2 10 14 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a6f2c2dcc82dc0c2fc7e64d1f5d8f39d.pdf a5f5fb8c74a068efcfb377a14e20771b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Subject The topic of the resource Historical resume of context for NAM's origins (9 pp typescript) Description An account of the resource 1. BACKGROUR D ° i” Aus? ARCRITACTURS FOVaN a It has taken almost exactly twenty-five years for the impetus behind the first iodern jovement in this country to be exhausted. oe. festival of Britain 1951 and ia | taken as the official milestones at the inauguration and ‘closure ef the period respectively. | | ‘e seem to stand new at she beginning cf a new ‘phase in which ‘the criteria of 'relevant' action will be determined. asmuchbytheunderstandingofeurlegacyasourone political standpoint. The effects of the process xf radicalization induced by war cxuld be seen in the arrival of the first modern Socialist Gsvernment with bia: Gea nbagin ters social referms on the dnmestic scale, and in cur modified nation status in ‘ate and the realization that we were n> longer an imperial power. | | ke In matters oa envirennent the New Toms Hevenent, the Town & a Planning Act 1947 ete. were the first expression of a new vision and csenfidence that had already permeated other sectcrs of svciety, including for example the health services. The South Bank Uxhibitien and the Associated Housing schemes in Lansbury, Mast London epitomised the slicetae of exuberance and ‘committed concerm' while sheving het sigdee, atoll estan was ss x not simply a flat roof ora corner window, but a comprehensive urban language. The underlying ideas, had of course been werked out long befere : it was *cedified visually in the 1939 Exhibition %::2a of the Mars Group, which itself derived its premises ~ from the parent CIAM movement in Europe. But theclimate of 1945 was different both in.degree and in kind. .The post-war an... for the first time saw the alliance of the ‘new wisdom', hithertu preoccupatiun of dissatisfied intellectuals and enlightened bourgeois patrons, withall the executive farce. of government and the major ieeiatlehe At the very iahient that the pioneer's thesis appeartsedbe vindicated, a the process ef institutionalizirg its assumptions began in its adeptien by a new establishment due ta become infinitely more sophisticated and bureaucratic than any hitherte. Naturally it was intelligent enough to absorb | the prece is and, perssnalities that would otherwise have been dynamite, and throughout the '50's the professianosf architecture and planning were happy to be included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. : he anti-thesis which was bound to crise in conflict with : this centralist orthodoxy sppeared early in the 1960's in phenomens, ranging -from the satire movenent, to student protest, ‘y that is at about the time when enthe threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist ecenomics and enlightened paternalism, | "progressive"architects and planners (now comfortably established in government: institutioR® and well-connected practices) were ready for the big boom. The extent of development, publicly or privatelys sponsored during thel960's, is unlikely td we equalled during the lifetime ef anyone reaching this - and the nGgeibe: new towns, universities, tansport infrastructure dai, ot this period will somehow have to do for the majcrity of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged. e But atteries were hardening . In 1970 the DOE - a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier - established itself in the now familiar faulty towers, sited carefully separate from Wai tehall , and expressing so precisely its blant combination of - technogracyand officialdom, to provide over a process that was already _in decline. . . | ‘What would happen now? Obvious with hindsight : c simple coronary case with onmplications. We ran out of fuel - petro- chemical, financial, and most important social. For by new the assumed popular consent on which all. this developmentha.d been based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentalists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists, tec of. increasing : expertise. It began to seem once more tat the people with the i power were less intelligent than the people without it. The complications? Almost as fast as the devel~pment boom fever was dying in-the establishment the antinodies were being absorbed. Particpation, piecemeal planning,rehab and recycling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national and local authorities and the professional institutilns such that concepts of ‘community Architecture’ and Neighbourhood Participation! are already bandied with bogus concern and trendy ‘humbug, without much noticeabte advantage to the intended beneficiaries. The cur rent climate is pluralistic and diverse to the extent that, given the rifgt form of words, everyone can apparently | claim to be progressive - the 193, RIBA, most L.A.'s, the RTPIetc, etc - concealing the fact that major idealogical change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribtuiion of power. Environmental matters continue to be detemminedon the basis >f power, not of need, and the status quo is effectieety maintained. It is this situation that NAM was formed to study and pehetrate. So much for what mounts to the context in the -utside world. Meanwhile, what eftia’ contest in the profession? In the same perind the profession has transformed iteself from a craft-orientated elite of aesthetic gastronomes supported by forelock tugging- draughtsmen, into and army of professionals dpeendant on a very. different calibre of re cruit, a university educated, m:inly middle class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of .identifying with employers has blurred their vision of the pelitical reality within their offices and throughout the RIBA., ~~ (Contecsseces Salafied architects, more direct and satisfying relationships with the users of their products, have little to be optimistic about because of the economic crisis, The professions governing body, RIBA, is dominated by the interests of private practice and salaried architects have to realise that the NAM is the only effective voice challenging the Private Practice Principal's Party, 66 Portland Place. Such a state of affairs, the majority of the profession, who may hope for profession is misrepresented by default (or not'at at the best of times, between principals use of architects only existed by surrogate clients and a remote. beaurocratic offices. , , now that the crisis and assitants, established and still at college The Middle Hast Klondike can only briefly disguise daily more apparent. the fact that wheras. the publiss access to lawyers and doctours was relatively easy, until the goverment cuts reduce this too,. the. publics when 80% of. a all) would be absurd bites. home the contrdictions Ae grow ‘It is out of this uneasy climate of reality and alussion, wisdom and displicity that N.A.M. developed. At the unlikely venue of Harrogate a gathering of under a hundred people meet for a weekend in November. 75, at the invitation of a small group called ARC.. ARC had been preoccupied with such questions for a couple of years, . The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement which has since distinguished its own identity from that of. ARC and at the ‘same time consolidated its aims and membership. More on aims later.. The two essentail characteristics of the Movement that Harrogate established ares- a. It must have a constructive attitude founded on strong annalysis. Yet another vocal articulation scemed unnecessary and abortive. b. That its structure should be both federal and national, allowing the individual personal involvement and avenues of action. Apart from a rudimentary’ Liason process the character of the movement is its diversity and localised basis. A centralised. power elite was seen as alien and unconstructive. : Individuals and local groups spread’ throughout the country make up the movement, ‘all aré of an equal status and are free to develop their own programmeisn support of the generally agreed aims. Any material produced is signed, Bdinburgh NAM Group, or NAM Cardif Group. The purpose of the small, at present London based, Liason Group is to maintain and develop contacts and to set up the next National Congress. If you are thinking of joiningw.e hope that our contact list has a member close by you, if not then we would be delighted if you initiated your own NAM Group. Speakers and information can be sent to youe In time a network of groups should develop to cover the country, each one working out its own ideas wcther localised or more universal. The Congress will be one way of communicating between groups and for working out overall aims and strategies, The key to this decentralised structure is that of individual comnitmant and local autonomy. ‘We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities, its strength lies-in the involvement of you, and «the help we can all give ‘each other. , . NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT 1. BACKGROUND 9 Ithastakenalmostexactlyined yearsforthe impetus behind the first iodern Fovenent in this country to be exhausted, The festival of Britain 1952 and HAHY 1975 might hhe_ taken as theofficial nilestones at “ee inaireeepbolm ana closure. ef the period respectively. Weseemfostandnewsithepees ofanewphase_ in which the criteria of ‘relevant' action will be determined as much by the. understanding of aim legacy as our-current political standpoint. | | The —— of the pesedas of radicalization induced by war could be seen in the arrival of the first modern Socialist ote tent ait its far-reaching social reforms on the dninestic: scale, and sn cur modified nation status in ate and the realization that we were n> longer an ‘imperial power. be InmatterscfaeecontheNewTownsMovement, the Town & Country Planning Act 1947 etc., were ‘the first expressioonf a new cision and esnfidence that had already permeated other sectcrs of i including for example the health services.. The South Bank fixchibition and the Associated Housing schemes in Langbury, ast London epitomised: the meine of exuberance and ‘committed concern! medie- Showin that modern architecture was notsimplyaflatroofaksewindow,butacomprehensive— urbanlanguage.The neideas,hadofcoursebeened out long befare : it was “cadified visually im the 1938 Exhibition of the Mars Group, which ‘itself derived its, premises ftom the osuede CIAM movement in Barope. was different both in degree and in kind. But theclimate of 1945 The post-war era. fdr the first time "new wisdom', hithertu preoccupation andenlightenedbourgeoispatrons,withallee of government and the major institutions. At the very msment that the pioneer's thesis appeared t» be vindicated, so the process ef institutionalizing its assumptions began in its adoptiobny a new establishment due-ta become iyPind pels more sophisticated and bUreaucratic than any hitherte. flaturally it was intelligent: enough to eavserb . the prece s and personalities that would otherwise have heen dynamite, and. tipoustont fai '50's the professions of architecture and Se aneae were happy to be included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. The anti-thesis which was bound to crise in conflict with. this centralist orthodoxy appearcd eaxly in the 1960's; in phenomens, ranging from the satire movement, to student protest, that is at about the time when enthe threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist economics and enlightened paternalisn, "progressive"architects and planners (now comfortably established in government institutioK§ and well-connected practices) were ready for the big boom. The extent of development, publicly or privatelys sponscred during thel960's, is unlikely tv be equalled during the lifetime of anyone reaching this - and the housing, new towns, universities, tansport infrastructure ete., of this period will somehow have to do for the majcrity of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged. saw the alliance of the of dissatisfied intellectuals Salatied architects; the majority of the professionw,ho may hope for more direct and satisfying relationships with the users of their products, have little to be optimistic about because of the economic crisis, The professions governing body, RIBA, is dominated by the interests of private practice-and salaried architects have to realise that the NAM is the only effective voice ’challenging the Private Practice Principal's Party, 66 Portland Place. Such a state of affairs, when.80% of a profession is misrepresented by default (or not at all)- would be absurd at the best of times, now that the crisis bites home the contrdictions- between principals and assitants, established and still at college grow daily more apparent.. The Middle Hast Klondike can only briefly disguise the fact that wheras the publies access to lawyers and doctours was relatively easy, until the goverment cuts reduce this too, the publics use of architects only existed by surrogate clients and a remote beaurocratic offices. , A It is out of this uneasy climate of reality and alussion, wisdom and displicity that N.A.M. developed. At the unlikely venue of Harrogate a gathering of under a hundred people meet for a weekend in November, 155 at the invitatioonf a small group called ARC. ARC had been preoccupied with such questions for a couple of years, The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement which has Since distinguished its own identity from that of ARC and at the same time consolidated its aims and membership. More on aims later. ‘The two essentail characteristics of the Movement that Harrogate established are3- a. .It must have a constructive attitude founded on strong annelysis. Yet another vocal articulation scemed unnecessary and abortive, b, That its structure should be both federal and national, allowing the individual personal involvement and avenues of action, Apart from a rudimentary liason process the character of the movement is its diversity and localised’ basis,. A centralised power elite was seen as alien and unconstructive. se Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country make up the movement, all are of an equal status and are free +6 develop their own programmes’in support of the generally agreed aims. Any material produced is signed, Edinburgh NAM Group, or NAM Cardif Group. The purpose of the small,’ at present London based, Liason Group is to maintain and’ develop contacts and to set up the next National Congress, If you are thinking of joining we hope that our contact list hag a member close by you, “if not’ then we would be delighted if you initiated your ‘own: NAM Group. Speakers and informaticoann be sent to yous In time a network of groups should develop to cover the country, -each one working out its own ideas wether localised or more universal. The Congress will be one way of communicating between groups and for working out overall aims and strategies, The key to this decentralised structure igs that of individual commitmant and local autonomy. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities, its strength lies in the involvement of you, and the help we can all five each other, But atteries were hardening . In 1970 the DOE - a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier - established itself in the now familiar faulty towers, sited carefully separate from Yaitehall , and expressing so precisely its blan® combination of techroeracyand officialdom, to provide over a process that was already in decline. What would happen now? Obvious with hindsight :-c simple. coronary case with complicationsW.e ran out of Padl-Spesies chemical, financial, and most important social, ‘For by new the assumed popular consent on which all this development had been based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentalists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists , the of increasing expertise. It began to seem once more that the people with the power were ‘less intelligent than the people without it. ‘Tne complications? Almost as fast as the develapment boom fever was dying in the establishment the antihodies were being . absorbed, Particpation, piecemeal planning,rehab and recycling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national and local authorities -and the professional institutilns such that concepts of 'odthimind ty Architecture! and Neighbourhood Participation! are almeaee bandied with bogus concern an? trendy humbug, without much noticeabje advantage to the intended beneficiaries. . The cur rent climate is pluralistic and diverse to the extent that, given the riGet form of words, everyone. can apparently claim to be progressive - the DOE, RIBA, most L.A.'s, the RTPlLetc, ete —- concealing the fact that major idealogical change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribtuiion of power. ea matters ccntinue to be détexminedon the basis -f power, not. of need, and the status quo is effectieéLy maintained. It is this© situation that NAM was formed to study and pehetrate. So much for what amounts to the context in the ~utside world. Meanwhile, what ofour ccntext in the profession? In the same — | pericd the professicn has transformed iteself from a sine esomicatated elite of aesthetic gastronomes supported by forelock tugging draughtsmen, into. and a of professicnals dpeendant on a , different calibre of--re. cruit, a university educated, m: nly middle class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of identifying with employers hag blurred their vision of the pelitical reality within their offices and throughout the RIBA. Contessscces As a creative activity architecture, supposedly represents values that exist beyond mére building. -All creative activities experience, to some degree or another three converging forces, the force of the imagination, the power of technics and the exercise of patronage, All three interact through design and their resolution is the creation of forms. In the -sence of patronaze technics ind imagination have no context and thus no substance or meaning. For a Schubert or a Gaugin such constraints as imposed by patronage were minimal for they were in effect their own patrons dirécting their creative energies towards their own needs and conditions. But in architecture his is by no means so easy, for it is a rare occurrence for the architect to aCe asLene own patron, except say, when he builds his own house, = ran, | Ofallthe’arts,then,dirt teeis‘particularly:depengenton oehas patronage., for without patronage: theré is no building and without want For the alternative’ cectthologists thee is: bub one fate, the ‘eventual take over by the owners of production who will. appropriate. their creations to furt her ‘their ownends. Those inventions: ‘that, shave a potentialforgeneratingprofitandmaintainingtheiSiSquowill be exploited; thése that do not will be thrown away::.For<:the conceptualis ti there is only.the world of fantasy anddreams,. Like _ the 'trip' cone too many it will end in trauma and despair, their self inflated bubble will burst,for it has little content and no. Substance. The New Architecture Movement offers a third alternative to this impasse, It is devising a strategy that attacks the heart of the dilemna, the principles of patronage. The notion of patronage encompasses variety of associations but their common reference voint is to an unequal relaticnship between benefactor and benificecry. The ben&ficery of course is the architect. How do we define patronage in our context patronage is the means by which the building needs of individuals and their institutions are determindd. ‘ie realise thet under any social system there will alvays be more users than patrons but we do not see this process of assessing building needs as an independent variable to the design problem. It is intrinsic to the forms that we will create. This is a »rincivle of our movement. We cannot wait for the real patrons to stand up. “Ye must go to them, but this will only be achieved by removing the obstales in our own institutions, ‘irchitecture', it is suggested is the social art. buildingarchitectture:eetne:realmsofgraphicsand.-sculpture. For those whose art i8’less,dependent on external patronage for their ~ well being there has been the opportunity to Tiberate themselves from stereo-typed convention, but, in. architecture we'have.been trapped, "ach move into a mew mode of work is frustrated.‘ Those whohave . “© °+4 attempted to escape ‘by side stepping the issue altogether have fled ‘to the world of ‘alterna vtive technology! or to the ‘vorld of the: ‘conceptualists'. beunb bso Certainly the creation of saci itsolenee is a prerequisite for civilisation. Undeniably, it effects everyone's aspect of peoples lives. And yet we have situations where architecture, which is about living, is practised by a group of nveople, architects, who have erected barriers around themselves. Our conclusions can only be thatthe barriers have been erected because either the practitioners are incapableo’f practising architecture or unnecessary, or their masters, the patrons, misuse their practice. Thus it is our belief that the institutions of architecture operate not only to the detrimmt of the non patrons but to architects themselves. ae a i NAM identifies these institutions as the way architects are organised, their education and their methods of oractice. ach in turn reinforce and sustain the present system of patronage and moreover because the architect is the beneficery in an unequal relationship, they were intended to do so, If we accept that patronage is ultimately exercised for its own benevolence whether for prestige, profit or povrer and if it is the means of assessing the building needs of society than there is a prima facie case of ‘aiding and abetting'. NAM intends to ex2mine each institution in turn. NAM will demonstrate the vay in which thése institutions act-for patronage by isolatinz the practice of architecture from its context. The RIBA claims to speak. for architects as if they were one voice, Assension and arguement is confined to the closed doors of Portland Place. It thefefore snuffs out any attempt to undermine a system of patronave at which it is the beneficery. Through education it produces students who aquiesce to the status quo because the nature of their training has concealed from then the true nature of their work, The organisation of practice is so structured that oo is only able to: function in the context of the existing patrons S65! ‘ 2. ROCA.1 Similarly Housing associations, fousing netion Areas and (IAs are controlled by professionals at the expense purport to serve, In the long term, impotent, for it is through real participation where the bases for decisions are exposed to all, that the orofessional will foster his own development. of the residents whom they this can only render the professional , Private praapiece is accounta iis only. to the minority who weild power. ive. that small: group we have identifie@ as patcons. “here is no effective means of control by those who are affectedb’y the buildings thus produced and there is little public awareness of the profits yielded by ‘the fee scale. ithin offices, a minority of employer architects exercise hierar-— chical control, due as “much to their orn inclination as to their respon= Sibilities under Partnership Lars _ wheir employees, lured by the carrot of eventual advancement = if+they find favour ~ are suspicious compet i~ tive and divided. Such a system Will, in the long. term collapse for . Lt is not sufficiently flexible. to respond to the hang ing pattern of patronage the dominance of the public client and the incrreasing social economic and environmental ayureness expréssed by the public at large uhether in conservation issues or politicshl: stances. N.a.ti. therefore proposes a whole range of reforms vithin practice, from ensuring that.- private offices are subject to a form of local accountability, to office structures based on the principles of co-ownership. Salaried architects should be given a real opportunity to organise and join unions for without such strength thoy are at the mercy of the mar'cet. Mor the public sector architect there looms a different series of frustrations, Local Authority architects work in large centralised rigid organisations which, while professing to serve he public, in reality serve md are acountable only to co.mittee chairmen, Direct contact between users and architects is at least discouraged or forbidden, whe monolithic. internal. hicrachy fosters the promotion ethos. Success isto move out of ‘architecture into management, Rarely: does the Chief Architects’ heavy responsibility for huge expenditure to one client create an office spirit any more inspired thai ell- organised defensiveness. “hy: is this so? Host:public architects have arm bclief in the justice of their cause. any have gone to good nublic offices to escavethe ~ partner breathing down their nec. Might it be that the system has been so devised to tolerate the mediocre. or that it is so fail-safe that no practitioner is that importent? It is clear that as bureaucracies develop, the definition of roles becomes increasingly.restrictive. ‘ihe public architect is insulated from the very problems which a#e the substance of building needsj and the exercise of his imagination and still becomes irrelevant whe New architecture liovement believes that the tide which is continually eroding the basis ofthe architect's work can only be turned by surplanting the local authority service by a National Design Service based on de-- centralised local authority design teams and offering a freely availa>le service to groups and individuals in local -reas, Jhese teams would be organised in such a vay that not ohly would they to help articulate the needs of residents but -also implement them, such an intimate’ relationship vould automatically introduce a means of accountaability. Thisisnotavaguenotionofcontrolor ee butaparticipatory process by which the skills of archit cots do not hide behind a. bushel but are exposed to the commonsense of the layman. she setting up of small scale loc lly based projects should be seen in the context of a national o:xperiment. Architectural education is.dominated and controlled by the RIBA through the Board of Mducation, yet it is,society which foots the bill without any means of control, or rather it has vested its. control in the hands of architects. his has encourageda.n introverted mentality, “i,A.ti.- hasbeendisappointed,butinretrospectnotsurpris«ie:dthefailure of architectural students to respond to the -uestions that N.A.i. ete have posed. The fostering of architectural studies in .a world of unreality, whether in the worst oxcesses of archigoonism or technical‘+ fetishes, is producing a nei generation of draving-board fodder or drop OUTS. o ofpe: cy ho fe yD NAM. intends to set up astudy group to examine the .cuestion of education but itis clear that central to our attitude is to arrange a marriage between schools and their communities. .Schools considerable resources which. could be used community. In general, we should be aiming syllabus in order to enable each school to respond to varying local con- ditions and opportunitics. — *here can be few doubts as to our attitude to the way the. profession is at present organised and controlled.- Eighty per cent of architects wrote off the BIDA years ago. Yet, though it no longer has any moaning for: most architects, its pover is immense and. Council is controlled by the same faces year after year. NW.A.H. secks to establish principles of practice outside the RIBA in architects such a way that’ are not cosettcd in their own front room but are exposed to the street. whese new. principles of practice will range fron of Architecture have for the. benefit of the for more autonomy in ; asetofethics,perhapsin.theformofanoath,modelrulesonprocedur,eto the abolishinogf mandatory fee scale, so that.a range of architectural services is more widely available. :Control of -the activitics of the — profession should be returned .to.where, it was originally invested, namely- parliament. Asthey. stand, the Registration Acts arc. administered by ri ARCUK ‘wiich is mercly afront organisation of :the RISA. WAM. is not a debating society. Its present emphasis on analysis and theory is a prelude,to a programue of action... “hat action .is. aimed zat breaking down the barriers between society and architects, Links will be forged with the local communities where we live through trade unions, tenants associations, local amonity groups and local councillors. “ler: shall work to raise she expectations of the service provided by practices and public offices, On a broader scale, our intention is to co-operate with other progressive gsroups. by lobbying politicians wo-hope to achieve changes in the Registration Acts. ; Our programme is not reformist for all our actions are to be judged-in the light of our desire to seek fundamental changes in the exercise of patronage. In practising community architecture our philosophy is not to offer andy to innocent children hut to demonstrate the failure of established institutions to respond to the people’ needs. By this means people themselves will seck their own solutions; and for architects there is the reward of their oim fulfillment. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Allan Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/35192187c0c34096beef58c2b05984cd.pdf 70da21ec3af48f8d6abf8633f3a7c416 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Novemberist Group Subject The topic of the resource Assorted papers from Novemberist Group established to examine design theories and to study housing form. includes Reports and Meeting Notes. Description An account of the resource 2 January 1980 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP t a meeting on 6th December, we agreed to write to to the next meeting at 7.00. you, with an invitation on Thursday 10th January the direction of the group framework for analysis of Alexandra Road and/or Marquess Road. We enclose - a list of people who have expressed interest some notes that try to summarise where the discussions have got to so far our views on what would need to be developed for the sort of analysis of a building that has been mooted. Please invite any others whom you think may like to join. With best wishes 4 ROBIN NICHOLSON & SUNAND at 5 Dryden Street to discuss and possibilities of a 57d Jamestown Road, London NWl 7DB. 01-485 2267 CONTACT LIST Chris Knight Caroline Lewin, John McKean, John Mitchel, John Murray, John Napier, Robin Nicholson, Giles Pebody, Sunand Prasad, Marian Roberts, 4 Newell Street, N.E.L.P., Forest N.E.L.P. El4. 515 8541. Road, E17. 527 2272 37 Landroch Road, N.E.L.P. 41 Roden Street, Mike Rose, 88 Hanover Terrace, Celia Scott, Barry Shaw, 6 Springdale Road, BN2 2SP. Tasker Road, NW5. 485 2689. N8. 7 Highbury Place, 48 Sutherland 125 Grosvenor 340 4359. N5. 485 2267 Square, SEl17. Avenue, N5. 485 2267. N7. 240 2430. Brighton, Sussex 3 Mall Studios, Douglas Smith, Anne Thorn, 2 Reddington Road, Sue Walker, 125 Highbury Hill, 17 Delancey Street, N16. 405 3411 NWl. 405 3411. NW3. 435 4297. N5. 226 5030. 703 7775. Mark Beedle, 83 Willifield Way, NW1l. 485 2267 Jos Boys, 31 Davenant Road, N19. 240 2430 Sue Francis, 9 St. Georges Avenue, N7. 609 2976 Graeme Geddes, Bartlett School of Architecture, Gordon Street, WCl. 387 7050 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP Some Notes A. The present practice of Architecture was open to criticism at two levels - at the level of exposing and questioning the ideological assumptions it made and the economic function it fulfilled; the feminist critique of design guides that was presented at the Workshop was a good example of the former; - at the level of criticising Architectural .theory and practice within the framework of Page one dominant ideology, e.g. building plain bad design. failure and At the 5th Annual Congress of the New Architectural Movement, the Housing Form Workshop raised the question of Architectural Design as a subject that had largely been ignored by NAM in the flurry of other more obviously 'political' issues. The Workshop agreed that: B. . 'Accountability' was closely linked to the level of public debate and informed critical aware- ness about buildings. The professional ethic and jargon effectively discouraged these. The development of a critique (A) and the promotion of a wider debate (8) would be worthy tasks for NAM or a group within NAM. Following the Congress, a group of interested people came together on 21st November (and 6th December) and decided to explore further the problem of an architectural criticism that could reveal the ideological context of a design, locate the architectural style and design, and link these to a materialist analysis of the 'function' of the building. While such a critique would have to overcome the reticence demanded by 'professional responsibilities', it seems imperative to open this debate as widely as possible at this time of major economic change and growing ultra-conservative academic historical nostalgia. page two There would seem to be two clear alternatives for the group depending on the enthusiasm and possible time scale, assuming a hard core of interest and agreement about the broad area:- ” 2. To take on a largely enabling function. This might include — setting ourselves specific tasks; one that has been proposed is an inclusive critique of a recently completed building project like Alexandra Road. This might take the form of an issue of Slate with the group as the editors (see below). An analysis of Alexandra Road (or Marquess Road) would need to cover at least: u Views of say 10 "progressive" architects (e.g. A.D. issue on Sainsbury Centre). fe Analysis of the urban context and its change. sie Location as a piece of architectural design (e.g. Ed Jones' article on Fleet Road in A.D.). 4, The construction as seen by L B Camden Direct Labour Department and a discussion about de- skilling. Ks To set up a group that can do academic work together and establish a theoretical base. The group could meet at regular intervals to discuss prepared material and could invite outside help especially in developing a theoretical understanding of ideology. The group's work might appear in Slate or as a book. Such an approach would need long term commitments from the group's members. (The Political Economy of Housing Workshop is an example of this kind of group). 7 arranging talks by and discussions with people ’ who have already done the sort of work described above; these might or might not be members of the group. : Perhaps these need not be alternatives but could be embraced together: either way the group will need time to function as a group. . *** Bs Discussing the ideological context of views expressed in 2 — 4, 6. Views of Neave Brown, intentions then and feelings now. Be Wishes Reading: "Essex University" A.J. Information Library John McKean "The Political Economy of 20.9.1972 (in Vol.1 of Housing Form" Michael Jones * Political the collected papers of the and Architectural Economy of Housing Workshop) Design 2/79 on the Sainsbury Centre at the University of East Anglia Richard Hill Andrew Peckham and others "Art Supermarket Ignores Users" Slate 10/11 Stephen Hayward "Alexandra Road" Architectural Review 8/79 Robert Maxwell "A Woman's Place" Etcetaraseerrn *Xerox enclosed Slate 13 and others Susan Francis ace Nine of us came to the 10 January meeting of the November 21 group and decided that - 1. We should continue to Pursue the subject. 2. Alexandra Road was a useful immediate focus for our work. 3. By the next meeting we should all read certain relevant articles/papers to begin to establish points of reference and a shared critical base. Those so far suggested are listed below. 4. Everyone interested should try and work out an approach to the critical analysis of Alexandra Road. These would form the basis for the next meeting at which we would try to agree upon a shared approach or 'framework'. 5. We would meet again on February 5 at 7 pm at 5 Dryden Street. Robin Nicholson and Sunand Prasad SeebehOhele) eleleie: ajelevelelereleleieletelelelelele It was also thought that familiarity with the work of John Berger ("Ways of Seeing") and Raymond Williams would be useful. 'y 147 and form in architec- elmingly on the question of P —a Aemaiaea ectngtiaesl <= P aaa Discussions of the relations between material forces ture have in the past concentrated almost overwh aesthetic form or stylistic appearance. This paper sets up a quite different definition of form in architecture, one which is in no way concerned with the problem of the visual appearance of buildings, their aesthetic and psychologic- al effects, or the historical derivation of their stylistic features. The Gefinition of architectural form which will be discussed in this paper is a The problems confronted in this attempt revolved around the question of the degree of autonomy that existed in the development of any particular branch of human society. This question was usually seen as the inverse problem, at a conscious level; of the Gegree of direct influence of material and especially economic factors on the development of social forms. This was generally con- ed as a relation between the individual work as an object in itself and a cial formation essentially external to it, The approach that is developed in this paper is to treat any social artefact, such as a building, as an object produced under certain pre-existing social relations of production, and to analyse it as*an object not in relation to pre- determined relations of Producti6n but as an integral part of those relations, a5 & social product. This approach has been formulated clearly by the German-critic Walter jamin in his paper 'The Author as Producer! written in the 1930s in the ext of the debate about the 'tendency' of the work of art in its political ientation. Benjamin's attempt to redefine the crucial centre of this question follows: tendency and the quality of literary works. and rightly so. THE POLITICAL ECONOMY | OF HOUSING FoRM© The purpose of this paper is to attempt to define some of the elements of a materialist theory of form in architecture. Gefinition related to concepts of a functional nature rather than to concepts of style. In the past, most attention has been directed by Marxists to stylistic questions, particularly in the field of literature and to a lesser extent in that of the visual arts. These attempts to relate stylistic questions to specific historical and material factors met with very varied success. Apart from the immediate problems involved Of developing the Marxist theory of aesthetics, a subject whose very basis is still under question with problems of the application of dialectical materialism to specific areas of human behaviour, these attempts naturally confronted one of the major theoretical problems of Marxism, that of the relationship between base and superstructure, I began with the unfruitful debate concernin: g the relationship between the This argument is discredited It is regarded as a textbook example of an attempt to deal with literary relationships undialectically, with stereotypes. But what if we treat the same problem dialectically? A ST,MilOi i 148 Starting point from which the Sterile dichotomy of form and content can be Surmounte'd(.2) — For the dialectical treatment of this problem - and now I come to the { heart of the matter = the rigid, isolated object (work, novel, book) is of nO use whatsoever, It must be inserted into the context of living social relations, You rightly Point out that this has been undertaken time and 4cain in the Circle of our friends. Certainly, but the discussion has often moved on directly to larger issues and therefore of necessity, has often drifted into vagueness. Socia) relations, as we know, are determined by Production relations. And when materialist Criticism 4pproached a work, it used to ask what was the Position of that work vis a vis the social prod- uction relations of its time. That is an important question, But 4lso a very difficult one. The answer to it is not always unequivocal. And z should like to Propose a more immediate question for your consideration, A question which is more modest, which goes less far, but which, it seems to me, stands a better chance Of being answered. Instead of asking: what is the Position of a Work vis a vis the Production relations of its time, does it underwrite them, is i¢ reactionary, or doos it asplre to Overthrow them, is it revolutionary? ~— instead of this question, or at any rate before this question, I should like to Propose a different one. Before I ask: what is a work's Position vis a vis the Production relations of its time, x should like to ask: what is its Position within them? This question concerns the function of a Work within the literary Production relations of its time. In other words ft is directly concerned with literary technigue. By mentioning technique I have named the concept which makes literary Products &ccessible to immediate Social, and therefore materialist, analy- Sis. At the Same time, the Concept of technigue represents the dialectical This Passage raises the key issue: that the work of art is itself Produced under given social conditions, under certain relations of Production, at a Particular leve) Of social development of techniques, under its own economic conditions of Production, It does not 4pprear from nowhere against a certain Social background, the Superstructure does not @ppear from nowhere as a reflection of the base, but is itsel¢ Produced under given conditions from the economic base of its own category of Social Production. Any artefact Produced by Society is Produced under the Social relations of that Society, whether it is boots ang linen or books and Paintings. a2} these @rtefacts must have a use value: the Point about Works of art being merely that they enter 4 different Category of use values from the necessities of life Such as boots and linen OF even from its material luxuries, All these artefacts must also possess an exchange value, because al) artists must sel) either their labour Girectly, aS in architecture, theatre or film, or must sell the Products Of their labour, whether Paintings or books. Once alienated from the Producer by their initial Sale, they can become commodities is their own Fight, and may be repositories of exchange value for their owners Or even objects of Pure Speculative interest in a direct money=money relation, In this sense there is little Point in attempting to treat the Production of the work of art in a different manner from the Production of any other commodity, and the Study of the Social conditions ©f production of the indivig- ual commodity, or artefact, or Work of art, is as Benjamin Says in the Passage already Quoted, likely to throw more light on the relation between the Product- 149 or particular and the Production of commodities in What is being studied is not the yeneralised relation between the particular category of works of art and the social relations of production in society as a whole, but the production of a particular commodity or category of commod-: ities as a concrete example of commodity production. The study of the development of one category of commodity production is therefore the Study of an individurl Segment of the total. social process and will expose the development of the particular circumstances of Production of the individual commodity category, such as the changing level of technique, the particular social relations of Production obtaining in that Category, as examples of the total movement of the social forces of Production, ae ettalontda eeeeeeee Sreyeaah1etree { ion of that commodity in { general. ; The generic form of the walk-up block of flats or maisonettes is a solution to the problem of housing people at a certain level of density under certain technical conditions of means of access. Variations of density, created by land costs and Possible rent levels, variations in block spacing created by social concepts of acceptable daylighting and Privacy standards, height of blocks in relation to sectally ‘acceptable means of access, such as numbers of Storeys to climb without lifts, demands for access to certain minimum areas of private open space and so on combine at different Periods to produce the In this paper we wish to concentrate on the Problems of definition of the physical consequences of these social conditions of production as expressed in the production of the Commodity housing. The particular aspect of these 7 physical consequences which we want to define in greater detail is that of the general building form, of the geometrical form of the individual building block. It would clearly be possible to analyse physical consequences at Several levels, from the question of the spatial distribution of Gifferent types of buildings as a function of ground rents, the distribution of types of Social functions within the city, to the level of analysing the changes in the internal planning of houses and how this has reflected changes in the techni- cal level of servicing and the social Structure of family life. (3) In the analysis we use the term ‘generic form' in relation to buildings to denote a formal quality common to a wide range of building types. Thus we arque that the tenements built during the nineteenth century (either by companies to house their workers or by the early municipal slum clearance schemes), and the five and six Storey walk-up blocks of the 53 philanthropy of the Peabody and Similar trusts at the turn of the century, and the inter-war local authority flats of four and five Storeys (usually balcony access), and the post-war four and three Storey blocks, culminating in the current designs for four storey Maisonettes (usually with a stepped section or ziggurat appearance) are all variations on a typical generic form, and that the differences between them ‘ i Particular variations to the generic form described above. are a development or a sophistication of the generic form into the particular form. The economic determinants of housing form which we wish to analyse in this paper are those which are fundamental to the Process of housing development in Britain, which determine the form of housing under capitalist market condit- ions, and Which determine the form of housing provided by the state under monopoly capitalism(,4) 9°©|.°————————___ ~ ile Hot ae J Whond jie Va \S Wold ouncy =Ne hee ett 150 pitalist conditions the Purpose t, and at least the average try. There is no Supply of new le to pay enough rent or a + Thus the production Ger conditions where the ssional architects (with their fively and by Producing ation. hi are those arising from sale. The conditions of production of this Sector of the As with any other commodity produced under ca of building houses to sell is to realise a profi rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of indus housing forthcoming for those social groups unab high enough purchase Of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place un reduction of - He naturally tends to reduce the costs of avoiding the use of profe minimum scales of fees), by using designs repeti The decline of the private rental sector gains from the appreciation of house prices Sectors of the population for access to the Owner-occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Societies, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting in deciding how much to lend, admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when Calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women. There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with Unconventional borrowers and properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identi- inherently simple designs requiring little elabor, fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved. >» The essential feature of the market for Speculative housing is that the commodity for sale is not the individual house as such but the legal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This Question of legal title has far reaching implications in terms of the capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist Society and the position of the male ‘head Of the family' as the dominant form of the production and reproduction of the family. These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - @ product of their Position within the capitalist financial Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies |! are borrowing short ang investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in Protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to happen on any scale, the increase in the supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence ibility that lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach the norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and construction, and the Possibility of capital gives rise to demands by widening Aveinon etJ 150 the purpose least the average is no Supply of new As with any other commodity produced under capitalist conditions of building houses to sell is to realise a Profit, and at rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of industry. There housing forthcoming for those social Qroups unable to Pay enough rent or a high enough purchase price to yield this rate of return. Thus the Production of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place under conditions where the reduction of costs 1s essential to the builder. He naturally tends to reduce the costs of design by avoiding the use of Professional architects (with their minimum scales of fees), by using designs repetitively and by producing inherently simple designs requiring little @laboration. gal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This question of legal title of the production and reproduction of the family. y' as the dominant form has far reaching implications in terms of the Capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist society and the Position of the male ‘head of the famil The decline of the private rental sector and the Possibility of capital gains from the appreciation of house prices gives rise to demands by widening Sectors of the population for access to the owner=occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Socicties, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting borrowers and houses to leng on and in deciding how much to lend. They now admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women, There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with unconventional borrowers and Properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identj- fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved, These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - 4& product of their Position within the Capitalist financia) Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies are borrowing short ana investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to happen on any Scale, the increase in the Supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence that building societies must protect themselves against the poss- ibility that Properties may lose their value or be difficult to resel) by lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach tho norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and Construction, leeeeeee |} commitments for communal areas. term management | A The other fundamental determinant of form in this co! OF |. Since the Selling price of a house is so heavily influenced by location, ana -so ne hee e nttn ep-evhemeal tee ae 151 Therefore building societies also prefer to sell to the most Stable unit of Social relations - the nuclear family, preferably headed bY 4 male wage earner and also with an emphasis on Stability of income, hence white collar Salary eCarnérs are preferred to blue collar wage earners, The sale of a legal title to land has the consequence that @verything which iS not sold to individual owners must be designed to be adopted ‘by the local |} design of roads, footpaths, verges, open spaces and Streetlighting. This necessity arises because the housebuilding Companies are int ey vig45 ca lg 5 ca ® r ? a =mh 2 3ce a 2, °o t the builders ntext is the method of peration of the housebuilders themselves and their relation to the landowner. It was these last which led to the failure of Span over their development at New Ash Green. Set of determinant paper factors such the social Planning reasons for the es of cities or the part played by q @uthority and must conform to its Standards, This has an obvious impact on the the sale of ‘the Commodity itself, and wish to avoid any long the borrowing Capacity of individuals by the building Societies, work backwards from the price of the house ¢© arrive at a residual amount which is what they can afford to bid for the land. There are two main variables in this process. The first, density, is now generally fixed by the Planning authority so that any density ‘increase {obtainable after the land is bought) will be a windfall Profit; the second is the size, shape and construction cost of the houses themselves. The position of the landowner is so Strong (owing to the existence of other builders towhom he could equally sell) as to force the builder to reduce the construction cost of houses, so far as local competition allows, in order to maximise the residual amount wh land. It is therefore inevitable that in the market for housing for sale, the be reduced to the simplest rectangle constructed from the cheapest materials(5,) The only exception to this can come when there is very strong competition in @ particularly sophisticated sector of the market. This can be seen operat- ing in the case of Span and Wates, who are 4ppealing to the young married rofessional market in the South East = a situation where the consumer is both phisticated and has a very wide range of potential choice, from a flat in Own tO a reasonable sized house in the country. In order to attract this market sector,these companies have been forced to increase their competitive- ness by offering an increased Specification, a more complex appearance to the houses, greater emphasis on communal and shared spaces, a greater expenditure on landscaping and the introduction of long-term managerial responsibilities. In the case of housing provided by the state a different factors operates, It is not intended to investigate in this 2s land costs, the role of interest rates, rehousing of the working class in the centr j Private capital in the centres of cities or the part played by private capital “ppropriating Private profit from the provision of local authority housing. ; Other papers in this collection concern themselves with such topics. The main factor which will be analysed here is the manner in authority housing is determined by a complex system on the level of state expenditure, interacting with technology. —s After 1945 a common form of housing was the walk-up point block of between four and five storeys around a central stair. This was as high as housing management felt that tenants would be prepared to walk to their front doors. Tiiis form was soon replaced by the three to four storey walk-up block and the six storey lift block. Six storeys became the norm for a time partly because it could be served by only one lift without undue hardship during failures, and partly because the central government subsidies incréased from 38s. per annum per flat up to five storeys to 50s. at six storeys and over: thus a block six storeys high would often be treated more favourably for subisdy Purposes than a rather higher or lower one. The next development was a rapid increase in height to 100 ft or about eleven storeys. This came about because until 1956 when the separate subsidy for lifts was abolished, the government made an allowance of 10 guineas per annum for each dwelling served by a lift up to a maximum of fifty dwellings per lift. This figure tended to become a local authority standard for the maximum number of dwellings serviced by lifts. A number of other factors also reinforced this height. Section 51 of the London Building Act, for example, gave the right to owners or occupiers whose property lay within 300 f of a new building designed to exceed 100 ft in height to object on grounds of loss of amenity. The London Building Act requirements for access for fire fighting and for means of escape also changed at over 100 ft. Mains water pressure in many districts was inadequate over this height without boosting or additional storage facilities. One hundred feet was a reasonable maximum for low speed (100 ft per min.) lifts: the lift for a 5 storey block at that period would cost £2,500, only another £500 being required to increase in height to eleven Storeys but an additional £1,000 would have been required for a high speed lift. After a number of legislative problems were overcome, the point bjock increased to between 20 and 22 storeys on the basis of two lifts serving alternate floors, as the maximum possible utilisation. This type of analysis could be made for every aspect of local authority housing, demonstrating how the authorities and their designers exploit the financing system. This is a quite different problem fromthe straightforward reduction of building cost operated by the commercial builder. In the case of local authority housing, there are no market forces in terms of differential rent levels (or very much reduced ones) to constrain the individual designer and there has been no direct popular control over the designer's priorities. This has resulted in the familiar situation that the designs of local authority housing are able to become increasingly bizarre and removed from those of thic ‘market sector’ where at least some element of consumer choice operates. 152 This control does not operate solely through the mechanism of the Housing Cost Yardstick, but in a more detailed fashion through the individual regula- tions governing every aspect of housing, and which have therefore come to represent not minima but norms. The operation of this process can be seen if we take the example of the height of point blocks and analyse their change over time. This is to ignore other factors which assisted the development of this form of housing, ranging from the convenience of the point block for dealing with the vexing question of on-site decanting of residents while re- development takes place, to the desire of some architects for a form (in a Platonic sense) which provides aesthetic emphasis in an essentially sculptural “urban design’ process. ai Michael Jones & Bichard Fill NOTES 2. BENJAMIN, Walter, ‘The Author as Producer'. 153 i: The form of speculative housing develops along an opposite path to that of local authority housing. In the house for sale on the market, the generic form is extremely generalised - the minimal rectilinear box - while the individual elements of the house such as the level of servicing or the provision of specific amenities or the design of functional areas is unconstrained and varies from builder to builder. In the case of the local authority house, the individual elements are strictly defined both in terms of nationally applicable ndards and in terms of specific feedback from tenants mediated through ‘ng management, but the overall form and the plan relationships are uncon- strained except by the relation between subsidy, and financial control and technolocy already discussed. +. This version of the paper incorporates revisions and notes by the editor- ial group which reflect discussion in the workshop of a draft and in later correspondence and discussion with the authors, the authors’ own revisions not being to hand at the time of going to press. (Eds.) 3. Many of the other papers in this collection relate to aspects of this analytical problem: numbers 2, 3 and 4 on rent and the consequences of Private land ownership, number 5 on the form and equipment of high rise flats and. number 6 on residential development. The reference to the family in this paper indicates one of the major gaps in the collection as a whole: & consideration of the family as the basic unit of social organisation and of the occupation of dwellings. An analysis of the crisis of social rela- tions surrounding and beyond the family would-help to clarify both many aspects of the physical form of housing (e.g. the elimination of communal rooms and services from groups of dwellings) and the authoritarianism and paternalism of public housing management. Paper 7 on housing associations is also relevant here. 4 discussion of the contrasting building forms generated by leasehold and freehold development under capitalism has been withdrawn by the authors at this point pending further work on the inter-relationship of density, ground rent and construction costs. (Eds.) In this context the proliferation of stylistic variations in speculative housing is seen not as a weakening of the generic form but as a kind of Product. differentiation applied within it. (Eds.) Dear Novemberist, sense.) Production '. os Reproduction promised, notes from our last session (6/Feb/80) Justin/ John McK uLLExekxayprauekex and Doug offered approaches for the critical analysis of Alexandra Road; J/J vacked seminar Sessions, for instance on one particular piece of erticism (case study) or on a mode of criticism (ideology) or on a comparison (South Woodham Perrars before and after). Through seminar papers we can & pet ushy to agreement on'{me thodology for the group. It was suggested that Jane Darke talk about her paper. She declin hurxuze she is unhappy with the Althusserian Base/Superstructure model it uses, having read EB, P Thompson's critque ( in ‘Poverty of Theory'.) The paper also needed to further unpack the notion of zeitgiest/ concensus model, she said, and show more clearly how buildings reflect: the dominant class rather than the spirit of the age. So Doug talked about his diagram which attempted to locate archi in relation to production and reproduction (usei in the Althuss-< see Cynthia Coekburns "The Local State'. Althusser Suggests that the management of society is now located in lieoloszic institutions as firmly as in state apparatuses, Habermas (The Leritimation Cyisis') reckons that modern capitalism is constantly fretting itself in a twist by rising expectations without meeting them and must therefore continually ideology; an inversion of social relations; ie, the Opposite of real tegitimise its activity ideo from jos 31 DAVENANT ROAD N19 01-272 7556 7/2/80 b legitimators!.... a matrix with parts that don't fit ana therefare cause legitimation problems? Education is ang essential part in ideology, and linke to notions of professionalism. See Johnsons "Professions and Power." In dicussion Lipman's category of total architecture was linked back | to the ideclogy of professionalasm and of patronage; architects here offer a coherent and orderdd image which can be distinguished and | separated from other forms; as identifiable objects. Look at Coin Strret / Posters Hammersmith to investigate contradictions between total architecture and community. There was some criticism of Dougs diagram in that it applied that everything linked back, and was directly related to the repression necessary for the continuation of capital. Although capitalism can j be seen as the current dominant mode that pervades all ways -of life, | aspects of it can also be appropriated by other groups besidesthe iominant | class and used against capitalism; moreover, repressive controls often embody contradiction — housing for instance may be in the service of capitalbutitalsorepresentsarealvictorySOFteyorengClgSeee hnuxxzngx c 7S Someone suggested looking at John Bergers analysis of culturxal appropriation wix“apitzk by capitalism in "Ways of Seeing" or Raymond Willians "Country and the City" or Mark Girouards "Country Houses", which shows how architectural styles reinforced social relations. Architects lesign bhildings that other people make; economics will affect style, however architects retain a degree of artistic autonomy. : But any criticxsm from the group should not fall into Nop*dateinedy gohsiscgere" presuming these asethetic choices to h-ve a separate existence from political reality; elegance relategs to economy an obsession with consistency and order relates to reproduction; a coherent visual world somehow implées a coherent social order..... does that mean that architects should design disorder? Within a exptizx capitalist mode of production attempts at disorden/ worker or user participant (with wuz disorder architecturally'showing' participation) are undertaken within the traditional power structure; this could be seen as a relative autonomy that is merely repressive tolerance 5 allowing worker control at unimportant levels to release frustrations which might otherwise lead to real class struggle. Vernacular in council housing indicates this sort of gloss, as does conservation, p Fp Lots of love Jane and Doug promised to produce reading lists; Jane surgested anything by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham (particularly "Women Take Issue") for useful methodologies. SereSEe UTE -eae FEEge ee wD We then dicussed Alexandra Road; Jane had sail eatlier that in that case architecture had been usea to lemitimatée x housing on,a site which should never have been used for that purpose. She also sugsested that the group should not place judgement on the estate; that in the end it was the occupiers opinion that mattered. We agreed that the object was not to give (or not give) a seal of approval tb Alexandra Road. ; But were we after the same things? Do we want to investigate the process of production of the building? Do we want to form opinions? Should we investigate more fully other processes ( the deskilling of the building iniustry for instance — which in turn relates back to the artisic autonomy allowed to architects and the 2 privileged position therefore gained)? Gah the WHR wrrovet- asyecti f oneheteohie whet, ave Yahkew Pr grvdiot ebentire? We agreed to use Alexandra Road in order to develop our levels of architectural criticism. : Hach person is therefore asked AT THE NEX2 MEETING to produce a statement outlining how they might undertake a study of Alexandra Road, NEXT MEETING IS fUES 4 MARCH at 5 Dyeyden Street, -imda London WC2 at 7pm NOVEMBER GROUP Meeting - 2th March,1980 MINUTES: Alternative approaches suggested- Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez & Nezdet, Adrain & Sunand. “ We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \#his period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Wag too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 arneas- i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3 phases. ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing._— iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR. To examine the politics of form and the politics of style - There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented. Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal — he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both. To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study- For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. for instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with uninteerrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes etc at the ends? Adrian/Jos disoussed the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form ‘as/ found" rather than levelled et the conschousms of the designer re. Maxwells approach. To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' - Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne % Darkes Essex Road scheme would be useful - the schemes had cifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences? Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes:would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form? In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was impossible to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.' NOVEMBER GROUP Meeting - 24th March,1980 MINUTES: Alternative. approaches suggested- There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented. Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as\they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal - he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both. Adrian/Jos disgussed_the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form *as{ found' rather than levelled at the conscdousress of the designer re. Maxwells a Broach. Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez & Nezdet, Adrain & Sunand. : We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \this period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Was too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 areas- i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3-.phases. ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing.— iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR. To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study- To examine the politics of form and the politics of style - For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. For instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with unintecrrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes ete at the ends? To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' - Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne «= Darkes Essex Road scheme would be useful - the schemes had eifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences? Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes-would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form? In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was pupassi ble to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.' Further questions to be answered - |\[ References for Alexandra Road: Next Meetings: Monday, 24st April,i980@ Cullinans Office i Monday 28th April,1980 DYA P.S. 7d Dy cenastann Road, at 7.30 (entrance from yard) @ UCL at 7.00 with Corin Hugh-Stanton - discussion Room 4.01 One ‘point of view' was a Hillier-type spatial analysis. Doug is doing one for AR, Jos could do the corner blocks near AR, and Justin could do a comparative scheme such as Essex Road. Sunand presented some plans of AR site layout with some press comments. He asked whether the stress on technical criteria such as the "noise problem'could be exaggerated - a further justification for the formal approach of Browns scheme — it had not been stressed to the same degree in the tower blocks. Neave Brown wanted to - JONES, Ed,article in AD, Vol 48 nos 8-9, 1978 (issue on France)on Fleet Road HUGH-STANTON, Corin, article in Buildine Design, Sept/Oct 1978 together with anonymous reply a week later BANHAM, Reyner, articlein New Sotiety, approx August, 1978. BROWN, Neave, article The Forms of Housing in AD, Sept, 1967 JONES, Ed, article in Architects Journal 8th Sept.19/6 MAXWELL, Bob , Architectural Review, Aug,1979 review of scheme "rework the London terrace! (compare with Hillier analyses of typical terraces) create ‘a model of democratic architecture! a Team 10 approach — create ‘streets as machines for delivering people.' John suggested a_short-¢ t of looking at press cuttings on AR in Camdens Dept. Graeme sugrested setting! up a working Barty to find a 'framerork for action'. This was agreed anf Justin, Jos, Graeme & Sunand agreed to meet and report back. Justin sugeested re-reading Jane JACOBS, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Why so much play space, breaking-up the 'parks'? What is Camdens policy on direct access from housing to public space? What were the problems with site boundaries - was the incorporation of the Ainsworth Estate complicated by the handover of GLC housing stock to Camden? Check the date of the setting up 6f the Architects Department Who designed the tower blocks? What was the role of SAG Cook? What was the role of the building companies? There seemed to be & lobby in the Architects Dept for formal solutions, and a need for a scheme to be a\pace setter - was this scheme AR? What were the contemporary commnents-in-the local and national press:on the scheme? \ John McKean would be very glad to have any comments on a piece he wrote in the AJ recently on two Hampshire Schools. He would be pleased to see argued responses using his piece as a taking off point for a discussion about the assesment of buildings for and by the architectural profession sent to the AJ for publication. The Buildings Editor would be keen on receiving this sort of material. If a number of considered comments could be offered to the AJ it would help raise the level of discussion usually found in its pages. Can we also bring some considered views on the piece for discussion at the next meeting. P Pp was inevitable and that , rather than att mpt value judgem problems of relating words to drawings tempt to develop a more democratic ter hi were more informing, ' is ie le however naysre seen as existing @ precondit to change would be Se sions and ieneicee to form a newPAGnineT sae which conchudes ds and terms in _and to S was impossible, invariably tied to partichlar convention alyse the editorials of views over lue to this problem. Nec had done to the captions of the Aalto ex Robin would also an Lipman ‘Architectur t there the devel should read Willter'e (An4+na?)\ ©O study how technological Iknowledce was us ersective over the last 70 ye rs. To of "innovatio . On the one hand was the stock in trade of architects, their '‘imagination’. If this were not a he been superceded by other ‘technical’ ion was that there was noreal innovation in echnolory was cevelpoed eieeraetne profession, applied this Imowledge to bufliings. 1t there are two basic kinds of prof Imoul which can be learnt from books and procedurised, erminate' Imowledge, which concerns judgement, sensid i with precedents. It can only be learnt by personAL cultural tradition. ‘Innovation’ is a fairly recent ae al justification. ects had little part to5 plas except when it s distinction separated science from out the paradox of Corb rendering blockwork buil1dir concrete, whiile FLY concealed his sophisticateds orvi pecific technologies were adopted for simple aesth ic sugeested that ‘technical’ knowledge is usua}ly more derminate' knowledge, which is essentially consse particular tools ract een Nash Recrnneeic promenade, Regency building. G vere sinilar © those apenas in lity’, munich is not Conficmed by act 3. Straig¢ htenness was seen as monotonous and Sorinnt curvefreesthebuildingfrommechanistivicassoSas Fron down and rationalistic, it is formal and well-craft the actual construction of the cross walls themselves, Tac Nec wondered if there was a process of innovation in council| which could then be applied to the private sector. It may be wers pega innovationwentfrompublictoprivate(egtowers, , but there was also a reverse process where social onl the wivate to the public. Apparently Dick Hobin argues is used-to suit the needs of the building industry, rather% consumers, and hés made a study of Camden with that in min talk to tenants groups and the mainkexannte manen crent tried to obtain contract and cost files, but while the continues, there is little hard info available. Nec will use his student work in a manner prallel to Robin > patterns of concepts, but he requires the development of a ¢ will exanine only written work, and not the scheme itself. Prorxa 1 July Sunand & Graere/John tp present outline 12th August Nec ditto 16th September Dousiee/ouatin ditto Ay} m All neetings on Turesday at 7.00 at 57d Jamestown Rd, Arm ACS ce 1? © bcd ona NAM NOVEMBERISTS Very belated (v. sorry) notes on Meeting held of 15th July 1980 PRESENT: Nec, Graeme, Sunand, Adrian, Justin, Celia, Robin, Renata, Alexi, Ron. As previously arranged we began to discuss our individual specific findings in an attempt to concentrate our efforts. Sunand's investigations of tenants' views based on interviews. Housing Department Easy to pun estate but any problem can become a big problem because of size of estate;first tenants selected: graffiti-free perhaps largely because of evening patrolling demanded by insurer of the glass lifts. Big issues include - cats (dogs are banned) heating (erratic and complicated) Other issues include - old people v. kids (noise) cross ventilation difficult in A block internal kitchens unpopular Out of sight car parking unpopular upper gallery in A block floods no more and probably less than its share of management resources to run it. Tenant Rep. "Street" Seems to work, e.g. 6 p.m. on a nice evening; Considerable "pride" in estate -"Costa del Rowley", i.e. more Mediterranean hotel image Tourists can be a drag; A definite success. Novemberists!' Comments: than Council estate; To what extent is the "popularity" due to lavish expense and great attention and good management? Compared with other Camden estates, Alexandra Road demands Is Alexandra Road draining off "good" tenants and thus leaving Abbey Road to collect all the "problems"? A tide of desirability - check child density - what is anti- social behaviour especially when thereis a high degree of self-surveillance? The rent rebate system tends to destroy rent as a regulator. Newness versus design - Frankenberg's work and Milton Keynes experience could help. How does the design eliminate the ventilated lobby and satisfy means of escape requirements? NAM NOVEMBERISTS How does the domestic space "read" to the occupants? Do all estates necessarily enjoy popularity for only a limited time and therefore encourage movement from one estate to the next? Do Camden analyse their estates and if so how? They do not use the DoE kit. While social control on an estate is based on private propery ideology, many tenants' associations want "good management." There was a necessarily unresolved discussion about the need for a theoretical framework for such work but much appreciation of an empirical '‘ear.' Check out John Mason - DoE's historical management study. What is the particular knowledge that causes the design profession to exist and how does that relate to the building produced? What can architects keep for themselves and what can be ‘made more democratic.'? (Technical v indeterminate knowledge, etc.). Does historical precedent inform context does the design of housing happen? Is there a false apposition between ae solving and the modification of precedents? llow is Alexandra Road an incorporated bit of a city? How is Alexandra Road a "type" of estate? Next meeting was held on August 12 at 7.30 p.m. The one after will be held on September 16 at 7.30 p.m. at 57d Jamastown Road, London NW1. page 2 design? And in what Graeme raised some areas of interest to be developed with John which included: NAM NOVEMBERTSTS I. Presentation by Doug Smith a) Site layout. Alpha analysis shows that the strest has been ‘overconstituted! while the park is ‘unconstituted' i.e. all access to dwellings is from the street, and even maisonettes with gardens adjacent SUMMARY OF MESTING, 14th October, 1980 NAM Annual Conference will be held in Edinburgh 7th - 9th November. Details from 01 272 0580 after 6 p.m. Doug presented the analysis of Alexandra Road he has so far completed in two parts: firstly, the contrast between Alexandra Rd's street and a traditional street and secondly, an analysis of the estate and dwelling layout based on Bill Hillier's techniques. A brief summary of the analysis is presented below. a tanitneLD Next Meeting of Novembrists will be held on Wednesday 19th November at 7.30 p.m., 57D Jamestown Road, NW1. At that meeting we will discuss the group's achievements so far and future directions, Attended by : Adrian} Robin; Jos; Nec; Graeme; Giles; Doug; Sunand; John M~.; Alexi Ellis' article in On The Streets (Ed. S Anderson) compares the physical and social characteristics of a traditional street with the transformed street system of new council estates as follows: The traditional street is part of 4 continuous system in which buildings and road form a united element; change can be accomm- Odated along the edge by changing ind‘ vidual buildings; little social information is carried; it is dense and permeable i.e. one can get anywhere along it; it provides a rich encounter system for random_and unstructured events. By contrast, the transformed street System of new council estates is made up of islands and barriers which cannot absorb change; less ground coverage; less permeable sparsely spaced buildings; undifferentiated left over spaces; concentration on object to object relationship, not object to topography; high level of social information is carried usually about a single use on the site; unstructured events are eliminated; houses are off the street; controlled by state agencies; visitors are conspicuous; women are isolated; children's play is isolated (either from adults when play occurs in open space or from children when play occurs in flats); old people require special facilities; space is designed to separate and control people whether in the form of blocks of flats or garden cities. i) Pratitional street vs Alexandra Road Doug suggests that the pre-demolition wide streets of Alexandra Rd bounded by large semi-detached é@xellings approximates Ellis' des- cription of an untransformed street while the new 'street' has little to do with the traditional pattern - it doesn't G0 anywhere, ds not continuous with the rest of the city, and, although most Gwellings are reached via the street, no front doors are situated on it, Hillieresoue Analysis (abbreviated summary - details & diagrams from Doug) yi di) Hillieresoue Analysis ~- The uninitiated in the Group had some difficulty with the assumptions and language (jargon) of the Hillier analytical system (dogma). b) Dwelling layout Analysis of room configuration leads to the conclusion that for all dwelling types save 1 bedroor flats, the kitchen is consistently the ‘deepest! space. Doug concludes that Neave rown's ideal house design is that of a "Hampstead dinner party space' in which the kitchen, and by implication the woman, has been isolated from other activities in the dwellivg and is under the 'control' of the male-dominated spaces through which the kitchen is reached. Since this is an obviously disfunctional arrangement for other activities such as childcare, Doug concludes that the arrangement has come about for symbolic value. The kitchen has become the inner sanctum. The carefully detailed finishes emphasise its symbolic importance, II. Discussion i)Traditional street to the park have no direct access to it. This has several effects: the park is of little value to the residents; the street and hence the residents are highly controlled; the. street is oppressive to non-residents. The ‘axiality' of the design i.e. the fact that long range vistas of the scheme are provided, indicate the importance of the scheme and invite public use. - It was felt that Ellis! description idealised traditional street form and life in a way which conformed neither with physical reality nor residents! attitudes to the street which was in fact often viewed as noisy, polluted, unprivate. = John pointed out that other designers have justified different designs by alluding to traditional street values which they were purportedly emulating e.g. Smithsons' Golden Lane comp- etition entry defining street as a place where milk floats could go. : - The stepped section of Alexandra Ra was in itself a form which differentiates it from traditional streets. - This difficulty was increased by the fact that no Hillier analysis is yet available of more conventional housing to facilitate comparisons, and by the fact that some of the key relationships depend on non-intuitive results reached with aid of computerised calculations. - Anxieties were also voiced on the validity of developing a spatial language which does not include the people using and controlling the space. - Jos summarised the main implicit assumption. of the analytical ' scheme as the Goal of creating an open spatial system in which all routes are open to non-residents. The analysis is therefore concerned with entries and accessibility from one space to another. It disregards other factors such as distance, scale, héight, volume or other spatial qualities, and icnores quality of materials, finishes or style. It cannot accomuodate the concept of who controls boudaries at this stage. a) Site layout bd) Dwelling Lavout ~ Et was pointed out that at this stage, the language is still being devised, definitions are being altered, and further° developments can be expected. Only 2 other residential developments have as yet been examined: Boundary St and Marquess Rd, ~- Doug's conclusions seemed to have been corroborated by Sunand's findings from discussions with resident repres- entatives and housing management i.e. the street seems to work as a focus of unstructured activity while the park is underutilised and definitely not loved. - The implied causal relationship between ‘axiality' (long vista) and attraction of visitors and tourists to places like Alexandra Rd was disputed. ~ The need for comparative analysis with other dvellings was mentioned several times - The argument that the kitchen location has symbolic import needed to be considered against the argument that the location was determined purely by functional requirements, i.e., Given the constraints of (usually) single aspect dwellings with Parker Morris standards the kitchen must be located toward the back of the dwelling with access through living or dining areas. ~ The concept of ‘control! of spaces and implied extension to control of female by male requires clarification since it appears as either environmental determinism or a simple case of a pathetic fallacy. ‘ ——— - The discussion didn't really end there but continued in one of the local pubs. However by that late hour no thought was given to the minutes... See you at the next meeting, 19th November. Apologies from: Adrian Present: Robin, Sunand, Doug, Nec, Alexi, Celia, Justin, Graeme. NAM'S NOVEMBERISTS 1ST BIRTHDAY MEETING - NOVEMBER 19TH 1980 The meeting started with a report from Giles (not present) on the recent NAM Conference in Edinburgh, noting its mood of militancy in reaction to the current climate and its decision to concentrate opposition to the dismantling of the welfare state. A report from our group was submitted though only as a written Paper which was not discussed very much. What reaction there was tended to scepticism about the relevance of work in Architectural Theory - albeit engaging political economy — at a time when rather more fundamental issues were at stake. Giles and John had defended the work of the group, pointing out that it was vital not to abandon the field of theory to the mainly reactionary gurus currently enjoying vogue. The meeting felt that our report was an accurate description of the group's work so far - its necessary briefness highlighting our lack of focusbut failing to do justice to the great Geal of interest and fresh thought that this first year's meetings had generated. There was a general discussion about the group - its past and the problems of its future. Sunand and others felt that the 'academics' had the time to Pursue these interests, and did background work anyhow, while the 'practitioners' did not. Doug and Graeme explained the similar difficul- ties for the 'academics' especially for those on Hillier's course. There were diverse views on the need/desirability for producing finished work. Nec felt that given the different approaches of members, we should fix our aim On @ presentation in 6 months and then deal with the editorial problem. Alexi reminded us that we need not (/should not?) confine ourselves to Alexandra Road. Adrian who could not attend had sent a message to the same effect. It was finally agreed to Produce draft papers (not outlines of the work that would lead up to a Paper). It was decided that we should present the papers at an all-day session on Sunday March lst Starting at 10 a.m. at Justin's house, 54 Southwood Lane, London N6. Tel: 01-348 0735. All members should bring some drink and some dish/food to share. : it was decided to hold a pre-meeting at 7.30 p.m. on Thursday 19th February at Jacques Wine Bar, Tavistock Square, London WCl, to allow pre-distribution of Papers. This is strictly voluntary and allows people to work in their preferred way. Members should bring 18 copies of their papers typed with a large margin to allow room for others to comment either on 19th February or on lst March. If you do not/cannot bring your paper on the 19th, please write by then to Sunand and Robin with a 2-line description of your theme to allow some ordering of the day. t is intended that this one-day session will permit the group to assess its future direction or indeed existence! We edited the list of members as~follows:- Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5 703 9896 Jos Boys 31 Davenant Road London N19 Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6 Adrian Forty c/o Bartlett School of Arch. Gordon Street London WCl Jane Darke 173 Rustings Drive Sheffield S1l 7AD 0742 66 l4o Benedict. Foo 44 Grafton Terrace 272 7556 348 0735 London NW5 Graeme Geddes 13 Curtis House Morecame Street London SE17 John McKean 7O Thornhill Road Barnsbury Square London Nl Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Place London N5 485 2267 Giles Pe body 48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775 Celia Scott 3 Mall Studios Tasker Road London NW3 485 2689 Nec & Emel Teymur328 9550 31 Lauradale Road&8&3 4061 London N2 633 7170 Renate Prince 83 Fitzjohns Avenue London NW3 435 4278 Sunand Prasad 125 Grosvenor Avenue London N5 485 2267 Douglas Smith 17 Delancey Street London Nwl 267 8268 Julia Wilson-Jones 48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775 633 8340 703 7140 387 7050 ; 607 0700 Alexi Marmot 58 Woodsome Road London NW5 John Murray 37 Landrock Road London N&8& 485 6341 340 359 > Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Novemberist Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1979-1981 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/b3d3a42cb717c08fbcb3ceeeb20e7789.pdf 92c6974f7aa9269d963cb4368f8f9e76 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Mailing List Subject The topic of the resource Letter 4/10/83 from David Jenkins Edinburgh Group to John Murray attaching earlier Mailing list Description An account of the resource COVICJenrKINSCSSOCIOIeS reese, 4th October 1983 John Murray, 37 Landrock Road London #8 Dear John, Please find enclosed NAM mailing list,which is at least two years out of date. Please bear this in mind when interpreting. Best of luck, DAIE. e 9 South College Street Edinburgh EH8 9AA O31°667s1417 David L Jenkins Bsc (Agric.) Dip LA ALI , / NAME ADDRESS PROF, AREA TRADE UNION Abley Allan Arndell Arnold Tan JOhn Jt Norman Havelock Hall Castle Leazes, Spital Tongues N-U-T 67 Romilly Road, London N4 19 The Grange, Gellinudd, Pontardang, W Glanorgan 2 St Martins Terrace, Chapeltown Rd. Leeds S/A N NIL A SE Beheshti Reza Dept. of Design Research, Royal College of Art Kensington Grove, London SW 7 23 Leweston Place, Stanford Hill, London N16 21 Drayton Gardens, Ealing,London W13 oLG Bisset Biernat Boys Broad Brohn Brown Bulley Burn David Burney David 286A Church St., Pimlico, London SW1 Pathead, Midlothian 71 Saltoun Road, London SW2 4 Eveline ST., Connaught Gardens, London N1O 3LA 146 Rushmore Road,London SE A Ss TASS Bush Blamire Caven Carver Clarke Clendenning leo Collective Actions A N NALGO A 4 NONE S N Cooper Cooper Comrie Tan ue Jamie s SE L TASS/ AUEW Davies Dunlop Andrew Malcolm 31 Honeywell House, Honeywell, Stoke-on-Trent 29 Aldeshot Road, London NW6 7LF A 4 A SE BDS TASS Eaton John 24 St Mark St., Gloucester, GL 1 200 SH Susan Field-Clegg Design 9 St Georges Avenue,London N7 1 Canton Place,London Road, Bath S/A SE NUS SW Francis Partnership Gillies Gordon Gorst Green Alec Robert Thonas Oave 74 Westwood Orive, Little Chalfont, Bucks 39 Walton Road, Sheffield 25C De Crespigny Park, Camberwell SE5 238A Spring Bank,Hull, North Hunberside $ SE $s N NALGO s SE Ss N E Jane Mr Marian S $ SE sSE ASE NONE Jos Mick Tony Andy Ton 4 SE BDS-TASS A SE NALGO A SE NALGO 4 SE NALGO C A Alex J Jacquetta Linda Elistree Road, Fulham, London SW6 Sandy Farn, Luckington, Chippenham, Wilts SN14 6PP 9 South East Circus Place Edinburgh 23 Springfield, Kegworth, Derbyshire 28 Marine Crescent,Liverpool 22 16 Northam, Cromer St., London WCl 94 Chantonbury Way, North Finchley,lLondon N12 7A8 175 Heningford Road London Nl 1DA 121 Arbury Road, Cambridge 75 Ball Pond Road, Hackney, London Ni 11A Ouesbery St., Hull, East Yorkshire A SE BDS-TASS SW Harns Hall Harley Hayhow David 4.Hawentng—tenSdetrriseientBbWawtyLeadWE. » SE wALGD- Hartmann Jack Oavid 105 Montgonery Street, Edinburgh EH? SEX B/Sur s TASS Leplat Leyland Lochhead Frederic 24 Godwin Court, Croundale Road, London NWI Christine 3B George Street, London W1 David T 34 Prince Regent Street, Edinburgh s Malte Malhey N@onald NcRiner HcVicar Melkshan Morgan Morris Murray Bob 14 Holmdale Road, London MW6 18S Kosta 1 Priory Grove,London SW Robert 89 Lon Maesycoed, Maesydail, Newtown, Powys 4 Tan "Rosedale", Butterrow West, Stroud, Glos. Gill 64 Northwestern Avenue, Northanpton Michael Neville 2nd Floor Flat, 18 Charlotte St., London WIP lHJ Ben c/o Oxford Polytechnic (Dept of Architecture) Oxford John 37 Landrock Road,London NB Hans Georgina John 29 Southhill Park, London W3 3B Carlton House, 29 Jesmond Road, Newcastle-upon-Tyne S/A N 4 Priory Terrace, Cheltenhan, Glos. SW Monika 1 Priory Grove, London SW8 2PD (Butternelchester 3 D-8000 Munchens, W Germany) s SE A SE SW s 4 A SE S/A SE A SE NALGO NALGO SW! NALGO N SE ASMS UCL Str.Eng SE Ss SE $ N SE BDS AUEW SE AME ADDRESS PROF. AREA UNION ? Napier Newte John Sue 959A Ronford Road, Manor Park, London E12 678 Langford Road, London SW6 $ 4 A SE NALGO Teck Ong Ordonez L C 2 Lord Napier Place, UpperHall,London W6 9UB 18 Finsbury Park Road,London N4& A SE NALGO SE ACTASS Paredes-Yapur AJ 4 N SE AUEW TASS Pearce Pebody Ken Giles 127 Fairbridge Road, Holloway, London N19 4B Sutherland Square,london N17 A SE AUEW TASS Resold Richards Rodgers Roebuck Rolfe Ross Ryding Janet Janet Mary David Andrew Laura Helene 22 Malden Road, Chalk Farn, London W5 Shelagh Shanks Christopher’ 163 Camberwell Road,London SES SE Sartin Shilton Snith Sonerwell Speedy Sutton Angela A SE S ALEW TASS Sutton De Syllas Startup Dave Justin HM Thonas Tily Tod Towers Graham 9 Midland Road, Leeds 6 10 Lionel House, 370 Portobello Road,London W10 STA 111 Culford Road, London NI N TASS A SE Turner John A SE 1Pcs Walker Ward Wates Wesolowski Willians Wilson Wilkinson Eddy PN Nick Peter Martin Jonathan 8A Northampton Park,London Nl $ Alan R 124 Lichfield Road, Dagenham, Essex Rod ORA David PM Mary John Tan Room 17, 14 Evelyn Gardens,London SW? A SE 96 Cairns Road, Redland, Bristol, 8S6 71G SW 23 Grove Hill Road, London SE5 SE 25 St Georges Avenue, London N7 OHB SE A 4 NALGO 84 Warrender Park Crescent, Edinburgh B13 BEX Ss 6 Hillcrest Road, Noseley, Birmingham B13 SX 4 "Oakfield", Station Road, Baschurch, Shrewsbury S 4 The Three Browns, Rowhedge, Nr Colchester, Essex SE 81. Mill Road, Cambridge 17 Delancey Street,London NWI 22Panmure Place, Edinburgh 3 51 Morton Street, London SW1 3 Brecknock Road, Knowle, Bristol Sa 149 Lower Cheltenhan Road, Bristol 8S6 5LB8 SW 54 Southwood Lane, Highgate,London N6 5ER SE 91 Allison Gardens, London W14 ODR SE s SE 31 Grimwood Road, Twickenham, Middlesex TW 1BY SE 28 Crab Lane, Arnley,Leeds LS12 2a0 46 Field Lane, Frimley, Canberley, Surrey 4 Newell Street,Linehouse, London £14 7HR 7 Gosforth Terrace, South Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 43 Clarence Parade. Flat 5, Southsea Hants a N TASS Ss SE $ SE JOURN SE NUS S/A SE NUS SE $ SE TASS Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource David Jenkins Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f5be5e4c5dfaac6fcd617dcf5253665c.pdf 990f05b4051c0c1398d918f6bcee690a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Contact List Subject The topic of the resource Contact List mostly London Description An account of the resource Contact List Mark Beedle 83 Willifield Way London NW11 Jos Boys 31 Davenant Road London N19 Sue Francis 9 St Georges Ave London N7 Graeme Geddes 13 Curtis House Morecambe St London S517 John McKean 70 Thornhill Rd Barnsbury Se London aE 1 ' John Mitchel] NELP : Jokn Murray 37 Landrock Road London NB John Napier NELP Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Plece London N5 Giles Peabody 48 Sutherland Sq 125 Grosvener Ave 485 2267 240 2430 609 2976 ‘ Barry Shaw 6 Springdale Road London N16 Douglas Smith I7 Delancey St London NuT Sue Walker 125 Highbury Hill London N5 Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6 Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5 405 3412 405 3411 226 5030 348 0735 703 9896 373 1420 0742 66 140 633 8340 328 9550 883 4061 633 7170 Celia Scott 703 7140 00. ese gus Taisen London SK7 Jane Darke 173 Rustings Drive . Sheffield Sll 7AD Benedicte Foo 44 Grafton Terrace London NW5 Nec and Emel Teymur 31 Lauradale Road London N2 fania~ Frvty barkettsdeol +fhedititaxs Sone aT Decne : (3) 340 703 340 4359 485 2267 Sunad Prasad wuld tel London N5 485 2267 7 London N7 . 240 2430 Marian Roberts 41 Roden St London SE17 703 7175 wl 3 Mall Studios - Tasker Road London Nu3 485 2689 = t960]a\ Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Contact list Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980/81