13;
The growth of architectural awareness was considerable during the eighteenth century buts its examples were naturally restricted by the amount of buildings undertaken. It was not to be until the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the boom of the Industrial Revolution&#13;
that architecture was to take its next step.&#13;
Before going on to the effects of the Industrial Revolution, it would be wise to have a look at the building industry and its organ- isation. As we have mentioned, the architectural profession was a very elite service industry and because of this, it was possible to enter it from above, or by sweat and graft from below.&#13;
that those who attained the acceptable title of architect found it in their interests to preserve, as far as possible, their elitist position. This meant that though many master craftsmen aspired to being architects, very few actuallymade it.&#13;
of buildings was basically carried out intwo ways.&#13;
the owner or his agent, whether he be an architect or master builder, would contract a mason to do the masonry, a carpenter to do the carpentry, etc., all ona separate agent-contrator basis.&#13;
way, which developed increasingly towards the 1800's, was that the owner would sign one contract with one man, who then either carried out the work from his own firm, or sub-contracted for the separate tasks. This gave rise to the "contractor", whose traditional unpopularity grew from two main points evident initially.&#13;
the skilled tradesmen thought he was poaching on their right to make direct contracts with the owners and, secondly, architects feared that he might try and take over their role as co-ordinators and designers&#13;
of the project.&#13;
During the eighteenth century construction The first was that&#13;
However, the craftsmen were the most obviously upset for the traditional craft guilds dating from mediaeval days were not disposed&#13;
for either one craft or another to dominate the industry.&#13;
felt even more snubbed bya non-trade "contractor", they were 80 unprepared to co-operate between trades guilds that they were powerless to prevent the development of contractors. Indeed, their frustrations were so acute and so lacking in ideas as to how to surmount the problems that there was considerable violence on sites in and around London&#13;
during 1824. This led to discussions in the House of Commons on the subject, but from lack of evidence to the contrary, it appears the&#13;
skilled tradesmen were sadly forced to accept the position and loss of responsibility. Their weakened state has since led them into&#13;
narrower and narrower specialisation and reduction of their skills, 80 as to enable the eventual mechanisation of their tasks.&#13;
From the end of the Napoleonic Wars trade and industry in England began to develop under the influence of the Industrial Revolution.&#13;
There was a noticeable increase in building with the re-investment of war bond money. This first property boom brought to the fore all the ongoing trends and antagonisms.&#13;
Apart from the building site riots, there were problems at the other end of the profession too. The&#13;
pricing of building construction was often done by architect measurers ~&#13;
This ensured&#13;
The second&#13;
Firstly,&#13;
Whilst they&#13;
&#13;
 g&#13;
The effect of the Arts and Crafts Movement on the architectural profession was minimal. Stylistically it offered a great wealth of ideas as expressed by people like Ruskin and Morris, and built by Nash, MacIntosh, Voysey, etc. However, in terms of the trend&#13;
of the ages it was seen as old fashioned, romantic and impractical. Whilst it had cause to complain about the reduction of craft skills due to technology, it failed to realise that the main alienation caused by machinery was for the workers an economic problem.&#13;
It was no good working in a nice jug if it cost twice as much as a manufactured jug, and consequently was never sold. People were not in a position to complain about their intellectual exploitation if they could not afford to provide themselves with food, clothing and shelter. The Arts and Crafts Movement was basically an upper&#13;
or middle class concern, they could not really come to grips with any solution to the problem as expressed by socialism. William Morris had a great influence on the Arts &amp; Crafts Movement, and socialism had a great influence on Morris, but the confusion of the Movement came about as a result of its romantic approach to the past. This lack of perspective created a mixture of inadequate solutions to the problem that could never be put strongly in public due to their own weaknesses. If the public arena for debate was not fertile ground&#13;
for the Movement, it could only retreat into itself, turning its back on the world and living out a romantic dream in the hills of the Cotswolds or in Wales. It isa pity, but understandable, that the Arts and Crafts Movement was not of major importance for it was developing in architecture the qualities found in English vernacular buildings and it would have greatly added to our present cultural condition. As such, the only influence it had was to slow down the technical professional development of architects by its insistance that design and art are not measurable standards and, as such there could be no measure of the competence of an architect.&#13;
Over the period 1890 to 1920, the profession felt that it had proved itself and its place in society but still suffered from the actual disposability of its services. There was no legal definition of what an architect was, and there was no necessity by law to employ one. These insecurities were well founded for during the 1914-18 war, the Government made no special use of architects, and the depression of the 1920s clearly revealed the vulnerability&#13;
of the profession. The depression, therefore, brought to the front all pressures for registration of architects and for legislating for the use of architects.&#13;
In this way, it was intended that all design work for buildings would have to be designed, by law, by architects, and that all architects should be registered with the government in a similar fashion to doctors. This would have provided the architect with an unquestionably secure position in socicty, it was after all their vulnerability to unemployment and replacement by engineers, builders, etc. that worried them most.&#13;
The RIBA's report of 1943 revealed that architecture necessitated extensive planning and that in the theme of the report, outside central London itself, there were very few buildings of architectural merit, i.e. what Hitler was not going to blitz the RIBA would. There was much discussion on planning and groups like the Mars group drew up plans for the near total rebuilding of London. The expansion of the professional arena and examples of planning proposed by Corbusier, etc., led to the development of the Town and Country Planning Act, passed shortly after the end of the war.&#13;
Town Planning became a profession in its own right which furthered the cause of expanding the profession while maintaining an increase in status. The other aspect the war created was the substantial growth of government influence and work in the building industry.&#13;
The future for the architectural profession seemed set fair to prosper after the war but it is important to realise the contradictions&#13;
now apparent to us were in existence then.&#13;
profession after the war became synonymous with talking about the RIBA. The RIBA asa private club is governed by a democratically elected Council. The Council is responsible for the actions of the Institute. However, it must be remembered that the RIBA was founded to further the existence of private practice architects, and had been very successful inthis task.&#13;
therefore, fell to those who had helped, or were helping, in this task. The Council clearly aligned itself to the interests of private practice. The method of election to the RIBA Council was by national elections and this meant that you had to be reasonably well known to become elected. This process naturally favoured the big names of private practices.&#13;
Since the war an increasing number of architects have been employed by the state and while they have not directly contributed to the existence of the private practice sector, their existence has been ured to demonstrate the size and usefulness of the whole profession.&#13;
During the 19408 and 1950s there was an architects’ and building technicians’ union (ABT) which was the only organised voice of architects to express the salaried-architects' viewpoint. This union was for a long time communist controlled and due to an increasing divergence between its executive and members, it faded into obscurity by the 1960s. Members of the union were responsible for the "peoples detailing" era of the London County Council, but their influence ind; recent years appears non-existent.&#13;
However, the existence of this group with alternative viewpoints to the RIBA did show the diverging directions of the architectural profession, The modern movement in architecture only got off the ground in this country with the Festival of Britain in 1951. In this&#13;
it was aided by the new Town and Country Planning Acts and by @ mixed inspiration of Scandinavian furniture and plastics, the Mediteranean derived architecture of Corbusier, plus the usage of&#13;
technical terme "functional and "mechanical aesthetics".&#13;
The architectural&#13;
The control of the Council,&#13;
&#13;
 te&#13;
This small group of eight has slowly been whittled down by over-work, absorption, promotion and even rejection, toa total&#13;
of four, three of whom are now such high-ranking public architects that their ties to the Salaried Architects Group is more history than fact. After four years of considerable effort, they have achieved the improvement of the Code of Conduct relating to salaried architects and their responsibilities. However, the code is useless without any backing or testing of its validity.&#13;
The influence of the salaried architects group was reflected in the RIBA Council's choice for President for 1973-75, Fred Pooley. Fred Pooley was the first public architect to become president of the RIBA and although he started out fairly succes sfully, the financial difficulties of the Institute did not allow the development of Alex Gordon's Action Paper, regarded as a very progressive pro- gramme for the RIBA. Added to this, the collapse of the building industry in 1974 created a strong dernand from private practice for the RIBA to appeal to the Government for more work. At this task Pooley was ineffective and not cut out to do the tasks the times demanded of him. On finishing his term of office, Fred Pooley became the head of the GLC's Transport Planning Department, 2 nice cosy job. During his last year as President, he was nea rly completely ignored in favour of the president-elect, Eric Lyons.&#13;
Due to the circumstances of architectural depression and RIBA stringency, the salaried architect group should have mounted a big campaign to protect the interests of their group. However, their absorption in altering codes of conduct and involvement with the RIBA Council isolated them from the mass of public architects. That they are less effective than the Association of Official Architects reflects&#13;
their isolation and lack of organisation.&#13;
The challenge created by the emergence of the SAG did lead to the&#13;
formation of an Association of Consultant Architects. This group is for private practice principals only and having a formal and well- financed organisation, is beginning to have effect. They produce policies and express opinions in the architectural journals which are consistently unsocial.&#13;
Eric Lyons had been chairman of ACA in the past, but to enhance his attempts to become president he left the organisation. He had all the grooming for presidency necessary, 4 good profitable practice that did work considered to be progressive, SPAN housing etc., and from the moment he was made president-elect he ran the RIBA ina manner to which the ACA was accustomed.&#13;
The building boom also gave rise to another radical architects’ group. The fight to save Covent Garden and other town centre battles gave rise to people like Brian Anson and the wave of trouble in architectural schools in 1972-73: Hull, Kingston upon Thames, Northern Poly and Cheltenham. In 1973 Brian Anson and others founded the Architects Revolutionary Council, and through an article in the summer of 1973 in Building Design and through public meetings, gave the group a public face.&#13;
There had been Architects Registration Bills before Parliament since 1890 but because the RIBA had never sponsored these Bills, due to the action of the Arts &amp; Crafts Movement, nothing had come of them. However, with the pressures of the depression, they joined in and finally championed the fight for the Architects Registration Acts. This also healed the split in the architectural profession between the RIBA and the Society of Architects, which would have challenged the supremacy of the RIBA if the RIBA had failed to champion the cause for registration. In the course of the fight the two institutes merged in favour of the RIBA.&#13;
The Architects Registration Bill put to the government sought the registration of architects and their statutory usage on buildings over a certain size. Due to the number of exceptions to this rule, which would have been necessary, the opposition of other interest groups, the views of the Arts and Crafts Movement,&#13;
felt that while it was necessary to ensure the quality of architects, it was not necessary to enforce their usage on the public. Fortun- ately, the compromise that the Acts of 1931, 1934 and 1938 evolved was to protect the. public from incompetent architects by government registration and no statutory usage of architects, which ruled out an architect monopoly,&#13;
The architectural profession had obviously hoped for the complete statutory provision but accepted that its own lack of prestige ruled this out for the time being. Clearly, the profession had to use the provision of the Act to strengthen its own position and so gaina&#13;
better point of advantage to grasp the final part later. The Act of 1938 registering architects and setting up a body to administer the&#13;
Act was designed to give the profession as a whole a major say in how it should be run. The theory was that architects knew best about architecture. The Act set up a Council of members of the profession and there was also representation of other interest groups in the building industry and government agencies.&#13;
The representation of architects on the Council was proportional to the number of architects registered with the Council and it was also divided into the number of clubs and societies that represented architects. It had to represent all registered architects and there is even a section on the Council for those not attached to any organisation, although the fact that they were uninterested in organisations indicated their lack of concern in the Architects’ Registration Council of the United Kingdom, and so these seats are nearly always vacant.&#13;
Due to the growth of the representation of architects and the static and out of date representation of other interests, architects’ control of the Council has increased over the years.&#13;
The RIBA, after its amalgamation with the Society of Architects, was the largest body representing architects on the ARCUK Council and as some of the other bodies, such as the Architectural Assoc- ation, were also RIBA members, it turned out that right from the guises the RIBA had a majority membership of the ARCUK Council.&#13;
etc., it was&#13;
&#13;
 (S$&#13;
It was widely believed by architects that the introduction of industrialised buildings and/or components would lessen the cost. This is not the case. The introduction of industrial components lessened the amount of labour involved, which meant a greater potential for profit for the producer, once the item had been produced, transported, erected and paid for its capital investment&#13;
of factory production, it was no cheaper to use than normal methods.&#13;
These factors created the modern style that gradually caught&#13;
on. That its later stylistic title should be Brutalism and Neo Brutalism accurately reflects its human commitment. The other aspect to emerge after the war was the building consortiums,&#13;
CLASP, SEAC etc., where it was hoped to produce the "standardized system", but while these may have reduced costs in steel purchase initially, they are no longer economincally competitive.&#13;
The existence of these buildings in Britain has always been disliked by the populace at large for whom they have no connection with their culture. Financed by financiers and construction magnates for their potential profit by reduction in labour hours and skills, the architect could do nothing about the situation. Most were happy that a modern movement had at last arrived, those that disliked it were unable to counter it because their ideas were more expensive, which led them to being regaled as fuddyduddies and in search of large fees.&#13;
The modern style became equally popular in the public sector, where many of its worst attributes were developed, CLASP, tower blocks of flats, etc. The modern movement was acceptable to architects as being the first style created by modern technology controlled by modern bureaucracy: two elements of today's ruling class which architects wished to be part of.&#13;
During the 1960s the avant-garde was the focus of architectual attention and such groups as Archigram and Super Studio dominated the media. The purpose of Archigram and the avant-garde generally is to pose alternatives that look like the way ahead without fundament- ally altering anything. This diversion of focus from the true restraints on architecture by the avant-garde is often confused with being the revolutionary side of architecture, it quite clearly is not. The acceptance of technology and land ownership patterns show that Archigram postulates a fashion and nothing else. As with the formation of the RIBA in the 1830s it is discernible that the dedic- ation to fashion is a shallow ambition.&#13;
In the late 1960s the ''Eco-freak" broke on the architectural profession, Street Farmer, Blue Print for Survival, etc. There is much of importance in the rational use of technology and points in two directions, one a more rational local use of energy and resources and secondly a national and international policy on energy and resources.&#13;
It is interesting to see the effect of Street Farmer and green ie beautiful on the revamped Archigram, "butter wouldn't melt in my mouth".&#13;
The growth of the architectural profession has been most spectacular in the public sector where 50% of architects are now employed. Addedtothis,ofthe50%intheprivatesectoronlyabout&#13;
th :&#13;
ARC had a slow beginning in 1973-74 but a strategy aimed at ending the RIBA and the creation of an architectural role serving the public was formulated.&#13;
1973 also saw the formation of the Schools of Architecture Council. This body was to replace the defunct Heads of Schools Committee of the RIBA. It was intended to give more of the role of a forum to this and they felt it necessary to have not only heads, but other staff members too. It was then also decided to have students as well (God knows how!). The result was a Council of 38 British Schools of Architecture, with 38 heads of schools, 38 staff and 38 students, The SAC has had three annual conferences since 1973. These conferences have given the students a focus&#13;
of action and since Easter 1974 at Bath, every SAC AGM has been preceeded by a two-day student conference. Suggestions at these gatherings on forming another national architectural student organisation have always come to nothing.&#13;
During 1973-74 the two RIBA student councillors visited over half the schools of architecture and produced an irregular news sheet. This work was carried on the next year by Cliff Collins and Dave Taylor, and.some progress has been made with keeping students informed.&#13;
The main alternative organisation during 1975 has been ARC, which in the summer of 1975 set out to attack the RIBA and expose ite failures. This campaign met with some success and thanks to some advantageous publicity about their work in Ealing, the group gained considerable notoriety.&#13;
a new movement in architecture and this was formed at a congress organised by ARC at Harrogate. The New Architecture Movement is now a body in its own right with a growing number of similar movements in other professions, including planning. The possi- bilities for the N. A.M. are discussed in the last section.&#13;
ARC's next step was to instigate&#13;
This brief review of architectural organisations active since&#13;
the war has highlighted the non-RIBA organisations, but it must be remembered that during all this time the RIBA has grown in numbers and strength. The RIBA's most recent moves show its direction for the future. Firstly, the attempt to reintroduce the fellowship status reflects the disatisfaction of the higher echelons with the general status of being a plain ARIBA member. They believe that now the profession is so large and specialised into so many separate areas that it would not harm the profession to reintroduce the master- craftsman classification,&#13;
legislation for the use of architects ina statutory fashion, and they believe that now there are enough architects to make this practicable. They want the average architect as office fodder, with only Fellows as bosses. Thus, they have to put up with the temporary loss of&#13;
Thcy hope that eventually they can gain&#13;
elitism of the profession just so that they can eventually get their&#13;
pan on all the work by law, and then reinstate the elitist fellowship class,&#13;
&#13;
 13 Ib&#13;
The effect of the present economic depression has also accelerated a change in.the structure of practices. The depression has closed many small offices either totally or by mergers into&#13;
larger practices. Only those offices with sufficient funds have&#13;
been able to crawl to the OPEC countries for work. The combination of reducing the number of practices and earning foreign money is&#13;
a typical capitalist development, the only surprise is that it has not happened so strongly before.&#13;
There is also at present the first call from the RIBA for architectural practices to be able to "certificate" designs for building regulations. This is unlikely to help architects as if it were ever implemented it would probably be ona practice basis and, therefore, only help established practices. It would also make it far more difficult for new practices to start up and so further accelerate the reduction in the number ofoffices.&#13;
However, the main reason for rejecting this idea is that it would not guarantee the public from unsafe buildings. At the moment, building inspectors are appointed and supervised by the government which ensures the principle of public accountability. The architect- ural profession is controlled by its own private club and the public would have no way to gain accountability from architect building inspectors in private practice. Needless to say, any office that had the power to certificate its own designs would be very open to the possibility of bending the rules and creating buildings which were not sound.&#13;
Any attempt on behalf of the private practice to gain legislation which puts its usage into the statutory monopoly direction must be stopped. The suggestion arises out of the frustration architects face with local government bureaucracy, ways must be found to increase the effectiveness of these government agencies without losing public accountability.&#13;
The RIBA in its role as guardian of private practice, has tried to appease the criticism levelled at architecture by the public. The criticism is of all the boring, inhuman creations of architects, both public and private - tower blocks of offices and flats being the main enemy. The RIBA has, however, not countered this criticism by complaining about the inadequate resources made available for buildings, but in two different ways.&#13;
Firstly, European Architectural Heritage Year (1975) was used&#13;
as a promotion exercise to gain rehabilitation work and, as usual, failed to point out the real problems facing architecture. This involved their public face and was regarded by them as a good public relations exercise. The second method was not public and related&#13;
to the architectural clients specifically who are now almost completely composed of commercial giants and government departments. These bodies and their juniors are interested solely in the economics and technicalities of projects. The modern client is addicted to&#13;
technical bureaucratic competence and to appease them the RIBA bas embarked on a major drive to improve the "competence" of architects.&#13;
20% of architects can claim to be principals or partners in : practices. This change in the profession from a near complete&#13;
membership in private practice principals to where now 70% -&#13;
80% of architects are employed and salaried, has not yet altered&#13;
the character of the profession.&#13;
During the 1950s and 1960s architecture had a more or less&#13;
constant growth both in quantity of work and number of architects,&#13;
and as is usual with architects, when there is plenty of work they&#13;
are found at the drawing board, not creating new philosophies of&#13;
work. However, over this period certain small groups appeared on &gt; the scene. The chief architects of local authorities, both county&#13;
and borough, formed their own separate association, which have only recently merged to form the Association of Official Architects. The AOA as a body composed of principals in public offices has&#13;
never spoken as the voice of public architects, and indeed many of its members are akin to the aims of private practice. This lack&#13;
of support from what should have been its grass roots job architects has made it virtually ineffective. Whilst it could have been useful in putting forward different views to the profession, it appears that it is absorbed and in agreement with the role of the RIBA as the guardian of the profession.&#13;
There was for a number of years a British Architectual Students Association which grew out of the difficulties and worries of students during the 1960s over the way the RIBA was hustling and closing schools. This reached a peak in 1968 when BASA sent a delegation to the International Union of Architects in Vienna. 1968 being the year of student revolt, the world around, it was not surprising that there was a scene at the conference which led to the walk out of a number&#13;
of student sections, Spain and Italy inparticular.&#13;
Out of this walk-out group came the Vienna Manifesto which was&#13;
published as the first copy of ARSE, Architects, Radical Students and Educators. This group published about eight magazine issues, the quality and content getting heavier with each issue, until in about 1971-72 the group dried up with many of its members violently disagreeing. Some felt architecture was worth fighting for, others&#13;
felt that you had to change the rest of society before anything could be ¥ done about architecture. BASA ran out of steam a little earlier,&#13;
after it had been given the kiss of death by receiving money from the ? RIBA.&#13;
The radical stirrings of ARSE and society in general from 1986- 1970 did lead to a movement of large numbers of salaried architects&#13;
in the profession. This focused on the RIBA in the AGM of 1969&#13;
when Kate MacIntosh and a few others complained that salaried architects were unable to get elected to the RIBA Council because of its national election methods. This led to the formation of an ad hoc informal Salaried Architects Group who persuaded the RIBA to have regional as well as national elections for Council, and over 1971-72 eight salaried architects were elected to the RIBA Council.&#13;
&#13;
 14&#13;
20&#13;
to attempt to change architecture, we need to know not only the history of our profession, but also the character of our architects.&#13;
As previously stated, if architecture is to be of use to society, it must be of service to the majority of the population, and as we know this is impossible until the public has gained real power. We must clearly understand this and work towards its solution, both in society at large and particularly in architecture.&#13;
The character of architects can be looked at from various points of view: family background, aspirations, education and personality. The majority of architects come from middle-class families, a high proportion from creative familities one way or another. There are obviously a minority from upper and working classes. The pre-college education of architects has now become standardised to the realisation of two 'A' level passes necessary to enter a course in architecture. This requirement introduced by the RIBA from its 1958 Oxford Conference on education was seen&#13;
ae one step to raising the status of architecture. It had, of course, a desired side effect of severely limiting those gaining architectural qualifications by working up from tea boy to technician to architect. It also resulted in giving an advantage to middle classes and above, because as we all know the working class child has far less chance of getting a good enough education to get to college.&#13;
There follows several points where Ibelieve policies and actions must be-formulated. They are not comprehensive in range or quality but Ihope will be useful.&#13;
Of the people who do arrive ata school of architecture, a surprising number aspire to use their creative skills for the benefit of others.&#13;
so they have been restricted in improving the quality of their environ- ment. The Self Help attitude can only help a few people, while an architectural service could help those without the time or resources&#13;
of their own. The National Health Service was not created by doctors and patients on their own, the government had to doit. Similarly, neither the architect nor the people can create a national architectural service without the government's help. Action must be taken with&#13;
Very few are openly in it for the money:&#13;
slightly arty career and the hoped-for status in society. However, many socially minded aspirants are to be found tied down with a mortgage, car and two kids by the time they are thirty, and naturally enough their prime concern is earning a living for the family.&#13;
The creativity side of the skill provides the growth of the desire for non-conformity and competitive individualism, this always contradicts with their social aspirations for society, for it makes&#13;
them loath to work with other people. Whilst an architect is aware&#13;
of the complexity of society, he is, because of his cult of the individual, very wary of co-operating with others to fight for the individual. This gives rise to the common problem for architects, they see combining&#13;
2. Many of the frustrations of architects are due to the distance between designer and user, and these are reflected in the quality of their work. Red tape that hinders the process must be fought against, is there any reason why publice offices could not have architects or groups responsible to geographical areas, and workthere ? Take advantage of the RIBA's new code of conduct which stimulates the responsibility of the individual architect. If our aims are genuinely&#13;
in the public's interest, we will all benefit from designing with government building agencies as well as the users. This policy is being encouraged in the private sector, where of course, it is&#13;
doubtful if the public will benefit at all.&#13;
3. So that people can have a direct control over their environment.&#13;
At the moment, people have insufficient power of control over changes in their environment, in terms of planning and the use of resources.&#13;
The Green Paper of Neighbourhood Councils now passing through Parliament gives only token participation to the people and by not giving any real democratic power, restricts these councils toa purely&#13;
advisory role. This advisory role will not give people any greater control, it is just a confidence trick. Action must be taken with the government to give real power to the Neighbourhood Councils.&#13;
4. The public's safeguard against bad architecture is now totally inadequate and ARCUK's role is more of a hindrance to progress&#13;
to solve a problem as a negation of the individual and, on the other hand, clearly desire to create more individuality, but are loath to co-operate to achieve it.&#13;
Architects in this state will participate in debates on how to improve&#13;
architecture, but will not commit themselves to any action to achieve&#13;
it. They will only participate so long as their total individuality is permitted.&#13;
It is probable that the majority of architects join the RIBA not to further architecture but to gain the initials RIBA, which they wrongly believe essential to practice as anarchitect. This is why the RIBA&#13;
is run by a disproportionately small minority. What must be done to achieve co-operation and action from architects is to make perfectly clear that the course of action taken up is to further the individual&#13;
it still has the feeling of a&#13;
4, To make architectural services available to all sectors of society. At present, the architectural profession works for just two small sectors, firstly the nich minority and the powers of industry, commerce and finance, and secondly, for local or national government bureau- cracies, insensitive to the public they pretend to serve. The majority of the population has never had access to architectural services and&#13;
the government to set up an architectural service available to all of society.&#13;
thana help. The architectural profession and education should be&#13;
development of all people - not, as many fear, to reduce us all to the lowest common denominator.&#13;
controlled by a body equally representative of the public and the profession,&#13;
&#13;
 Books which may be of interest to you:&#13;
February, 1976, BB&#13;
oo daily&#13;
ADAM&#13;
read the&#13;
PURSER&#13;
Those people who see the need for national collective action must not move 80 fast as to isolate themselves from what politically ies not a very advanced mass of architects.&#13;
However, it is already necessary to have some services&#13;
provided for the movement as a whole, newsletter, liaison, conference organisation. Here it is essential to see these needs as services to the whole movement, there must be no domination by an executive body.&#13;
As such, I would see any person acting in this capacity strictly as a servant of the movement.&#13;
ARC mectine&#13;
This course of action must be the basis of the movement for some time, indeed it would be negation of my principles to suppose any other ideal, other than full individual participation in the movement.&#13;
We must all be aware that this degree of total decentralisation aleo has its dangers. Firstly, it may lack a competent approach to&#13;
key issues that could be provided by collective resources.&#13;
it may produce different views on the same subject and so confuse an attack on some issues. What is essential is that the differing views lead to the best attack on a common enemy.&#13;
The tool of organisation is a double-sided weapon, lack ofit advances confusion, heavy handed use of organisation reduces the participation of the membership at large and so decreases the strength of the organisation. In the future, the New Architecture Movement will have to develop a democratic process that promotes personal participation and collective action,&#13;
At present, the membership is informal and we rely on voluntary&#13;
work to respond to as many of the issues a6 possible.&#13;
movement grows, it will necessitate more action in a more concerted way onissues. Eventually, it will be taking on 60 many issues that it will only be effective if it is capable of day to day decisions, though this is some way away.&#13;
My commitment is to changing society and architecture.&#13;
not set a dealine for this to be achieved, but I will do all I can to develop it in the best and most viable way possible.&#13;
As the&#13;
Secondly,&#13;
I have&#13;
"For All, a Better Environment" and the Cornish motto, "One forAll and All for One".&#13;
The Development of the Architectural Profession, Barrington Kay. Architect and Patron, Jenkins.&#13;
Town and Revolution, Anatol Kopp&#13;
RIBA Journal, June 1975, Article on the Architectural Profession. Adam Purser,&#13;
Morning Star The Paper of the Left&#13;
&#13;
 Eile es arenas in, LO Artominnr” Qe!&#13;
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                <text> INIO4dSH3d ‘IWIIMOLSIH S&#13;
i&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 HISTORICAL PERSPECLIIVE Hawser Trunnion&#13;
"The past is not for living in; it is a well of conclusions from which we draw in order to act. " (John Berger)&#13;
The selected history of modern architecture from which NAN draws its conclusions for action can be told as a ghost story. That is to say,&#13;
it is the tale of how a once lively modernism lost its social radicalism, became comfortable then senile, and finally died —- but only to transforin itself into a ghost which continues to haunt us the more effectively for this deceptive transformation.&#13;
Like most good stories, there are several versions with significant differences that shed more light on the narrators than on the story&#13;
itself. The most recent official version was told by ‘he Architectural Review, that ageing glossy now totally debauched by its own rhetoric, in&#13;
its Preview Issue of January 1976. The punch-line came first : "that Kiodern Architecture as one has been experiencing it has gone into hiding. Gone (well, nearly gone) are those massive rectilinear packages; the towers, the slabs and (since Burolandschaft) the too big urban footstools. Gone (or nearly gone) are those self-assertive, diagramatic buildings which&#13;
made a point of having nothing to do with the neighbours. Gone is the will to assert, the will to shock."&#13;
That the wills to assert or shock have gone is debatable. That the buildings referred to have "gone" should presumably be taken to mean the new commissions for such buildings, not the buildings themselves. But&#13;
the most disagreeable aspect of the article is the mixture of wise complac-— ency and indulgent penitence. Unfortunately we find our version of the story rather more worrying.&#13;
The effects of the process of radicalization induced by war could be seen in&#13;
It has indeed taken almost exactly twenty-five years for the impetus behind the first Modern Movement in this country to be exhausted. The Festival of Britain and European Architectural Heritage Year, 1951 to 1975, might&#13;
be taken as the official milestones at the inauguration and closure of the period respectively. We appear to stand now at the beginning of a new phase in which the criteria of 'relevant' action will be determined as much&#13;
by the understanding of this legacy as by our particular political standpoint.&#13;
&#13;
 205&#13;
1945 in the arrival of the first modern Socialist Government, with&#13;
longer an imperial power.&#13;
young man of 30.&#13;
"When I first came in contact with new architecture in Germany&#13;
I was struck by two things; the first, this version of a grandly proportioned urbanism taking in everything: dwellings, roads, factories, markets, down to the small paraphernalia at the&#13;
closest personal context. Here is an architecture, I said to myself, capable of everything. Here is a true resolution, the end of discord. This is it, I wasgwept with a fervour that was the reflection of a release of creative energy which was to spread from Europe to every part of the world and change the character of architecture decisively.&#13;
its far-reaching social reforms on the domestic scale, and in our modified nation status in NAYO and the realization that we were no&#13;
In matters of environment the New Towns Movement, the Town &amp; Country Planning Act 1947 etc were the first expression of a&#13;
new vision and confidence that had already permeated other&#13;
sectors of society, including for example the health services.&#13;
One recalls the bright-eyed article by the Smithsons in which&#13;
they referred to themselves as "The 1947 Generation" denouncing the bygone equipment of the pre-modern architect, the screw pen, the classical grammar, in favour of their own new weapons, the development plan and the C.P.0. The South Bank Exhibition and&#13;
the associated housing schemes for Lansbury, East London epitomised the mixture of exhuberance and ‘committed concern' while&#13;
showing that modern architecture was not simply a flat roof or a corner&#13;
window but a comprehensive urban language. The underlaying&#13;
had of course been worked out long before, in Germany, Holland, Sweden and most completely in Russia. In this&#13;
ideas, France,&#13;
typically slow on the uptake,it was codified visually&#13;
country, in the 1938&#13;
Exhibition of MARS group, which itself derived&#13;
the parent CIAM movement in Europe. The architecture was first embraced by a radical is best captured by Max Fry's own description&#13;
few in this country of himself, as a&#13;
“hen the second thing was added to me when I fell in love with a house by Miss van der Rohe, his Turgendhat Haus, in the Taunus&#13;
Mountains. I fell in love with this building, which is to say that I gave my heart to it and it entered into my emotional&#13;
its premises from — spirit in which modern&#13;
recesses and filled them to overflowing.&#13;
&#13;
 For me at that time it was as though, my mind cleared, rinsed and invigorated by the noble rationality of the Bauhaus, the breadth and grandeur of the proposition that it and the Modern Movement represented to me, suddenly my heart was taken, by one work, not essentially different, but of a quality of which I had not imagined the movement as yet capable.”&#13;
The sincerity is exemplary; the combination of rationality and passion the best modern architecture can offer but it now&#13;
seems incomplete. Wells Coates, Fry's contemporary and fellow traveller put the vision more bluntly.&#13;
"As creative architects, we are concerned with a future which must be planned, rather than a past which must be patched up".&#13;
from the thirties&#13;
But the climate of 1945 was different/ both in degree and in kind.&#13;
The post-war era for the first time saw the alliance of the&#13;
‘new wisdom! hitherto the preoccupation of dissaffected intellectuals&#13;
and enlightened bourgeous patrons, with all the executive force&#13;
of government and the major institutions. At the very moment that the pioneers! thesis appeared to be vindicated, so the process of institu#tionalizing its assumptions began in its adoption by a new establishment due to become infinitely more sophisticated and bureaucratic than any hitherto. Naturally it was intelligent enough to absorb the precepts and personalities that would otherwise have been dynamite, and throughout the 50's the professions of architecture and planning were happy to be included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. (For 20 years it has been considered an unjustified luxury to conceive of L.A. housing as anything but a numbers problen.)&#13;
The antithesis,which was bound to arise in conflict with this centralist orthodoxy, appeared early in the 1960's in phenomena ranging from the satire movement, to student protest; that is at about the time when on the threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist economics and enlightened paternalism, 'progressive' architects and planners (now comfortably established in government institutions and well-connected practices) were ready for the big&#13;
boom. The extent of development, publicly or privately sponsored&#13;
&#13;
 out afresh".&#13;
Martin went on to diagnose the failure of modern architecture in&#13;
the neglect by architects to attend to the 3rd item. But he himself was neglecting another factor infinitely more important, because&#13;
while concentrating on changes in form and technique he quite ignored the question of changes in patronage - the underlaying governing function which determines the very boundaries of change of the other two. Its the same blind spot as Fry and Coates, but after 30 years of social change - how much less forgiveable!&#13;
during the 1960's is unlikely to be equalled during the lifetime of any reader over 20,and the housing, new towns, universities,&#13;
— of this period will somehow or other have to do for the majority of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged. The future which Wells Coates generally wanted to plan is now the past that we will have to patch up.&#13;
transport infrastructure etc. --&#13;
But for the architectural profession, the boundaries of their sphere of action were still essentially the same. Even Leslie&#13;
Martin, one of the most advanced thinkers of the movement, took stock of the situation in the mid 60's like this:-&#13;
Referring to the 20's, 30's he wrote in 1966&#13;
"However complicated the historical situation may have been, three powerful lines of thought appeared. The first came from the passionately held belief that there had to be some complete and systematic re-examination of human needs and that as a result of this, not only the form of buildings, but the total environment would be changed. The second line of thought interlocking with this was simply that change in the form of buildings or environment&#13;
would only be achieved completely through the full use of modern technology. These 2 ideas produced a third, which wasthat each architectural problem should be constantly re-assessed and thought&#13;
&#13;
 whats best for him. S,&#13;
preside over a process that was already in decline.&#13;
What could follow now? Obvious with hindsight: a simple coronary case with complications. We ran out of fuel - petro-chemical, financial and most important social. For by now the assumed popular consent on which all this development had been based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentarists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists,etc of increasing expertise. It began to seem once more that the people with the power were less intelligent than the people without it.&#13;
The complications? Almost as fast as the development boom fever was dying in the establishment the antibodies were being absorbed. Participation, piecemeal planning, rehab and recyling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national and&#13;
local authorities and the professional institutions such that the concepts of 'Community Architecture' and 'Neighbourhood Participation! are already barnacled with bogus concern and trendy humbug, without much noticeable advantage to the intended beneficiaries. The courtesy with which Nicholas Harbraken was received at a County Hall lecture, when his whole theme was disposing of the very basis on which the Department operated,&#13;
was quite astonishing. Thus the wise Authority rejects not with brick wall but with cotton wool. Sociologists call it "Rejection by partial incorporation", and the British Establishment is&#13;
uniquely gifted at it. Not only is there nothing you can complain m&#13;
Max Beerbohm had called the 20th Century the "century&#13;
of the common man", but in architecture and planning, after now more than 50years of modernism, he is still assumed to be less qualified than remote architects and planners to know&#13;
Meanwhile arteries were hardening. In 1970 the D.0.E. - a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier -&#13;
established itself in the now familiar&#13;
tastefully separate from Whitehall, its bland combination of technocracy&#13;
faulty towers, sited&#13;
and expressing so precisely&#13;
about - there's plenty you must be grateful for. shus the host was born.&#13;
and officialdom, to&#13;
&#13;
 and to penetrate.&#13;
aie&#13;
Salaried architects - the vast majority of the profession - who&#13;
may be hopeful of more direct and satisfying relatiaships with the users of their products, in view of the changing climate,&#13;
have little to be optimistic about. Their governing body, the R.I.B.A. in no way representative of their concerns, continues&#13;
to be dominated by the assumptions of private principals and&#13;
no other organisation save ARC and ourselves shows any sign of challenging it. Such a state of affairs, when 80% of a profession&#13;
is misrepresentated by default (or not at all) would be at best unsatisfactory, except that the current economic depression has&#13;
begun to show that more immediate aspects of employment may be&#13;
none too cosy either. Government cuts and the Middle East Klondike can only temporarily disguise the fact that large sections of society who can avail themselves easily of the services of doctors and&#13;
The current climate is pluralistic and diverse to the extent&#13;
that, given the right form of words, everyone can apparently&#13;
claim to be progressive — the D.O.E, R.I.B.A, most L.A.'s,&#13;
the R.T.P.I. etc etc - concealing the fact that major ideological change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribution of power. Environmental matters continue to be determined on the basis of power, not of need, and the status quo is effectively maintained. It is this situation that N.A.M. was formed to study&#13;
So much for what amounts to our context in the outside world. Meanwhile, what of our context in the profession? In the same period under review the profession has transformed itself from&#13;
a craft-orientated elite of aesthetic gourmets supported forelock - tugging draughtsmen, predomminatly private, into an army of professionals dependent on a very different calibre of recruit - a university educated, mainly middle-class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of identifying with employers has blurred their vision of the political reality both within their offices and within the RIBA as a whole.&#13;
lawyers have no access to architects except through surrogate&#13;
by&#13;
&#13;
 is drawn.&#13;
At the deliberately unlikely venue of Harrogate, rather less than a hundred people met for a weekend in November 1975 at the invitation of the small group named ARC (Architect's Revolutionary Council) which had already for a couple of years been preoccupied with such questions.&#13;
The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement&#13;
which has since distinguished its own identity from that of ARC and at the same time consolidated its membership and its aims. Of the latter more will be said later, but beforehand the two essential characteristics of the movement that Harrogate established require explanation.&#13;
First its attitude: it was felt that this must be positive and constructive, no matter whether this involved more work. Nevertheless we must beware of getting bogged down in research. We would guess that it's all on the shelves of College libraries already. What we need are the people who wrote it.&#13;
The second feature is our structure. If there is a single obvious lesson in the past period it is that the more general&#13;
the precept the more diverse must be its application. The structure is therefore federal, national. Our object is to&#13;
seek strength in numbers such that any individuals or groupings that share the basic aims contribute to the consensus for action.&#13;
Apart from rudimentary liason processes, therefore the resulting character of the movement is its diversity and its localised basis. A centralised power elite dictating policy seemed both alien and unworkable. The N.A.M. is a microcosm of the social structure it foresees revolutionizing architectural patronage.&#13;
clients whose patronage they can in no way initiate.&#13;
It is out of this ghostly atmosphere of reality and appearances, wisdom and duplicity that N.A.M. developed and it is mainly&#13;
from this section of the profession that its current membership&#13;
&#13;
 lies in the actions of many.&#13;
ae&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country&#13;
make up the Movement - all of equal status in so far as they&#13;
can develop their own programmes in support of the generally agreed aims - any material produced therefore is signed for example "N.A.M., Edinburgh Group", or "N.A.M. North London Group". The essential function of making a sustaining contacts, together with arranging national congresses is carried out by a small Liason Group - which at present happens to be situated in London. This function could of course be transferred to any group who wished to take over it. If you wish to join, the contact list will probably already contain the names of individuals or groups in the area and you can join their meetings or alternatively&#13;
establish a group of your own.&#13;
Ideally a network of groups will develop, covering the entire country, with overseas contacts also, each one working on a number of topics, local campaigns etc which it would present at national congress for review. The Congress would also of&#13;
and tweedledee of form and technique - competence and the&#13;
course be the place for overall aims and strategy to be reviewed.&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of local antonomy. If a particular topic or local issue is your interest then you pursue it. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities and its strength lies not in the words of a few. Its strength&#13;
Anyway we started telling a ghost story, and want now to tell how it ends. Well,for the A.R. it ends about here, because&#13;
Moder Architecture they tell us has gone into hiding. Actually they were more honest than they intended when they added:&#13;
"This disappearance is not caused by any great change in the accommodation asked for: clients are still calling for immodest cubes of space and be given this city bursting character.&#13;
But, by and large architects are displaying them differently and are putting a more sociable face on them".&#13;
Well what a surprise. Plus ca change. Still the old tweedledum&#13;
&#13;
 in the course of our work.&#13;
Now NAM must measure its strength; dispose of this ghost of moder architecture, and build a social reality in its place.&#13;
design guide. We leave you to guess whether this preservation of the status quo is because the RIBA is too preoccupied with bread and butter issues, or because it knows all too well which&#13;
side its bread is buttered on.&#13;
The ‘questionis now not whether the politics of the profession matters or not, but whether anything else does. A profession which once came near the brink of radical change - donned a&#13;
mask instead and now its face has grown to fit it.&#13;
But behind the new sociable face practising its "social art"&#13;
the architect with integrity (a word much in the news on which we had something to say to Monopolies Commission) knows quite well that his formal windmill-tilting and technical guesswork hardly touch the real forces and desires of the people or groups that literally form the life blood of the environment.&#13;
The radical question is not "what forms? or "which techniques" but "who are my patrons? for it is this link which draws up the whole chain.&#13;
Without seeking to answer it, modern architecture can well&#13;
stay in hiding, while its ghost roams&#13;
more sinister for its new disguise. It visits most of us daily&#13;
far and wide; all the&#13;
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                <text> N.AM. is a movement of architects and laymen committed to radical change in the relationship of the profession to the public, and within the pro- fession itself. N.A.M. believes that architecture is a public service which should be available&#13;
equally and directly to all sectors of society. Therefore we are working to redistribute power in architecture among the 80% of the population who&#13;
at present have no say in the design or use of their&#13;
environment.&#13;
The following pages give a synopsis of our&#13;
background, structure, aims and programme of action. If you wish to find out more or join us, contact :—&#13;
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                <text>1977?</text>
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                <text>4 page historical intro to NAM </text>
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                <text> INL99dSH3d “TWOIYOLSIH&#13;
&lt; a&#13;
&#13;
 HISTORICAL PERSPEC?IVE Hawser Trunnion&#13;
the selected history of modern architecture from which NAN draws its conclusions for action can be told as a ghost story. That is to say,&#13;
it is the tale of how a once lively modernism lost its social radicalism, became comfortable then senile, and finally died — but only to transform itself into a ghost which continues to haunt us the more effectively for this deceptive transformation.&#13;
Like most good stories, there are several versions with significant differences that shed more light on the narrators than on the story&#13;
itself. The most recent official version was told by ‘he Architectural Review, that ageing glossy now totally debauched by its own rhetoric, in&#13;
its Preview Issue of January 1976. The punch-line came first : "that Modern Architecture as one has been experiencing it has gone into hiding. Gone (well, nearly gone) are those massive rectilinear packages; the towers, the slabs and (since Burolandschaft) the too big urban footstools. Gone (or nearly gone) are those self-assertive, diagramatic buildings which&#13;
made a point of having nothing to do with the neighbours. Gone is the Will to assert, the will to shock."&#13;
That the wills to assert or shock have gone is debatable. That the buildings referred to have "gone" should presumably be taken to mean the new commissions for such buildings, not the buildings themselves. But&#13;
the most disagreeable aspect of the article is the mixture of wise complac— ency and indulgent penitence. Unfortunately we find our version of the story rather more worrying.&#13;
It has indeed taken almost exactly twenty-five years for the impetus behind the first Modern Movement in this country to be exhausted. The Festival&#13;
of Britain and European Architectural Heritage Year, 1951 to 1975, might&#13;
be taken as the official milestones at the inauguration and closure of the period respectively. We appear to stand now at the beginning of a new&#13;
phase in which the criteria of 'relevant' action will be determined as much&#13;
by the understanding of this legacy as by our particular political standpoint.&#13;
he effects of the process of radicalization induced by war could be seen in&#13;
"The past is not for living in; it is a well of conclusions from which we draw in order to act. " (John Berger)&#13;
&#13;
 ae&#13;
1945 in the arrival of the first modern Socialist Government, with&#13;
its far-reaching social reforms on the domestic scale, and in our modified nation status in INAVO and the realization that we were no longer an imperial power.&#13;
In matters of environment the New Towns Movement, the Town &amp; Country Planning Act 1947 etc were the first expression of a&#13;
new vision and confidence that had already permeated other&#13;
sectors of society, including for example the health services.&#13;
One recalls the bright-eyed article by the Smithsons in which&#13;
they referred to themselves as "The 1947 Generation" denouncing the bygone equipment of the pre-modern architect, the screw pen, the classical grammar, in favour of their own new weapons, the development plan and the C.P.0. The South Bank Exhibition and&#13;
the associated housing schemes for Lansbury, East London epitomised the mixture of exhuberance and ‘committed concern' while showing that modern architecture was not simply a flat roof or a commer&#13;
window but a comprehensive urban language. The underlaying ideas, had of course been worked out long before, in Germany, France, Holland, Sweden and most completely in Russia. In this country, typically slow on the uptake,it was codified visually in the 1938 Exhibition of MARS group, which itself derived its premises from the parent CIAM movement in Europe.&#13;
The spirit in which modem architecture was first embraced by a radical few in this country&#13;
is best captured by Max Fry's own description of himself, as a young man of 30.&#13;
architecture decisively.&#13;
Then the second thing was added to me when I fell in love with a house by Miss van der Rohe, his Turgendhat Haus, in the Taunus Mountains. I fell in love with this building, which is to say that I gave my heart to it and it entered into my emotional&#13;
recesses and filled them to overflowing.&#13;
"When I first came in contact with new architecture in Germany&#13;
I was struck by two things; the first, this version of a grandly proportioned urbanism taking in everything: dwellings, roads, factories, markets, down to the small paraphernalia at the&#13;
closest personal context. Here is an architecture, I said to myself, capable of everything. Here is a true resolution, the end of discord. This is it, I wasayept with a fervour that was the reflection of a release of creative energy which was to spread from Europe to every part of the world and change the character of&#13;
&#13;
 For me at that time it was as though, my mind cleared, rinsed and invigorated by the noble rationality of the Bauhaus, the breadth and grandeur of the proposition that it and the Modem Movement represented to me, suddenly my heart was taken, by one work, not essentially different, but of a quality of which I had not imagined the movement as yet capable.”&#13;
traveller put the vision more bluntly.&#13;
The sincerity is exemplary; the combination of rationality and passion the best modern architecture can offer but it now&#13;
seems incomplete. Wells Coates, Fry's contemporary and fellow&#13;
"As creative architects, we are concerned with a future which must be planned, rather than a past which mst be patched up".&#13;
from the thirties&#13;
But the climate of 1945 was different{both in degree and in kind.&#13;
The post-war era for the first time saw the alliance of the&#13;
‘new wisdom' hitherto the preoccupation of dissaffected intellectuals&#13;
and enlightened bourgeous patrons, with all the executive force&#13;
of government and the major institutions. At the very moment that the pioneers' thesis appeared to be vindicated, so the process of institu%tionalizing its assumptions began in its adoption by a new establishment due to become infinitely more sophisticated and bureaucratic than any hitherto. Naturally it was intelligent enough to absorb the precepts and personalities that would otherwise have been dynamite, and throughout the 50's the professions of architecture and planning were happy to be included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. (For 20 years it has been considered an unjustified luxury to conceive of L.A. housing as anything but a numbers problen.)&#13;
The antithesis,which was bound to arise in conflict with this centralist orthodoxy, appeared early in the 1960's in phenomena ranging from the satire movement, to student protest; that is at about the time when on the threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist economics and enlightened paternalism, "progressive! architects and planners (now comfortably established in government institutions and well-connected practices) were ready for the big boom. The extent of development, publicly or privately sponsored&#13;
&#13;
 during the 1960's is unlikely to be equalled during the lifetime of any reader over 20,and the housing, new towns, universities, transport infrastructure etc. --&#13;
—6f this period will somehow or other have to do for the majority of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged. The future which Wells Coates generally wanted to plan is now the past that we will have to patch up.&#13;
But for the architectural profession, the boundaries of their sphere of action were still essentially the same. Even Leslie Martin, one of the most advanced thinkers of the movement, took stock of the situation in the mid 60's like this:-&#13;
Referring to the 20's, 30's he wrote in 1966&#13;
"However complicated the historical situation may have been, three powerful lines of thought appeared. The first came from the passionately held belief that there had to be some complete and systematic re-examination of human needs and that as a result of this, not only the form of buildings, but the total environment would be changed. The second line of thought interlocking with this was simply that change in the form of buildings or environment&#13;
would only be achieved completely through the full use of modern technology. These 2 ideas produced a third, which wasthat each&#13;
architectural problem should be constantly re-assessed and thought out afresh".&#13;
Martin went on to diagnose the failure of modern architecture in&#13;
the neglect by architects to attend to the 3rd item. But he himself was neglecting another factor infinitely more important, because&#13;
while concentrating on changes in form and technique he quite ignored the question of changes in patronage - the underlaying governing function which determines the very boundaries of change of the other two. It's the same blind spot as Fry and Coates, but after 30 years of social change - how much less forgiveable!&#13;
&#13;
 Max Beerbohm had called the 20th Century the "century&#13;
of the common man", but in architecture and planning, after now more than 50years of modernism, he is still assumed to be less qualified than remote architects and planners to know whats best for hin.&#13;
Meanwhile arteries were hardening. In 1970 the D.O.E. -a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier - established itself in the now familiar faulty towers, sited tastefully separate from Whitehall, and expressing so precisely its bland combination of technocracy and officialdom, to&#13;
preside over a process that was already in decline.&#13;
What could follow now? Obvious with hindsight: a simple coronary case with complications. We ran out of fuel —- petro-chemical, financial and most important social. For by now the assumed popular consent on which all this development had been based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentarists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists,etc of increasing expertise. It began to seem once more that the people with the power were less intelligent than the people without it.&#13;
The complications? Almost as fast as the development boom fever was dying in the establishment the antibodies were being absorbed. Participation, piecemeal planning, rehab and recyling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national and&#13;
local authorities and the professional institutions such that the concepts of 'Commmity Architecture’ and ‘Neighbourhood Participation’ are already barnacled with bogus concern and trendy humbug, without mich noticeable advantage to the intended beneficiaries. The courtesy with which Nicholas Harbraken was received at a County Hall lecture, when his whole theme was disposing of the very basis on which the Department operated,&#13;
was quite astonishing. Thus the wise Authority rejects not with&#13;
brick wall but with cotton wool. Sociologists call it "Rejection&#13;
by partial incorporation", and the British Establishment is&#13;
uniquely gifted at it. Not only is there nothing you can complain&#13;
about - there's plenty you must be grateful for. Yhus the ;host was born&#13;
&#13;
 The current climate is pluralistic and diverse to the extent&#13;
that, given the right form of words, everyone can apparently&#13;
claim to be progressive - the D.0.E, R.I.B.A, most L.A.'s,&#13;
the R.T.P.I. etc etc - concealing the fact that major ideological change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribution of power. Environmental matters continue to be determined on the basis of power, not of need, and the status quo is effectively maintained. It is this situation that N.A.M. was formed to study and to penetrate.&#13;
So much for what amounts to our context in the outside world. Meanwhile, what of our context in the profession? In the same period under review the profession has transformed itself from a craft-orientated elite of aesthetic gourmets supported by&#13;
forelock -— tugging draughtsmen, predomminatly private, into an amy of professionals dependent on a very different calibre of recruit - a university educated, mainly middle-class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of identifying with employers has blurred their vision of the political reality both within their offices and within the RIBA as a whole.&#13;
Salaried architects -— the vast majority of the profession - who&#13;
may be hopeful of more direct and satisfying relatiaships with the users of their products, in view of the changing climate,&#13;
have little to be optimistic about. Their governing body, the R.I.B.A. in no way representative of their concerns, continues&#13;
to be dominated by the assumptions of private principals and&#13;
no other organisation save ARC and ourselves shows any sign of challenging it. Such a state of affairs, when 80% of a profession&#13;
is misrepresentated by default (or not at all) would be at best unsatisfactory, except that the current economic depression has&#13;
begun to show that more immediate aspects of employment may be&#13;
none too cosy either. Government cuts and the Middle East Klondike can only temporarily disguise the fact that large sections of society who can avail themselves easily of the services of doctors and&#13;
lawyers have no access to architects except through surrogate&#13;
&#13;
 clients whose patronage they can in no way initiate.&#13;
It is out of this ghostly atmosphere of reality and appearances, wisdom and duplicity that N.A.M. developed and it is mainly&#13;
from this section of the profession that its current membership is drawn.&#13;
At the deliberately unlikely venue of Harrogate, rather less than a hundred people met for a weekend in November 1975 at the invitation of the small group named ARC (Architect's Revolutionary Council) which had already for a couple of years been preoccupied with such questions.&#13;
The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement&#13;
which has since distinguished its own identity from that of ARC and at the same time consolidated its membership and its aims. Of the latter more will be said later, but beforehand the two essential characteristics of the movement that Harrogate established require explanation.&#13;
First its attitude: it was felt that this mst be positive and constructive, no matter whether this involved more work. Nevertheless we must beware of getting bogged down in research. We would guess that it's all on the shelves of College libraries&#13;
already. What we need are the people who wrote it.&#13;
The second feature is our structure. If there is a single&#13;
obvious lesson in the past period it is that the more general&#13;
the precept the more diverse mist be its application. The structure is therefore federal, national. Our object is to&#13;
seek strength in numbers such that any individuals or groupings that share the basic aims contribute to the consensus for action.&#13;
Apart from rudimentary liason processes, therefore the resulting character of the movement is its diversity and its localised basis. A centralised power elite dictating policy seemed both alien and unworkable. The N.A.M. is a microcosm of the social&#13;
structure it foresees revolutionizing architectural patronage.&#13;
&#13;
 establish a group of your own.&#13;
lies in the actions of many.&#13;
and are putting a more sociable face on them".&#13;
ie&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country&#13;
make up the Movement —- all of equal status in so far as they&#13;
can develop their own programmes in support of the generally agreed aims - any material produced therefore is signed for example "N.A.M., Edinburgh Group", or "N.A.M. North London Group". The essential function of making a sustaining contacts, together with arranging national congresses is carried out by a small&#13;
Liason Group - which at present happens to be situated in London. This function could of course be transferred to any group who wished to take over it. If you wish to join, the contact list will probably already contain the names of individuals or groups in the area and you can join their meetings or alternatively&#13;
Ideally a network of groups will develop, covering the entire country, with overseas contacts also, each one working on @ number of topics, local campaigns etc which it would present&#13;
at national congress for review. The Congress would also of course be the place for overall aims and strategy to be reviewed.&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of local antonomy. If a particular topic or local issue is your interest then you pursue it. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities and its strength lies not in the words of a few. Its strength&#13;
and tweedledee of form and technique - competence and the&#13;
Anyway we started telling a ghost story, and want now to tell how it ends. Well,for the A.R. it ends about here, because Modern Architecture they tell us has gone into hiding. Actually they were more honest than they intended when they added:&#13;
"This disappearance is not caused by any great change in the accommodation asked for: clients are still calling for immodest cubes of space and be given this city bursting character.&#13;
But, by and large architects are displaying them differently&#13;
Well what a surprise. Plus ca change. Still the old tweedledum&#13;
&#13;
 lies in the actions of many.&#13;
and are putting a more sociable face on them".&#13;
fs&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country&#13;
make up the Movement - all of equal status in so far as they.&#13;
can develop their own programmes in support of the generally agreed aims - any material produced therefore is signed for example "N.A.M., Edinburgh Group", or "N.A.M. North London Group". The essential function of making 2 sustaining contacts, together with arranging national congresses is carried out by a small Liason Group - which at present happens to be situated in London. This function could of course be transferred to any group who wished to take over it. If you wish to join, the contact list will probably already contain the names of individuals or groups in the area and you can join their meetings or alternatively establish a group of your own.&#13;
Ideally a network of groups will develop, covering the entire country, with overseas contacts also, each one working on a number of topics, local campaigns etc which it would present&#13;
at national congress for review. The Congress would also of course be the place for overall aims and strategy to be reviewed.&#13;
and tweedledee of form and technique - competence and the&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of local antonomy. If a particular topic or local issue is your interest then you pursue it. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities and its strength lies not in the words of a few. Its strength&#13;
Anyway we started telling a ghost story, and want now to tell how it ends. Well, for the A.R. it ends about here, because Modern Architecture they tell us has gone into hiding. Actually they were more honest than they intended when they added:&#13;
"This disappearance is not caused by any great change in the accommodation asked for: clients are still calling for immodest cubes of space and be given this city bursting character.&#13;
But, by and large architects are displaying them differently&#13;
Well what a surprise. Plus ca change. Still the old tweedledum&#13;
&#13;
 the whole chain.&#13;
in the course of our work.&#13;
design guide. We leave you to guess whether this preservation of the status quo is because the RIBA is too preoccupied with bread and butter issues, or because it knows all too well which&#13;
The - questionis now not whether the politics of the profession matters or not, but whether anything else does. A profession which once came near the brink of radical change - donned a mask instead and now its face has grown to fit it.&#13;
side its bread is buttered on.&#13;
But behind the new sociable face practising its "social art"&#13;
the architect with integrity (a word mach in the news on which we had something to say to Monopolies Commission) knows quite well that his formal windmill-tilting and technical guesswork hardly touch the real forces and desires of the people or groups&#13;
that literally form the life blood of the environment.&#13;
The radical question is not "what forms? or "which techniques" but "who are my patrons? for it is this link which draws up&#13;
Without seeking to answer it, modern architecture can well&#13;
stay in hiding, while its ghost roams far and wide; all the more sinister for its new disguise. It visits most of us daily&#13;
Now NAM must measure its strength; dispose of this ghost of modern architecture, and build a social reality in its place.&#13;
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                <text> ) NEWARCHI TEC TUREMOVEMENT NEWARCHITECTUREMOVEMENTNEWARCHLTECTUREMOVEMEN TVEWARCH |TECTUREMOVEMENTNEWA&#13;
rotates annually.&#13;
group members.&#13;
In Cardiff the group is doing the following:&#13;
/&#13;
CHRDINESenn&#13;
To #11 Those Conccernet To See A Democratic Environment -&#13;
Have you heard of N.A.M.? 4&#13;
(1) Holding extensive discussions as to its purpose, the purpose of architecture, life etcecsccccce&#13;
The New Architecture Movement exists to further the possibility for a genuinely democratic architecture, an architecture that will be from; for and by the people and is constituted to act both as a voice for change in the profession and as a platform for action in the fields of architecture, building and planning.&#13;
It is a national body made up of federated groups in central and northern London, Birmingham and Cardiff. The current liasing group is in London but groups are autonomous and the task of liasing&#13;
The Cardiff eroup meets fortnightly, if possible, and about half- a-dozen people usually attend with the the numbers increasing to over a dozen on specific projects. It is organised without heirarchy,&#13;
with the responsibility of chairperson and convenor rotated amongst&#13;
(2) Working with local pressure groups to oppose the Cardiff Central Area Redevelpoment - still a debacle after the collapse of Centreplan.&#13;
(3) Sponsoring a proposal to the Manpower Services Commission under the Job Creation Programme to establish a project which would provide an environmental design service for community groups and an advice service toindividuals and&#13;
‘community groups. -It ie hoped that this pboject will commence in October or November of this year.&#13;
&#13;
 (1) Providing delegates for a N.A.M. conference in November (26th. - 28th.) and producing papers on aesthetics and&#13;
professionalism to be discussed at the conference and&#13;
used with marerial from other N.A.M. groups on education, unionisation, private and local authority practises, as a basis for the production of a document to be published and publicised in succeeding weeks.&#13;
(5) Participating in a 5th year students of architecture one-&#13;
day symposium, "Architectural Education and Practise: Is There a Future?" this month.to be followed that same evening by a special N.A.M. Event intended to communicate the aims of N.A.M. to professionals and students in the environmental field.&#13;
SEDSLENEANANPANE&#13;
SRE REESE HE&#13;
°ee&#13;
REYRVR RRYY BR TIRES&#13;
takes place at the Chapter Arts Centre, Market Road, Canton, Cardiff and begins at 7.30.pem.e on Friday ist. October.&#13;
Those who come may expect to find the following:&#13;
(1) Refreshments (Capter have a bar)&#13;
(2) Repres entation by the N.A.M. Central London group who will describe their experience and views on such diverse topics as the Monopolies Commission Report on the R.I.B.A., their office survey, The National Design Service and Unionisation.&#13;
(3) Peter Carter of the 'Green Ban' movement, who will discuss the 'Green Bans' and put forth his view of how hw sees the role&#13;
of N.A.M. in such action,&#13;
&#13;
 We hope there will be much informal discussion. You are invited to attend this Event.&#13;
FRE RRREBRRR AE HEAR EAR ERO uaerarer ary&#13;
TORIES HEEESUeKS&#13;
(4) Anne Delaney from the Cardiff group who will elucidate upon the structure of the New Architecture Movement,&#13;
NAM. Cardiff/SB, RAC, PFD/27.10.76&#13;
&#13;
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REFERENCES&#13;
upran gust by Marte, faushey he fle Mevenert ele ese peo 7. 7UnoTALinesquctedbyR|obeGeomAleUyteHannesfle&#13;
eG(ayher A tony a seen lt A\ 15415 0.42 (1i23)&#13;
OC Rrajanandd Ananda Qonchask 2. 2.96 7Sncomwensalisnustkafrend,QaareBerar (‘sebdeckished),-1-75&#13;
3 Dlani=4 Gurcheun eyuted. be Rober Grecelneim Aller She Fanner F144 ?DanielBurshaenaudtzd CertGordnanAfterYePlannersRIA&#13;
auc uthbyKeckGotanoltecYlePannen€146 ziatialtHetfec qustehbo (obek GaodlmanAf ShePhaners 2148&#13;
lit Rika,|AndateYtoiMezdetmAurkclente £92 a cswrersalion, wath: a rend ,Achan XK. Gerd 29-12-74&#13;
IAodhaninee eh (exshical) Gebruary (2)1974&#13;
wlaller Gre gael Mastin (aude Phe Itt feeren ae oe pe Cp&#13;
orea |Beet LViilages R43&#13;
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a6GalaeneraesRowfiemnhigiucyélRenided”1965 a Cesky ts &amp;play the cuuemmek game 96-77&#13;
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ers ro Cngcthien MAES OTS A) BI-lO-73 P1026&#13;
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vtaul ieee uted WulamtedsepatAL(OatsSow hea3s 225 oo, eourcrdtion wstha frend. , ie 0 Robles (aekiés diet’) 20-\-15&#13;
&#13;
 BIBLIOGRADHY AUTHOR, TITLE ,PUBLISHER&#13;
BOOKS&#13;
ER&#13;
ithanrk.Szezelkun+SuawalSuapbeckt~Shelter+Uacam Boks1912&#13;
TILE ,DATE&#13;
Anlutzcts \umah+Odeber24% 1973 Wchizds loumah+Odsber alst IMS&#13;
“he Gaily leap Magarine+1:.526 Decernber201914 Resugence © Nek, (ls.( jue IGIZ&#13;
Réuqewe * Vt5, (10.6 part 1q1S&#13;
Undercurrent{16.7jee 4a 1974 bebimenthly(aprer)-fromUnderumetLisd,&#13;
Underunentaefle. Oderersllnember1974 LISGuchleyRead,LonvossNif3 OJHERL&#13;
KJsilier+DesertedMilages +Mact&amp;aGnLid.1910&#13;
ymeur Buteancels + She Buslding Regulation 1965 * HMSO (19 &lt;dikan) 40e . de te (Neclem Aratutectare © Architects al Rees 1g6Z&#13;
Stenaiet Brand (dite) + She Larclihele Aust Cities » Crtda Snstitate 170&#13;
lees »Cleeelly~Hos&#13;
Crosbu, ° mite? the eusionmene game ° engin (V73&#13;
rad Herimeticancitg &gt;RilMallRes 1973&#13;
Quit&amp;QrermalGeeclunan° ula ~nedasoflusctihood&amp;asapf,fife+Vidiage/|RandonHs.\]4ie RobertGoedman+AdtertheHannes +Rebar197Z.&#13;
Ulam tedaepath &amp; Wena Sticke »SheAtemabie~-CemunalLifeInfleartnesics «Macilulanitc Reber:Hourict« eee tice+Wbacun/Spheebarks 1973&#13;
oRahn(2) 73 °GrterQubtictinn1913alooDemebok2=defied —— Wiham Merin -(leas Strom Nouhere +Rerilted ge &amp; began fuck (1770 &lt;didzn) ee&#13;
_ Secs Moraferk &gt; he Myth of the aching +&#13;
Crd (Under Aahte cour» again 1949 (i913 ele n)&#13;
AN. Richards»AnIitrudtie€n VedemAchitetixe °felizan1940renied1910ditzn) te&#13;
finttle AydtanyGees+Hanes,tem&amp;Gaffe+doberEGabetd1976521968 PERIODICALS&#13;
Qu Lata «leMedemMoremeditelitetiveandConeakAclitectaralAtila&#13;
ea syedeticaly,QtitalyardAolegcalyUntnable +»wsrdbalil:&#13;
Qu0*e Vania? BUT... % WSR (Tay i913&#13;
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                <text> bull A&#13;
\) \ }&#13;
pragrescne:architectareof ag asdyad byft cityauthoritiesin&#13;
&#13;
 FOREWORD.&#13;
This essay is incomplete in that it is not a finely polished final product but merely as much of a statement of my current thinking as I have bothered to set in print,&#13;
Phe'Introduction' and ‘Where do we go from here', the final section,were written in November of 1976,95% of&#13;
the rest was written in January 1975.The original title to this essay was ‘Buildings and People* and the thoughts were drawn by the question 'In what ways is the architec ture of a society related to its social structure?!&#13;
It has long been my intention to use this material in a book tentatively entitled 'Buildings,Madness and Ecology' and it still is,but I got involved with the New Architec- ture Movement,somebody in the N.A.M. read the January 1975 essay and then I was sort of delegated (in a manner I don't clearly recal]) to produce a paper on aesthetics based on it.I supposed that the important thing is to&#13;
have the material available for discussion so as a total rewrite of the original would have been too tedious all I have done is graft on new begining and end to make 'Buil- dings and People' into 'The politics of Aesthetics’.&#13;
Paul F. Downtén,Cardiff,November 1976&#13;
Criticism and suggestions for additions to this essay would be appreciated,please address correspondance to: c/o I-o-8 Bookshop,lo8 Salisbury Rd.,Cathays,Cardiff.&#13;
This material is subject to normal author's cOPy sieht except for non-profit reproduction,&#13;
Printed by Gwasg Seren,Commercial and Community Printers, 141,Richmond kd. ,Roath,Cardiff.&#13;
&#13;
 ©&#13;
~SPOREWORD® CONTENTS&#13;
sy&#13;
1 PEOPLE MAKE BUILDINGS...More&#13;
Technology= Tool + Use of Cities and Doorknobs.&#13;
2 THE MIDDLE 'MAN',,,Semantics&#13;
Vs Dialectics...Expertise&#13;
“CONTENTS&#13;
: :&#13;
4 FOR. EXAMPLE (A CIPHER FOR 414, SYA5ONS)...Pedestrian or&#13;
or less Automatically... th=.Tcosl,..The Silent Witness...&#13;
Consumer...On A Lighter Note...Screws...Let In,.»Without Question, ILLUS!\ATION...Mass&#13;
5 MASS HOUSING (THE BUILDINGS&#13;
Nuts and Bolts...Sterility For&#13;
And Evil...Demokeracy...Cracie2...Cranks&#13;
COMMERCIAL BREAK&#13;
THE MOBILE SOCIETY...The Gods of Progress...Valid Jams&#13;
_and Defence&#13;
7 CAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS Sf INSANITY...War And Wealth&#13;
And Weapons...Taking Stock...the Disease Takes Hold... Nightmares.&#13;
ILLUSTRATION,,.Mobile Society And Hierarchitecture.&#13;
8 HIERARCHITECTURE...Poison Pcower...The Funeral Marches On.,&#13;
Laypeople Lose...sMaking Light It All.&#13;
9 THE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US...Myth Is Reality...Electric&#13;
fortress...Circumscribed Souls.&#13;
ILLUSTRATION,..Future And Electric Fortress.&#13;
10 WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?..,.Bankrupt...Corblimey!..&#13;
Connections...Lifestyle...The Urge To Create... ILLUSTRATION,..Libre&#13;
APPENDIX&#13;
KEFERENCES,&#13;
6&#13;
RISE AS THE PEOPLE FALL)... Everyone...Ugly Heads&#13;
the Sunshine Housing.&#13;
In The Meantime&#13;
Vs Ability...Wasted lives,,.Data Retrieval...Megalomania&#13;
Tocls Of Repression...5+inginy $4 All Back Home.&#13;
3°FORM FOLLOWS FUNCTIO,N)L!aw anv Order,..Myth and Purpose&#13;
_“Mass?.Housing...Back on the GitCets Again...(Fxpletives - Deleted) ILLUSTRATION, 4.Everyingag's The’ Same.&#13;
&#13;
 INTRODUCTION&#13;
*'Long before the Jews were murdered it all had been expre- sed in my buildings't- Albert Speer.&#13;
Aesthetics is the theory or philosophy of the perception of the beautiful.Well,that's what my dictionary says. In general&#13;
use though it is a word which refers to how things look be it beautiful or bad. It is not, however, a word commonly used by&#13;
the layperson. Only an elite use the word ‘aesthetics! and in fact the word conceals a political dimension, 'The Poli tics of Aesthetics' is an unfamiliar phrase because politics and aesthetics are not normally explicitly associated with one another, Historically,aesthetics is assiciated with the art of the elite of society, an art which would claim to be ‘above' politics though it manifested the privilege provided for the few by economic domination of the many. The cottager would not have thought to refer to the aesthetics of her cottage although she might well&#13;
find it a beautiful place. The beauty of the cottage comes through the application of&#13;
a craft by a person needing to apply that craft to achieve a practical end, not through self- conscious design, not through the application of aesthetic theory. The concept of aesthetics is elitist.&#13;
In this essay the word aesthetics is used in a manner which I think may be generally understood by anyone trained or conditioned to use the word at all. By aesthetics I mean ‘how things look', this is about the Politics of How Things look} if you like.&#13;
Words,Words,Words.&#13;
‘Design is the application of a language. Architectural design is a language that is expressed through the manipulation of&#13;
building technologies. A language&#13;
it can be used. A person needs&#13;
be it verbal or non- verbal, before they can know what is being said and thus feel comfortable by being in communica&#13;
tion with the people whose language it is. Surrounded by an alien language in one's own country one would feel ill at ease and if those aliens were felt to be invaders one would feel oppressed. In modern city centres the buildings which form virtually the entire environment use a design vocabu- lary foreign to the bulk of those buildings! users and they thus feel alienated and oppressed. The'concrete' jungle! has&#13;
become a popular metaphor because it suggests an alien and agressive environment, a concrete forest does not sound half as terrible,&#13;
Cultural Vision.&#13;
If a person sees a thing as irrelevant to their needs they are unlikely to find it beautiful, The perception of need is itself a culturally induced concept, so that one person&#13;
might find a brightly decorated, chromium- plated hot- rod fantastically beautiful and the ancient Egyptian carvings&#13;
of a Pharao.4's undertakers dealthy ugly, whilst another person's view might be quite the opposite and both things might be said to have no practical use at all. The relation- ship a person has with an object defines their perception&#13;
of that object, and the percption in turn defines the&#13;
relationship. Thus if someone sees a thing as ugly and it&#13;
is also undeniably necessary to them, they discover a con-&#13;
wr&#13;
2g&#13;
needs to be learnt before to understand a language,&#13;
&#13;
 flict within their self irresolvable without suppression or&#13;
change. Cultural form is created lution of such conflict,&#13;
and destroyed in the reso-&#13;
Splits. i&#13;
It is said of people in Manhattan, New- York, that they enjoy the skyscraper cityscope, but people in London generally ; dislike even the ‘short! tall buildings that probe the sea&#13;
of sulphurous pollution in their historic streets. Manhattan's skyward thrustings reflect the reach for the moon and money aspirations of their go-getting congregations. The Mammon in&#13;
London has in the past been a tamer beast than its American counterpart, so its recent rampaging across the historic heart of industrial capitalism has offended the sensibilities even of those people whose path to riches is paved with prime-site precast concrete slabs of commerce.&#13;
The concrete, steel and glass, blank- faced boring buildings which epitomise the common vision of our urban centres bear little or no relation to the ideas of ‘home! and 'town!&#13;
which the layperson carries. They speak a different language even though the building society which builds Joan Smith's latest city centre horror might well be financing the pur. chase of her cosy new home.&#13;
There is necessarily a direct relationship between the form&#13;
of a human society and the form of the buildings that society produces, A particular way of organizing human activity requi- res particular artifacts pertinent to that activity. Bureau. crats need offices. The technology developed by a society&#13;
has to be accepted as being needed by that society. Peace&#13;
loving bureaucrats need atomic bombs. Such statements might appear to be mere truisms; but they only read as such once stated and normally they are not stated. For industrial society requires and cultivates a very compartmentalised mental atti&#13;
tude, requires the perception of things always separate to other things, requires the bolt not to know the nut but only allow itself to be screwed. In the real world that approach is necessarily inadequate as a way of understandinp events because it provides no clear means of seing the connections between things, particularly if those connections are non- mechanical. Once scewed together the nut and bolt might un- derstand their function relative to one another, but kept apart in the meantime they know only grooves without reason,&#13;
Thus in order to discuss aesthetics sensibly it is essential not to divorce it from a social and political context. It is not that aesthetics cannot be divorced from its political context, that is in fact the conventional way to view the subject, it is that it should not be so divorced. For view a culture in bits and pieces is to not view an homogenous cul-&#13;
ture at all. Such a view is a partial view, a split, alienated view of a whole reality. In order to consider the role of&#13;
aesthetics in architecture it is necessary to consider how and why architecture is made, in short, to look at the rela-&#13;
tionship between architecture and society, between and people,&#13;
buildings&#13;
&#13;
 More or Less Autcmatically....&#13;
Technology = Tc !*Use Of The Tool&#13;
It was the thesis espoused by Lewis Mumford in the 'Myth of the Machine! that human history is most importantly related to cultural attributes and social exgantsstion , rather than just the growth of use and invention of tools.&#13;
first of people's minds.&#13;
uildings are the products of tools, but - See&#13;
He&#13;
PEOPLE MAKE BUILDINGS&#13;
The difficulty in deeling with the question of how architecture in a&#13;
society is related to the society that produced it, is the breadth of&#13;
the topic. 4llbuildings serve some purpose, and that purpose is tee defined by the requirements of the people who prodtice the buildings. Peopje make up society, the type of society is defined by its struct:ve&#13;
and that structure contains the social paterns in wliich people live,&#13;
which is then, mere or less automatically, made manifest in their&#13;
building paterns. ;&#13;
"Each landscape and townscape is an intri¢ately organised expressicn of causes and effects, of challenges and responses, of continuity and therefore, of coherance. It all hangs together, makes sense, fits one way or another - for good or bad, loosely or tightly. It has sequences, successions, climaxes. It reveals paterns and relationships forming&#13;
and reforming." (1)&#13;
The development of the social organisation ¢f humanity in its various forms has of neccessity come before any technological. development. People had to establish effective means of communicating ideas and information to their comrades before those ideas could be corporately&#13;
Rut into operation. Thus language was the first great invention, a social tool which then enabled knowledge to be recorded, pooled snd transmitted to people in other places and other times once the ir:'s cultural attributes had been established, when the state of intellec:.:;:? development was sufficient to communicate complex and abstract ide ‘once conceptual tools' had been formed, then the development of material tools, of technology, could come about.&#13;
Building is a technological development. The erection of a building requires the use of tcols and the co-ordinated deployment «7 human skills in useing these tools. The type of tools used and the =tructuring ef the co-ordinated deployment of human skills dépends upon the form, type and structuring of the society producing the building, The materials used in the making of the tools used both to produce the building and to co-ordinate the skills depends upon the history of development of the society and consequently of its technology, up to that time. Medieval masons did nct use electronic calculators, Centre Point would never have been carved from stone. Buildings are generated by a way of life and realised with its concomitant technology.&#13;
Primarily buildings fulfill a social need. As we see, society must exist first, humanity being gregarious by nature and neccessity, and the need for communal shelter is then realised by communication between the members of that society. A roof needs to be thought of before it zan°&#13;
2 3.&#13;
be built and named. The function of a structure is thus reoted in Symbolism and is culturally generated. Technology becomes then part of the cultural language in its broadest sense, its use communicates sentiment, emotion, ways of thinking and feeling. Buildings can move people to write poetry or break down and cry. The manipulation of technology for aesthetic effect is a very particular application of the language. It is the' art! of architecture.&#13;
&#13;
 The Silent Witness&#13;
Once architecture has been made, once building has taken place,&#13;
it reinforces the prevailing social ethics and paterns of human inter-&#13;
action because the physical environment is know in accord with the&#13;
social environment, at least inasmuch as it is expressed by the’ holders - ee and perpetrators of the ruling ideology of a society. Hence the&#13;
conceptual reality of an entrenched, institutionalised, bureaucratic&#13;
regime is immortalised as a physical reality in its various offices&#13;
and government buildings (see Hierarchitecture,&#13;
and 'Making Light Of It All') into whose departments&#13;
any number of anonymous persons prepared to accept a role in the&#13;
now unquestionably eontrolling ideology.&#13;
'Lay: e&gt;ple Loge! can be slotted&#13;
Because the built environment in a so ciety is ultimately a product of&#13;
the ruling ideology, after a few generations of generally uninterrupted consolidations that environm ent, with its attendant ideolugy, will be all pervasive, Political activity in demucracies, for instance, becomes rel- egated to the triviality of party games. No-one can stand up in the British Parliament, posit alternatives to the presently imposed status quo, and expect to be taken seriously (in fact such a Person would be&#13;
The contention is that’ the general social structure ofa society shows in its building, so that the form and layout of individual buildings, villages, towns and cities are, in effect, diagrams of the social relationships in that society, and that the structures that make up&#13;
Cities and Doorknobs&#13;
society of which they are willing or unwilling members. There are big paterns and little paterns, cities and doorknobs, institutions and friends.&#13;
&#13;
 Tne MIDDLE VANE&#13;
The process of making architecture and its prerequcite, making architects, supposes an ahi ‘ity to compartmentalise the thinking process so that the designing of buildings and the manufacture of aesthetic styles and tastes are divorced from the reasons as to why the buildings exist in the first Place. Traditionally, architects do not question the brief they are given for a building design, but wholly concern themselves with making a design from the inform- ation, teols and money they have been entrusted to juggle, fitting their thoughts and actions the meanwhile, into a theoretical structure inherited from their education and divorced from any other reality, Architects' concerns are with the semantics of their design vocabulary not with the dialectical analysis of their role as designers,&#13;
Expertise vs_ Ability.&#13;
Architects are trained as intellectual 6lites, by intellectuati Elites, their role is increasingly specialized, ever-more rigidly defined,&#13;
they are trained to devote their attentions exclusively to the part- icular. Successful architectural organisations (public and private) acquire and sustain their Success by specialising in certain - | . building types, As their expertise increases, their ability to tackle other design problems decreases, Architects design offices OR factories OR schools OR housing, a whole string of standard&#13;
solutions result with the well-known resultant of the sterile, monotonous, predictable environment we increasingly inhabit.&#13;
Wasted Lives,&#13;
Over the years since the onset of the Industrial Revolution (when the forced flight to the city produced the first 'masses') and particularly&#13;
within the last 50 years, these solutions have been expressed in architectural Philosophies which have in fact been no more than aesthetic dogmas for the consumption of intellectual élites. Unfortun-&#13;
ately, these dogmas have been an important contributory factor to the creation of the urban wastelands against which backdrop so many miilions of lives are wasted. These dogmas are major cogs in the machinery of repression, milled on the mental lathes of&#13;
indifferent intellectuals and turned by the ready hands of the alienated academics,&#13;
The growth of technological indulgence and the human population in moder industrial societies has increased the size of tke self-&#13;
Nata Retrieval&#13;
People have been reduced to data in the operation of the architectural machinery of our mass society. All aspects of building performance and the potential "building users! requirements are subject io PSeudo-scientific testing and analysis by the omnipotent ‘experim- ental method! - laboratory models instead of the real thing. Architectural Scientists, Sociolegists, Behavioral Psychologists&#13;
and specialists of every hue are busily going about splitting the&#13;
Spectrum of human society in order to make&#13;
manageable, so that architects can assimilate such information&#13;
s ee can to produce yet another compromise solution to the Problems of a society already so much @ product of compromise&#13;
the mass so- ioty&#13;
nasotre ileoenomeaninigformanyofitsmembers.Architects Pecialize in Co-ordinating specialisms,&#13;
Semantics vs Dialectics *&#13;
*DIALECTIC - "testing truth by discussion, art of investigating thetruthofopinions", oF re -&#13;
a Concise’ Oxtord Dictidriary&#13;
&#13;
 Megalom ania&#13;
The effects that modern architecture has had on people once the machinery of repression has been turned, have been more visibly dramaticinsomecasesthanothers.Aprimeexamineohees&#13;
i ral form and ideology failing to serve peop e by i aNhe wae in Venezuela peereet 1954 and 1958 during the Pérez Jiménez dictatorship when ninety seven 15 storey 'superbloques were constructed to rehouse 180,000 slum dwellers in Caracas. Virtually complete social disorganisation and resultant rioting» proved the project a monstrous failure. The Pruitt Igoe high-rise housing project in St. Louis (cover), was sucha disaster that much of it was demolished as social breakdown and crime unnerved the citys' leaders. One of the architects on the project said at its inception:- ~ . ‘&#13;
"As an architect, if I had no economic'or social limitations, I'd solve all my problems with one storey buildings. Imagine how&#13;
pleasant it would be to always work and plan in spaces overlooking&#13;
lovely gardens filled with flowers.&#13;
framework of our present cities this is impossible to achieve s Why? Because we must recognise social and economic limitations and requirements. A solution without such recognition would be meaningless. "(4)&#13;
Yet we know that within the&#13;
Architects submit to an ideology which ensures their active participation in the social mechanism of repression as responsive&#13;
fully stimulated appetite for power by presuming to supply them with the ability to mould the world by ‘design'. Submission to this ideology has been as common in recent years as it ever was, perhaps more self-consciously now than previously. The belief that architects,&#13;
and planners, can manipulate people via their environment is what has been called the ‘architectural belief system'Y'’Whilst it is quite untenable that people should be manipulated in this way or any — other, the existence of this 'belief system! is well recorded and&#13;
is integral to the architectural dogmas discussed above. Buckminster Fuller, catalyst for such concepts as the 'World City! and doyen of the technocrats, holds this belief close to his heart and indeed it is basic to his philosophy - "don't try to reform man, reform the environment", Paulo Seleri is another present day architect with distinctly megalomaniacal tendencies; he has subordinated evolution, man, and cities to his personal vision and and proceeded to design accordingly. Soleri's case is an extreme One, but it is such men who set the scene for lesser mortals who may wish to act out similar roles. -Instilling a "holier than thou! attitude into the minds of young designers has been a major theme in the architectural schools of the western world, and despite recent shifts of emphasis, the theme remains and ig certainly Operative in the current practising of architecture.&#13;
It is important to understand the workings of an architects mind and and the social context in which it works, because the architect is the'middle man'in the process whereby society expresses itself in building. 'pe&#13;
Tools ofRepression&#13;
A classic example of an architect attempting to. justify his two- faced position in a system where he is controlling and being cont- rolled, one face for authority one for public, acting as nothing more or less than a tool of repression by making literally concrete the insanities of the power élite that created his situation, (and supply his daily bread).&#13;
&#13;
 Bringing it all back home&#13;
Nearer hora the cronic failure of the System of myopic specialists and ego-centric demi-gods to deliver the goods, continues to&#13;
produce completely avoidable human tragedies. In 1974 dozens of people died in the fire at the Isle of Man pleasure centre, unproven technology and irresponsible "responsible’ people were held to blame: the Flixborough nylon factory explosion, another technological 'mishap', raised the death total even higher; and an Old Peoples' Home (the idea of which is only possible in a com partmentalised, institutionalised culture) was swept by a fatal fire only months&#13;
after its compietion. Meanwhile the legacy of the Ronan Point disaster has been changes in the rules of the game of people packing which will ensure that the clum sy meshing together of specialisms which produce future housing will at least produce gas-oven ex- Plosion proof housing.&#13;
The whole point in having experts is, supposedly, to avoid mistakes which might harm people, but these examples, spectacular and horribly familiar, should they serve as salutory reminders of just how incompetent this society of experts really is, and how that incompetence can disastrously effect peoples lives.&#13;
&#13;
 Law &amp; Order&#13;
Myth &amp; Purpose&#13;
FORM. FOLLOWS FUNCTION&#13;
The relationship between the lives of people and the buildings they vse is conditioned by, and is a response tc, the social mechanisms that delineate the spheres of actuality of an individual in that,society and the degree of interaction available with other individuals within: that sohere of activity and in others. So criminals and police officers use court rooms more often than car workers or bakers and a&#13;
better knowledge of the actual processes of law enforcement-exists with the users of the Court howse than with those who merely pass by it on their way to work. To the passers-by though, the Court house signifies many abstract qualities, justice, trith, the rule of law, order etc., the building fulfiils a highly significant purpose just by being there, just because of its invariably emotive arch- itecture, constructed as it is, as a conscious&#13;
Symboiic embodi ment of some of societys' bulwarks of faith. The relationship between’&#13;
the users of the Court: house and the passers-by is thaS conditioned&#13;
by the lack of contact between&#13;
meanings that the building evokes for the disferent parties.&#13;
the two and the subtely different&#13;
The Court house operates on a functional and on a symbolic level. Functionally, in that it provides shelter for the activitiés&#13;
that take place within it, symbolically, in that it is a monument to the central themes of a cultures! professed ideology. Not only&#13;
So there are primarily two ways in which architecture reflects the social structure that produces it:-&#13;
does it act as a token to that ideology, but the planning of the rooms and attendant artifacts of witness boxes and so forth, ultimately presents a physical model of the organisation of the various functions that the Court house contains.&#13;
FUNCTIONALLY - a way of life requires certain mechanisms and shelters and a certain way of distributing&#13;
those artifacts.&#13;
SYMBOLICALLY - the forms of the mechanisms and shelters may&#13;
transcend their purely functional requirements and become infused with, or even wholly gen- erated by, myths and symbols.&#13;
The flat roof never appeared in temperate climates until the dual goals and aspirations of advanced technology and fashion (always slightly absurdly beyond the limits of its contemporary technology) produced a 'machine aesthetic’, derived from superficial, glib philosophising by myopic, élitist culture heroes like Le Corbusier, The technology then became competent enough to deny the common-&#13;
sense idea of chucking water off a rock by using a pitch, so that flat roofs were used. Functionally nonsense, but definite symbolic totems of the newly-arisen machine culture.&#13;
"ARIES - Why this flat roof... ?&#13;
PISCES - The sacred cause of planning freedom, It also robbed&#13;
the buildings of a visual 'lid' and conveyed the idea&#13;
of extendability -'indeterminacy'. It cost more and let the water in more easily. I studied this as a student » and it was my first inkling that there was something twisted&#13;
and disconnected about their ideas,'' (s}&#13;
&#13;
 Back on the Streets again&#13;
-&#13;
So too: with domes, especially geodesic domes; in the mid-sixties they became totems of the counter- culture, psrticularly in the&#13;
U.S.A.The domes are hard to waterproof and were conceived of by Buckminster Fuller for very high technological application and mass production, ‘but they were used because they were symbolic ofa breaking-away from conventional roles in social behaviour in that domes break away from the conventional notion of buildings as post and beam 'box' constructions. Domes possess a structural integrity, a ‘oneness’, there are no walls or ceilings, so domes were seen&#13;
as symbols for a society with that same integrity, that same&#13;
where there are no rigidly defined roles for the societies members much as a dome lacks 'walls' and ‘ceilings’, but still stands up.&#13;
'oneness'&#13;
"',.The dome is expressive of our new approach to the universe... The dome seems in some way to be more conducive to the mental and spiritual harmony of the dome dweller, perhaps because its&#13;
more natural shape helps to attune him with nature instead of alienating him from it. Boxed houses belonged to an age when men&#13;
stood in opposition to the world around them, in corhpetition, as it&#13;
were, with nature and the universe, ." (6 Mass ? Housing&#13;
Solving 'mass housing! problems requires people to share a spurious objective assessment of the 'problem!' to be solved. In&#13;
In fact every individuals' response to the need for housing is going to be unique to that individual, the objective reality of each persons response to any situation will be that persons subjective response to that situation. None can ever fully know what is in anothers’ mind, none can presume to fully understand the needs of another person, therefore, ultimately, each-individual must be free to shape their own destiny, no-one else can do it for them. To assume that there is a 'solution' to the housing 'problem!' is to assume that that'problem' is a thing with a reality outside of the consciousness of any person involved in it.&#13;
A problem is defined by each individuals' view of a situation and&#13;
just as no-one person can know anothers! real needs, then no-one can presume to tell another what to do. No-one can build my house for me, I cannot build a house for anyone else, together we may succeed, but to assume, say, that I can know the needs of a stranger from the statistics of an 'objective' assessment of that persons' needs without that stranger even meeting or speaking with me, is the most presumptuous and arrogant of ideas.&#13;
Returning to the illustrations of how the ideology of a society is expressed in philosophical and physical form, one can consider the spiel by Daniel Burnham, architect charged with co-ordinating the the design of Chicagos' World Fair in 1893 and subsequent author of&#13;
plans for entire major American cities, of one of his plans, for - Manila in 1905, he wrote:-&#13;
"Among building groups thefirst in import- ance, the Government or National Group which would include&#13;
Capital Building and Department Buildings, is located on the present © Camp Wallace... Grouping itself closely about the Capital Building&#13;
at the centre it forms a hollow square opening out westward toward&#13;
the sea. The gain in dignity by grouping these buildings in a single formal mass has dictated this arrangement, the beauty and con- venience of which has been put to the test in notable examples from&#13;
the days of Old Rome to the Louvre and Versailles of modern times.&#13;
&#13;
 (Expletives Deleted)&#13;
The eastern front of the capital group faces a semi-circular plaza&#13;
from whose centre radiates a street system communicating with&#13;
all sections of the city - an arrangemen entirely fitting for both&#13;
practical and sentimental reasons; pracical because the centre of r government activity should be readily ace2ssible from all sides;&#13;
sentimental because every seciion of the Capital City should look with deference toward the symbol of the Nations'power.(¢} «(Robert Goodmans' emphasis).&#13;
This dominant western authoritarian ideology has been well expressed by some of its ablest perpetrators. The link between society and its architecture is seen as resolutely forgec. the importance of the&#13;
power of symbols and the symbolic arrangement of things, the&#13;
power of the aesthetic language is further evidenced in these following examples:- .&#13;
In 1969, Daniel P., Moynihan was President Nixons! chief planner in.residence, earlier, in 1962, he had been given the job of affecting the design of federal government buildings and drafted the 'Guiding Principles on Federal Architecture’ announced by Kennedy in 1962:&#13;
The Court House or Hall of Justice is given a separate location&#13;
south of the main group and heading the vista down the avenue which passes the east front of the Capital... The Mall of Justice... represents the sentimentally and practic= ily highest function of&#13;
of civilised society. Upon the authority of lsw depends the lives and property of all citizens; and the buildings vhich constitute the visible expression of law, its symbol of dignity «nd power, should be given the utmost beauty in their location, arrencement, architectural treatment and approaches....,‘' (9)&#13;
"The policy shall be to provide requisite and adequate facilities in an architectural design and form which is destinguished and which will reflect the dignity, enterprise, vigour, and stability of the American National Government. "(10)&#13;
:&#13;
--Anexcellentexampleofacriticalmois intheprocessof transferring the expression of a ruling-c:2ss ideology into the physical fabric of society.&#13;
All architectural expression is dedicated to the ideals of the state, against which the individual is insignificant, so the individuals! dwelling is rendered of secondary importance to the edifices of the State. It is an ideology with a long history;Hitler, 1943, in 'Mein Kampf,!&#13;
"For what the ancient had before his eyes was less the humble houses of private owners than the magnificent edifices of the whole community. Compared to them, the dwelling house really sank&#13;
to an insignificant object of secondary importance, "(!)&#13;
More current exam ples of this type of ideological expression are not hard to find; from'An introduction to Modern Architecture, !,by J.M. Richards:&#13;
"A town hall is partly a ceremonial building and needs to have&#13;
a dignity that will form a fitting background for ceremonial. It must also express in some way the dignity of the State... eThe extreme pomp of monumental buildings is not perhaps a character a democratic age demands, but we shall come to appreciate in time the special form of dignity produced by orderliness and spacious planning.&#13;
&#13;
 a S_) O&#13;
The great housin scheme boasting these qualities, and incorporating&#13;
as it does its own schools and community centres, can claim to&#13;
(authors emphasis).&#13;
The theme continues. As the state and capitalism are mutually supportive in our society and for practical purposes may be regarded as one thing, so the expression of the ruling ideology is prominent in the edifices of capitalism as much as of government. Banks;offices;&#13;
stores, and consumable culture buildings (bookshops, theatres,&#13;
cinemas, nightclubs, etc.) constitute the basic coarse fabric of&#13;
our urban centres,&#13;
The Centreplan complex proposed for Cardiffs! city centre, in which Cardiff Corporation and the Ravenseft property developers exhibited the clear partnership of the state and capitalism, was to have sacri- ficed residential areas to its existence. The life blood of its being were to have been roads whose construction would have obliterated communities of streets. The obliteration has not been complete, but the blight remains and the course is subliminally set for the future,&#13;
The cities fabric has been invested with many meanings, myths abound, the city is a battleground - people, council and vested interests all struggle for power ina game where the winner is&#13;
always making the rules, There are no perceivably rational responses to anything, there are no functional neccessities apparent as&#13;
building and shelter are easy enough to come by, but the games of power and possession take place within great constructions of myths about property and people that is our culture. And thousands of people remain homeless while buildings stand empty.&#13;
&#13;
 457-5 fees&#13;
fodaty.... Budi dings are&#13;
Vf! i&#13;
SIP OLT:&#13;
all the same, everyones4 i&#13;
expected to he the same...&#13;
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SS Seaoe «ee Ge&#13;
&#13;
 Pedestrian Or Consumer.&#13;
On A Lighter ‘Note.&#13;
apply to any habitable room&#13;
(ACIPHER FOR ALL SEASONS)&#13;
Evidence for this vested interest and Oppression is literally all around us, (in as. much as noone's interest can be held above another's, so the furtherance of any interest vested solely in oneself cannot fail to require the exploitation of others,and exploitation is only possiblbey the repression,&#13;
.either overtly or subliminally, of the exploited). The streets that we walk down, the houses we inhabit, the buildings in which we work, shop, relax, pray in or visit, all are concrete&#13;
mirrors to the purposeless patterns of our daily lives, the purposeless lives of pedestrians, members of the 'eeneral public', producers, consumers, holidaymakers, churchgoers&#13;
and tourists. The majority of people in our society live in urban constructions that are not natural expressions of the lives of its people, fully lived, but are expressions of a society of human components, a machine of human parts relega ted to less than humanity.&#13;
Bureaucracy is an inextricable, primary mechanism in our so- cial machine and accordingly manifests itself everywhere, particularly as all buildings are subject to some form of bureaucratic control. The rule of this law can be seen in&#13;
the tower blocks, which have grown .in height and numbers ra- pidly in recent years all over the world, largely for commer- Cial reasons.&#13;
ifter the main vertical dimensions have been fixed by econo mies of cost (the minimum possible), the depth of a plan is resolved on section according to regulations on light angles&#13;
and permissable daylight factors - Appendix&#13;
aH: ‘this regulation (Open&#13;
Space, Ventilation and&#13;
'Todaye..buildings are all the same, everyone's expected to be the same...'- John A, Friend- 28-12-74,&#13;
eS fe f Hei1ght °ofRcoms))shsahall&#13;
a SOE Zeal&#13;
—&#13;
(except a room used for the lawful detention of persons other than mentally disor- dered persons) which has&#13;
(ae&#13;
rs rm Maivan po a&#13;
Possi#LE Tr&#13;
HEIGHT.&#13;
MAX POSSIBLE — py DEPT SIIIL&#13;
one or more windows! Building Regs. 1965- Pri-&#13;
BLY&#13;
7 - maimed&#13;
sons ae ae Sone El presumably, constitute&#13;
alongSee habitablebuildings fg § (author's emphasis)&#13;
~p.62&#13;
FOR EXAMPLE.&#13;
The depth of the floor, plan is thus. fixed, the length of this plan is then only dependant oh the Shape of the building site ‘indeterminacy!?, standard plan to be chopped off by the yard&#13;
or mile&#13;
&#13;
 SS&#13;
A&gt; ROOM&#13;
V LET&#13;
This plan form is generally repeated on each side of the access corridors and 'service cores! (lifts..etc..) which are often incorporated into a central supporting structure-&#13;
CORRIDOR,&#13;
The structural requirements of the floor slabs and the need to incorporate the ‘service runs! (pipes, wiring, Ducting...) determine the dimension between the floor and ceiling of&#13;
vertically adjacent units, this distance is as small as pos- sible in order to cram as Many units as is structurally feasible in the smallest overall height-&#13;
&#13;
 ri]&#13;
i”&#13;
CoO&#13;
a&#13;
\&#13;
The height of the tower is then limited by further planning conetraints, which vary from place to place but are often established during some form of dialogue bteween the develo pers and the authorities (Rarenseft and Cardiff...). It is a not unknown phenomenon for developers to try and'work a fast one' on the authorities by illicitly adding a couple of stones to a tower's height (very valuable stuff, ‘indeterminacy'), after all, who notices wether a block is 30 or34 storeys tall?&#13;
Clad your tower in mass-produced concrete panels,'express! the top&#13;
of the lift shaft where the lifting machinery is housed (functionalism) and,do and behold- a build- it- anywhere, super- architectural, bog standard, highly profitable office block (A design award is assured if youcréateawind-swdearpk,tg;ro*und floor 'concourse! by raising the building on stills,&#13;
Ka arr&#13;
YY&#13;
tS TELL&#13;
PLZ.&#13;
Tg&#13;
PIT&#13;
The distance between tower blocks is controlled by further bureaucratic constraints wherein the endlessly varied kalie- doscope of natural light is once more conveniently transposed&#13;
into a Cipher for all reasons&#13;
4 fine example of these laws of the concrete jungle in action is provided by the bureaucrats themselves, with the Department of the Environment headquaters in London, a building which&#13;
eae oye been designed to incorporate every cliche in the ook&#13;
&#13;
 NEW YORK&#13;
evennesseks&#13;
Leas nesberweseesl&#13;
aoe ering:&#13;
-96F&#13;
Baeon BPscerenn&#13;
ed ae es&#13;
s piers Pea&#13;
®7ese&#13;
&#13;
 Sterility for Everyone&#13;
Ugly Heads &amp; Evil&#13;
To a large extent, the sterile dreams of the middle men (chapter 4) are responsible; the high-rise blocks and endlessly repetitive&#13;
filing cabinet architecture which epitomise mass housing, are&#13;
directly the result of the obs essive intellects, slitted consciousness and puerile emotional mechanisms of such men as Walter Gropius,&#13;
Ludwig Mies van der Rohe and Le Corbusier (a self-affected nick- name). Their original vapid imaginings unfortunately gained&#13;
credence amongst fellow intellectuals and architects during and since the early part of this century and subsequently the mechanisms of&#13;
capitalist economics ensured that their dictrines, and similarly derived doctrines held sway,&#13;
MASS HOUSING&#13;
(THE BUILDINGS RISE AS THE PEOPLE FALL)&#13;
Nuts and Bolts.&#13;
rganisation of the mass-production process, as it has been "evolved', demands the subjugation of&#13;
people to machi i&#13;
are therefore i&#13;
panels of Centre Point to the che Council flat,&#13;
Mass society with its 'mass'-orientated mentality and its capacity for mass-production, not surprisingly best exhibits its cultural sterility in 'mass' housing. In this instance, pictures probably speak louder than words (illustration -'mass housing"), but one does well to consider how much such an im posed solution constricts social forms to 23 children families and hence helps mould the social structure. Now let us consider how such monstrosities&#13;
came about and why they still raise their ugly heads.&#13;
Early practitioners of the art of eople-packing were often professed radicals, Le Corbusier believed Him self to be a communist, and&#13;
Gropius set up the 'Bauhaus', a school of industrial art and design, which was to become a target for fascist reaction when and as Hitler rose to prominence in inter-war Germany. Despite this, the newly evolved consciousness of a mass society and uncritical adulation of the machine ensured a dearth of concern for the indiv- idual human being,&#13;
Industrial society, with its concurrent&#13;
is bound to exhibit&#13;
Instances in which thi&#13;
by our society are far too numerous to mention, mass-produced&#13;
nuts and bolts of our culture. It is this essen- ole of mass-production in our culture which is&#13;
Gropius in 1924:&#13;
"The majority of citizens of a specific country have similar dwellings and living requirements it is therefore difficult to understand why&#13;
the dwellings we build should not show a similar unification as Say, our clothes, shoes or automobiles... ."&#13;
in 1931;&#13;
--..the one-family house will remain reserved for a higher stratum of the population... . because the.... rented dwelling in an apartment house is better adapted to the needs of the more mobile working&#13;
class....who.... lack the time required to care for a house and garden if they are not to deteriorate, " (15)&#13;
* EXPLOIT -utilize (person etc) for ones' own ends, esp. derog. of -ing colonial Possessions, the working class ets, =Concise Oxford Diahinnne&#13;
&#13;
 Cracked&#13;
government l upon ones!&#13;
versal&#13;
Demockeracy&#13;
pte cantakeplace,soanin-crowdofexpertscangetthewhip- nd,&#13;
one of the more famotisly evil events of our he way for much re-building, it provided&#13;
Town movement. It also created a massive need for new housing and it provided an excuse for thousands of&#13;
Suppressed megalomaniacs to impose their ideal of the ‘good life! on the weary and unsuspecting populations of war-torn Europe.&#13;
Any substantial number of people contain individuals of so many different temperaments and attitudes that it is really quite hopeless&#13;
to expect those people to wholly agree on anything 'en-masse!,&#13;
However, small groups may be perfectly capable of achieving a co- hesion of purpose and direction whilst ensuring that the uniqueness of each individual within that group is respected, interaction between&#13;
such self-regulating bodies of inner-directed individuals can be at least as successful to the mtitual benefit to all concerned, but never can one person or group of persons presume to tell others what to do without&#13;
their active assent. This assent must be conscious, active, not a result of conditioning or cohersion, it must be an assent arising from the free agreement of equals , there must be no im posed authority. It is most certainly the most extreme form of arogance for a few people to presume to be able to successfully provide, for thousands of others, something as immensely important to them as the places in which they have to spend their entire lives. To force people to live in upgraded chicken coups, in those battery farms of the industrial work force, is an act of premiditated violence, a form of torture,&#13;
it reaps its rewards even now as people become increasingly hostile towards such blatant acts of repressionTh.e awareness&#13;
is dawning and cracks are appearing in the conditioning cells, ultimately the whole&#13;
edifice must crumble,&#13;
and&#13;
A bugeoning population required expanded facilities and more homes. So the answer was to thump them all out on great production lines. The absurdity of forcing people to spend their lives doing repetitive, mindless, routine tasks in order to produce repetitive, characterless dwellings to which they go home to rest from producing those rep- etitive, souless artifacts never seemed to occur to sucha&#13;
systems' theorists and propagandists. If it did, and they too believe that&#13;
humanity is destined for greater and better things,&#13;
can only be regarded as totally malicious,&#13;
then their actions totally unpardonable evil,&#13;
Cranks in the Meantime&#13;
In the meantime the machine cranks heavily onwards, and most of its cogs seem to mesh well enough to ensure its continued function for the few more revolutions that the dwindling oil supply will fuel and lubricate.&#13;
&#13;
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tenole we cars ~ bub cars Rul &amp; moutim pestle. He Joa of oy Transient Suites&#13;
ensures Kak much (moe POPE usere belle fey rote aecieds of. Morlicer Heard Man wtre.Aabled i.Me seme year tr theon-going cuntWu, Mare:peaple-&#13;
eye _bdlek Ayroad Pie &amp; he Gey&#13;
“SA age HE.Aled n ARE Same&#13;
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chepotlen.ifaMAnufaTed one,irsIsqucisrefulable,AsalnuDupentbp. dhe frre piace f Ds ik is, She parblems exot: dad intend of hetpcag us de rd curselses of such pablans de, radically, rofhinkind Lhe need far such&#13;
Thing o4 perenal Ttaanport Veclrotoyues usuch Withpeople and stead ét ra ig any atlept te de-mifistoane Toe 4édhaotsyes , planners &amp;&#13;
bureaucrats ptsdince dea shalisre: panded. )in Codified dos and dents, As Shak ub eseryone ull zur raw The dame proper ,£ cventone will prelend he sume realdicg , A ull won. pst fine. Eivenslhing A dhe qerden usth be lesrecl athe. The: experts truss done Enough (esetach F eshabhohed Te Selituur. eabenabie CorrPOMRLse-5 cadifued, “The- MECEVAN pallems of ehasrur and. nculcated UE&#13;
desired. (Expenses .&#13;
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&#13;
 The Gods Of Progress&#13;
THE MOBILE SOCIETY&#13;
Acceptance of the ability of imposed authority to shuffle around masses of people when it so chooses is another part of the ethic forced on a society whose people are only pawns ina game. The historical precedence for this are numerous, the mobilisation of entire pop- ulations in war time provide obvious exam ples, but there are others&#13;
"The ambitious and proud country gentleman sets great store by his elegant house, his rolling parklands and the view from his windows. A squalid village spoiled the view, and the village fields interrupted the parkland; but when the landlord owned an entire village - as some landlords most certainly did - then the obstacles could be removed. Villages were depopulated so that parks could be made.&#13;
"' (16)&#13;
The man of wealth and pride&#13;
Takes upa space that many poor supplied;&#13;
Space for his lake, his park's extended bounds, Space for his horses, equipage, and hounds.&#13;
Oliver Goldsmith 1770 (17)&#13;
So the lords of the marors used to mow down villages if they obstructed the view on their newly landscaped estates, the aesthetic predilection of the ruling class had thus obvious gécial consequences. Now however, the lords of the environment would mow down villages to build airports, those great manifestations of a society which moves its favoured few around the globe as fast as sound itself!&#13;
The rest of us must be content to travel slightly slower, but travel we must, for our social system is dependant on physical mobility&#13;
and people's homes and fertile food-producing farmlands are sacrificed to the god of progress that is the motor car. This need&#13;
to continually transport people and goods all over the country has&#13;
has produced a massive road network; 200, 000 acres of farmland disappeared between 1957 and 1972 to make room for roads -&#13;
The Isle of Wight is only 94, 080 acres!&#13;
Valid Jams and Defence&#13;
There are more skills , energy and materials invested in a single car, designed to last about four years, than in the typical home, house or hut, that serves most of the worlds! peoples for a lifetime. Cars are invested with a similar emotional currency to that found in connecton with homes, and the highway system consumes land ona scale par with buildings whilst setting patterns on the landscape&#13;
of at least as much force and importance as the buildings which they connect, generate and destroy. If the structures erected by a society respond to and reflect the structure of that society, then the structures of vehicles and the surfaces that carry them are equally as valid&#13;
as manifestations of a society's ideology as are its buildings. The traffic jam is a built form. The infrastructure of a country provides physical and metaphysical maps of certain characteristic elements of that society. The dictionary definition of 'infrastructure' is "a system of airfields, telecommunications and public services&#13;
forming a basis for defence, ' There is evidence (dark hints and rumours) that the motorway system has also been conceived as an integral part of the 'defence! transport networks. It is also an ins- tructive definition '"'for defence" in that it presupposes massive social and technological orientation to militaristic ends.&#13;
&#13;
 in spneo&#13;
useless IGM DE&#13;
beenbuilt er compaparis&#13;
develop intrinsically&#13;
for tho seme aninunt of mons; Concorde, Gist:&#13;
CAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS OF ANSANTTY&#13;
«...then they bring them to the factory,&#13;
machine is strapped across their sheviders and then the kerosene is brought down from the casiles by insurance men who go&#13;
where the heart attack&#13;
quality houses, or, in am&#13;
sonic aircraft rather th: OTe Ws me banish poverty by effecting an exuitabl&lt; @ Sure indicator as to the morality aud culture,&#13;
Taking Stock&#13;
A society with its entire structure founded on A capitalism is bound to produce toiems of its culi, Pi; 1s one purpose-built structure embodying very part&#13;
cx Muchange&#13;
peculiar to the economy which produced it, itis a eita; 1 of capit- alism, home of those forces which generate all social relationships&#13;
&gt; Functions&#13;
in society.&#13;
The Disease Takes Hold&#13;
check to see that no-one is escaping to Desolution Row.&#13;
- Bob Dylan - (18)&#13;
War and Welath and Weapons&#13;
The extent to which a society builds architecture rather than oh artifacts, or vice versa, can itself hecome a oui i and aspirations of that society. ‘Treo Crosby.&#13;
the environment z2me," compares the coct of&#13;
Vietnam or 6 hrs, j&#13;
Pie ilesize of 4.&#13;
Just as any individual is primarily limited by their economic means ( outside of any more sensible realities ), so ‘tthe. same proeccesses of the capitalist economy produce very strange social rala “Onships ( bourgeoisie, worker, capitalist etc). It is inevitable that the organ- isation of the productive forces in society, formed in response to&#13;
capitalist ethic with its concomm itant machinery for the manufacture and exchange of goods and services, will embody these relationships. British capitalism enables individuals to hoard money, encourages the centralisation of resourse use and manpower, materiais and energy, ignores the social and environmental consequences of its activities requires massive systems of control to regulate the&#13;
myriad activities of many people to the advantage of a few ,&#13;
falsely values all things and reduces all things to commodities,&#13;
Hence a small area of land in Central Londen can be priced at £13 million because it is a prime site in the world's money capital, and&#13;
a £5 million building can then be produced for that site with the employ of people who will never use or need that buiiding; the result being an lump of concrete which then proreeds, somehow » to gainin money value just by being there! Such buildings invariably faii to house&#13;
people because that makes a building unprofitable... .and profit is the mainstay of the capitalist system.&#13;
Nightmares&#13;
Office blocks house some of the totally non-productive functions of the social machine, people are forced to do meaningless (as opposed to meaningful) tasks in order to control the flow of an imaginary commodity, money, in order to mainiain the existence of factories&#13;
&#13;
 which then control the lives of people who actually produce something (though that 'something! may well be useless!). The factories may be producing pre-cast concrete panels, for instance. The ultimate, almost realized absurdity, would be for a company to construct an office block&#13;
to house employees to administer factories which make panels to construct office blocks to house employees to administer money to finance&#13;
companies which build office blocks....There are obviously innumerable ways in which human behaviour and inter-personal relationships will become distorted in such ‘endless cartwheels d insanity.'&#13;
This social structure of ours contains a multitude of unnatural relation- ships between People, including those of consumer to producer,&#13;
producer to controller (boss, executive), controller to financier, financier to government, government to consumer, it is no surprise that the cities of this society are such cancers on the land and its people.&#13;
And the devaluation of the lives of these people to ciphers in the great consumer / consumed Spectacle is complete when their 'hames! roll&#13;
off conveyor belts, tended by more beings regulated to lives where they are extensions of machines for half of their waking hours and dutiful consumers for the other half, with the sleeping hours f! ‘9d with dreams of possession and nightmares of work. To jibe about the quality of design of a machine, house or concrete panel in such circum stances, is to&#13;
advertise one's candidancy for the post of chief ostrich and betrays sadly misplaced priorities,&#13;
&#13;
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&#13;
 MIERARCH ITECTURE&#13;
Ours! Short term gain at an incalculable long-term cost, where&#13;
‘someone else! will Pay ~ that is the ethic made concrete and cosmic In nuclear power stations, buildings essential to modern western industrial society in which the citadels of political power require citadels of energy.&#13;
The Funeral Marches On&#13;
Poison Power&#13;
The central theme apparent in all analyses of social, and hence political, organisation is that of power, the power of pecple over - people. But thesocial structuring which centralizes its authority&#13;
and political power is as requisite on power from energy as are all the other functions of a technologically advanced society. So huge&#13;
i gies whose secrets can only be used by the few, and then only at the behest of the political power-&#13;
wielders, come into being. These structures and their technologies&#13;
P01son the ground for incon&#13;
i some nuclear&#13;
Laypeople Lose&#13;
In an essay entitled "But', in May 1973, I used the pyramids of Egypt as examples of particularly strong expressions of a power structure&#13;
of an unmistakeably authoritarian and hierarchical form. The structure of that society, with its Slaves, divine kings, and hierarchical distribution of power through priests and slave drivers, etc., —&#13;
found its ultimate expression in the pyramid which was used, liter- ally, to entomb the values and aspirations of that society. The&#13;
Pyramid is perhaps the most obvious expression of hierarchical form, with its implication for human society of an authoritarian System of distributing the control by 8 few of the many, and its validity asa symbol for such a power structure is as valid now as it ever was. Itis an excellent aesthetic expression of political purpose,&#13;
In October 1973, the winning design for the proposed offices of the new Northampton County Council was a nine-storey, glass-sheathed Pyramid. The architects and councillors who comprised the bulk of the assessment panel thought the building was wonderful, their&#13;
Support for the building was unconditional in that any criticism&#13;
(Hee sthe planning of the two lower floor levels and entranes.... might be .... improved.... ") was virtually ignored in favour of the schemes "audacity, imagination, and.. +. comprehensive underlyin&#13;
_logic!’ which they could not objectively fault.' Significantly, one nopes, this ‘lyrical structure' did not impress the only two lay &amp;Ssessors on the panel who believed the design was "'an im posed solution" because, because, amongst other things, it was " an&#13;
intellectual concept, ingeniously worked out and seductively presented;"inflexible; required unproven technologies; used too much energy; was ''reminiscent of a mausoleum and the dead pharoahs;" and was dominated by the council chamber in a manner foreign to the new conception (sic) of democracy and participation. is 'new concept? of democracy and participation had not either, reached the bunkers, for the building also had to include a 'Civil Defense Base- ment,' for which very few members of the public will have much use in any contingency, but then, the important people would survive.&#13;
&#13;
 Making LightofitAll&#13;
The Northampton pyramid succeeded in taking the ideal of an immortalized bureaucracy to a logical conclusion; at mid-day*&#13;
on April 5th, at the start of the Financial Year, the sun's rays (assuming the sun shines!) were supposed to pur down ashaft in the&#13;
structure so orientated that ihe beams would illumine the treasurer's desk?&#13;
* assumed time.&#13;
&#13;
 "WAR IS PEACE FREEDOM IS SLAVERY e&#13;
IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH Myth is Reality&#13;
(21)&#13;
TRIE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US&#13;
"The Ministry of Truth - was Startingly different from any other object in sight. It was an enormous pyramidal structure of glittering white concrete, soaring up, terrace after terrace, 300 metres into the air....Scattered about London there were just three other buildings&#13;
of similar appearance and size....They were the homes of the four&#13;
Ministries between which the entire apparatus of government divided." (22)&#13;
was&#13;
Circumscribed Souls&#13;
"The G.P.O's microwave system is a pretty paradign of the 20th. Century. Functional, sophisticated, technological, monumental, its towers stride across the land: publicly thay are described as the distributors of the garbage of television;in fact they link the instru- ments of sudden genocide, and implicit in their construction and siting is their use to repress revolt." (23)&#13;
The woman or man on-top-of-the-street is not normally aware of the existence of the fortress because it is not visible outposts, but it circumscribes the entire existence of each and every soul on the&#13;
globe. Internationally, it constitutes the rerve system of the biggest war-machine of all] time, in peace-time it also carries electronic opiate to the masses through the air waves, and internally in Britain it constitutes an immense net of power connecting key government&#13;
hideouts so that order can be maintained in the event of social un- rest and civil-war, The enemy is within and it is the government, and as one wise woman has said, "It's hard to fight the enemy who has outposts in your head, "&#13;
Electric Fortress (Cowardly OldWorld)&#13;
Humanity's greatest constructions have always reached to the realm of the fantastic, the Pyramids maintain their marvel for us today,&#13;
and the greatest cathedrals of the past extended humanity's capacities and technologies to produce a vehicle for reaching heaven. Currently, the most massive constructions of our culture are those built with the mighty resources of nations! defence budgets and those utilizing the most advanced of available technologies. When the two strands&#13;
of achievement in mechanis «tion: of people, in the military machine, and of micro-technological electronic wizadry in the industrial machine, when those two strands inter weave in the military- industrial complex cloak of secrecy, the result is the most extreme manifestation of our society's insanity as is humanly practical. The result is the Electric Fortress.&#13;
In such times as ours, to worry about the esthetics of architecture without setting it firmly in this social context is an insanity of the&#13;
split consciousness which plays into the hands of those who want us&#13;
to forget the ugly social realities which really give shape and substance to our daily lives.&#13;
&#13;
 "I do not want art for e few any more than cducation for a fez,or freedom for a few. "Willian tiorris, 25&#13;
Those of us who are involved in the business of buildine, those of us who care about the enviromient because we care about people having to live in that environnent,those of us who enjoy designing,who despite the apparent ugliness of the world still wish to create better things and better places.How do we best use our energies and imaginations?Where do we go from here?&#13;
Bankrupt&#13;
The architects' role is so tightly defined by the imperatives of the economic system,that any pretensions to control over that system can only be pretensions.The architect can have no power without an econornic basc.At the same timc the arrogance of presuming to be able to design for clients who profess to express the "needs" of people they do not Imow is untenable and presumes a degree of control denied by the economic base.The architects! power base,such as it is,is given by control over a store of knowledge either actual or imaginary,that is providdd by the myths surrounding the architects! role.The architects! power&#13;
is constructed on an ethical base,when in fact the architects! position is morally bankrupt.&#13;
Corbliney!&#13;
The power of an economic base and its concomitant form of social organisation precedes the power of an idcology.Idcas shape future material conditions only in so far as they are products of existing material conditions and only inso far as&#13;
material possibilities actually exist which enable the rcalisation of those ideas,&#13;
Le Corbusiers' visions cf a "new architecture"were based on his preference for a certain aesthctic derived from a fascination with the Machinc.He failed,however,to comprchend thc technologies the mechanisms and applications of machines,and designed buildings which looked like machine products but which did not have a technolegical integrity-stucco&#13;
was rendered as smooth as streamlining only to suffer the weathcr and flake off,Corbusiers!&#13;
visions did,however affect the future form of buildings,he held out for an ideological power,a pewer realised when the material conditions of capitalism enabled the application of high technologics in a manner of building which was consistent with&#13;
a box-like machine aesthctic.The&#13;
itself did not demand flat rocfs,for instance.&#13;
Le Corbusier prefessed t be a socialist while at the same tine his"new architccture,his aesthetic visions were only realised with&#13;
advanced capitalist technolcgy.He&#13;
connections,to analyse the context o of his architectural werk&#13;
anc he thus failed to ensure the compatability of his social ideas&#13;
with his architectural ideas.Those of us who propose sccial&#13;
change and "New Architectures"must cbvicusly&#13;
thought must be, acutely aware of the comecticns between things.&#13;
Connections&#13;
Material conditions,the environient provides material for cerebration,imaginaticn.The imagination percieves possibilities . Those p_ssibilities are cnly realisable under certain material&#13;
imperatives of technology&#13;
failed te make essential&#13;
avoid this fracture of&#13;
Had Le Corbusier not writtcen"Towards a New Architccture"thc&#13;
later architecture of the time when the technologies were extant&#13;
to realise his visions would not hav e looked as it did.That is to say,his ideas shaped the application of the tools of future matcrial ccnditions,At the same time his visions cculd not have ecne abcut without the existence of certain material conditicns,&#13;
WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE °?&#13;
&#13;
 conditions,in a particular social and cconomic environment.The possibilities seen by the imagination arc limitless as imaginings but limited in the material environment by that cnvironment.In propesing possible visicns,ic.as for the futur. abcut building&#13;
ond so forth,it is necessary fcr those visions to- be intinatcly, t tally, connceted with certain cconcimic and sceial conditicns ana those conditions must be rcalisable and decucible from existing trends in present conditions.e can dream the impossible, but cannot achicve the inpessible,'c can fly in cur heads, just as people were doing leng befcre the first air ballcon,but we&#13;
cannot achieve flight without an air craft,without cccnoi.ic enc social crpanisation capable of ccnstructing an air craft.&#13;
Icshoulebasevisionsonrcalityvandutiacnreascn,pessibiliti&amp;cs n focts,the petcential cn the realisable.We should keep our fect&#13;
cn the ground,our heads in the clouds,and be very aware of what connects then]&#13;
Lifestyle&#13;
There is really no point in being dogmatic about"styles"and so forth,There is no way of providing a style,a new architectural aesthetic for democratic architects to rally around because democratic architecture has no'style".As architecture realised by the will of the pecple,even if those people utilise the services of individuals specialising in biulding design,cannot be a provided "style"by definition.Those who are concerned about&#13;
the sorry state cf building design these days will nct find a sclution with a new brand of style-mongering of the ilk of Le Ccrbusicrs'"new architectureio"r other apestles cf "Demccratic architecture"such as Frank Licyd Wright.A new style cannct be provided by sone aesthetic gurrwithout being undemocratic.The&#13;
ve ting in,by popular support cf any new stylc,though,perhaps an improvement on present conditions,would not be a truly cemocratic way cf building,&#13;
The Urge to Create&#13;
"I finc I'm satisfied by just living.The&#13;
greatest creative experience of my life was building this house."&#13;
So the only tenable architecture}the cnly way .f building&#13;
compatible with a truc,direct democracy,is&#13;
builcing users,If architccture is to belong to the people there can be nc architects.Intthe meantime those who hold in truth the skills of designing and constructing buildings&#13;
those skills more readily availahle&#13;
fighting the forces of mystification which set out to cestryy the stewardship of those sjlls in order the better to hoard knowledge and thus maintain the precarious&#13;
power. The architoots'pawer being based on &amp; monopoly of knowledge&#13;
buildin uncertaken by&#13;
should be working to make&#13;
to lay people.Thcy should thus be&#13;
position of privelege,prestige&#13;
anc&#13;
It is only when pecple are directky involved in the processes&#13;
of Cesigning and building that the architecture can truly be said&#13;
to come from the pecple,and in such a situation cf direct&#13;
Cemocracy the word"architecture" would lose currency just as&#13;
the word "acsthcitics"had no currency for the cottager whose craft and art were part of her life.If people were ever truly free to realise their creative potential their buildings would be the most henestly and beautifully useful that this world has ever known, because no-one would be suffering economic deprivation in créer to construct those buildings.Repressive societies may have produced Art for the few sweated from the brow anddbled from the veins cf the struggling"értist,but the art of builcings most admired as places to live in rather than as mseun pieces were produced, are produced by pecple making for themselves a place to be using tobest advantage&#13;
materials and skills immeadiately available,&#13;
&#13;
 and expcrtise, rathcr than cc n‘mie necessity, then the mre that mm oly is unt rmincc, the mere thet ver can be or “cd. This much can be “cne in cxisting circumstances, but t+ merely er vc the p-wer of architects with ut at the same time c nscicusly anc actively w rking t. provice means of returning the knowlecge to the pe*ple is t&gt;» act c unter t the interests f£ the people.&#13;
That "the urge t cestrey is 2 creative urge" is only truc insofar as Cestructi n of repressive “instituticns unleashes the creative petential repressed by those institutions. For architects t sect&#13;
up an alternative "R.I.B.i..", fer instance, is counter-rev luticn- ary.e To sct us "Community Architecture! practises which only&#13;
ffer cheap expertise an? which fail te invelve anc educate people in the activity of cesigning buildings, is c:unter=rcvcluti nary. Only the approach to building which frees people tc be erdative,&#13;
to builc for themselves from cx:ericnce of their own ncecs, only the approach to building which frees the creative urge is revol- utionoary.Such a way of beilding ipossibi&lt;e onlywith ragically different social, political and eccnomie crganisaticns to thse previcec by capitalism. Such a way of builcing is net easily achievec, for obvious reascns. It requires social revoluticn.&#13;
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&#13;
 APPENDIX CHAPTER 7=FOR EXAMPLE&#13;
a)Architects ac»pted the statutory schocls'requirement of a 2% ‘aylight factcr tc office block design where it attained an&#13;
effectively statutory status-a"rule of thumb"grounced not in practical experience but in the arbitrary impositions of rule=- makerSe Hout Tar BeBe&#13;
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b)The large size of windows that the enforcement of the 2% Caylight factor procuced,meant that kics sitting near the wincows sufferec unculy from the glare of the sun,to such an extent that it caused permanent damage to their cyesight.This was made worse by opticiens(cpcrating within their own myopic specialism)giving the kics glasses to counteract their cye= sight problem,without realising that it was artificially incuce’,se thoir cyes never recovered.&#13;
&#13;
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Let The Sunshine In&#13;
Without Question&#13;
The overall size of such buildings is determined by plot ratios which define the amount of floor space that can be provided ona site of a given area, for instance, 'Development Permits! are required for offices over 10,000 square feet. Colonel R. Seiffort has been an architect much in demand for office block designing, not because&#13;
his clients think hig buildings are master-pieces of sculptural expressionism, but because Sieffort is famed for his knowledge of the various regulations controlling office block development (particularly in Central London). Sieffort is thus able to help&#13;
screw the maximum return (profit) from a building by getting more Square footage of floor space on a site than anyone else. He epitom - ises the role of 'architect' in one of the most blatantly exploitive areas of operation in our exploitive society. Indeed, the infamous Centre Point development in Central London , a Sieffort creation,&#13;
has become a totem » 4 symbol for that exploitive process of ! devel- opment for profit!:&#13;
"on Friday January 18th at 5, 30pm., Centre Point, the 34 storey office block in Central London which had been empty since it was built 10 years ago, was taken over by 100 demonstrators in a protest against the scandal of property speculation....&#13;
'We have occupied Centre Point,' said the squatters press statement, ‘because it has become the concrete symbol of everything that is , rotten in our unequal society. It insults the humanity and dignity of&#13;
the homeless. It exposes the hypocracy of politicians who profess to care, but refuse to act." (14)&#13;
The general form of school buildings that has evolved over the past few decades in the U.K. has been partly the result of educational theory with its expression in the ‘Open-Plan vs. Class Room! debate, and not least because of the need to comply with equally theoretically derived arbitrary regu.ations governing 'daylight factors' and hence window size and room depth as per the above office block examples. The windows in these buildings (offices and schools), in order to&#13;
produce the deepest possible plan forms, have been huge floor to ceiling walls of glass which have aggravated the problem of heating and cooling the buildings, due to the well documented '! green house effect.' When the sun shines hot its very hot, and when its cold, its freezing,&#13;
(see appendix).&#13;
Only a society which accepted, unequivocally, the application of standard solutions to dituations with a multitude of possible responses (the school) , only a society which placed its faith in anonymous bureau cratic panaceas (arbitrary minimum'daylight factors! )for all&#13;
events when the reality is an ever-changing sky and people of intelligence and feeling ( neither of which can be considered the preserve of bureaucrats!) well able to deal with each situation&#13;
as a unique and worthwhile case, only such a society could mass produce such inadequate and unimaginative buildings as we are now&#13;
well used to. The teachers, parents and pupils will know far better what is required of a school building than all the bureaucrats in Whitehall, or in the various ‘councils! of the land.&#13;
&#13;
 REFERENCES&#13;
‘Credits&#13;
Thank you,&#13;
IGrady Clay Close-up Pith&#13;
2In conversaticn with a fricicjJchn A.Fricne(;. st-crac welcing techn logist)28.12.7h 3Alan Lipman qucte? by Martin Paulcy the ik trn M vuncnt ete.cssay P.F.D.P.7&#13;
4Minonu Yamasaki qucted by Robert Goodman After ‘the Planners P.132&#13;
5Jchn Carter Afantasy in seven actsAd 15.1675 P.li2(129)&#13;
6Swani Kriyananda Ananda Domebook 2 P.96&#13;
?In conversation with a friend,Dave Becnyon("architect stucent")11.b75.&#13;
8Danicl Burnham quote? by R bert Gooeman After the Planners P.1)}1&#13;
Manicl Burnham quoted by Robert Goodman After the Planners P.1li1&#13;
10Danicl P.Moynihan quoted by Robbert Goodman iifter the Planners P,1hi€. 11icolf Hitler quoted by Robert Gaodman After the PlannersP.1)8:&#13;
12J,M Richards fin introcuction to Modern architecture P.98&#13;
13In conversation with a friend,John A,.Fricnd 28.12.71&#13;
ikirticle in frchitectural Design(periodical )February(?)197h&#13;
15Walter Gropius quoted by Martin Pawley The Mocern Movement etc.cssay P.F.D.P.5&#13;
16K..J 11ison Deserted Villages P.}j3&#13;
17Oliver Gclcsmith quoted by K.J.illinson Deserted: Villagus P.l3 18Bob Dylan"Desclation Row"from"Highway.61 Revisited!1965&#13;
197Theo Crosby How to play the environment came P.96-97 20Northampten Competition assesors A)31.10.73 P.1026&#13;
21George Orwell Nineteen Eighty-four P.7 ah&#13;
peeeonee Orwell Ninetcen Eighty-four P.7&#13;
3Peter Laurie Beneath the City Strects quoted in Uncereurrents no.7 2kSally Kempton Resurgence VOLY., No.1&#13;
25William Morris Innate Socialism Sclectud Writings and Designs P.10 26Libra inhabitant gueted by Rbert. Huurict Getting Back Together&#13;
27In conversation with a friend,Dave R.Picklus("archit.stucent")20.1075~s&#13;
Special thanks are due to typists Isabelle, Jenneth and Chérie, and to tireless helper and critic Dave Peace Pickles.-&#13;
Special, special thanks to Chérie, super typist, printer,&#13;
and worker against all odds.&#13;
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                <text> A CONTRIBUTION TO ISLINGTON BOROUGH PLAN BY THE HIGHBURY PLAN GROUP&#13;
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&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES Proposals For Progress&#13;
A contribution to the Islington Borough Plan by the Highbury Plan Group.&#13;
June 1977&#13;
SEER&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PROPOSALS FOR PROGRESS&#13;
A contribution to the Islington Plan by The Highbury Plan Group.&#13;
ONE:&#13;
TWO: 2.1 2.&#13;
THREE: Sind&#13;
3.2&#13;
FOUR: 4.1&#13;
-2&#13;
PART FIVE:&#13;
Letter of Submission to The Borough Planning Officer.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
How this Report came to be written; and why.&#13;
A pennyworth of participation; Highbury's first impressions.&#13;
Summary of Aims and Means&#13;
Aims: Main Conclusion and Proposals. Means: Journey to the Unknown.&#13;
Main Report&#13;
What is Highbury like now? Housing in Highbury.&#13;
The Disadvantaged. Transportation in Highbury. Shopping in Highbury.&#13;
Schools in Highbury.&#13;
The Environment in Highbury.&#13;
Appendix I : List of groups and numbers who participated in Highbury District&#13;
Meetings.&#13;
Appendix II: Map of the Highbury Plan Area.&#13;
&#13;
 K.G. Blythe, Esq.,&#13;
The Borough Planning Officer, London Borough of Islington, Plan Department,&#13;
227 - 229 Essex Road,&#13;
London N1 3PW&#13;
Dear Sir,&#13;
Islington Plan, Highbury District Meetings&#13;
As Chairman of the~Highbury Plan Group I have pleasure in enclosing a copy of our report: "Highbury Hopes ....proposals for progress."&#13;
In so doing we trust we have brought the initial discussion Stage of the participation exercise to a fair conclusion, and hope that the report may contribute usefully to the Borough Plan as a whole.&#13;
I should like to emphasise that the work of preparing "Highbury Hopes" has been undertaken by numerous individuals and sub- groups, and so, within the limits indicated in Appendix I, can claim to be at least reasonably representative of the area.&#13;
You should also note that although this formal submission is to the Borough Planning Officer, the Report will be circulated widely among Councillors, the local press and other interested parties.&#13;
We regard this submission as only a beginning, and renew our challenge to the Council as a whole to trust its nerve and proceed from these hesitant first steps towards a state of real popular participation.&#13;
Yours faithfully,&#13;
\ASARS John S. Allan&#13;
Chairman,&#13;
Highbury Plan G: Pp&#13;
The Highbury Plan Group, 220 Blackstock Road, Islington,&#13;
London N4.&#13;
29th June 1977&#13;
Te . ere ‘&#13;
|&#13;
ee&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOP! INTRODUCTIO!&#13;
How Report came to be written, and why&#13;
The effect on our Group, when early in 1976 the&#13;
Chairman of Planning Committee announced the need for our extinction, was to continue our task, and attempt, so&#13;
far as possible, to bring the business of the first phase to some honourable conclusion.&#13;
We have more to say later on sharing information, but&#13;
one of the factors contributing Significantly to our understanding of Highbury was the Highbury District Study - a long report prepared by the Planning Department in the early 1970's but shelved before any action was taken.&#13;
|E&#13;
In setting about this task the Council decided the only valid method was to proceed in close conjunction with the people of Islington.&#13;
The Highbury Plan Group (H.P.G.) is one of the groups that came into being inthis way.&#13;
With the exception of the H.P.G. all the Area Meetings folded up after the second or third occasion. Some only lasted one meeting.&#13;
In mid 1975 Islington Council embarked on the ambitious Scheme of formulating the Borough Plan. This was to be a coherent strategy for development over the next ten years.&#13;
The Highbury Plan Group elected its own Chairman and Secretary at the second meeting and carried on for over&#13;
a year. We had a dozen or so full meetings, with&#13;
further smaller discussions continuing thereafter between those involved in finalising this Report.&#13;
Participation with the public was to take several forms: the production of Fact Packs to raise the level of knowledge; Survey Questionnaires to canvassviews in selected areas; the use of "Focus", the Council newspaper, as a questionnaire; and the arrangement of District Meetings to d uss the issues at greater length with groups in the Community. The Borough was divided for this purpose into seven areas.&#13;
Despite our earnest belief to the contrary, it presently became clear that the Council had already decided how much participation would take place and how long it would last.&#13;
&#13;
 =&#13;
The data in this document, which was kindly made available for our studies, has enabled this Report&#13;
to be geared more specifically to Highbury than would have been possible by Simply referring to the Fact Packs. Statistics, unless otherwise Stated, have generally been taken from this study.&#13;
This Departmental study, plus the results of the&#13;
group's discussions over its period of meeting, plus various other data emerging from the Plan exercise generally, make up the background of this present Report It is again emphasised that the work — particularly&#13;
that of analysing the Highbury District Study - was shared by many people.&#13;
Lastly, this Report does not represent the only fruits&#13;
of the Highbury Plan Group. (The real benefit, probably unquantifiable, is the raised consciousness and increased contact of those taking part.) However, when the Council announced its withdrawal of Officers from our discussions and also of help in arranging our meeting places - it became clear that we were ourselves ‘homeless’ and had better find our own place.&#13;
This partly accounts for the uneven coverage of different topics, and the fact that some issues, which are given 'ChoicesPapers' in the Council's second stage are not given separate sections here. Thus, while “Highbury Hopes" will supplement the Choices Papers Response, we trust it will also make a contribution&#13;
of a different order.&#13;
Membe: of the Highbury Plan Group along with people&#13;
from various other local associations became involved&#13;
in the struggle to retain the modest but pleasing terrace of Georgian houses in Blackstock Road threatened with&#13;
C.P.O. and demolition. One of these, number 220, is now our base, and we have endeavoured to promote its use&#13;
as an 'Environment Shop' such as we propose in Part&#13;
3.2.4, by mounting maps of the area and details of possible changes, etc. All are welcome to visit ttre&#13;
&#13;
 2 2.5&#13;
A Pennyworth of Participation: Highbury's first impressions.&#13;
The question thus arises - if officer activity is inadequately monitored by those whose seats depend on it - who is to be held accountable?&#13;
;&#13;
Participation about power. Sharing information is sharing pov - A council that embarks on such a programme unaware of its implications, does so at its peril.&#13;
Put simply, the need for participation grows out of&#13;
two main factors. Firstly the desire of Councils to procure a real mandate for their policies. With the increasing volume and complexity of particularly Metropolitan Councils' affairs it has become clear&#13;
that a twice per decade crossed ballot paper is a quite inadequate level of involvement of people in their local government.&#13;
The need for participation originates at the ‘front entrance’ of the Town Hall - from the desire, more or less mutual, of electors and elected to keep closer to each other.&#13;
Despite all the flag-waving and breast-beating of the&#13;
last 10 years,participation - that is real power sharing - in environmental politics has hardly begun. It seems&#13;
that if real progress is not achieved soon the game will turn sour; Councils (like Islington) will wonder 'what&#13;
else to do', and the people (the supposed beneficiaries&#13;
of the whole exercise) will return to resentful acquiescence, their initial Scepticism confirmed.&#13;
Secondly there is a growing awareness among people themselves that the Council - whether of their own party or not cannot reliably be left to get on with its 'own' business. Many have discovered this the hard way - by being displaced from their homes, or unable&#13;
to find adequate schooling for their children, or if elderly, unable to meet others of their age for any social contact etc., etc. The majority of disaffected ratepayers simply read the papers and keep their eyes&#13;
open — and witness all manner of financial blunders presided over by the Council, and paid for by themselves.&#13;
The main business of participation however must take&#13;
place through the 'rear entrance' of the Town Hall —&#13;
where the officers come in. For it is precisely the&#13;
size, the statutory powers and the technical sophistication of centralized planning departments which has created&#13;
the sort of officer autonomy that so reduces the capacity for effective member scrutiny and control.&#13;
&#13;
 The answer is that only by much closer liaison between local people and the Council's officers can the gap be bridged.&#13;
It follows that for this process to actually cut ice - the results must be different from the outcome if no participation took place. Hence the danger of embarking frivolously on the participation bandwagon. Working people have learnt their history too well to lose their instinctive suspicion for the 'benign' council officer, and if, so soon after the "new beginning", groups of genuine if disorientated participants are informed that they are becoming over-diligent the old crust of cynical disinterest is quick to reset&#13;
The residual question that the Council - members and officers - must ask itself is:&#13;
Are the consequences of real participation - a journey to the unknown - more to be feared than the cumulative consequences of denying it?&#13;
The question is now squarely on Islington's Agenda - and the time for answering it is running out.&#13;
oe sea&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES PART THREE SUMMARY OF AIMS &amp; MEANS&#13;
3.1&#13;
Aims: Main Conclusions and Propos&#13;
In the H.P.G. Chairman's interim report to the Council&#13;
of 7th January 1976 appeared the words - “in planning, more than in any other discipline, the goals one sets&#13;
are in the event transformed or reinforced by the methods used to achieve them."&#13;
To practise what we preached, this section is arranged&#13;
in two parts: the first summarizes those opinions we have gathered which, in effect, form our current aims. The second part, recognizing the way in which these will change, either in outline or detail over a period of time, Suggests methods of continuing the participation process&#13;
to monitor whether we are still on target - and enable us to change direction if necessary.&#13;
Highbury is an established area which does not need large scale change. It consists of a number of geographical 'cells' or villages which have their own communities,&#13;
and would lend themselves to individual tailor-made improvements. Theoretically there are more families&#13;
than homes for them but in fact if all the empty houses were filled and the derelict land, especially railway land, exploited, the problem would almost vanish.&#13;
Large scale redevelopment in Highbury is unnecessary and irrelevant. Forms of housing and types of tenure should be becoming more, not less, diverse. The more monolithic the housing stock the greater the problem of "exceptions' - and diversity is the essence of successful housing policy. The Council should not confuse their obligation to progress towards a well-housed population with the desire to supervise the whole operation. The most&#13;
needed (and feasible) immediate action is on empty houses, most of which are publicly owned. There should be as much variety of control of this housing as possible,&#13;
while council tenants, who wish to do so, should be encouraged to manage their own estates. A major drive&#13;
to stimulate 'self-help' by private landlords is urgently needed to provide basic amenities in otherwise structurally sound properties.&#13;
Two age groups, the under 5's and the elderly are getting a bad deal - both in overall terms and in comparison to the rest of the Borough. Highbury's claim for priority treatment is reinforced by the population structure. The right places for social services are centres in the local community which can involve both the Council and local organisations. There is no other effective way to find and help the people who really need help.&#13;
Too many commuters pass through or park in residential streets. The answer is not to widen the main roads as&#13;
&#13;
 car numberswill expand to fill the available space. Intelligent inh iting of private car movement must be coordinated with improved public transport services. The Blackstock Road accident blackspot could be eliminated cheaply within weeks by adopting our proposals. Since only one-third of Highbury residents aré car owners, greater emphas must be placed on pedestrian safety,&#13;
a greater proportion of Highbury traffic comprising "strangers' to the district.&#13;
The patronizing belief held by architects and planners, that other mortals only use their eyes for steering,&#13;
must be debunked, and the Council meet its obligations&#13;
to maintain the dignity and cleanliness of public areas. Outside the well publicized Conservation Areas the Council Should develop small derelict areas as gardens and sitting Out spaces.&#13;
Highbury has a rich variety of small shops which planners must resist the temptation to "tidy away". With&#13;
careful help and encouragement this shopping structure Suits very well the predominantly pedestrian and/or elderly shopper. Grandiose centres such as Wood Green would benefit only those who can use Wood Green already. Rather the 'High Street’ character of Blackstock Road&#13;
and Highbury Barn should be reinforced by partial pedestrianization.&#13;
There are plenty of schools in Highbury but they are inadequately used outside school hours. It would make more sense to bring this spare capacity into constructive use, than devote scarce resources to new building projects.&#13;
The decline in overall pupil numbers should be used as an opportunity to reduce average class sizes and improve facilities. The immediate target should be maximum class size: 30 and two form entry. Even when this is achieved it will not necessarily be time to close down schools on the basis of dubious ILEA forecasts.&#13;
More generally we need trees especially in North Highbury. Hundreds of 'em.&#13;
Lastly, the Highbury Plan Group is disappointed with the recent designation of Housing Action Areas. Firstly the Group were denied any knowledge of the forthcoming prog- ramme - despite the obvious relevance this would have had to our discussions. Secondly the Finsbury Park Triangle HAA, one of the key areas in Highbury, was rightly desig- nated top priority but then demoted to last in the "adjusted" list apparently to avoid some official embarrassment.&#13;
&#13;
 MEANS, JOURNEY TO THE UNKNOWN&#13;
3.2&#13;
It is not possible to know in detail either the future requirements of specific areas of the resources available to meet them. The most ambitious plans may look foolish at a stroke, if the Arab Emirates change the price of Galil,&#13;
After deciding broadly what matters and what doesn't, we must set up procedures whereby specific policies can be formulated as part of an ongoing process.&#13;
Planning departments should decant into local branch offices — ngt unlike Social Services Area Teams - where teams of about 5 officers can work directly with area groups. This would help to lessen the impenetrable ‘them'/'us' image foremost in people's mind when they think of planners. Planners and other servicing departments for their part would begin to work with people instead of data. If officers however fail to meet their direct obligations to communities, this decanting will simply be regarded as a more effective form of spying.&#13;
Standing Advisory Committees of teachers and governers, parents and children, and ILEA officers should be encouraged to establish regular programmes of consultation to establish schooling priorities in detail&#13;
Active encouragement must be given to form Committees of residents to liaise with the Council's area teams. Half- hearted attempts to do so have tended to make some existing community groups cynical and suspicious.&#13;
Street Committees should be formed similar to HAA Joint Advisory Committees before any work is contemplated in a specific area.&#13;
Raising people's expectations and planning knowledge could be assisted by setting up neighbourhood ‘Environment Shops' where local planning matters and proposals may be&#13;
Studied and discussed. This might be combined with 3.2.1 so long as these centres did not just become branch offices of the Planning Department. 220 Blackstock Road, the rehabilitation of which has been undertaken by several groups and individuals (including members of the Highbury Plan Group) is a first step in this direction.&#13;
Associations of shop owners and traders should be convened to formulate shopping street policies, and benefit from the effects of strength in numbers. Most of Highbury's&#13;
shops are in distinct concentrations.&#13;
We support the idea of an Industrial Aid Bureau to liaise between the Council and the local business community. To be successful however people must know of its existence and how it can help them.&#13;
afey 5 a 5 %&#13;
“ fet&#13;
&#13;
 Ina continuing period of economic stringency, which allows politicians to defer their dreams and hence their&#13;
bilities, short-term solutions have a vital role.&#13;
wa&#13;
Sure such as the Job Creation Programme , correctly used, can tackle several problems simultaneously. combats the type of unemp&#13;
and also suits some of the immediate tasks we have proposed in connection with environmental improvements, etc.&#13;
These proposals all aim to give identity and structure&#13;
to groups of people that already exist but have no incentive to meet because the Council holds out little encouragement and its officers defend their own knowledge.&#13;
If real participation ever develops the Council must bite the bullet and realise that they will be unable to completely control it. While parti ipation remains manageable by the Council it Can never become real&#13;
&#13;
 ® HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR MAIN REPORT&#13;
What is Highbury like now?&#13;
Highbury, like most of central London, has experienced&#13;
a loss of population over the last decade, but at half the rate of Islington as a whole. There were 340 thousand living in Highbury in 1891, and by 1981 there are expected to be 32 thousand - roughly the same as in 1828.&#13;
These astounding statistics have been a major influence on Highbury.&#13;
The major features of Highbury are:&#13;
a) Highbury Fields: a splendid urban park surrounded by fine terraces and providing much needed recreation facilities. Other green spaces include Highbury New Park and Newington Green, both of which are designated conservation areas.&#13;
Finsbury Park Station: an important transport interchange with bus, rail and tube facilities&#13;
used by a population much larger and more dispersed than Highbury's.&#13;
Arsenal Football Stadium. A club of national importance, again attracting many thousands of "outsiders' and imposing occasional irritation to nearby residents, but benefittinglocal trade.&#13;
Blackstock Road/Highbury Park: from Finsbury Park&#13;
to the Barn is Highbury's local High Street offering an excellent range of shops - and, with its turns&#13;
and gradients, having a definite character and identity.&#13;
There is one principal zoned area of industry - namely Queensland Road and Ashburton Grove, which also includes the major Borough Cleansing Department establishment. This area merges with the vast acreage of railway land - a significant proportion of which is probably underexploited.&#13;
|f&#13;
|&#13;
In this section we look at the ex sting tuation in Highbury in general terms, before studying particular topics in more depth.&#13;
The Group accepted the Planning Department's boundaries of the area. These are, ofcourse, to an extent arbitrary but may be defined as the district enclosed by the Kings Cross and North London railway lines on the west and&#13;
th, Holloway Road on the south west and the Hackney / Islington boundary on the north east; an area of approx— imately 300 acres.&#13;
&#13;
 P&#13;
‘&#13;
a&#13;
Structure and character : the area is a patchwork&#13;
of smaller segments - distinct urban villages —&#13;
some with outstanding architectural qualities, like the Fields, but otherwise mainly consistent and comfortable What a few years ago would have been viewed in disfavour — namely the absence of much comprehensive redevelopment - may now be counted as a blessing. The predominant land use is residential with minor industry well absorbed into the general grain.&#13;
o we&#13;
Physically the most obvious differentiation is between the southern sector with its mature trees and greenery and the "Finsbury Park triangle" area which could well have the lowest tree count of any area in Inner London.&#13;
e Most of the housing stock is Structurally sound, or easily made so, but in many cases lacking in what are now classed&#13;
as basic amenities.&#13;
The rate of decline of Highbury's population being half&#13;
that for Islington generally has resulted in our area&#13;
having an increasing share of the Borough's population.&#13;
This is distributed relatively more in the very young&#13;
(under 5's) and 30 - 35 age group. One-fifth of Highbury's population are children of school or pre-school age. Two-thirds are of working age (of which four-fifths&#13;
actually have a job) and less than a fifth are retired.&#13;
The national trend towards more and smaller households is reflected in Highbury, but the presence here of more than the average number of children, young adults and large families means that provision for the young is particularly necessary.&#13;
The socio-economic pattern shows a relative rise in more affluent (e.g. professional or employer) groups against&#13;
a reduction in services and unskilled labour. These trends are more exaggerated in Highbury than the Borough as a whole, and are doubtless the result of inward migration rather than mass upward social mobility.&#13;
Eighty per cent of Highbury residents (1971 figure) are British born. 13 per cent are of Commonwealth origin&#13;
and 7 per cent from elsewhere. This mix is average for the Borough, which is generally becoming more cosmopolitan, but shows that many immigrants are second generation or older.&#13;
&#13;
 In 1971 it was estimated that one-fifth of the total housing stock in Highbury was either derelict or vacant. If the Council truly wished to dent the housing problem in Highbury it need look no further than this.&#13;
Of the other various options open to the Council (or the G.L.C.) to tackle Highbury's housing problems, redevelop- ment appears singularly inappropriate. It is too expensive, takes too long, adds to the wrong tenure section and&#13;
would involve demolishing property not unsound enough&#13;
to justify demolition. It is also unlikely to produce a net housing gain.&#13;
Development of railway and other unexploited land may deserve serious study but the main impact, apart from restoring the empty houses to full use, must be made in improving or stimulating others to improve existing stock mainly in the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
Short life use of existing unused property must be consid— ered a serious possibility if its owners - public or private continue to acquiesce in its dereliction. The Council should not feel inhibited about permitting genuine Squatters to occupy and improve unoccupied dwellings particularly if owners are persistently obstinate in improving them. Where the Council itself is the&#13;
n HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR&#13;
_ sa&#13;
The statistics quoted below from the Highbury District Study give as good an insight as any into the housing problems of Highbury.&#13;
The area population (1971) was about 34,000 and the number of households just over 13,400. This gave an average household size of .2.3 persons - a Significant drop from 2.7 in 1961.&#13;
The broad pattern, typical of London generally, has been&#13;
for owner-occupation to remain about constant, council tenancy and furnished accommodation to increase, but private unfurnished lettings to fall markedly.&#13;
There are almost 3,000 fewer dwellings than households, a deficiency which is made up for by sharing. In 1971 12% of households were living at more than 1.5 persons per room - or, in other words statutory overcrowding.&#13;
S than a quarter of the housing stock needs major repairs to extend its life by 15 years. A third of the&#13;
tock, the majority of which is pre-1916, needs some improvement - usually in the form of additional&#13;
ameniti Only half the total number of households have exclusive use of basic amenities - the other half representing mainly the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
&#13;
 4.2&#13;
Housing in Highbury&#13;
In 1971 it was estimated that one-fifth of the total housing stock in Highbury was either derelict or vacant If the Council truly wished to dent the housing problem in Highbury it need look no further than this.&#13;
Of the other various options open to the Council (or the G.L.C.) to tackle Highbury's housing problems, redevelop- ment appears singularly inappropriate. It is too expensive, takes too long, adds to the wrong tenure section and&#13;
would involve demolishing property not unsound enough&#13;
to justify demolition. It is also unlikely to produce a net housing gain.&#13;
Development of railway and other unexploited land may deserve serious study but the main impact, apart from restoring the empty houses to full use, must be made in improving or stimulating others to improve existing stock mainly in the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
Short life use of existing unused property must be consid- ered a serious possibility if its owners - public or private continue to acquiesce in its dereliction. The Council should not feel inhibited about permitting genuine Squatters to occupy and improve unoccupied dwellings particularly if owners are persistently obstinate in improving them. Where the Council itself is the&#13;
n HIGH 'Y HOPES : PART FOUR&#13;
The statistics quoted below from the Highbury District Study give as good an insight as any into the housing problems of Highbury.&#13;
&gt;area population (1971) was about 34,000 and the number of households just over 13,400. This gave an average household size of .2.3 persons - a Significant drop from 27 Lneloole&#13;
SEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE&#13;
The broad pattern, typical of London generally, has been&#13;
for owner-occupation to remain about constant, council tenancy and furnished accommodation to increase, but private unfurnished lettings to fall markedly.&#13;
There are almost 3,000 fewer dwellings than households, a deficiency which is made up for by sharing. In 1971 12% of households were living at more than 1.5 persons per room - or, in other words statutory overcrowding.&#13;
Less than a quarter of the housing stock needs major airs to extend its life by 15 years. A third of the&#13;
stock, the majority of which is pre-1916, needs some improvement - usually in the form of additional&#13;
amenities. Only half the total number of households have&#13;
&lt;clusive use of basic amenities - the other half representing mainly the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
&#13;
 Conclusion:&#13;
If it was more widely known by electors that a major Slice of their rates was devoted to depriving them of their homes there could be public disorder.&#13;
= SUSE 5-&#13;
J&#13;
The only appropriate response to the housing problem in Highbury is a pluralist programme. No one answer and no one agency is the right solution.&#13;
a&#13;
the obdurate owner such an option at least provides accommodation which is after all the primary objective.&#13;
In the U.K. as a whole each year only 2% is added to the housing stock, and we must look to what already exists for the 'new' supply. In other words rehabilitation&#13;
and conversion give best value for money.&#13;
Derelict property if all restored to use would cut homelessnes by one-fifth. Meanwhile, nine per cent of L.B.I. land is vacant.&#13;
Occupier satisfaction is a more useful criterion of acceptability than Statutory definitions in a crisis and Saves needless expenditure on second priorities.&#13;
The Council's major role may well be an indirect one in persuading, and ipporting financially if possible, other agencies including private individuals involved in providing accommodation. Improvement Grants must be less restrictive if the benfits of full take-up are to be gained.&#13;
Before extending its direct involvement the Council should face the unpleasant fact that it is the agent principally responsible for the housing shortage. (Housing Fact Pack p.14 states that nearly } of rehousing in 1974 arose from decanting from areas of Council activity.)&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES PART&#13;
This abominable word describes a familiar enough phenomenon : the very young and the very old, in other words the dependent sections of any community. These are not necessarily at a disadvantage, of course, only more vulnerable to it.&#13;
If the demand for general social services is probably inexhaustible - the resources to meet it are certainly&#13;
not. The question therefore arises how to identify those in need and deploy resources to best effect.&#13;
The first group clearly in need is the pre-school age under 5's, and the population figures quoted earlier indicate an above average proportion for Highbury.&#13;
Provision of services for the under 5's may be made as follows&#13;
a) Nursery Schools - full or part-time, provided by the Education Authority or privately. (3 - 4 year olds.)&#13;
b) Nursery classes attached to primary schools.&#13;
ce) Primary Schools : admitting under 5's or the so-called "rising 5's".&#13;
d) Day Nurseries : full-time child minding for children any age under 5.&#13;
e) Child minders : registered or otherwise.&#13;
3) Play Groups : Council sponsored or voluntary.&#13;
Such services generally benefit not only the children, by promoting educational and social development at a critical age, and offering an alternative (and in cases better) environment - but also their parents by enabling the mothers to take part or full-time work, make more social contacts in the community or give better attention to younger babies.&#13;
The Government, the ILEA and LBI are all apparently in ? favour of improved provision for the under fives, but the situation in Highbury is not encouraging. In 1972 less than 200 out of over 1200 3/4 year olds were in pre-school education and only about 300 out of over 24 thousand 0 - 4 year olds were benefitting from any other provision.&#13;
In Islington as a whole only 26% of the 0 - 4 age group are catered for, but in Highbury this figure falls to 19%,&#13;
5 6 The Disadvantaged&#13;
a&#13;
&#13;
 We clearly need priority treatment in this area, particularly since precisely those households where conditions are poor are more numerous in the young families sector.&#13;
The elderly of Highbury are also especially badly off. Whilst Council can do little to influence national pensions, there is a shortage of P. day facilities,&#13;
to which resources could be directed. There are 52 luncheon clubs in Islington, but Council officials were (at the time of enquiry) unable to name one in Highbury.&#13;
A third area of concern is the maladjusted child or&#13;
young person. All must recognise that the responsibilities arising must be shared equally, but many people in&#13;
Highbury feel they are already carrying their fair share.&#13;
Conclusions&#13;
A major objective should be to provide more nursery education in Highbury - preferably in the form of nursery classes in existing primary schools, as this is most economical, or creches or special nursery schools.&#13;
Currently the trend looks to be heading the opposite direction, with Elizabeth House risking closure for lack of funds.&#13;
Day facilities for the elderly must be improved, with consideration to adopting suitable existing premises as well as building new centres.&#13;
Until at least some progress has been made on these items there should be no more adolescents' hostels etc. in Highbury.&#13;
The difficulties of making and sustaining contact with those in the two groups in need could be eased if environ— ment shops or centres such as 220 Blackstock Road are encouraged and fostered in other parts of the district.&#13;
The Social Services department must be closely involved, but the contribution of which voluntary agencies are capable must be given full support.&#13;
&#13;
 Transportation in Highbury&#13;
Car parking is not a major problem in Highbury so far as residents are concerned as ownership is only about 30%. Incoming parkers cause difficulties however, especially in connection with Arsenal.&#13;
The Council should give special priority rights to residents in Arsenal's "parking shadow" who endure this invasion&#13;
week after week during the ever-lengthening 'season'.&#13;
Finsbury Park Station - the area's main interchange- is a squa disgrace of which the Council, the G.L.C. and British Rail should be utterly ashamed.&#13;
Highbury faces two basic problems of movement, the rush hour (affecting all modes of transport) and the concentration of traffic on particular roads.&#13;
2a is surrounded by major roads - Holloway, Seven Green Lanes, St. Pauls Road — but traversed by&#13;
s Several minor roads, Gillespie Road, for y_ far too much through traffic, which is&#13;
not generated locally.&#13;
Intermediate size roads, such as Blackstock Road in turn carries too great a volume for its pedestrian/shopping character. Figures indicate rates of eleven thousand vehicles per day for both Green Lanes and Blackstock Road = when the former is suitable for such a volume, and the latter manifestly not.&#13;
Drayton Park/Gillespie Road likewise carry up to two- thirds the volume of Holloway Road during rush hours, the latter being in effect a national trunk road.&#13;
Because of these and similar overloadings of inappropriate roads Highbury has more than its share of accidents.&#13;
In particular nearly half of all the di tricts vehicle/ pedestrian accidents occur along Blackstock Road/Highbury Park - and one-third of all the accidents on the same stretch of road. This is quite Simply because the character and use patterns generated by this road are quite incompatible with any "through route" function.&#13;
The western zone of the district is quite well served by Tube lines, but public transport elsewhere is hampered&#13;
both by the congestion described above, and the singularly&#13;
tupid operating habits of London Transport whereby buses are dispatched in groups of 3 with hour-long intervals between.&#13;
The North London Line is generally reckoned to be under- used but the British Rail services at Finsbury Park provide important links with the city centre.&#13;
&#13;
 Conclusion&#13;
All the authorities involved should combine to give Finsbury Park Station the mother and father of a facelift.&#13;
Successful traffic management consists of mastering the problems of scale A 14 wheel lorry at 40 mph may be acceptable on par of Holloway Road, but it is not so&#13;
on Blackstock Road. A stream of private cars at 20 mph&#13;
may be acceptable in Green Lanes, but only doubtfully so at Highbury Barn.&#13;
Through traffic will revert to its proper channels if&#13;
the disincentives to go elsewhere are made strong enough. These can consist of additional traffic lights, culs-de Sac, pedestrian crossings, and "broad hints" such as planting, seating, changes of texture, etc. etc. (Think of Oxford Street 5 years ago — and now. )&#13;
Accident figures show that Blackstock Road carries too&#13;
much traffic for its alignment and character. Traffic lights should be installed now at the Gillespie Road/ Mountgrove Road and Monsell Road/Brownswood Road crossings. Consideration should be given to pedestrianizing the section from these junctions or even Seven Sisters Road&#13;
to Highbury Barn - i.e. the main shopping portion.&#13;
On-street parking is not so awful really, and looks 0.K. if shaded by trees. It is als cheapest and allows drivers to get as near as possible to their destination - a desire nobody will ever succeed in changing.&#13;
So any money now ear-marked for the nonsenseof off-street parking should be spent on trees to distract the eye from on-street parking.&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR eeOL&#13;
4.5 Shopping in Highbury&#13;
d) Highbury Barn 5.7% T.F.S. e) Newington Green 13% T.F.S. f) Drayton Park 8.3% T.F.S. 8) Highbury Corner 13% T.F.S.&#13;
The 'cellular' village character of Highbury which has already been described in detail also characterises the shopping patterns of the area.&#13;
The distribution of shopping facilities in Highbury is roughly as follows:&#13;
a) Finsbury Park 35% total floor space (P19 3,) b) Blackstock Road 15% T.F.S.&#13;
ce) Highbury Park 8% T.F.S.&#13;
Although there are also many smaller concentrations of shops it can be seen that Finsbury Park/Blackstock Road /Highbury Barn - carrying nearly two-thirds of total floor space - acts as the "high street' for the area as a whole.&#13;
The above inference is also Supported by the fact that 75% T.F.S. is given to food sales.&#13;
J MOA&#13;
This distribution suits the district's notably low car ownership level - since most (70%) shoppers walk to their local shops - and must therefore be preserved.&#13;
The problem with shopping in Highbury is not the shops, which are numerous, friendly and traditional and offering wide choices, but the hazards and discomfort involved in using them.&#13;
This leads straight back to traffic as discussed earlier. Conclu:&#13;
The G.L.C. proposal that resources should be concentrated on strategic centres such as Wood Green would benefit only those already able to take advantage of such facilities. Running down one centre simply results in more car traffic to the others.&#13;
The Blackstock Road high street must receive the main encouragement and improvements, with idicious face-lifts and rapid re-letting of premises fal ig vacant.&#13;
&#13;
 4 Also ethnic food requirements - a significant factor in Highbury - are better Satisfied in a structure of&#13;
The existing patterns suit residents generally and especially the elderly, who can walk to nearby shops, receive personal service and purchase small quantities.&#13;
numerous small shops of wide diversity.&#13;
ey ————--——&#13;
arr&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES :PART FOUR a FOUR&#13;
4. 6&#13;
Schools in Highbury&#13;
Secondary Education.&#13;
Nearly 2} thousand Highbury children are of statutory&#13;
secondary school age. There are three schools for them to go to in Highbury : Highbury Hill (490 Girls Grammar —&#13;
3 form entry), Highbury Grove (1250 Boys Comprehensive -—&#13;
8 form entry) and Shelburne Upper School (680 Girls Unselective - 5 form entry)’. Many children travel to schools outside the area.&#13;
Conclusions&#13;
The school population in Highbury is apparently declining, a trend the I.L.E.A. predicts will continue. Proposals&#13;
The decline in numbers vill have least effect in Mildmay&#13;
and North Highbury. 75% of Highbury's schools are provided by the Public Authorities, 16% and 9% being Roman Catholic or Church of England respectively.&#13;
Infant and Primary Schools. There are eight such schools in Highbury of which five are County,one R.C. and two of&#13;
C. of E. I.L.E.A. have Suggested that the County provision must be reduced by nearly half by 1981! There are not enough R.C. places however, and generally the schools, although well located in relation to demand, are near&#13;
major roads causing hazards to children.&#13;
Once again the I.L.E.A. expects a decline in demand — such that Highbury Grove would reduce its intake and the two girls' schools amalgamate.&#13;
-|&#13;
————————E&#13;
School buildings are too important a resource to be used only for direct education. They can be open outside&#13;
school hours for children, and a variety of uses by voluntary groups, adult education. Such activities promote better use of equipment and facilities, as well as closer liaison between parents and teachers, home and school&#13;
With school buildings usually open only seven hours a day, two-thirds of the year, the latent potential is enormous — and this must be explored before resources are allocated to brand new facilities.&#13;
The Council must strongly resist any school closures. must be retained, while class sizes reduce, with the “community centre" function expanded to the maximum. Affording a second caretaker's Salary is cheaper than funding a new building.&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR ————eeOUR&#13;
4 iG&#13;
The Environment in Highbury&#13;
The majority of Highbury's residents do not live in conservation areas however. From Aubert Park and Kelross Road northwards the area contains no public open space whatsoever, and north of Gillespie Road there are barely mord than a dozen trees in public places.&#13;
one of the most treeless in the whole of London.&#13;
This area has to be&#13;
The sort of place in which you find yourself when you walk out of your front door exerts a major influence on the morale of a community. How does Highbury rate on this basis?&#13;
The quality of environment depends on numerous interlinked factors, many of which have been mentioned already under separate headings Clearly the condition of housing,&#13;
the streets and shopping areas and the volume of traffic passing through them have a major effect.&#13;
The adoption of our proposals on these issues would greatly benefit the environment in general&#13;
But other measures must be considered in a direct effort to improve the environment in Highbury and the mundane aspects of these should not disguise their importance.&#13;
Islington's free skip scheme is an almost revolutionary measure deserving recognition at national level. Unfortunately, however, other refuse collection measures are less consistent. Is it really necessary for dustmen to leave half the garbage on the street after their wild passage? If they cannot be tamed (they almost certainly deserve better pay) then the only solution is to programme the street sweepers to follow immediately behind.&#13;
A major percentage of visible public ground is tarmac or paving slabs. The Council has responsibilities to ensure that these areas are not only just safe, but maintained in decent condition. Builders, etc. must not be permitted&#13;
to mix up cement on the carriageway causing permanent staining. Areas of broken or disfigured paving must also be replaced. These details all add up to an impression. (Look at the pavements in Hampstead for comparison.)&#13;
Of the sixteen conservation areas in Islington, only three are in Highbury. Of these Highbury Fields is the most important being Islington's principal green space. Conservation areas naturally,and to a point deservedly, receive priority attention in environmental matters - and it may be fair to say that the current level of protection, if maintained, is adequate.&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR ee OE&#13;
4 4&#13;
The Environment in Highbury&#13;
The majority of Highbury's residents do not live in conservation areas however. From Aubert Park and Kelross Road northwards the area contains no public open space whatsoever, and north of Gillespie Road there are barely mord than a dozen trees in public places.&#13;
one of the most treeless in the whole of London.&#13;
This area has to be&#13;
The sort of place in which you find yourself when you walk out of your front door exerts a major influence on the morale of a community. How does Highbury rate on this basis?&#13;
The quality of environment depends on numerous interlinked factors, many of which have been mentioned already under Separate headings Clearly the condition of housing,&#13;
the streets and shopping areas and the volume of traffic Passing through them have a major effect.&#13;
The adoption of our proposals on these issues would greatly benefit the environment in general&#13;
But other measures must be considered in a direct effort to improve the environment in Highbury and the mundane aspects of these should not disguise their importance.&#13;
Islington's free skip scheme is an almost revolutionary measure deserving recognition at national level Unfortunately, however, other refuse collection measures are less consistent. Is it really necessary for dustmen to leave half the garbage on the street after their wild passage? If they cannot be tamed (they almost certainly deserve better pay) then the only solution is to programme the street sweepers to follow immediately behind.&#13;
A major percentage of visible public ground is tarmac or paving slabs. The Council has responsibilities to ensure that these areas are not only just safe, but maintained in decent condition. Builders, etc. must not be permitted&#13;
to mix up cement on the carriageway causing permanent staining. Areas of broken or disfigured paving must also be replaced. These details all add up to an impression. (Look at the pavements in Hampstead for comparison.)&#13;
Of the sixteen conservation areas in Islington, only three are in Highbury. Of these Highbury Fields is the most important being Islington's principal green space. Conservation areas naturally,and to a point deservedly, receive priority attention in environmental matters — and it may be fair to say that the current level of protection, if maintained, is adequate.&#13;
&#13;
 Conclusion&#13;
The Council's Refuse Department and Street Cleaning section must realise they provide one of the most&#13;
anything, more manpower is needed.&#13;
There are several areas of derelict or unexploited&#13;
land in the northern half of the area which would lend themselves to redevelopment as 'vest-pocket' public gardens. These are cheap and easily applied solutions and have a disproportionate effect on environmental "morale'.&#13;
Although there are 16,000 trees in Islington a major area - North Highbury - is without any.&#13;
There must be a period of 'positive discrimination’ here both in Parks Department's own policy and in such measures as the Tree-for-Tree scheme.&#13;
valuable of all services and be paid accordingly. If&#13;
&#13;
 PART FIVE APPENDIXI&#13;
Finsbury Park Community Group&#13;
Central Islington Community Party&#13;
Highbury Social Services Department&#13;
Highbury Fields Association&#13;
Central Islington Liberal A: ciation&#13;
Christ Church, Highbury&#13;
Highbury Park Residents and Traders Association&#13;
Islington Community Housing Association&#13;
South Highbury Residents Association&#13;
Mildmay Community Association&#13;
Round House and S. Highbury Residents Association&#13;
Drayton Park Social Services Department&#13;
North London Teaching Association&#13;
North Highbury Tenants Association&#13;
Pyrland Road and Area Residents Association&#13;
Aberdeen Park Tenants Association&#13;
Friends of St. John's Association&#13;
Plus approximately 25 - 30 private individuals&#13;
Officers from the Planning Department, Housing Department&#13;
and Islington Council for Social Services also attended some meetings.&#13;
The Highbury district Planning Group consists of representatives from the following&#13;
&#13;
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