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                  <text>1976-1980</text>
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                <text>Architectural Profession</text>
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                <text>A Short History of the Architectural Profession. A5 Booklet inc. 23 pp.</text>
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                <text> bia.&#13;
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE&#13;
ARCHITECTURAL PROFESSION&#13;
&#13;
 SYSZ&#13;
IFCRIME DOESaNT PAY... LUHEREGE&#13;
|ARCHITELTS&#13;
AL THEIA Mo NEY?&#13;
Preface&#13;
The purpose of this thesis is to show the development of&#13;
the architectural profession from its origins to the present day.&#13;
With its development it has become obvious that to do the subject justice, it would need to be a book in its own right. Therefore,&#13;
it is much regretted that too many issues are dealt with far too briefly, but I do believe that it is of sufficient credibility to be worthy of note, and a valuable introduction to the subject for people becoming interested in the profession for the first time. There&#13;
is a short reading list at the end for those interested in understanding my source of material. I hope that within a few years it might be possible to create the book this subject demands.&#13;
My thanks to Brian Anson, George Mills and the year I spent&#13;
as a member of the Architects Revolutionary Council, which enabled a concentrated study of the architectural profession. I hope that this study reflects a socialist perspective and I thank the Communist Party of Great Britain for improving my Marxist analysis, at which Iam no expert.&#13;
I dedicate this work to the principle of the New Architecture Movement: "For all, a better environment",&#13;
Front illustration by kind permission of L, Hellman. Other illustrations courtesy of ARC.&#13;
ma ~-=_Go.e&#13;
NEW ARCHTTECTMRE WOVEYENT CONTAVT ADDRESS c/O J. Broming, 36 Elm Grove London N.8-.&#13;
&#13;
 over Europe separated it from the cultural tradition of these other European states.&#13;
1&#13;
In England, this had the effect that anyone claiming to be an architect could not just develop from his home culture, but had to deliberately study the architecture of Italy, and later Greece.&#13;
This was the first impetus to separate master builder from architect. Inigo Jones was the person responsible for introducing classical architecture to England. He is also significant because his position&#13;
as Court Architect revealed the need of the Crown to create its own impressive buildings. It also helped to make the style fashionable&#13;
and created the demand for more architects capable of designing in&#13;
this style. Right from the start we can see how an idea or fashion&#13;
is introduced by the elite of society, the Crown, taken up by the nobles and lords, made popular, plagiarized and finally, scrapped when it&#13;
has become common, by the introduction of a new style. The timescale of this cycle is dependent upon the amount of building being done at any one time, i.e. fashions come and go much quicker when there is a lot of work about.&#13;
Architects found that the application of styles was both helpful and unhelpful in the struggle to maintain their position in society. Styles helped architects because they were the people who chose the new fashion and, therefore, were the leaders. Styles hindered them because the styles were quickly copied and circulated amongst builders, which meant that the architects’ leadership was constantly being undermined. Architects began to feel that being dedicated followers&#13;
of fashion was not likely to be a lasting solution to the maintenance of their status in society and other means should be found for spreading the influence of architects to strengthen their position.&#13;
The great fire of London in 1666 provided the first opportunity&#13;
for architects to spread their authority in a more general way. Wren's plans for London, whilst not being wholly implemented, clearly show that the architectural role had developed aspirations for the total control of the built environment. Another aspect revealed was the difficulty of construction supervision and the number of jobs an architect could handle. Wren found it necessary to concentrate on the construction of St. Paul's to such an extent that he moved into a house with a clear&#13;
view of the Cathedral. This meant that he had to rely on juniors toa large extent to detail and supervise the construction of the many parish churches that bear his name as architect.&#13;
After Wren, it is possible to trace the history of the architect “through a number of architects at any one time, Hawksmoor and&#13;
Vanborough, the Adam Brothers, etc. This plurality of architects developed an awareness in the higher classes of society of architecture and architects. Though some builder craftsmen became acceptable architects, it was quite common for the gentry to dabble in architecture themselves. Indeed, any man pretending to be educated in the eighteenth century was expected to know the classical orders of architecture and to be capable of creating a classical composition himself.&#13;
2&#13;
The purpose of this thesis is to show the development of the architectural profession from its origins to the present day. It is not a history of architects or styles, though they are significant factors, but it relates more specifically to the role of the architect in society, and how he has organised himself to fulfil that role.&#13;
The term "architect" at a basic level means a designer of buildings. The word itself comes from the ancient Greek and Latin via Vetruvius etc., but it is probable that the role of the architect started long before the Greeks. The origins of architecture lie in vernacular buildings, which simply stated means vernacular build- ings are not designed, but grow from the skills and traditions of a particular culture. Ina culture where men are not equal and where kings and lords wish to show their power, or that of their religion, large and impressive buildings are an ideal medium for their needs.&#13;
It follows that vernacular buildings are inadequate for the purpose&#13;
due to their common character, but no one knows how to build anything else. To build something extraordinary needs planned instructions&#13;
as to how to proceed with the construction, and in order that this may be done, plans or pictures or models of the finished product have to be made. Generally, any culture that begins monument building takes its vernacular building as a starting point and then proceeds to scale it up. Some people have said the Pathenon was a scaled-up Greek house.&#13;
In Europe, this meant that until the advent of the renaissance&#13;
the architect's role was played by a master craftsman who applied&#13;
his art and skill ina scale greater than his vernacular origins. As these buildings grew from vernacular scale buildings they took with them the relationships of that society as expressed in built form, and while they created some vast cathedrals, castles, etc., it was still possible for them to relate to the people they were built for. Self- conscious man, or modern man, is often thought to have come about with the renaissance.&#13;
the vernacular traditions still continue for the majority of buildings, special buildings that needed to be uncommon were designed as a conscious choice of styles and systems, not necessarily related to the culture of the society for which they were intended.&#13;
houses of Venice, Milanetc.&#13;
In architectural terms, this means that while&#13;
Italy was the founder of the modern renaissance man, in part due to the development of capitalist enterprise, hence the great trading&#13;
The rise to power of traders, such as the Medici, had to be demonstrated publicly through the patronage&#13;
of the arts andan impressive building programme.&#13;
reflected the need of the nouveau riche to associate themselves with&#13;
the wealth and authority of previous ages. That is why, not unnaturally&#13;
for Italians, they turned to the glorious past of the Roman Empire for inspiration. Thus, whilst the renaissance very clearly had historical and traditional values for Italy, its subsequent stylistic application all&#13;
The buildings&#13;
&#13;
 3&#13;
an architect often measured his own building works. Coupled with this was the extent to which "contractors" or master builders could mis-manage the accounts of projects. This led the public in the form of clients, or the higher classes of society, to complain that the whole building industry was immoral and criminal - they made no distinction between architect, measurer or builder. The growth of the industry had led to the establishment of many people claiming to be architects, and many new building firms or contractors. This caused such confusion and disarray that the more thinking architects began to try to find solutions to the problem.&#13;
Though the solution to the problem was probably never seen clearly by anyone or any section of the building industry, it is true that architects were the first section to crystalise their views and form a pressure group to achieve their aims. Evidence shows that there were five groups whose separate positions were beginning to clarify from the confusion caused by the sudden growth of the whole building industry. By looking at each section and how they came to terms with their problems, we may obtain some idea of the complexity of the problem.&#13;
Firstly, at the top of the tree was the client, either personal or corporate. His problem was that he did not know whether he was&#13;
being cheated or not. This could only be solved if there were ways of ensuring that the people employed were honest, and if not there was some way of checking on what they had done. In essence, the separa- tion of jobs did this because each section could then be checked and played off one against the other.&#13;
The problems were more complex for the architect:&#13;
- he had to convince the clients that he was honest.&#13;
- his social status was being eroded by the number of people&#13;
claiming to be architects.&#13;
- his role was threatened by confusion with, and takeover by,&#13;
contractors.&#13;
- he was restrained if involved in one building firm, by the&#13;
geographical locality and workload capabilities of the firm. In about 1820 a number of architectural societies were formed to discuss and learn about architecture. These appeared in London, Liverpool, Manchester, etc. and reflected the growing popularity amongst the bourgeois for "learned societies".&#13;
The formation of the Institute of British Architects in 1833 was&#13;
an attempt by the profession to use the disguise of "learned society"&#13;
to create a trade association for the profession. Consequently, the Institute could not become just a London-based "learned society" like&#13;
the Royal Academy, but had to become the federated control of all the architectural clubs inthe country. Because it allowed membership&#13;
of measurers (the forerunners of quantity surveyors) it was not felt satisfactory by a small but professionally-orientated number of architects. They believed that to overcome the problem of dishonesty in the profession, it was necessary that architects should not measure their own, or other architects', work. This would then clear architects of the charge of measuring dishonestly so as to increase their own fees. +&#13;
This initial popularising of architecture in high society enabled it&#13;
to be talked about and discussed as an entity in itself without which&#13;
it is unlikely to have weathered its first crisis in the 1820s and 1830s.&#13;
The growth of architectural awareness was considerable during the eighteenth century buts its examples were naturally restricted by the amount of buildings undertaken. It was not to be until the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the boom of the Industrial Revolution&#13;
that architecture was to take its next step.&#13;
Before going on to the effects of the Industrial Revolution, it would be wise to have a look at the building industry and its organ- isation. As we have mentioned, the architectural profession was a very elite service industry and because of this, it was possible to enter it from above, or by sweat and graft from below.&#13;
that those who attained the acceptable title of architect found it in their interests to preserve, as far as possible, their elitist position. This meant that though many master craftsmen aspired to being architects, very few actuallymade it.&#13;
of buildings was basically carried out intwo ways.&#13;
the owner or his agent, whether he be an architect or master builder, would contract a mason to do the masonry, a carpenter to do the carpentry, etc., all ona separate agent-contrator basis.&#13;
way, which developed increasingly towards the 1800's, was that the owner would sign one contract with one man, who then either carried out the work from his own firm, or sub-contracted for the separate tasks. This gave rise to the "contractor", whose traditional unpopularity grew from two main points evident initially.&#13;
the skilled tradesmen thought he was poaching on their right to make direct contracts with the owners and, secondly, architects feared that he might try and take over their role as co-ordinators and designers&#13;
of the project.&#13;
During the eighteenth century construction The first was that&#13;
However, the craftsmen were the most obviously upset for the traditional craft guilds dating from mediaeval days were not disposed&#13;
for either one craft or another to dominate the industry.&#13;
felt even more snubbed bya non-trade "contractor", they were 80 unprepared to co-operate between trades guilds that they were powerless to prevent the development of contractors. Indeed, their frustrations were so acute and so lacking in ideas as to how to surmount the problems that there was considerable violence on sites in and around London&#13;
during 1824. This led to discussions in the House of Commons on the subject, but from lack of evidence to the contrary, it appears the&#13;
skilled tradesmen were sadly forced to accept the position and loss of responsibility. Their weakened state has since led them into&#13;
narrower and narrower specialisation and reduction of their skills, 80 as to enable the eventual mechanisation of their tasks.&#13;
From the end of the Napoleonic Wars trade and industry in England began to develop under the influence of the Industrial Revolution.&#13;
There was a noticeable increase in building with the re-investment of war bond money. This first property boom brought to the fore all the ongoing trends and antagonisms.&#13;
Apart from the building site riots, there were problems at the other end of the profession too. The&#13;
pricing of building construction was often done by architect measurers ~&#13;
This ensured&#13;
The second&#13;
Firstly,&#13;
Whilst they&#13;
&#13;
 g&#13;
The effect of the Arts and Crafts Movement on the architectural profession was minimal. Stylistically it offered a great wealth of ideas as expressed by people like Ruskin and Morris, and built by Nash, MacIntosh, Voysey, etc. However, in terms of the trend&#13;
of the ages it was seen as old fashioned, romantic and impractical. Whilst it had cause to complain about the reduction of craft skills due to technology, it failed to realise that the main alienation caused by machinery was for the workers an economic problem.&#13;
It was no good working in a nice jug if it cost twice as much as a manufactured jug, and consequently was never sold. People were not in a position to complain about their intellectual exploitation if they could not afford to provide themselves with food, clothing and shelter. The Arts and Crafts Movement was basically an upper&#13;
or middle class concern, they could not really come to grips with any solution to the problem as expressed by socialism. William Morris had a great influence on the Arts &amp; Crafts Movement, and socialism had a great influence on Morris, but the confusion of the Movement came about as a result of its romantic approach to the past. This lack of perspective created a mixture of inadequate solutions to the problem that could never be put strongly in public due to their own weaknesses. If the public arena for debate was not fertile ground&#13;
for the Movement, it could only retreat into itself, turning its back on the world and living out a romantic dream in the hills of the Cotswolds or in Wales. It isa pity, but understandable, that the Arts and Crafts Movement was not of major importance for it was developing in architecture the qualities found in English vernacular buildings and it would have greatly added to our present cultural condition. As such, the only influence it had was to slow down the technical professional development of architects by its insistance that design and art are not measurable standards and, as such there could be no measure of the competence of an architect.&#13;
Over the period 1890 to 1920, the profession felt that it had proved itself and its place in society but still suffered from the actual disposability of its services. There was no legal definition of what an architect was, and there was no necessity by law to employ one. These insecurities were well founded for during the 1914-18 war, the Government made no special use of architects, and the depression of the 1920s clearly revealed the vulnerability&#13;
of the profession. The depression, therefore, brought to the front all pressures for registration of architects and for legislating for the use of architects.&#13;
In this way, it was intended that all design work for buildings would have to be designed, by law, by architects, and that all architects should be registered with the government in a similar fashion to doctors. This would have provided the architect with an unquestionably secure position in socicty, it was after all their vulnerability to unemployment and replacement by engineers, builders, etc. that worried them most.&#13;
The RIBA's report of 1943 revealed that architecture necessitated extensive planning and that in the theme of the report, outside central London itself, there were very few buildings of architectural merit, i.e. what Hitler was not going to blitz the RIBA would. There was much discussion on planning and groups like the Mars group drew up plans for the near total rebuilding of London. The expansion of the professional arena and examples of planning proposed by Corbusier, etc., led to the development of the Town and Country Planning Act, passed shortly after the end of the war.&#13;
Town Planning became a profession in its own right which furthered the cause of expanding the profession while maintaining an increase in status. The other aspect the war created was the substantial growth of government influence and work in the building industry.&#13;
The future for the architectural profession seemed set fair to prosper after the war but it is important to realise the contradictions&#13;
now apparent to us were in existence then.&#13;
profession after the war became synonymous with talking about the RIBA. The RIBA asa private club is governed by a democratically elected Council. The Council is responsible for the actions of the Institute. However, it must be remembered that the RIBA was founded to further the existence of private practice architects, and had been very successful inthis task.&#13;
therefore, fell to those who had helped, or were helping, in this task. The Council clearly aligned itself to the interests of private practice. The method of election to the RIBA Council was by national elections and this meant that you had to be reasonably well known to become elected. This process naturally favoured the big names of private practices.&#13;
Since the war an increasing number of architects have been employed by the state and while they have not directly contributed to the existence of the private practice sector, their existence has been ured to demonstrate the size and usefulness of the whole profession.&#13;
During the 19408 and 1950s there was an architects’ and building technicians’ union (ABT) which was the only organised voice of architects to express the salaried-architects' viewpoint. This union was for a long time communist controlled and due to an increasing divergence between its executive and members, it faded into obscurity by the 1960s. Members of the union were responsible for the "peoples detailing" era of the London County Council, but their influence ind; recent years appears non-existent.&#13;
However, the existence of this group with alternative viewpoints to the RIBA did show the diverging directions of the architectural profession, The modern movement in architecture only got off the ground in this country with the Festival of Britain in 1951. In this&#13;
it was aided by the new Town and Country Planning Acts and by @ mixed inspiration of Scandinavian furniture and plastics, the Mediteranean derived architecture of Corbusier, plus the usage of&#13;
technical terme "functional and "mechanical aesthetics".&#13;
The architectural&#13;
The control of the Council,&#13;
&#13;
 te&#13;
This small group of eight has slowly been whittled down by over-work, absorption, promotion and even rejection, toa total&#13;
of four, three of whom are now such high-ranking public architects that their ties to the Salaried Architects Group is more history than fact. After four years of considerable effort, they have achieved the improvement of the Code of Conduct relating to salaried architects and their responsibilities. However, the code is useless without any backing or testing of its validity.&#13;
The influence of the salaried architects group was reflected in the RIBA Council's choice for President for 1973-75, Fred Pooley. Fred Pooley was the first public architect to become president of the RIBA and although he started out fairly succes sfully, the financial difficulties of the Institute did not allow the development of Alex Gordon's Action Paper, regarded as a very progressive pro- gramme for the RIBA. Added to this, the collapse of the building industry in 1974 created a strong dernand from private practice for the RIBA to appeal to the Government for more work. At this task Pooley was ineffective and not cut out to do the tasks the times demanded of him. On finishing his term of office, Fred Pooley became the head of the GLC's Transport Planning Department, 2 nice cosy job. During his last year as President, he was nea rly completely ignored in favour of the president-elect, Eric Lyons.&#13;
Due to the circumstances of architectural depression and RIBA stringency, the salaried architect group should have mounted a big campaign to protect the interests of their group. However, their absorption in altering codes of conduct and involvement with the RIBA Council isolated them from the mass of public architects. That they are less effective than the Association of Official Architects reflects&#13;
their isolation and lack of organisation.&#13;
The challenge created by the emergence of the SAG did lead to the&#13;
formation of an Association of Consultant Architects. This group is for private practice principals only and having a formal and well- financed organisation, is beginning to have effect. They produce policies and express opinions in the architectural journals which are consistently unsocial.&#13;
Eric Lyons had been chairman of ACA in the past, but to enhance his attempts to become president he left the organisation. He had all the grooming for presidency necessary, 4 good profitable practice that did work considered to be progressive, SPAN housing etc., and from the moment he was made president-elect he ran the RIBA ina manner to which the ACA was accustomed.&#13;
The building boom also gave rise to another radical architects’ group. The fight to save Covent Garden and other town centre battles gave rise to people like Brian Anson and the wave of trouble in architectural schools in 1972-73: Hull, Kingston upon Thames, Northern Poly and Cheltenham. In 1973 Brian Anson and others founded the Architects Revolutionary Council, and through an article in the summer of 1973 in Building Design and through public meetings, gave the group a public face.&#13;
There had been Architects Registration Bills before Parliament since 1890 but because the RIBA had never sponsored these Bills, due to the action of the Arts &amp; Crafts Movement, nothing had come of them. However, with the pressures of the depression, they joined in and finally championed the fight for the Architects Registration Acts. This also healed the split in the architectural profession between the RIBA and the Society of Architects, which would have challenged the supremacy of the RIBA if the RIBA had failed to champion the cause for registration. In the course of the fight the two institutes merged in favour of the RIBA.&#13;
The Architects Registration Bill put to the government sought the registration of architects and their statutory usage on buildings over a certain size. Due to the number of exceptions to this rule, which would have been necessary, the opposition of other interest groups, the views of the Arts and Crafts Movement,&#13;
felt that while it was necessary to ensure the quality of architects, it was not necessary to enforce their usage on the public. Fortun- ately, the compromise that the Acts of 1931, 1934 and 1938 evolved was to protect the. public from incompetent architects by government registration and no statutory usage of architects, which ruled out an architect monopoly,&#13;
The architectural profession had obviously hoped for the complete statutory provision but accepted that its own lack of prestige ruled this out for the time being. Clearly, the profession had to use the provision of the Act to strengthen its own position and so gaina&#13;
better point of advantage to grasp the final part later. The Act of 1938 registering architects and setting up a body to administer the&#13;
Act was designed to give the profession as a whole a major say in how it should be run. The theory was that architects knew best about architecture. The Act set up a Council of members of the profession and there was also representation of other interest groups in the building industry and government agencies.&#13;
The representation of architects on the Council was proportional to the number of architects registered with the Council and it was also divided into the number of clubs and societies that represented architects. It had to represent all registered architects and there is even a section on the Council for those not attached to any organisation, although the fact that they were uninterested in organisations indicated their lack of concern in the Architects’ Registration Council of the United Kingdom, and so these seats are nearly always vacant.&#13;
Due to the growth of the representation of architects and the static and out of date representation of other interests, architects’ control of the Council has increased over the years.&#13;
The RIBA, after its amalgamation with the Society of Architects, was the largest body representing architects on the ARCUK Council and as some of the other bodies, such as the Architectural Assoc- ation, were also RIBA members, it turned out that right from the guises the RIBA had a majority membership of the ARCUK Council.&#13;
etc., it was&#13;
&#13;
 (S$&#13;
It was widely believed by architects that the introduction of industrialised buildings and/or components would lessen the cost. This is not the case. The introduction of industrial components lessened the amount of labour involved, which meant a greater potential for profit for the producer, once the item had been produced, transported, erected and paid for its capital investment&#13;
of factory production, it was no cheaper to use than normal methods.&#13;
These factors created the modern style that gradually caught&#13;
on. That its later stylistic title should be Brutalism and Neo Brutalism accurately reflects its human commitment. The other aspect to emerge after the war was the building consortiums,&#13;
CLASP, SEAC etc., where it was hoped to produce the "standardized system", but while these may have reduced costs in steel purchase initially, they are no longer economincally competitive.&#13;
The existence of these buildings in Britain has always been disliked by the populace at large for whom they have no connection with their culture. Financed by financiers and construction magnates for their potential profit by reduction in labour hours and skills, the architect could do nothing about the situation. Most were happy that a modern movement had at last arrived, those that disliked it were unable to counter it because their ideas were more expensive, which led them to being regaled as fuddyduddies and in search of large fees.&#13;
The modern style became equally popular in the public sector, where many of its worst attributes were developed, CLASP, tower blocks of flats, etc. The modern movement was acceptable to architects as being the first style created by modern technology controlled by modern bureaucracy: two elements of today's ruling class which architects wished to be part of.&#13;
During the 1960s the avant-garde was the focus of architectual attention and such groups as Archigram and Super Studio dominated the media. The purpose of Archigram and the avant-garde generally is to pose alternatives that look like the way ahead without fundament- ally altering anything. This diversion of focus from the true restraints on architecture by the avant-garde is often confused with being the revolutionary side of architecture, it quite clearly is not. The acceptance of technology and land ownership patterns show that Archigram postulates a fashion and nothing else. As with the formation of the RIBA in the 1830s it is discernible that the dedic- ation to fashion is a shallow ambition.&#13;
In the late 1960s the ''Eco-freak" broke on the architectural profession, Street Farmer, Blue Print for Survival, etc. There is much of importance in the rational use of technology and points in two directions, one a more rational local use of energy and resources and secondly a national and international policy on energy and resources.&#13;
It is interesting to see the effect of Street Farmer and green ie beautiful on the revamped Archigram, "butter wouldn't melt in my mouth".&#13;
The growth of the architectural profession has been most spectacular in the public sector where 50% of architects are now employed. Addedtothis,ofthe50%intheprivatesectoronlyabout&#13;
th :&#13;
ARC had a slow beginning in 1973-74 but a strategy aimed at ending the RIBA and the creation of an architectural role serving the public was formulated.&#13;
1973 also saw the formation of the Schools of Architecture Council. This body was to replace the defunct Heads of Schools Committee of the RIBA. It was intended to give more of the role of a forum to this and they felt it necessary to have not only heads, but other staff members too. It was then also decided to have students as well (God knows how!). The result was a Council of 38 British Schools of Architecture, with 38 heads of schools, 38 staff and 38 students, The SAC has had three annual conferences since 1973. These conferences have given the students a focus&#13;
of action and since Easter 1974 at Bath, every SAC AGM has been preceeded by a two-day student conference. Suggestions at these gatherings on forming another national architectural student organisation have always come to nothing.&#13;
During 1973-74 the two RIBA student councillors visited over half the schools of architecture and produced an irregular news sheet. This work was carried on the next year by Cliff Collins and Dave Taylor, and.some progress has been made with keeping students informed.&#13;
The main alternative organisation during 1975 has been ARC, which in the summer of 1975 set out to attack the RIBA and expose ite failures. This campaign met with some success and thanks to some advantageous publicity about their work in Ealing, the group gained considerable notoriety.&#13;
a new movement in architecture and this was formed at a congress organised by ARC at Harrogate. The New Architecture Movement is now a body in its own right with a growing number of similar movements in other professions, including planning. The possi- bilities for the N. A.M. are discussed in the last section.&#13;
ARC's next step was to instigate&#13;
This brief review of architectural organisations active since&#13;
the war has highlighted the non-RIBA organisations, but it must be remembered that during all this time the RIBA has grown in numbers and strength. The RIBA's most recent moves show its direction for the future. Firstly, the attempt to reintroduce the fellowship status reflects the disatisfaction of the higher echelons with the general status of being a plain ARIBA member. They believe that now the profession is so large and specialised into so many separate areas that it would not harm the profession to reintroduce the master- craftsman classification,&#13;
legislation for the use of architects ina statutory fashion, and they believe that now there are enough architects to make this practicable. They want the average architect as office fodder, with only Fellows as bosses. Thus, they have to put up with the temporary loss of&#13;
Thcy hope that eventually they can gain&#13;
elitism of the profession just so that they can eventually get their&#13;
pan on all the work by law, and then reinstate the elitist fellowship class,&#13;
&#13;
 13 Ib&#13;
The effect of the present economic depression has also accelerated a change in.the structure of practices. The depression has closed many small offices either totally or by mergers into&#13;
larger practices. Only those offices with sufficient funds have&#13;
been able to crawl to the OPEC countries for work. The combination of reducing the number of practices and earning foreign money is&#13;
a typical capitalist development, the only surprise is that it has not happened so strongly before.&#13;
There is also at present the first call from the RIBA for architectural practices to be able to "certificate" designs for building regulations. This is unlikely to help architects as if it were ever implemented it would probably be ona practice basis and, therefore, only help established practices. It would also make it far more difficult for new practices to start up and so further accelerate the reduction in the number ofoffices.&#13;
However, the main reason for rejecting this idea is that it would not guarantee the public from unsafe buildings. At the moment, building inspectors are appointed and supervised by the government which ensures the principle of public accountability. The architect- ural profession is controlled by its own private club and the public would have no way to gain accountability from architect building inspectors in private practice. Needless to say, any office that had the power to certificate its own designs would be very open to the possibility of bending the rules and creating buildings which were not sound.&#13;
Any attempt on behalf of the private practice to gain legislation which puts its usage into the statutory monopoly direction must be stopped. The suggestion arises out of the frustration architects face with local government bureaucracy, ways must be found to increase the effectiveness of these government agencies without losing public accountability.&#13;
The RIBA in its role as guardian of private practice, has tried to appease the criticism levelled at architecture by the public. The criticism is of all the boring, inhuman creations of architects, both public and private - tower blocks of offices and flats being the main enemy. The RIBA has, however, not countered this criticism by complaining about the inadequate resources made available for buildings, but in two different ways.&#13;
Firstly, European Architectural Heritage Year (1975) was used&#13;
as a promotion exercise to gain rehabilitation work and, as usual, failed to point out the real problems facing architecture. This involved their public face and was regarded by them as a good public relations exercise. The second method was not public and related&#13;
to the architectural clients specifically who are now almost completely composed of commercial giants and government departments. These bodies and their juniors are interested solely in the economics and technicalities of projects. The modern client is addicted to&#13;
technical bureaucratic competence and to appease them the RIBA bas embarked on a major drive to improve the "competence" of architects.&#13;
20% of architects can claim to be principals or partners in : practices. This change in the profession from a near complete&#13;
membership in private practice principals to where now 70% -&#13;
80% of architects are employed and salaried, has not yet altered&#13;
the character of the profession.&#13;
During the 1950s and 1960s architecture had a more or less&#13;
constant growth both in quantity of work and number of architects,&#13;
and as is usual with architects, when there is plenty of work they&#13;
are found at the drawing board, not creating new philosophies of&#13;
work. However, over this period certain small groups appeared on &gt; the scene. The chief architects of local authorities, both county&#13;
and borough, formed their own separate association, which have only recently merged to form the Association of Official Architects. The AOA as a body composed of principals in public offices has&#13;
never spoken as the voice of public architects, and indeed many of its members are akin to the aims of private practice. This lack&#13;
of support from what should have been its grass roots job architects has made it virtually ineffective. Whilst it could have been useful in putting forward different views to the profession, it appears that it is absorbed and in agreement with the role of the RIBA as the guardian of the profession.&#13;
There was for a number of years a British Architectual Students Association which grew out of the difficulties and worries of students during the 1960s over the way the RIBA was hustling and closing schools. This reached a peak in 1968 when BASA sent a delegation to the International Union of Architects in Vienna. 1968 being the year of student revolt, the world around, it was not surprising that there was a scene at the conference which led to the walk out of a number&#13;
of student sections, Spain and Italy inparticular.&#13;
Out of this walk-out group came the Vienna Manifesto which was&#13;
published as the first copy of ARSE, Architects, Radical Students and Educators. This group published about eight magazine issues, the quality and content getting heavier with each issue, until in about 1971-72 the group dried up with many of its members violently disagreeing. Some felt architecture was worth fighting for, others&#13;
felt that you had to change the rest of society before anything could be ¥ done about architecture. BASA ran out of steam a little earlier,&#13;
after it had been given the kiss of death by receiving money from the ? RIBA.&#13;
The radical stirrings of ARSE and society in general from 1986- 1970 did lead to a movement of large numbers of salaried architects&#13;
in the profession. This focused on the RIBA in the AGM of 1969&#13;
when Kate MacIntosh and a few others complained that salaried architects were unable to get elected to the RIBA Council because of its national election methods. This led to the formation of an ad hoc informal Salaried Architects Group who persuaded the RIBA to have regional as well as national elections for Council, and over 1971-72 eight salaried architects were elected to the RIBA Council.&#13;
&#13;
 14&#13;
20&#13;
to attempt to change architecture, we need to know not only the history of our profession, but also the character of our architects.&#13;
As previously stated, if architecture is to be of use to society, it must be of service to the majority of the population, and as we know this is impossible until the public has gained real power. We must clearly understand this and work towards its solution, both in society at large and particularly in architecture.&#13;
The character of architects can be looked at from various points of view: family background, aspirations, education and personality. The majority of architects come from middle-class families, a high proportion from creative familities one way or another. There are obviously a minority from upper and working classes. The pre-college education of architects has now become standardised to the realisation of two 'A' level passes necessary to enter a course in architecture. This requirement introduced by the RIBA from its 1958 Oxford Conference on education was seen&#13;
ae one step to raising the status of architecture. It had, of course, a desired side effect of severely limiting those gaining architectural qualifications by working up from tea boy to technician to architect. It also resulted in giving an advantage to middle classes and above, because as we all know the working class child has far less chance of getting a good enough education to get to college.&#13;
There follows several points where Ibelieve policies and actions must be-formulated. They are not comprehensive in range or quality but Ihope will be useful.&#13;
Of the people who do arrive ata school of architecture, a surprising number aspire to use their creative skills for the benefit of others.&#13;
so they have been restricted in improving the quality of their environ- ment. The Self Help attitude can only help a few people, while an architectural service could help those without the time or resources&#13;
of their own. The National Health Service was not created by doctors and patients on their own, the government had to doit. Similarly, neither the architect nor the people can create a national architectural service without the government's help. Action must be taken with&#13;
Very few are openly in it for the money:&#13;
slightly arty career and the hoped-for status in society. However, many socially minded aspirants are to be found tied down with a mortgage, car and two kids by the time they are thirty, and naturally enough their prime concern is earning a living for the family.&#13;
The creativity side of the skill provides the growth of the desire for non-conformity and competitive individualism, this always contradicts with their social aspirations for society, for it makes&#13;
them loath to work with other people. Whilst an architect is aware&#13;
of the complexity of society, he is, because of his cult of the individual, very wary of co-operating with others to fight for the individual. This gives rise to the common problem for architects, they see combining&#13;
2. Many of the frustrations of architects are due to the distance between designer and user, and these are reflected in the quality of their work. Red tape that hinders the process must be fought against, is there any reason why publice offices could not have architects or groups responsible to geographical areas, and workthere ? Take advantage of the RIBA's new code of conduct which stimulates the responsibility of the individual architect. If our aims are genuinely&#13;
in the public's interest, we will all benefit from designing with government building agencies as well as the users. This policy is being encouraged in the private sector, where of course, it is&#13;
doubtful if the public will benefit at all.&#13;
3. So that people can have a direct control over their environment.&#13;
At the moment, people have insufficient power of control over changes in their environment, in terms of planning and the use of resources.&#13;
The Green Paper of Neighbourhood Councils now passing through Parliament gives only token participation to the people and by not giving any real democratic power, restricts these councils toa purely&#13;
advisory role. This advisory role will not give people any greater control, it is just a confidence trick. Action must be taken with the government to give real power to the Neighbourhood Councils.&#13;
4. The public's safeguard against bad architecture is now totally inadequate and ARCUK's role is more of a hindrance to progress&#13;
to solve a problem as a negation of the individual and, on the other hand, clearly desire to create more individuality, but are loath to co-operate to achieve it.&#13;
Architects in this state will participate in debates on how to improve&#13;
architecture, but will not commit themselves to any action to achieve&#13;
it. They will only participate so long as their total individuality is permitted.&#13;
It is probable that the majority of architects join the RIBA not to further architecture but to gain the initials RIBA, which they wrongly believe essential to practice as anarchitect. This is why the RIBA&#13;
is run by a disproportionately small minority. What must be done to achieve co-operation and action from architects is to make perfectly clear that the course of action taken up is to further the individual&#13;
it still has the feeling of a&#13;
4, To make architectural services available to all sectors of society. At present, the architectural profession works for just two small sectors, firstly the nich minority and the powers of industry, commerce and finance, and secondly, for local or national government bureau- cracies, insensitive to the public they pretend to serve. The majority of the population has never had access to architectural services and&#13;
the government to set up an architectural service available to all of society.&#13;
thana help. The architectural profession and education should be&#13;
development of all people - not, as many fear, to reduce us all to the lowest common denominator.&#13;
controlled by a body equally representative of the public and the profession,&#13;
&#13;
 Books which may be of interest to you:&#13;
February, 1976, BB&#13;
oo daily&#13;
ADAM&#13;
read the&#13;
PURSER&#13;
Those people who see the need for national collective action must not move 80 fast as to isolate themselves from what politically ies not a very advanced mass of architects.&#13;
However, it is already necessary to have some services&#13;
provided for the movement as a whole, newsletter, liaison, conference organisation. Here it is essential to see these needs as services to the whole movement, there must be no domination by an executive body.&#13;
As such, I would see any person acting in this capacity strictly as a servant of the movement.&#13;
ARC mectine&#13;
This course of action must be the basis of the movement for some time, indeed it would be negation of my principles to suppose any other ideal, other than full individual participation in the movement.&#13;
We must all be aware that this degree of total decentralisation aleo has its dangers. Firstly, it may lack a competent approach to&#13;
key issues that could be provided by collective resources.&#13;
it may produce different views on the same subject and so confuse an attack on some issues. What is essential is that the differing views lead to the best attack on a common enemy.&#13;
The tool of organisation is a double-sided weapon, lack ofit advances confusion, heavy handed use of organisation reduces the participation of the membership at large and so decreases the strength of the organisation. In the future, the New Architecture Movement will have to develop a democratic process that promotes personal participation and collective action,&#13;
At present, the membership is informal and we rely on voluntary&#13;
work to respond to as many of the issues a6 possible.&#13;
movement grows, it will necessitate more action in a more concerted way onissues. Eventually, it will be taking on 60 many issues that it will only be effective if it is capable of day to day decisions, though this is some way away.&#13;
My commitment is to changing society and architecture.&#13;
not set a dealine for this to be achieved, but I will do all I can to develop it in the best and most viable way possible.&#13;
As the&#13;
Secondly,&#13;
I have&#13;
"For All, a Better Environment" and the Cornish motto, "One forAll and All for One".&#13;
The Development of the Architectural Profession, Barrington Kay. Architect and Patron, Jenkins.&#13;
Town and Revolution, Anatol Kopp&#13;
RIBA Journal, June 1975, Article on the Architectural Profession. Adam Purser,&#13;
Morning Star The Paper of the Left&#13;
&#13;
 Eile es arenas in, LO Artominnr” Qe!&#13;
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clulecsaedalfelthe-statateny-schezls eee ofa27.mpa ©—:&#13;
he &amp; fact ah oe ebice blackdesign ulhere: tkallied da fect&#13;
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REFERENCES&#13;
upran gust by Marte, faushey he fle Mevenert ele ese peo 7. 7UnoTALinesquctedbyR|obeGeomAleUyteHannesfle&#13;
eG(ayher A tony a seen lt A\ 15415 0.42 (1i23)&#13;
OC Rrajanandd Ananda Qonchask 2. 2.96 7Sncomwensalisnustkafrend,QaareBerar (‘sebdeckished),-1-75&#13;
3 Dlani=4 Gurcheun eyuted. be Rober Grecelneim Aller She Fanner F144 ?DanielBurshaenaudtzd CertGordnanAfterYePlannersRIA&#13;
auc uthbyKeckGotanoltecYlePannen€146 ziatialtHetfec qustehbo (obek GaodlmanAf ShePhaners 2148&#13;
lit Rika,|AndateYtoiMezdetmAurkclente £92 a cswrersalion, wath: a rend ,Achan XK. Gerd 29-12-74&#13;
IAodhaninee eh (exshical) Gebruary (2)1974&#13;
wlaller Gre gael Mastin (aude Phe Itt feeren ae oe pe Cp&#13;
orea |Beet LViilages R43&#13;
Gctdsedk queted ba cf.eels a Qeseted Nilesces PAB&#13;
a6GalaeneraesRowfiemnhigiucyélRenided”1965 a Cesky ts &amp;play the cuuemmek game 96-77&#13;
20&#13;
zsh e&#13;
ers ro Cngcthien MAES OTS A) BI-lO-73 P1026&#13;
tee Sree Ko.t.&#13;
UU ane Gut ed nwResurcuce VOL.5.,N06 P32&#13;
vtaul ieee uted WulamtedsepatAL(OatsSow hea3s 225 oo, eourcrdtion wstha frend. , ie 0 Robles (aekiés diet’) 20-\-15&#13;
&#13;
 BIBLIOGRADHY AUTHOR, TITLE ,PUBLISHER&#13;
BOOKS&#13;
ER&#13;
ithanrk.Szezelkun+SuawalSuapbeckt~Shelter+Uacam Boks1912&#13;
TILE ,DATE&#13;
Anlutzcts \umah+Odeber24% 1973 Wchizds loumah+Odsber alst IMS&#13;
“he Gaily leap Magarine+1:.526 Decernber201914 Resugence © Nek, (ls.( jue IGIZ&#13;
Réuqewe * Vt5, (10.6 part 1q1S&#13;
Undercurrent{16.7jee 4a 1974 bebimenthly(aprer)-fromUnderumetLisd,&#13;
Underunentaefle. Oderersllnember1974 LISGuchleyRead,LonvossNif3 OJHERL&#13;
KJsilier+DesertedMilages +Mact&amp;aGnLid.1910&#13;
ymeur Buteancels + She Buslding Regulation 1965 * HMSO (19 &lt;dikan) 40e . de te (Neclem Aratutectare © Architects al Rees 1g6Z&#13;
Stenaiet Brand (dite) + She Larclihele Aust Cities » Crtda Snstitate 170&#13;
lees »Cleeelly~Hos&#13;
Crosbu, ° mite? the eusionmene game ° engin (V73&#13;
rad Herimeticancitg &gt;RilMallRes 1973&#13;
Quit&amp;QrermalGeeclunan° ula ~nedasoflusctihood&amp;asapf,fife+Vidiage/|RandonHs.\]4ie RobertGoedman+AdtertheHannes +Rebar197Z.&#13;
Ulam tedaepath &amp; Wena Sticke »SheAtemabie~-CemunalLifeInfleartnesics «Macilulanitc Reber:Hourict« eee tice+Wbacun/Spheebarks 1973&#13;
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&#13;
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A contribution to the Islington Borough Plan by the Highbury Plan Group.&#13;
June 1977&#13;
SEER&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PROPOSALS FOR PROGRESS&#13;
A contribution to the Islington Plan by The Highbury Plan Group.&#13;
ONE:&#13;
TWO: 2.1 2.&#13;
THREE: Sind&#13;
3.2&#13;
FOUR: 4.1&#13;
-2&#13;
PART FIVE:&#13;
Letter of Submission to The Borough Planning Officer.&#13;
Introduction&#13;
How this Report came to be written; and why.&#13;
A pennyworth of participation; Highbury's first impressions.&#13;
Summary of Aims and Means&#13;
Aims: Main Conclusion and Proposals. Means: Journey to the Unknown.&#13;
Main Report&#13;
What is Highbury like now? Housing in Highbury.&#13;
The Disadvantaged. Transportation in Highbury. Shopping in Highbury.&#13;
Schools in Highbury.&#13;
The Environment in Highbury.&#13;
Appendix I : List of groups and numbers who participated in Highbury District&#13;
Meetings.&#13;
Appendix II: Map of the Highbury Plan Area.&#13;
&#13;
 K.G. Blythe, Esq.,&#13;
The Borough Planning Officer, London Borough of Islington, Plan Department,&#13;
227 - 229 Essex Road,&#13;
London N1 3PW&#13;
Dear Sir,&#13;
Islington Plan, Highbury District Meetings&#13;
As Chairman of the~Highbury Plan Group I have pleasure in enclosing a copy of our report: "Highbury Hopes ....proposals for progress."&#13;
In so doing we trust we have brought the initial discussion Stage of the participation exercise to a fair conclusion, and hope that the report may contribute usefully to the Borough Plan as a whole.&#13;
I should like to emphasise that the work of preparing "Highbury Hopes" has been undertaken by numerous individuals and sub- groups, and so, within the limits indicated in Appendix I, can claim to be at least reasonably representative of the area.&#13;
You should also note that although this formal submission is to the Borough Planning Officer, the Report will be circulated widely among Councillors, the local press and other interested parties.&#13;
We regard this submission as only a beginning, and renew our challenge to the Council as a whole to trust its nerve and proceed from these hesitant first steps towards a state of real popular participation.&#13;
Yours faithfully,&#13;
\ASARS John S. Allan&#13;
Chairman,&#13;
Highbury Plan G: Pp&#13;
The Highbury Plan Group, 220 Blackstock Road, Islington,&#13;
London N4.&#13;
29th June 1977&#13;
Te . ere ‘&#13;
|&#13;
ee&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOP! INTRODUCTIO!&#13;
How Report came to be written, and why&#13;
The effect on our Group, when early in 1976 the&#13;
Chairman of Planning Committee announced the need for our extinction, was to continue our task, and attempt, so&#13;
far as possible, to bring the business of the first phase to some honourable conclusion.&#13;
We have more to say later on sharing information, but&#13;
one of the factors contributing Significantly to our understanding of Highbury was the Highbury District Study - a long report prepared by the Planning Department in the early 1970's but shelved before any action was taken.&#13;
|E&#13;
In setting about this task the Council decided the only valid method was to proceed in close conjunction with the people of Islington.&#13;
The Highbury Plan Group (H.P.G.) is one of the groups that came into being inthis way.&#13;
With the exception of the H.P.G. all the Area Meetings folded up after the second or third occasion. Some only lasted one meeting.&#13;
In mid 1975 Islington Council embarked on the ambitious Scheme of formulating the Borough Plan. This was to be a coherent strategy for development over the next ten years.&#13;
The Highbury Plan Group elected its own Chairman and Secretary at the second meeting and carried on for over&#13;
a year. We had a dozen or so full meetings, with&#13;
further smaller discussions continuing thereafter between those involved in finalising this Report.&#13;
Participation with the public was to take several forms: the production of Fact Packs to raise the level of knowledge; Survey Questionnaires to canvassviews in selected areas; the use of "Focus", the Council newspaper, as a questionnaire; and the arrangement of District Meetings to d uss the issues at greater length with groups in the Community. The Borough was divided for this purpose into seven areas.&#13;
Despite our earnest belief to the contrary, it presently became clear that the Council had already decided how much participation would take place and how long it would last.&#13;
&#13;
 =&#13;
The data in this document, which was kindly made available for our studies, has enabled this Report&#13;
to be geared more specifically to Highbury than would have been possible by Simply referring to the Fact Packs. Statistics, unless otherwise Stated, have generally been taken from this study.&#13;
This Departmental study, plus the results of the&#13;
group's discussions over its period of meeting, plus various other data emerging from the Plan exercise generally, make up the background of this present Report It is again emphasised that the work — particularly&#13;
that of analysing the Highbury District Study - was shared by many people.&#13;
Lastly, this Report does not represent the only fruits&#13;
of the Highbury Plan Group. (The real benefit, probably unquantifiable, is the raised consciousness and increased contact of those taking part.) However, when the Council announced its withdrawal of Officers from our discussions and also of help in arranging our meeting places - it became clear that we were ourselves ‘homeless’ and had better find our own place.&#13;
This partly accounts for the uneven coverage of different topics, and the fact that some issues, which are given 'ChoicesPapers' in the Council's second stage are not given separate sections here. Thus, while “Highbury Hopes" will supplement the Choices Papers Response, we trust it will also make a contribution&#13;
of a different order.&#13;
Membe: of the Highbury Plan Group along with people&#13;
from various other local associations became involved&#13;
in the struggle to retain the modest but pleasing terrace of Georgian houses in Blackstock Road threatened with&#13;
C.P.O. and demolition. One of these, number 220, is now our base, and we have endeavoured to promote its use&#13;
as an 'Environment Shop' such as we propose in Part&#13;
3.2.4, by mounting maps of the area and details of possible changes, etc. All are welcome to visit ttre&#13;
&#13;
 2 2.5&#13;
A Pennyworth of Participation: Highbury's first impressions.&#13;
The question thus arises - if officer activity is inadequately monitored by those whose seats depend on it - who is to be held accountable?&#13;
;&#13;
Participation about power. Sharing information is sharing pov - A council that embarks on such a programme unaware of its implications, does so at its peril.&#13;
Put simply, the need for participation grows out of&#13;
two main factors. Firstly the desire of Councils to procure a real mandate for their policies. With the increasing volume and complexity of particularly Metropolitan Councils' affairs it has become clear&#13;
that a twice per decade crossed ballot paper is a quite inadequate level of involvement of people in their local government.&#13;
The need for participation originates at the ‘front entrance’ of the Town Hall - from the desire, more or less mutual, of electors and elected to keep closer to each other.&#13;
Despite all the flag-waving and breast-beating of the&#13;
last 10 years,participation - that is real power sharing - in environmental politics has hardly begun. It seems&#13;
that if real progress is not achieved soon the game will turn sour; Councils (like Islington) will wonder 'what&#13;
else to do', and the people (the supposed beneficiaries&#13;
of the whole exercise) will return to resentful acquiescence, their initial Scepticism confirmed.&#13;
Secondly there is a growing awareness among people themselves that the Council - whether of their own party or not cannot reliably be left to get on with its 'own' business. Many have discovered this the hard way - by being displaced from their homes, or unable&#13;
to find adequate schooling for their children, or if elderly, unable to meet others of their age for any social contact etc., etc. The majority of disaffected ratepayers simply read the papers and keep their eyes&#13;
open — and witness all manner of financial blunders presided over by the Council, and paid for by themselves.&#13;
The main business of participation however must take&#13;
place through the 'rear entrance' of the Town Hall —&#13;
where the officers come in. For it is precisely the&#13;
size, the statutory powers and the technical sophistication of centralized planning departments which has created&#13;
the sort of officer autonomy that so reduces the capacity for effective member scrutiny and control.&#13;
&#13;
 The answer is that only by much closer liaison between local people and the Council's officers can the gap be bridged.&#13;
It follows that for this process to actually cut ice - the results must be different from the outcome if no participation took place. Hence the danger of embarking frivolously on the participation bandwagon. Working people have learnt their history too well to lose their instinctive suspicion for the 'benign' council officer, and if, so soon after the "new beginning", groups of genuine if disorientated participants are informed that they are becoming over-diligent the old crust of cynical disinterest is quick to reset&#13;
The residual question that the Council - members and officers - must ask itself is:&#13;
Are the consequences of real participation - a journey to the unknown - more to be feared than the cumulative consequences of denying it?&#13;
The question is now squarely on Islington's Agenda - and the time for answering it is running out.&#13;
oe sea&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES PART THREE SUMMARY OF AIMS &amp; MEANS&#13;
3.1&#13;
Aims: Main Conclusions and Propos&#13;
In the H.P.G. Chairman's interim report to the Council&#13;
of 7th January 1976 appeared the words - “in planning, more than in any other discipline, the goals one sets&#13;
are in the event transformed or reinforced by the methods used to achieve them."&#13;
To practise what we preached, this section is arranged&#13;
in two parts: the first summarizes those opinions we have gathered which, in effect, form our current aims. The second part, recognizing the way in which these will change, either in outline or detail over a period of time, Suggests methods of continuing the participation process&#13;
to monitor whether we are still on target - and enable us to change direction if necessary.&#13;
Highbury is an established area which does not need large scale change. It consists of a number of geographical 'cells' or villages which have their own communities,&#13;
and would lend themselves to individual tailor-made improvements. Theoretically there are more families&#13;
than homes for them but in fact if all the empty houses were filled and the derelict land, especially railway land, exploited, the problem would almost vanish.&#13;
Large scale redevelopment in Highbury is unnecessary and irrelevant. Forms of housing and types of tenure should be becoming more, not less, diverse. The more monolithic the housing stock the greater the problem of "exceptions' - and diversity is the essence of successful housing policy. The Council should not confuse their obligation to progress towards a well-housed population with the desire to supervise the whole operation. The most&#13;
needed (and feasible) immediate action is on empty houses, most of which are publicly owned. There should be as much variety of control of this housing as possible,&#13;
while council tenants, who wish to do so, should be encouraged to manage their own estates. A major drive&#13;
to stimulate 'self-help' by private landlords is urgently needed to provide basic amenities in otherwise structurally sound properties.&#13;
Two age groups, the under 5's and the elderly are getting a bad deal - both in overall terms and in comparison to the rest of the Borough. Highbury's claim for priority treatment is reinforced by the population structure. The right places for social services are centres in the local community which can involve both the Council and local organisations. There is no other effective way to find and help the people who really need help.&#13;
Too many commuters pass through or park in residential streets. The answer is not to widen the main roads as&#13;
&#13;
 car numberswill expand to fill the available space. Intelligent inh iting of private car movement must be coordinated with improved public transport services. The Blackstock Road accident blackspot could be eliminated cheaply within weeks by adopting our proposals. Since only one-third of Highbury residents aré car owners, greater emphas must be placed on pedestrian safety,&#13;
a greater proportion of Highbury traffic comprising "strangers' to the district.&#13;
The patronizing belief held by architects and planners, that other mortals only use their eyes for steering,&#13;
must be debunked, and the Council meet its obligations&#13;
to maintain the dignity and cleanliness of public areas. Outside the well publicized Conservation Areas the Council Should develop small derelict areas as gardens and sitting Out spaces.&#13;
Highbury has a rich variety of small shops which planners must resist the temptation to "tidy away". With&#13;
careful help and encouragement this shopping structure Suits very well the predominantly pedestrian and/or elderly shopper. Grandiose centres such as Wood Green would benefit only those who can use Wood Green already. Rather the 'High Street’ character of Blackstock Road&#13;
and Highbury Barn should be reinforced by partial pedestrianization.&#13;
There are plenty of schools in Highbury but they are inadequately used outside school hours. It would make more sense to bring this spare capacity into constructive use, than devote scarce resources to new building projects.&#13;
The decline in overall pupil numbers should be used as an opportunity to reduce average class sizes and improve facilities. The immediate target should be maximum class size: 30 and two form entry. Even when this is achieved it will not necessarily be time to close down schools on the basis of dubious ILEA forecasts.&#13;
More generally we need trees especially in North Highbury. Hundreds of 'em.&#13;
Lastly, the Highbury Plan Group is disappointed with the recent designation of Housing Action Areas. Firstly the Group were denied any knowledge of the forthcoming prog- ramme - despite the obvious relevance this would have had to our discussions. Secondly the Finsbury Park Triangle HAA, one of the key areas in Highbury, was rightly desig- nated top priority but then demoted to last in the "adjusted" list apparently to avoid some official embarrassment.&#13;
&#13;
 MEANS, JOURNEY TO THE UNKNOWN&#13;
3.2&#13;
It is not possible to know in detail either the future requirements of specific areas of the resources available to meet them. The most ambitious plans may look foolish at a stroke, if the Arab Emirates change the price of Galil,&#13;
After deciding broadly what matters and what doesn't, we must set up procedures whereby specific policies can be formulated as part of an ongoing process.&#13;
Planning departments should decant into local branch offices — ngt unlike Social Services Area Teams - where teams of about 5 officers can work directly with area groups. This would help to lessen the impenetrable ‘them'/'us' image foremost in people's mind when they think of planners. Planners and other servicing departments for their part would begin to work with people instead of data. If officers however fail to meet their direct obligations to communities, this decanting will simply be regarded as a more effective form of spying.&#13;
Standing Advisory Committees of teachers and governers, parents and children, and ILEA officers should be encouraged to establish regular programmes of consultation to establish schooling priorities in detail&#13;
Active encouragement must be given to form Committees of residents to liaise with the Council's area teams. Half- hearted attempts to do so have tended to make some existing community groups cynical and suspicious.&#13;
Street Committees should be formed similar to HAA Joint Advisory Committees before any work is contemplated in a specific area.&#13;
Raising people's expectations and planning knowledge could be assisted by setting up neighbourhood ‘Environment Shops' where local planning matters and proposals may be&#13;
Studied and discussed. This might be combined with 3.2.1 so long as these centres did not just become branch offices of the Planning Department. 220 Blackstock Road, the rehabilitation of which has been undertaken by several groups and individuals (including members of the Highbury Plan Group) is a first step in this direction.&#13;
Associations of shop owners and traders should be convened to formulate shopping street policies, and benefit from the effects of strength in numbers. Most of Highbury's&#13;
shops are in distinct concentrations.&#13;
We support the idea of an Industrial Aid Bureau to liaise between the Council and the local business community. To be successful however people must know of its existence and how it can help them.&#13;
afey 5 a 5 %&#13;
“ fet&#13;
&#13;
 Ina continuing period of economic stringency, which allows politicians to defer their dreams and hence their&#13;
bilities, short-term solutions have a vital role.&#13;
wa&#13;
Sure such as the Job Creation Programme , correctly used, can tackle several problems simultaneously. combats the type of unemp&#13;
and also suits some of the immediate tasks we have proposed in connection with environmental improvements, etc.&#13;
These proposals all aim to give identity and structure&#13;
to groups of people that already exist but have no incentive to meet because the Council holds out little encouragement and its officers defend their own knowledge.&#13;
If real participation ever develops the Council must bite the bullet and realise that they will be unable to completely control it. While parti ipation remains manageable by the Council it Can never become real&#13;
&#13;
 ® HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR MAIN REPORT&#13;
What is Highbury like now?&#13;
Highbury, like most of central London, has experienced&#13;
a loss of population over the last decade, but at half the rate of Islington as a whole. There were 340 thousand living in Highbury in 1891, and by 1981 there are expected to be 32 thousand - roughly the same as in 1828.&#13;
These astounding statistics have been a major influence on Highbury.&#13;
The major features of Highbury are:&#13;
a) Highbury Fields: a splendid urban park surrounded by fine terraces and providing much needed recreation facilities. Other green spaces include Highbury New Park and Newington Green, both of which are designated conservation areas.&#13;
Finsbury Park Station: an important transport interchange with bus, rail and tube facilities&#13;
used by a population much larger and more dispersed than Highbury's.&#13;
Arsenal Football Stadium. A club of national importance, again attracting many thousands of "outsiders' and imposing occasional irritation to nearby residents, but benefittinglocal trade.&#13;
Blackstock Road/Highbury Park: from Finsbury Park&#13;
to the Barn is Highbury's local High Street offering an excellent range of shops - and, with its turns&#13;
and gradients, having a definite character and identity.&#13;
There is one principal zoned area of industry - namely Queensland Road and Ashburton Grove, which also includes the major Borough Cleansing Department establishment. This area merges with the vast acreage of railway land - a significant proportion of which is probably underexploited.&#13;
|f&#13;
|&#13;
In this section we look at the ex sting tuation in Highbury in general terms, before studying particular topics in more depth.&#13;
The Group accepted the Planning Department's boundaries of the area. These are, ofcourse, to an extent arbitrary but may be defined as the district enclosed by the Kings Cross and North London railway lines on the west and&#13;
th, Holloway Road on the south west and the Hackney / Islington boundary on the north east; an area of approx— imately 300 acres.&#13;
&#13;
 P&#13;
‘&#13;
a&#13;
Structure and character : the area is a patchwork&#13;
of smaller segments - distinct urban villages —&#13;
some with outstanding architectural qualities, like the Fields, but otherwise mainly consistent and comfortable What a few years ago would have been viewed in disfavour — namely the absence of much comprehensive redevelopment - may now be counted as a blessing. The predominant land use is residential with minor industry well absorbed into the general grain.&#13;
o we&#13;
Physically the most obvious differentiation is between the southern sector with its mature trees and greenery and the "Finsbury Park triangle" area which could well have the lowest tree count of any area in Inner London.&#13;
e Most of the housing stock is Structurally sound, or easily made so, but in many cases lacking in what are now classed&#13;
as basic amenities.&#13;
The rate of decline of Highbury's population being half&#13;
that for Islington generally has resulted in our area&#13;
having an increasing share of the Borough's population.&#13;
This is distributed relatively more in the very young&#13;
(under 5's) and 30 - 35 age group. One-fifth of Highbury's population are children of school or pre-school age. Two-thirds are of working age (of which four-fifths&#13;
actually have a job) and less than a fifth are retired.&#13;
The national trend towards more and smaller households is reflected in Highbury, but the presence here of more than the average number of children, young adults and large families means that provision for the young is particularly necessary.&#13;
The socio-economic pattern shows a relative rise in more affluent (e.g. professional or employer) groups against&#13;
a reduction in services and unskilled labour. These trends are more exaggerated in Highbury than the Borough as a whole, and are doubtless the result of inward migration rather than mass upward social mobility.&#13;
Eighty per cent of Highbury residents (1971 figure) are British born. 13 per cent are of Commonwealth origin&#13;
and 7 per cent from elsewhere. This mix is average for the Borough, which is generally becoming more cosmopolitan, but shows that many immigrants are second generation or older.&#13;
&#13;
 In 1971 it was estimated that one-fifth of the total housing stock in Highbury was either derelict or vacant. If the Council truly wished to dent the housing problem in Highbury it need look no further than this.&#13;
Of the other various options open to the Council (or the G.L.C.) to tackle Highbury's housing problems, redevelop- ment appears singularly inappropriate. It is too expensive, takes too long, adds to the wrong tenure section and&#13;
would involve demolishing property not unsound enough&#13;
to justify demolition. It is also unlikely to produce a net housing gain.&#13;
Development of railway and other unexploited land may deserve serious study but the main impact, apart from restoring the empty houses to full use, must be made in improving or stimulating others to improve existing stock mainly in the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
Short life use of existing unused property must be consid— ered a serious possibility if its owners - public or private continue to acquiesce in its dereliction. The Council should not feel inhibited about permitting genuine Squatters to occupy and improve unoccupied dwellings particularly if owners are persistently obstinate in improving them. Where the Council itself is the&#13;
n HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR&#13;
_ sa&#13;
The statistics quoted below from the Highbury District Study give as good an insight as any into the housing problems of Highbury.&#13;
The area population (1971) was about 34,000 and the number of households just over 13,400. This gave an average household size of .2.3 persons - a Significant drop from 2.7 in 1961.&#13;
The broad pattern, typical of London generally, has been&#13;
for owner-occupation to remain about constant, council tenancy and furnished accommodation to increase, but private unfurnished lettings to fall markedly.&#13;
There are almost 3,000 fewer dwellings than households, a deficiency which is made up for by sharing. In 1971 12% of households were living at more than 1.5 persons per room - or, in other words statutory overcrowding.&#13;
S than a quarter of the housing stock needs major repairs to extend its life by 15 years. A third of the&#13;
tock, the majority of which is pre-1916, needs some improvement - usually in the form of additional&#13;
ameniti Only half the total number of households have exclusive use of basic amenities - the other half representing mainly the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
&#13;
 4.2&#13;
Housing in Highbury&#13;
In 1971 it was estimated that one-fifth of the total housing stock in Highbury was either derelict or vacant If the Council truly wished to dent the housing problem in Highbury it need look no further than this.&#13;
Of the other various options open to the Council (or the G.L.C.) to tackle Highbury's housing problems, redevelop- ment appears singularly inappropriate. It is too expensive, takes too long, adds to the wrong tenure section and&#13;
would involve demolishing property not unsound enough&#13;
to justify demolition. It is also unlikely to produce a net housing gain.&#13;
Development of railway and other unexploited land may deserve serious study but the main impact, apart from restoring the empty houses to full use, must be made in improving or stimulating others to improve existing stock mainly in the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
Short life use of existing unused property must be consid- ered a serious possibility if its owners - public or private continue to acquiesce in its dereliction. The Council should not feel inhibited about permitting genuine Squatters to occupy and improve unoccupied dwellings particularly if owners are persistently obstinate in improving them. Where the Council itself is the&#13;
n HIGH 'Y HOPES : PART FOUR&#13;
The statistics quoted below from the Highbury District Study give as good an insight as any into the housing problems of Highbury.&#13;
&gt;area population (1971) was about 34,000 and the number of households just over 13,400. This gave an average household size of .2.3 persons - a Significant drop from 27 Lneloole&#13;
SEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE&#13;
The broad pattern, typical of London generally, has been&#13;
for owner-occupation to remain about constant, council tenancy and furnished accommodation to increase, but private unfurnished lettings to fall markedly.&#13;
There are almost 3,000 fewer dwellings than households, a deficiency which is made up for by sharing. In 1971 12% of households were living at more than 1.5 persons per room - or, in other words statutory overcrowding.&#13;
Less than a quarter of the housing stock needs major airs to extend its life by 15 years. A third of the&#13;
stock, the majority of which is pre-1916, needs some improvement - usually in the form of additional&#13;
amenities. Only half the total number of households have&#13;
&lt;clusive use of basic amenities - the other half representing mainly the private unfurnished sector.&#13;
&#13;
 Conclusion:&#13;
If it was more widely known by electors that a major Slice of their rates was devoted to depriving them of their homes there could be public disorder.&#13;
= SUSE 5-&#13;
J&#13;
The only appropriate response to the housing problem in Highbury is a pluralist programme. No one answer and no one agency is the right solution.&#13;
a&#13;
the obdurate owner such an option at least provides accommodation which is after all the primary objective.&#13;
In the U.K. as a whole each year only 2% is added to the housing stock, and we must look to what already exists for the 'new' supply. In other words rehabilitation&#13;
and conversion give best value for money.&#13;
Derelict property if all restored to use would cut homelessnes by one-fifth. Meanwhile, nine per cent of L.B.I. land is vacant.&#13;
Occupier satisfaction is a more useful criterion of acceptability than Statutory definitions in a crisis and Saves needless expenditure on second priorities.&#13;
The Council's major role may well be an indirect one in persuading, and ipporting financially if possible, other agencies including private individuals involved in providing accommodation. Improvement Grants must be less restrictive if the benfits of full take-up are to be gained.&#13;
Before extending its direct involvement the Council should face the unpleasant fact that it is the agent principally responsible for the housing shortage. (Housing Fact Pack p.14 states that nearly } of rehousing in 1974 arose from decanting from areas of Council activity.)&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES PART&#13;
This abominable word describes a familiar enough phenomenon : the very young and the very old, in other words the dependent sections of any community. These are not necessarily at a disadvantage, of course, only more vulnerable to it.&#13;
If the demand for general social services is probably inexhaustible - the resources to meet it are certainly&#13;
not. The question therefore arises how to identify those in need and deploy resources to best effect.&#13;
The first group clearly in need is the pre-school age under 5's, and the population figures quoted earlier indicate an above average proportion for Highbury.&#13;
Provision of services for the under 5's may be made as follows&#13;
a) Nursery Schools - full or part-time, provided by the Education Authority or privately. (3 - 4 year olds.)&#13;
b) Nursery classes attached to primary schools.&#13;
ce) Primary Schools : admitting under 5's or the so-called "rising 5's".&#13;
d) Day Nurseries : full-time child minding for children any age under 5.&#13;
e) Child minders : registered or otherwise.&#13;
3) Play Groups : Council sponsored or voluntary.&#13;
Such services generally benefit not only the children, by promoting educational and social development at a critical age, and offering an alternative (and in cases better) environment - but also their parents by enabling the mothers to take part or full-time work, make more social contacts in the community or give better attention to younger babies.&#13;
The Government, the ILEA and LBI are all apparently in ? favour of improved provision for the under fives, but the situation in Highbury is not encouraging. In 1972 less than 200 out of over 1200 3/4 year olds were in pre-school education and only about 300 out of over 24 thousand 0 - 4 year olds were benefitting from any other provision.&#13;
In Islington as a whole only 26% of the 0 - 4 age group are catered for, but in Highbury this figure falls to 19%,&#13;
5 6 The Disadvantaged&#13;
a&#13;
&#13;
 We clearly need priority treatment in this area, particularly since precisely those households where conditions are poor are more numerous in the young families sector.&#13;
The elderly of Highbury are also especially badly off. Whilst Council can do little to influence national pensions, there is a shortage of P. day facilities,&#13;
to which resources could be directed. There are 52 luncheon clubs in Islington, but Council officials were (at the time of enquiry) unable to name one in Highbury.&#13;
A third area of concern is the maladjusted child or&#13;
young person. All must recognise that the responsibilities arising must be shared equally, but many people in&#13;
Highbury feel they are already carrying their fair share.&#13;
Conclusions&#13;
A major objective should be to provide more nursery education in Highbury - preferably in the form of nursery classes in existing primary schools, as this is most economical, or creches or special nursery schools.&#13;
Currently the trend looks to be heading the opposite direction, with Elizabeth House risking closure for lack of funds.&#13;
Day facilities for the elderly must be improved, with consideration to adopting suitable existing premises as well as building new centres.&#13;
Until at least some progress has been made on these items there should be no more adolescents' hostels etc. in Highbury.&#13;
The difficulties of making and sustaining contact with those in the two groups in need could be eased if environ— ment shops or centres such as 220 Blackstock Road are encouraged and fostered in other parts of the district.&#13;
The Social Services department must be closely involved, but the contribution of which voluntary agencies are capable must be given full support.&#13;
&#13;
 Transportation in Highbury&#13;
Car parking is not a major problem in Highbury so far as residents are concerned as ownership is only about 30%. Incoming parkers cause difficulties however, especially in connection with Arsenal.&#13;
The Council should give special priority rights to residents in Arsenal's "parking shadow" who endure this invasion&#13;
week after week during the ever-lengthening 'season'.&#13;
Finsbury Park Station - the area's main interchange- is a squa disgrace of which the Council, the G.L.C. and British Rail should be utterly ashamed.&#13;
Highbury faces two basic problems of movement, the rush hour (affecting all modes of transport) and the concentration of traffic on particular roads.&#13;
2a is surrounded by major roads - Holloway, Seven Green Lanes, St. Pauls Road — but traversed by&#13;
s Several minor roads, Gillespie Road, for y_ far too much through traffic, which is&#13;
not generated locally.&#13;
Intermediate size roads, such as Blackstock Road in turn carries too great a volume for its pedestrian/shopping character. Figures indicate rates of eleven thousand vehicles per day for both Green Lanes and Blackstock Road = when the former is suitable for such a volume, and the latter manifestly not.&#13;
Drayton Park/Gillespie Road likewise carry up to two- thirds the volume of Holloway Road during rush hours, the latter being in effect a national trunk road.&#13;
Because of these and similar overloadings of inappropriate roads Highbury has more than its share of accidents.&#13;
In particular nearly half of all the di tricts vehicle/ pedestrian accidents occur along Blackstock Road/Highbury Park - and one-third of all the accidents on the same stretch of road. This is quite Simply because the character and use patterns generated by this road are quite incompatible with any "through route" function.&#13;
The western zone of the district is quite well served by Tube lines, but public transport elsewhere is hampered&#13;
both by the congestion described above, and the singularly&#13;
tupid operating habits of London Transport whereby buses are dispatched in groups of 3 with hour-long intervals between.&#13;
The North London Line is generally reckoned to be under- used but the British Rail services at Finsbury Park provide important links with the city centre.&#13;
&#13;
 Conclusion&#13;
All the authorities involved should combine to give Finsbury Park Station the mother and father of a facelift.&#13;
Successful traffic management consists of mastering the problems of scale A 14 wheel lorry at 40 mph may be acceptable on par of Holloway Road, but it is not so&#13;
on Blackstock Road. A stream of private cars at 20 mph&#13;
may be acceptable in Green Lanes, but only doubtfully so at Highbury Barn.&#13;
Through traffic will revert to its proper channels if&#13;
the disincentives to go elsewhere are made strong enough. These can consist of additional traffic lights, culs-de Sac, pedestrian crossings, and "broad hints" such as planting, seating, changes of texture, etc. etc. (Think of Oxford Street 5 years ago — and now. )&#13;
Accident figures show that Blackstock Road carries too&#13;
much traffic for its alignment and character. Traffic lights should be installed now at the Gillespie Road/ Mountgrove Road and Monsell Road/Brownswood Road crossings. Consideration should be given to pedestrianizing the section from these junctions or even Seven Sisters Road&#13;
to Highbury Barn - i.e. the main shopping portion.&#13;
On-street parking is not so awful really, and looks 0.K. if shaded by trees. It is als cheapest and allows drivers to get as near as possible to their destination - a desire nobody will ever succeed in changing.&#13;
So any money now ear-marked for the nonsenseof off-street parking should be spent on trees to distract the eye from on-street parking.&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR eeOL&#13;
4.5 Shopping in Highbury&#13;
d) Highbury Barn 5.7% T.F.S. e) Newington Green 13% T.F.S. f) Drayton Park 8.3% T.F.S. 8) Highbury Corner 13% T.F.S.&#13;
The 'cellular' village character of Highbury which has already been described in detail also characterises the shopping patterns of the area.&#13;
The distribution of shopping facilities in Highbury is roughly as follows:&#13;
a) Finsbury Park 35% total floor space (P19 3,) b) Blackstock Road 15% T.F.S.&#13;
ce) Highbury Park 8% T.F.S.&#13;
Although there are also many smaller concentrations of shops it can be seen that Finsbury Park/Blackstock Road /Highbury Barn - carrying nearly two-thirds of total floor space - acts as the "high street' for the area as a whole.&#13;
The above inference is also Supported by the fact that 75% T.F.S. is given to food sales.&#13;
J MOA&#13;
This distribution suits the district's notably low car ownership level - since most (70%) shoppers walk to their local shops - and must therefore be preserved.&#13;
The problem with shopping in Highbury is not the shops, which are numerous, friendly and traditional and offering wide choices, but the hazards and discomfort involved in using them.&#13;
This leads straight back to traffic as discussed earlier. Conclu:&#13;
The G.L.C. proposal that resources should be concentrated on strategic centres such as Wood Green would benefit only those already able to take advantage of such facilities. Running down one centre simply results in more car traffic to the others.&#13;
The Blackstock Road high street must receive the main encouragement and improvements, with idicious face-lifts and rapid re-letting of premises fal ig vacant.&#13;
&#13;
 4 Also ethnic food requirements - a significant factor in Highbury - are better Satisfied in a structure of&#13;
The existing patterns suit residents generally and especially the elderly, who can walk to nearby shops, receive personal service and purchase small quantities.&#13;
numerous small shops of wide diversity.&#13;
ey ————--——&#13;
arr&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES :PART FOUR a FOUR&#13;
4. 6&#13;
Schools in Highbury&#13;
Secondary Education.&#13;
Nearly 2} thousand Highbury children are of statutory&#13;
secondary school age. There are three schools for them to go to in Highbury : Highbury Hill (490 Girls Grammar —&#13;
3 form entry), Highbury Grove (1250 Boys Comprehensive -—&#13;
8 form entry) and Shelburne Upper School (680 Girls Unselective - 5 form entry)’. Many children travel to schools outside the area.&#13;
Conclusions&#13;
The school population in Highbury is apparently declining, a trend the I.L.E.A. predicts will continue. Proposals&#13;
The decline in numbers vill have least effect in Mildmay&#13;
and North Highbury. 75% of Highbury's schools are provided by the Public Authorities, 16% and 9% being Roman Catholic or Church of England respectively.&#13;
Infant and Primary Schools. There are eight such schools in Highbury of which five are County,one R.C. and two of&#13;
C. of E. I.L.E.A. have Suggested that the County provision must be reduced by nearly half by 1981! There are not enough R.C. places however, and generally the schools, although well located in relation to demand, are near&#13;
major roads causing hazards to children.&#13;
Once again the I.L.E.A. expects a decline in demand — such that Highbury Grove would reduce its intake and the two girls' schools amalgamate.&#13;
-|&#13;
————————E&#13;
School buildings are too important a resource to be used only for direct education. They can be open outside&#13;
school hours for children, and a variety of uses by voluntary groups, adult education. Such activities promote better use of equipment and facilities, as well as closer liaison between parents and teachers, home and school&#13;
With school buildings usually open only seven hours a day, two-thirds of the year, the latent potential is enormous — and this must be explored before resources are allocated to brand new facilities.&#13;
The Council must strongly resist any school closures. must be retained, while class sizes reduce, with the “community centre" function expanded to the maximum. Affording a second caretaker's Salary is cheaper than funding a new building.&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR ————eeOUR&#13;
4 iG&#13;
The Environment in Highbury&#13;
The majority of Highbury's residents do not live in conservation areas however. From Aubert Park and Kelross Road northwards the area contains no public open space whatsoever, and north of Gillespie Road there are barely mord than a dozen trees in public places.&#13;
one of the most treeless in the whole of London.&#13;
This area has to be&#13;
The sort of place in which you find yourself when you walk out of your front door exerts a major influence on the morale of a community. How does Highbury rate on this basis?&#13;
The quality of environment depends on numerous interlinked factors, many of which have been mentioned already under separate headings Clearly the condition of housing,&#13;
the streets and shopping areas and the volume of traffic passing through them have a major effect.&#13;
The adoption of our proposals on these issues would greatly benefit the environment in general&#13;
But other measures must be considered in a direct effort to improve the environment in Highbury and the mundane aspects of these should not disguise their importance.&#13;
Islington's free skip scheme is an almost revolutionary measure deserving recognition at national level. Unfortunately, however, other refuse collection measures are less consistent. Is it really necessary for dustmen to leave half the garbage on the street after their wild passage? If they cannot be tamed (they almost certainly deserve better pay) then the only solution is to programme the street sweepers to follow immediately behind.&#13;
A major percentage of visible public ground is tarmac or paving slabs. The Council has responsibilities to ensure that these areas are not only just safe, but maintained in decent condition. Builders, etc. must not be permitted&#13;
to mix up cement on the carriageway causing permanent staining. Areas of broken or disfigured paving must also be replaced. These details all add up to an impression. (Look at the pavements in Hampstead for comparison.)&#13;
Of the sixteen conservation areas in Islington, only three are in Highbury. Of these Highbury Fields is the most important being Islington's principal green space. Conservation areas naturally,and to a point deservedly, receive priority attention in environmental matters - and it may be fair to say that the current level of protection, if maintained, is adequate.&#13;
&#13;
 HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR ee OE&#13;
4 4&#13;
The Environment in Highbury&#13;
The majority of Highbury's residents do not live in conservation areas however. From Aubert Park and Kelross Road northwards the area contains no public open space whatsoever, and north of Gillespie Road there are barely mord than a dozen trees in public places.&#13;
one of the most treeless in the whole of London.&#13;
This area has to be&#13;
The sort of place in which you find yourself when you walk out of your front door exerts a major influence on the morale of a community. How does Highbury rate on this basis?&#13;
The quality of environment depends on numerous interlinked factors, many of which have been mentioned already under Separate headings Clearly the condition of housing,&#13;
the streets and shopping areas and the volume of traffic Passing through them have a major effect.&#13;
The adoption of our proposals on these issues would greatly benefit the environment in general&#13;
But other measures must be considered in a direct effort to improve the environment in Highbury and the mundane aspects of these should not disguise their importance.&#13;
Islington's free skip scheme is an almost revolutionary measure deserving recognition at national level Unfortunately, however, other refuse collection measures are less consistent. Is it really necessary for dustmen to leave half the garbage on the street after their wild passage? If they cannot be tamed (they almost certainly deserve better pay) then the only solution is to programme the street sweepers to follow immediately behind.&#13;
A major percentage of visible public ground is tarmac or paving slabs. The Council has responsibilities to ensure that these areas are not only just safe, but maintained in decent condition. Builders, etc. must not be permitted&#13;
to mix up cement on the carriageway causing permanent staining. Areas of broken or disfigured paving must also be replaced. These details all add up to an impression. (Look at the pavements in Hampstead for comparison.)&#13;
Of the sixteen conservation areas in Islington, only three are in Highbury. Of these Highbury Fields is the most important being Islington's principal green space. Conservation areas naturally,and to a point deservedly, receive priority attention in environmental matters — and it may be fair to say that the current level of protection, if maintained, is adequate.&#13;
&#13;
 Conclusion&#13;
The Council's Refuse Department and Street Cleaning section must realise they provide one of the most&#13;
anything, more manpower is needed.&#13;
There are several areas of derelict or unexploited&#13;
land in the northern half of the area which would lend themselves to redevelopment as 'vest-pocket' public gardens. These are cheap and easily applied solutions and have a disproportionate effect on environmental "morale'.&#13;
Although there are 16,000 trees in Islington a major area - North Highbury - is without any.&#13;
There must be a period of 'positive discrimination’ here both in Parks Department's own policy and in such measures as the Tree-for-Tree scheme.&#13;
valuable of all services and be paid accordingly. If&#13;
&#13;
 PART FIVE APPENDIXI&#13;
Finsbury Park Community Group&#13;
Central Islington Community Party&#13;
Highbury Social Services Department&#13;
Highbury Fields Association&#13;
Central Islington Liberal A: ciation&#13;
Christ Church, Highbury&#13;
Highbury Park Residents and Traders Association&#13;
Islington Community Housing Association&#13;
South Highbury Residents Association&#13;
Mildmay Community Association&#13;
Round House and S. Highbury Residents Association&#13;
Drayton Park Social Services Department&#13;
North London Teaching Association&#13;
North Highbury Tenants Association&#13;
Pyrland Road and Area Residents Association&#13;
Aberdeen Park Tenants Association&#13;
Friends of St. John's Association&#13;
Plus approximately 25 - 30 private individuals&#13;
Officers from the Planning Department, Housing Department&#13;
and Islington Council for Social Services also attended some meetings.&#13;
The Highbury district Planning Group consists of representatives from the following&#13;
&#13;
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                <text> INIO4dSH3d ‘IWIIMOLSIH S&#13;
i&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 HISTORICAL PERSPECLIIVE Hawser Trunnion&#13;
"The past is not for living in; it is a well of conclusions from which we draw in order to act. " (John Berger)&#13;
The selected history of modern architecture from which NAN draws its conclusions for action can be told as a ghost story. That is to say,&#13;
it is the tale of how a once lively modernism lost its social radicalism, became comfortable then senile, and finally died —- but only to transforin itself into a ghost which continues to haunt us the more effectively for this deceptive transformation.&#13;
Like most good stories, there are several versions with significant differences that shed more light on the narrators than on the story&#13;
itself. The most recent official version was told by ‘he Architectural Review, that ageing glossy now totally debauched by its own rhetoric, in&#13;
its Preview Issue of January 1976. The punch-line came first : "that Kiodern Architecture as one has been experiencing it has gone into hiding. Gone (well, nearly gone) are those massive rectilinear packages; the towers, the slabs and (since Burolandschaft) the too big urban footstools. Gone (or nearly gone) are those self-assertive, diagramatic buildings which&#13;
made a point of having nothing to do with the neighbours. Gone is the will to assert, the will to shock."&#13;
That the wills to assert or shock have gone is debatable. That the buildings referred to have "gone" should presumably be taken to mean the new commissions for such buildings, not the buildings themselves. But&#13;
the most disagreeable aspect of the article is the mixture of wise complac-— ency and indulgent penitence. Unfortunately we find our version of the story rather more worrying.&#13;
The effects of the process of radicalization induced by war could be seen in&#13;
It has indeed taken almost exactly twenty-five years for the impetus behind the first Modern Movement in this country to be exhausted. The Festival of Britain and European Architectural Heritage Year, 1951 to 1975, might&#13;
be taken as the official milestones at the inauguration and closure of the period respectively. We appear to stand now at the beginning of a new phase in which the criteria of 'relevant' action will be determined as much&#13;
by the understanding of this legacy as by our particular political standpoint.&#13;
&#13;
 205&#13;
1945 in the arrival of the first modern Socialist Government, with&#13;
longer an imperial power.&#13;
young man of 30.&#13;
"When I first came in contact with new architecture in Germany&#13;
I was struck by two things; the first, this version of a grandly proportioned urbanism taking in everything: dwellings, roads, factories, markets, down to the small paraphernalia at the&#13;
closest personal context. Here is an architecture, I said to myself, capable of everything. Here is a true resolution, the end of discord. This is it, I wasgwept with a fervour that was the reflection of a release of creative energy which was to spread from Europe to every part of the world and change the character of architecture decisively.&#13;
its far-reaching social reforms on the domestic scale, and in our modified nation status in NAYO and the realization that we were no&#13;
In matters of environment the New Towns Movement, the Town &amp; Country Planning Act 1947 etc were the first expression of a&#13;
new vision and confidence that had already permeated other&#13;
sectors of society, including for example the health services.&#13;
One recalls the bright-eyed article by the Smithsons in which&#13;
they referred to themselves as "The 1947 Generation" denouncing the bygone equipment of the pre-modern architect, the screw pen, the classical grammar, in favour of their own new weapons, the development plan and the C.P.0. The South Bank Exhibition and&#13;
the associated housing schemes for Lansbury, East London epitomised the mixture of exhuberance and ‘committed concern' while&#13;
showing that modern architecture was not simply a flat roof or a corner&#13;
window but a comprehensive urban language. The underlaying&#13;
had of course been worked out long before, in Germany, Holland, Sweden and most completely in Russia. In this&#13;
ideas, France,&#13;
typically slow on the uptake,it was codified visually&#13;
country, in the 1938&#13;
Exhibition of MARS group, which itself derived&#13;
the parent CIAM movement in Europe. The architecture was first embraced by a radical is best captured by Max Fry's own description&#13;
few in this country of himself, as a&#13;
“hen the second thing was added to me when I fell in love with a house by Miss van der Rohe, his Turgendhat Haus, in the Taunus&#13;
Mountains. I fell in love with this building, which is to say that I gave my heart to it and it entered into my emotional&#13;
its premises from — spirit in which modern&#13;
recesses and filled them to overflowing.&#13;
&#13;
 For me at that time it was as though, my mind cleared, rinsed and invigorated by the noble rationality of the Bauhaus, the breadth and grandeur of the proposition that it and the Modern Movement represented to me, suddenly my heart was taken, by one work, not essentially different, but of a quality of which I had not imagined the movement as yet capable.”&#13;
The sincerity is exemplary; the combination of rationality and passion the best modern architecture can offer but it now&#13;
seems incomplete. Wells Coates, Fry's contemporary and fellow traveller put the vision more bluntly.&#13;
"As creative architects, we are concerned with a future which must be planned, rather than a past which must be patched up".&#13;
from the thirties&#13;
But the climate of 1945 was different/ both in degree and in kind.&#13;
The post-war era for the first time saw the alliance of the&#13;
‘new wisdom! hitherto the preoccupation of dissaffected intellectuals&#13;
and enlightened bourgeous patrons, with all the executive force&#13;
of government and the major institutions. At the very moment that the pioneers! thesis appeared to be vindicated, so the process of institu#tionalizing its assumptions began in its adoption by a new establishment due to become infinitely more sophisticated and bureaucratic than any hitherto. Naturally it was intelligent enough to absorb the precepts and personalities that would otherwise have been dynamite, and throughout the 50's the professions of architecture and planning were happy to be included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. (For 20 years it has been considered an unjustified luxury to conceive of L.A. housing as anything but a numbers problen.)&#13;
The antithesis,which was bound to arise in conflict with this centralist orthodoxy, appeared early in the 1960's in phenomena ranging from the satire movement, to student protest; that is at about the time when on the threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist economics and enlightened paternalism, 'progressive' architects and planners (now comfortably established in government institutions and well-connected practices) were ready for the big&#13;
boom. The extent of development, publicly or privately sponsored&#13;
&#13;
 out afresh".&#13;
Martin went on to diagnose the failure of modern architecture in&#13;
the neglect by architects to attend to the 3rd item. But he himself was neglecting another factor infinitely more important, because&#13;
while concentrating on changes in form and technique he quite ignored the question of changes in patronage - the underlaying governing function which determines the very boundaries of change of the other two. Its the same blind spot as Fry and Coates, but after 30 years of social change - how much less forgiveable!&#13;
during the 1960's is unlikely to be equalled during the lifetime of any reader over 20,and the housing, new towns, universities,&#13;
— of this period will somehow or other have to do for the majority of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged. The future which Wells Coates generally wanted to plan is now the past that we will have to patch up.&#13;
transport infrastructure etc. --&#13;
But for the architectural profession, the boundaries of their sphere of action were still essentially the same. Even Leslie&#13;
Martin, one of the most advanced thinkers of the movement, took stock of the situation in the mid 60's like this:-&#13;
Referring to the 20's, 30's he wrote in 1966&#13;
"However complicated the historical situation may have been, three powerful lines of thought appeared. The first came from the passionately held belief that there had to be some complete and systematic re-examination of human needs and that as a result of this, not only the form of buildings, but the total environment would be changed. The second line of thought interlocking with this was simply that change in the form of buildings or environment&#13;
would only be achieved completely through the full use of modern technology. These 2 ideas produced a third, which wasthat each architectural problem should be constantly re-assessed and thought&#13;
&#13;
 whats best for him. S,&#13;
preside over a process that was already in decline.&#13;
What could follow now? Obvious with hindsight: a simple coronary case with complications. We ran out of fuel - petro-chemical, financial and most important social. For by now the assumed popular consent on which all this development had been based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentarists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists,etc of increasing expertise. It began to seem once more that the people with the power were less intelligent than the people without it.&#13;
The complications? Almost as fast as the development boom fever was dying in the establishment the antibodies were being absorbed. Participation, piecemeal planning, rehab and recyling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national and&#13;
local authorities and the professional institutions such that the concepts of 'Community Architecture' and 'Neighbourhood Participation! are already barnacled with bogus concern and trendy humbug, without much noticeable advantage to the intended beneficiaries. The courtesy with which Nicholas Harbraken was received at a County Hall lecture, when his whole theme was disposing of the very basis on which the Department operated,&#13;
was quite astonishing. Thus the wise Authority rejects not with brick wall but with cotton wool. Sociologists call it "Rejection by partial incorporation", and the British Establishment is&#13;
uniquely gifted at it. Not only is there nothing you can complain m&#13;
Max Beerbohm had called the 20th Century the "century&#13;
of the common man", but in architecture and planning, after now more than 50years of modernism, he is still assumed to be less qualified than remote architects and planners to know&#13;
Meanwhile arteries were hardening. In 1970 the D.0.E. - a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier -&#13;
established itself in the now familiar&#13;
tastefully separate from Whitehall, its bland combination of technocracy&#13;
faulty towers, sited&#13;
and expressing so precisely&#13;
about - there's plenty you must be grateful for. shus the host was born.&#13;
and officialdom, to&#13;
&#13;
 and to penetrate.&#13;
aie&#13;
Salaried architects - the vast majority of the profession - who&#13;
may be hopeful of more direct and satisfying relatiaships with the users of their products, in view of the changing climate,&#13;
have little to be optimistic about. Their governing body, the R.I.B.A. in no way representative of their concerns, continues&#13;
to be dominated by the assumptions of private principals and&#13;
no other organisation save ARC and ourselves shows any sign of challenging it. Such a state of affairs, when 80% of a profession&#13;
is misrepresentated by default (or not at all) would be at best unsatisfactory, except that the current economic depression has&#13;
begun to show that more immediate aspects of employment may be&#13;
none too cosy either. Government cuts and the Middle East Klondike can only temporarily disguise the fact that large sections of society who can avail themselves easily of the services of doctors and&#13;
The current climate is pluralistic and diverse to the extent&#13;
that, given the right form of words, everyone can apparently&#13;
claim to be progressive — the D.O.E, R.I.B.A, most L.A.'s,&#13;
the R.T.P.I. etc etc - concealing the fact that major ideological change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribution of power. Environmental matters continue to be determined on the basis of power, not of need, and the status quo is effectively maintained. It is this situation that N.A.M. was formed to study&#13;
So much for what amounts to our context in the outside world. Meanwhile, what of our context in the profession? In the same period under review the profession has transformed itself from&#13;
a craft-orientated elite of aesthetic gourmets supported forelock - tugging draughtsmen, predomminatly private, into an army of professionals dependent on a very different calibre of recruit - a university educated, mainly middle-class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of identifying with employers has blurred their vision of the political reality both within their offices and within the RIBA as a whole.&#13;
lawyers have no access to architects except through surrogate&#13;
by&#13;
&#13;
 is drawn.&#13;
At the deliberately unlikely venue of Harrogate, rather less than a hundred people met for a weekend in November 1975 at the invitation of the small group named ARC (Architect's Revolutionary Council) which had already for a couple of years been preoccupied with such questions.&#13;
The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement&#13;
which has since distinguished its own identity from that of ARC and at the same time consolidated its membership and its aims. Of the latter more will be said later, but beforehand the two essential characteristics of the movement that Harrogate established require explanation.&#13;
First its attitude: it was felt that this must be positive and constructive, no matter whether this involved more work. Nevertheless we must beware of getting bogged down in research. We would guess that it's all on the shelves of College libraries already. What we need are the people who wrote it.&#13;
The second feature is our structure. If there is a single obvious lesson in the past period it is that the more general&#13;
the precept the more diverse must be its application. The structure is therefore federal, national. Our object is to&#13;
seek strength in numbers such that any individuals or groupings that share the basic aims contribute to the consensus for action.&#13;
Apart from rudimentary liason processes, therefore the resulting character of the movement is its diversity and its localised basis. A centralised power elite dictating policy seemed both alien and unworkable. The N.A.M. is a microcosm of the social structure it foresees revolutionizing architectural patronage.&#13;
clients whose patronage they can in no way initiate.&#13;
It is out of this ghostly atmosphere of reality and appearances, wisdom and duplicity that N.A.M. developed and it is mainly&#13;
from this section of the profession that its current membership&#13;
&#13;
 lies in the actions of many.&#13;
ae&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country&#13;
make up the Movement - all of equal status in so far as they&#13;
can develop their own programmes in support of the generally agreed aims - any material produced therefore is signed for example "N.A.M., Edinburgh Group", or "N.A.M. North London Group". The essential function of making a sustaining contacts, together with arranging national congresses is carried out by a small Liason Group - which at present happens to be situated in London. This function could of course be transferred to any group who wished to take over it. If you wish to join, the contact list will probably already contain the names of individuals or groups in the area and you can join their meetings or alternatively&#13;
establish a group of your own.&#13;
Ideally a network of groups will develop, covering the entire country, with overseas contacts also, each one working on a number of topics, local campaigns etc which it would present at national congress for review. The Congress would also of&#13;
and tweedledee of form and technique - competence and the&#13;
course be the place for overall aims and strategy to be reviewed.&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of local antonomy. If a particular topic or local issue is your interest then you pursue it. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities and its strength lies not in the words of a few. Its strength&#13;
Anyway we started telling a ghost story, and want now to tell how it ends. Well,for the A.R. it ends about here, because&#13;
Moder Architecture they tell us has gone into hiding. Actually they were more honest than they intended when they added:&#13;
"This disappearance is not caused by any great change in the accommodation asked for: clients are still calling for immodest cubes of space and be given this city bursting character.&#13;
But, by and large architects are displaying them differently and are putting a more sociable face on them".&#13;
Well what a surprise. Plus ca change. Still the old tweedledum&#13;
&#13;
 in the course of our work.&#13;
Now NAM must measure its strength; dispose of this ghost of moder architecture, and build a social reality in its place.&#13;
design guide. We leave you to guess whether this preservation of the status quo is because the RIBA is too preoccupied with bread and butter issues, or because it knows all too well which&#13;
side its bread is buttered on.&#13;
The ‘questionis now not whether the politics of the profession matters or not, but whether anything else does. A profession which once came near the brink of radical change - donned a&#13;
mask instead and now its face has grown to fit it.&#13;
But behind the new sociable face practising its "social art"&#13;
the architect with integrity (a word much in the news on which we had something to say to Monopolies Commission) knows quite well that his formal windmill-tilting and technical guesswork hardly touch the real forces and desires of the people or groups that literally form the life blood of the environment.&#13;
The radical question is not "what forms? or "which techniques" but "who are my patrons? for it is this link which draws up the whole chain.&#13;
Without seeking to answer it, modern architecture can well&#13;
stay in hiding, while its ghost roams&#13;
more sinister for its new disguise. It visits most of us daily&#13;
far and wide; all the&#13;
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                <text> INL99dSH3d “TWOIYOLSIH&#13;
&lt; a&#13;
&#13;
 HISTORICAL PERSPEC?IVE Hawser Trunnion&#13;
the selected history of modern architecture from which NAN draws its conclusions for action can be told as a ghost story. That is to say,&#13;
it is the tale of how a once lively modernism lost its social radicalism, became comfortable then senile, and finally died — but only to transform itself into a ghost which continues to haunt us the more effectively for this deceptive transformation.&#13;
Like most good stories, there are several versions with significant differences that shed more light on the narrators than on the story&#13;
itself. The most recent official version was told by ‘he Architectural Review, that ageing glossy now totally debauched by its own rhetoric, in&#13;
its Preview Issue of January 1976. The punch-line came first : "that Modern Architecture as one has been experiencing it has gone into hiding. Gone (well, nearly gone) are those massive rectilinear packages; the towers, the slabs and (since Burolandschaft) the too big urban footstools. Gone (or nearly gone) are those self-assertive, diagramatic buildings which&#13;
made a point of having nothing to do with the neighbours. Gone is the Will to assert, the will to shock."&#13;
That the wills to assert or shock have gone is debatable. That the buildings referred to have "gone" should presumably be taken to mean the new commissions for such buildings, not the buildings themselves. But&#13;
the most disagreeable aspect of the article is the mixture of wise complac— ency and indulgent penitence. Unfortunately we find our version of the story rather more worrying.&#13;
It has indeed taken almost exactly twenty-five years for the impetus behind the first Modern Movement in this country to be exhausted. The Festival&#13;
of Britain and European Architectural Heritage Year, 1951 to 1975, might&#13;
be taken as the official milestones at the inauguration and closure of the period respectively. We appear to stand now at the beginning of a new&#13;
phase in which the criteria of 'relevant' action will be determined as much&#13;
by the understanding of this legacy as by our particular political standpoint.&#13;
he effects of the process of radicalization induced by war could be seen in&#13;
"The past is not for living in; it is a well of conclusions from which we draw in order to act. " (John Berger)&#13;
&#13;
 ae&#13;
1945 in the arrival of the first modern Socialist Government, with&#13;
its far-reaching social reforms on the domestic scale, and in our modified nation status in INAVO and the realization that we were no longer an imperial power.&#13;
In matters of environment the New Towns Movement, the Town &amp; Country Planning Act 1947 etc were the first expression of a&#13;
new vision and confidence that had already permeated other&#13;
sectors of society, including for example the health services.&#13;
One recalls the bright-eyed article by the Smithsons in which&#13;
they referred to themselves as "The 1947 Generation" denouncing the bygone equipment of the pre-modern architect, the screw pen, the classical grammar, in favour of their own new weapons, the development plan and the C.P.0. The South Bank Exhibition and&#13;
the associated housing schemes for Lansbury, East London epitomised the mixture of exhuberance and ‘committed concern' while showing that modern architecture was not simply a flat roof or a commer&#13;
window but a comprehensive urban language. The underlaying ideas, had of course been worked out long before, in Germany, France, Holland, Sweden and most completely in Russia. In this country, typically slow on the uptake,it was codified visually in the 1938 Exhibition of MARS group, which itself derived its premises from the parent CIAM movement in Europe.&#13;
The spirit in which modem architecture was first embraced by a radical few in this country&#13;
is best captured by Max Fry's own description of himself, as a young man of 30.&#13;
architecture decisively.&#13;
Then the second thing was added to me when I fell in love with a house by Miss van der Rohe, his Turgendhat Haus, in the Taunus Mountains. I fell in love with this building, which is to say that I gave my heart to it and it entered into my emotional&#13;
recesses and filled them to overflowing.&#13;
"When I first came in contact with new architecture in Germany&#13;
I was struck by two things; the first, this version of a grandly proportioned urbanism taking in everything: dwellings, roads, factories, markets, down to the small paraphernalia at the&#13;
closest personal context. Here is an architecture, I said to myself, capable of everything. Here is a true resolution, the end of discord. This is it, I wasayept with a fervour that was the reflection of a release of creative energy which was to spread from Europe to every part of the world and change the character of&#13;
&#13;
 For me at that time it was as though, my mind cleared, rinsed and invigorated by the noble rationality of the Bauhaus, the breadth and grandeur of the proposition that it and the Modem Movement represented to me, suddenly my heart was taken, by one work, not essentially different, but of a quality of which I had not imagined the movement as yet capable.”&#13;
traveller put the vision more bluntly.&#13;
The sincerity is exemplary; the combination of rationality and passion the best modern architecture can offer but it now&#13;
seems incomplete. Wells Coates, Fry's contemporary and fellow&#13;
"As creative architects, we are concerned with a future which must be planned, rather than a past which mst be patched up".&#13;
from the thirties&#13;
But the climate of 1945 was different{both in degree and in kind.&#13;
The post-war era for the first time saw the alliance of the&#13;
‘new wisdom' hitherto the preoccupation of dissaffected intellectuals&#13;
and enlightened bourgeous patrons, with all the executive force&#13;
of government and the major institutions. At the very moment that the pioneers' thesis appeared to be vindicated, so the process of institu%tionalizing its assumptions began in its adoption by a new establishment due to become infinitely more sophisticated and bureaucratic than any hitherto. Naturally it was intelligent enough to absorb the precepts and personalities that would otherwise have been dynamite, and throughout the 50's the professions of architecture and planning were happy to be included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. (For 20 years it has been considered an unjustified luxury to conceive of L.A. housing as anything but a numbers problen.)&#13;
The antithesis,which was bound to arise in conflict with this centralist orthodoxy, appeared early in the 1960's in phenomena ranging from the satire movement, to student protest; that is at about the time when on the threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist economics and enlightened paternalism, "progressive! architects and planners (now comfortably established in government institutions and well-connected practices) were ready for the big boom. The extent of development, publicly or privately sponsored&#13;
&#13;
 during the 1960's is unlikely to be equalled during the lifetime of any reader over 20,and the housing, new towns, universities, transport infrastructure etc. --&#13;
—6f this period will somehow or other have to do for the majority of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged. The future which Wells Coates generally wanted to plan is now the past that we will have to patch up.&#13;
But for the architectural profession, the boundaries of their sphere of action were still essentially the same. Even Leslie Martin, one of the most advanced thinkers of the movement, took stock of the situation in the mid 60's like this:-&#13;
Referring to the 20's, 30's he wrote in 1966&#13;
"However complicated the historical situation may have been, three powerful lines of thought appeared. The first came from the passionately held belief that there had to be some complete and systematic re-examination of human needs and that as a result of this, not only the form of buildings, but the total environment would be changed. The second line of thought interlocking with this was simply that change in the form of buildings or environment&#13;
would only be achieved completely through the full use of modern technology. These 2 ideas produced a third, which wasthat each&#13;
architectural problem should be constantly re-assessed and thought out afresh".&#13;
Martin went on to diagnose the failure of modern architecture in&#13;
the neglect by architects to attend to the 3rd item. But he himself was neglecting another factor infinitely more important, because&#13;
while concentrating on changes in form and technique he quite ignored the question of changes in patronage - the underlaying governing function which determines the very boundaries of change of the other two. It's the same blind spot as Fry and Coates, but after 30 years of social change - how much less forgiveable!&#13;
&#13;
 Max Beerbohm had called the 20th Century the "century&#13;
of the common man", but in architecture and planning, after now more than 50years of modernism, he is still assumed to be less qualified than remote architects and planners to know whats best for hin.&#13;
Meanwhile arteries were hardening. In 1970 the D.O.E. -a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier - established itself in the now familiar faulty towers, sited tastefully separate from Whitehall, and expressing so precisely its bland combination of technocracy and officialdom, to&#13;
preside over a process that was already in decline.&#13;
What could follow now? Obvious with hindsight: a simple coronary case with complications. We ran out of fuel —- petro-chemical, financial and most important social. For by now the assumed popular consent on which all this development had been based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentarists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists,etc of increasing expertise. It began to seem once more that the people with the power were less intelligent than the people without it.&#13;
The complications? Almost as fast as the development boom fever was dying in the establishment the antibodies were being absorbed. Participation, piecemeal planning, rehab and recyling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national and&#13;
local authorities and the professional institutions such that the concepts of 'Commmity Architecture’ and ‘Neighbourhood Participation’ are already barnacled with bogus concern and trendy humbug, without mich noticeable advantage to the intended beneficiaries. The courtesy with which Nicholas Harbraken was received at a County Hall lecture, when his whole theme was disposing of the very basis on which the Department operated,&#13;
was quite astonishing. Thus the wise Authority rejects not with&#13;
brick wall but with cotton wool. Sociologists call it "Rejection&#13;
by partial incorporation", and the British Establishment is&#13;
uniquely gifted at it. Not only is there nothing you can complain&#13;
about - there's plenty you must be grateful for. Yhus the ;host was born&#13;
&#13;
 The current climate is pluralistic and diverse to the extent&#13;
that, given the right form of words, everyone can apparently&#13;
claim to be progressive - the D.0.E, R.I.B.A, most L.A.'s,&#13;
the R.T.P.I. etc etc - concealing the fact that major ideological change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribution of power. Environmental matters continue to be determined on the basis of power, not of need, and the status quo is effectively maintained. It is this situation that N.A.M. was formed to study and to penetrate.&#13;
So much for what amounts to our context in the outside world. Meanwhile, what of our context in the profession? In the same period under review the profession has transformed itself from a craft-orientated elite of aesthetic gourmets supported by&#13;
forelock -— tugging draughtsmen, predomminatly private, into an amy of professionals dependent on a very different calibre of recruit - a university educated, mainly middle-class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of identifying with employers has blurred their vision of the political reality both within their offices and within the RIBA as a whole.&#13;
Salaried architects -— the vast majority of the profession - who&#13;
may be hopeful of more direct and satisfying relatiaships with the users of their products, in view of the changing climate,&#13;
have little to be optimistic about. Their governing body, the R.I.B.A. in no way representative of their concerns, continues&#13;
to be dominated by the assumptions of private principals and&#13;
no other organisation save ARC and ourselves shows any sign of challenging it. Such a state of affairs, when 80% of a profession&#13;
is misrepresentated by default (or not at all) would be at best unsatisfactory, except that the current economic depression has&#13;
begun to show that more immediate aspects of employment may be&#13;
none too cosy either. Government cuts and the Middle East Klondike can only temporarily disguise the fact that large sections of society who can avail themselves easily of the services of doctors and&#13;
lawyers have no access to architects except through surrogate&#13;
&#13;
 clients whose patronage they can in no way initiate.&#13;
It is out of this ghostly atmosphere of reality and appearances, wisdom and duplicity that N.A.M. developed and it is mainly&#13;
from this section of the profession that its current membership is drawn.&#13;
At the deliberately unlikely venue of Harrogate, rather less than a hundred people met for a weekend in November 1975 at the invitation of the small group named ARC (Architect's Revolutionary Council) which had already for a couple of years been preoccupied with such questions.&#13;
The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement&#13;
which has since distinguished its own identity from that of ARC and at the same time consolidated its membership and its aims. Of the latter more will be said later, but beforehand the two essential characteristics of the movement that Harrogate established require explanation.&#13;
First its attitude: it was felt that this mst be positive and constructive, no matter whether this involved more work. Nevertheless we must beware of getting bogged down in research. We would guess that it's all on the shelves of College libraries&#13;
already. What we need are the people who wrote it.&#13;
The second feature is our structure. If there is a single&#13;
obvious lesson in the past period it is that the more general&#13;
the precept the more diverse mist be its application. The structure is therefore federal, national. Our object is to&#13;
seek strength in numbers such that any individuals or groupings that share the basic aims contribute to the consensus for action.&#13;
Apart from rudimentary liason processes, therefore the resulting character of the movement is its diversity and its localised basis. A centralised power elite dictating policy seemed both alien and unworkable. The N.A.M. is a microcosm of the social&#13;
structure it foresees revolutionizing architectural patronage.&#13;
&#13;
 establish a group of your own.&#13;
lies in the actions of many.&#13;
and are putting a more sociable face on them".&#13;
ie&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country&#13;
make up the Movement —- all of equal status in so far as they&#13;
can develop their own programmes in support of the generally agreed aims - any material produced therefore is signed for example "N.A.M., Edinburgh Group", or "N.A.M. North London Group". The essential function of making a sustaining contacts, together with arranging national congresses is carried out by a small&#13;
Liason Group - which at present happens to be situated in London. This function could of course be transferred to any group who wished to take over it. If you wish to join, the contact list will probably already contain the names of individuals or groups in the area and you can join their meetings or alternatively&#13;
Ideally a network of groups will develop, covering the entire country, with overseas contacts also, each one working on @ number of topics, local campaigns etc which it would present&#13;
at national congress for review. The Congress would also of course be the place for overall aims and strategy to be reviewed.&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of local antonomy. If a particular topic or local issue is your interest then you pursue it. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities and its strength lies not in the words of a few. Its strength&#13;
and tweedledee of form and technique - competence and the&#13;
Anyway we started telling a ghost story, and want now to tell how it ends. Well,for the A.R. it ends about here, because Modern Architecture they tell us has gone into hiding. Actually they were more honest than they intended when they added:&#13;
"This disappearance is not caused by any great change in the accommodation asked for: clients are still calling for immodest cubes of space and be given this city bursting character.&#13;
But, by and large architects are displaying them differently&#13;
Well what a surprise. Plus ca change. Still the old tweedledum&#13;
&#13;
 lies in the actions of many.&#13;
and are putting a more sociable face on them".&#13;
fs&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country&#13;
make up the Movement - all of equal status in so far as they.&#13;
can develop their own programmes in support of the generally agreed aims - any material produced therefore is signed for example "N.A.M., Edinburgh Group", or "N.A.M. North London Group". The essential function of making 2 sustaining contacts, together with arranging national congresses is carried out by a small Liason Group - which at present happens to be situated in London. This function could of course be transferred to any group who wished to take over it. If you wish to join, the contact list will probably already contain the names of individuals or groups in the area and you can join their meetings or alternatively establish a group of your own.&#13;
Ideally a network of groups will develop, covering the entire country, with overseas contacts also, each one working on a number of topics, local campaigns etc which it would present&#13;
at national congress for review. The Congress would also of course be the place for overall aims and strategy to be reviewed.&#13;
and tweedledee of form and technique - competence and the&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of local antonomy. If a particular topic or local issue is your interest then you pursue it. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities and its strength lies not in the words of a few. Its strength&#13;
Anyway we started telling a ghost story, and want now to tell how it ends. Well, for the A.R. it ends about here, because Modern Architecture they tell us has gone into hiding. Actually they were more honest than they intended when they added:&#13;
"This disappearance is not caused by any great change in the accommodation asked for: clients are still calling for immodest cubes of space and be given this city bursting character.&#13;
But, by and large architects are displaying them differently&#13;
Well what a surprise. Plus ca change. Still the old tweedledum&#13;
&#13;
 the whole chain.&#13;
in the course of our work.&#13;
design guide. We leave you to guess whether this preservation of the status quo is because the RIBA is too preoccupied with bread and butter issues, or because it knows all too well which&#13;
The - questionis now not whether the politics of the profession matters or not, but whether anything else does. A profession which once came near the brink of radical change - donned a mask instead and now its face has grown to fit it.&#13;
side its bread is buttered on.&#13;
But behind the new sociable face practising its "social art"&#13;
the architect with integrity (a word mach in the news on which we had something to say to Monopolies Commission) knows quite well that his formal windmill-tilting and technical guesswork hardly touch the real forces and desires of the people or groups&#13;
that literally form the life blood of the environment.&#13;
The radical question is not "what forms? or "which techniques" but "who are my patrons? for it is this link which draws up&#13;
Without seeking to answer it, modern architecture can well&#13;
stay in hiding, while its ghost roams far and wide; all the more sinister for its new disguise. It visits most of us daily&#13;
Now NAM must measure its strength; dispose of this ghost of modern architecture, and build a social reality in its place.&#13;
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                <text> 1. BACKGROUR D&#13;
°&#13;
i”&#13;
Aus? ARCRITACTURS FOVaN a&#13;
It has taken almost exactly twenty-five years for the impetus behind the first iodern jovement in this country to be exhausted. oe. festival of Britain 1951 and ia |&#13;
taken as the official milestones at the inauguration and ‘closure ef the period respectively. |&#13;
|&#13;
‘e seem to stand new at she beginning cf a new ‘phase in which ‘the criteria of 'relevant' action will be determined. asmuchbytheunderstandingofeurlegacyasourone political standpoint.&#13;
The effects of the process xf radicalization&#13;
induced by war cxuld be seen in the arrival of the first&#13;
modern Socialist Gsvernment with bia: Gea nbagin ters social referms on the dnmestic scale, and in cur modified nation status in&#13;
‘ate and the realization that we were n&gt; longer an imperial&#13;
power. | |&#13;
ke&#13;
In matters oa envirennent the New Toms Hevenent,&#13;
the Town &amp; a Planning Act 1947 ete. were the first&#13;
expression of a new vision and csenfidence that had already&#13;
permeated other sectcrs of svciety, including for example the health services. The South Bank Uxhibitien and the Associated Housing schemes in Lansbury, Mast London epitomised the slicetae of exuberance and ‘committed concerm' while sheving het sigdee, atoll estan was&#13;
ss x not simply a flat roof ora corner window, but a comprehensive&#13;
urban language. The underlying ideas, had of course been werked out long befere : it was *cedified visually in the 1939 Exhibition&#13;
%::2a&#13;
&#13;
 of the Mars Group, which itself derived its premises ~ from the parent CIAM movement in Europe. But theclimate of 1945 was different both in.degree and in kind.&#13;
.The post-war an... for the first time saw the alliance of the ‘new wisdom', hithertu preoccupatiun of dissatisfied intellectuals&#13;
and enlightened bourgeois patrons, withall the executive farce.&#13;
of government and the major ieeiatlehe At the very iahient that the pioneer's thesis appeartsedbe vindicated, a the process ef institutionalizirg its assumptions began in its adeptien by a&#13;
new establishment due ta become infinitely more sophisticated&#13;
and bureaucratic than any hitherte. Naturally it was intelligent enough to absorb | the prece is and, perssnalities that would otherwise have been dynamite, and throughout the '50's the professianosf architecture and planning were happy to be&#13;
included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction. :&#13;
he anti-thesis which was bound to crise in conflict with : this centralist orthodoxy sppeared early in the 1960's in phenomens, ranging -from the satire movenent, to student protest,&#13;
‘y&#13;
that is at about the time when enthe threefold premise of cheap&#13;
energy, expansionist ecenomics and enlightened paternalism, | "progressive"architects and planners (now comfortably established in government: institutioR® and well-connected practices) were&#13;
ready for the big boom. The extent of development, publicly or privatelys sponsored during thel960's, is unlikely td we equalled during the lifetime ef anyone reaching this - and the nGgeibe: new towns, universities, tansport infrastructure dai, ot this period will somehow have to do for the majcrity of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged.&#13;
&#13;
 e&#13;
But atteries were hardening . In 1970 the DOE - a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier - established itself&#13;
in the now familiar faulty towers, sited carefully separate from&#13;
Wai tehall , and expressing so precisely its blant combination of - technogracyand officialdom, to provide over a process that was already&#13;
_in decline. . . | ‘What would happen now? Obvious with hindsight : c simple&#13;
coronary case with onmplications. We ran out of fuel - petro-&#13;
chemical, financial, and most important social. For by new the assumed popular consent on which all. this developmentha.d been&#13;
based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentalists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists, tec of. increasing : expertise. It began to seem once more tat the people with the i&#13;
power were less intelligent than the people without it.&#13;
The complications? Almost as fast as the devel~pment boom&#13;
fever was dying in-the establishment the antinodies were being absorbed. Particpation, piecemeal planning,rehab and recycling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national&#13;
and local authorities and the professional institutilns such that concepts of ‘community Architecture’ and Neighbourhood Participation! are already bandied with bogus concern and trendy ‘humbug, without much noticeabte advantage to the intended beneficiaries.&#13;
The cur rent climate is pluralistic and diverse to the&#13;
extent that, given the rifgt form of words, everyone can apparently | claim to be progressive - the 193, RIBA, most L.A.'s, the RTPIetc,&#13;
etc - concealing the fact that major idealogical change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribtuiion of power. Environmental matters continue to be detemminedon the basis &gt;f power, not of&#13;
need, and the status quo is effectieety maintained. It is this situation that NAM was formed to study and pehetrate.&#13;
So much for what mounts to the context in the -utside world. Meanwhile, what eftia’ contest in the profession? In the same&#13;
perind the profession has transformed iteself from a craft-orientated&#13;
elite of aesthetic gastronomes supported by forelock tugging- draughtsmen, into and army of professionals dpeendant on a very. different calibre of re cruit, a university educated, m:inly&#13;
middle class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of .identifying&#13;
with employers has blurred their vision of the pelitical reality within their offices and throughout the RIBA., ~~ (Contecsseces&#13;
&#13;
 Salafied architects,&#13;
more direct and satisfying relationships with the users of their products,&#13;
have little to be optimistic about because of the economic crisis, The professions governing body, RIBA, is dominated by the interests of private practice and salaried architects have to realise that the NAM&#13;
is the only effective voice challenging the Private Practice Principal's Party, 66 Portland Place. Such a state of affairs,&#13;
the majority of the profession, who may&#13;
hope for&#13;
profession is misrepresented by default (or not'at&#13;
at the best of times,&#13;
between principals&#13;
use of architects only existed by surrogate clients and a remote. beaurocratic offices. , ,&#13;
now that the crisis&#13;
and assitants, established&#13;
and still at college&#13;
The Middle Hast Klondike can only briefly disguise&#13;
daily more apparent.&#13;
the fact that wheras. the publiss access to lawyers and doctours was relatively easy, until the goverment cuts reduce this too,. the. publics&#13;
when 80% of. a&#13;
all) would be absurd&#13;
bites. home the contrdictions&#13;
Ae&#13;
grow&#13;
‘It is out of this uneasy climate of reality and alussion, wisdom and displicity that N.A.M. developed. At the unlikely venue of Harrogate&#13;
a gathering of under a hundred people meet for a weekend in November. 75, at the invitation of a small group called ARC.. ARC had been preoccupied with such questions for a couple of years, .&#13;
The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement which has since distinguished its own identity from that of. ARC and at the ‘same time consolidated its aims and membership. More on aims later.. The&#13;
two essentail characteristics of the Movement that Harrogate established ares-&#13;
a. It must have a constructive attitude founded on strong annalysis. Yet another vocal articulation scemed unnecessary and abortive.&#13;
b. That its structure should be both federal and national, allowing the individual personal involvement and avenues of action.&#13;
Apart from a rudimentary’ Liason process the character of the movement is its diversity and localised basis. A centralised. power elite was seen as alien and unconstructive. :&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread’ throughout the country make up the movement, ‘all aré of an equal status and are free to develop their&#13;
own programmeisn support of the generally agreed aims. Any material produced is signed, Bdinburgh NAM Group, or NAM Cardif Group. The purpose of the small, at present London based, Liason Group is to maintain and develop contacts and to set up the next National Congress. If you are thinking of joiningw.e hope that our contact list has a member close by you, if not then we would be delighted if you initiated your own NAM Group. Speakers and information can be sent to youe&#13;
In time a network of groups should develop to cover the country, each one working out its own ideas wcther localised or more universal. The Congress will be one way of communicating between groups and for working out overall aims and strategies,&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure is that of individual comnitmant and local autonomy. ‘We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities, its strength lies-in the involvement of you, and «the help we can all&#13;
give ‘each other. , .&#13;
&#13;
 NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT 1. BACKGROUND&#13;
9&#13;
Ithastakenalmostexactlyined yearsforthe impetus behind the first iodern Fovenent in this country to be exhausted, The festival of Britain 1952 and HAHY 1975 might hhe_ taken as theofficial nilestones at “ee inaireeepbolm ana closure.&#13;
ef the period respectively.&#13;
Weseemfostandnewsithepees ofanewphase_ in which the criteria of ‘relevant' action will be determined as much by the. understanding of aim legacy as our-current political standpoint. | |&#13;
The —— of the pesedas of radicalization&#13;
induced by war could be seen in the arrival of the first&#13;
modern Socialist ote tent ait its far-reaching social reforms on the dninestic: scale, and sn cur modified nation status in&#13;
ate and the realization that we were n&gt; longer an ‘imperial power. be&#13;
InmatterscfaeecontheNewTownsMovement,&#13;
the Town &amp; Country Planning Act 1947 etc., were ‘the first expressioonf a new cision and esnfidence that had already&#13;
permeated other sectcrs of i including for example the health services.. The South Bank fixchibition and the Associated Housing schemes in Langbury, ast London epitomised: the meine of exuberance and ‘committed concern! medie- Showin that modern architecture was notsimplyaflatroofaksewindow,butacomprehensive— urbanlanguage.The neideas,hadofcoursebeened&#13;
out long befare : it was “cadified visually im the 1938 Exhibition&#13;
&#13;
 of the Mars Group, which ‘itself derived its, premises&#13;
ftom the osuede CIAM movement in Barope. was different both in degree and in kind.&#13;
But theclimate of 1945&#13;
The post-war era. fdr the first time&#13;
"new wisdom', hithertu preoccupation andenlightenedbourgeoispatrons,withallee&#13;
of government and the major institutions. At the very msment that the pioneer's thesis appeared t» be vindicated, so the process ef institutionalizing its assumptions began in its adoptiobny a&#13;
new establishment due-ta become iyPind pels more sophisticated&#13;
and bUreaucratic than any hitherte. flaturally it was intelligent: enough to eavserb . the prece s and personalities that would otherwise have heen dynamite, and. tipoustont fai '50's the professions of architecture and Se aneae were happy to be&#13;
included in the monolithic drive for reconstruction.&#13;
The anti-thesis which was bound to crise in conflict with. this centralist orthodoxy appearcd eaxly in the 1960's; in phenomens, ranging from the satire movement, to student protest, that is at about the time when enthe threefold premise of cheap energy, expansionist economics and enlightened paternalisn, "progressive"architects and planners (now comfortably established in government institutioK§ and well-connected practices) were ready for the big boom. The extent of development, publicly or privatelys sponscred during thel960's, is unlikely tv be equalled during the lifetime of anyone reaching this - and the housing, new towns, universities, tansport infrastructure ete., of this period will somehow have to do for the majcrity of us and our children till the latter are middle-aged.&#13;
saw the alliance of the of dissatisfied intellectuals&#13;
&#13;
 Salatied architects; the majority of the professionw,ho may hope for&#13;
more direct and satisfying relationships with the users of their products, have little to be optimistic about because of the economic crisis, The professions governing body, RIBA, is dominated by the interests of&#13;
private practice-and salaried architects have to realise that the NAM&#13;
is the only effective voice ’challenging the Private Practice Principal's Party, 66 Portland Place. Such a state of affairs, when.80% of a profession is misrepresented by default (or not at all)- would be absurd&#13;
at the best of times, now that the crisis bites home the contrdictions- between principals and assitants, established and still at college grow daily more apparent.. The Middle Hast Klondike can only briefly disguise the fact that wheras the publies access to lawyers and doctours was relatively easy, until the goverment cuts reduce this too, the publics&#13;
use of architects only existed by surrogate clients and a remote beaurocratic offices. ,&#13;
A&#13;
It is out of this uneasy climate of reality and alussion, wisdom and displicity that N.A.M. developed. At the unlikely venue of Harrogate&#13;
a gathering of under a hundred people meet for a weekend in November, 155 at the invitatioonf a small group called ARC. ARC had been preoccupied with such questions for a couple of years,&#13;
The outcome was the nucleus of a New Architecture Movement which has Since distinguished its own identity from that of ARC and at the same time consolidated its aims and membership. More on aims later. ‘The&#13;
two essentail characteristics of the Movement that Harrogate established are3-&#13;
a. .It must have a constructive attitude founded on strong annelysis. Yet another vocal articulation scemed unnecessary and abortive,&#13;
b, That its structure should be both federal and national, allowing the individual personal involvement and avenues of action,&#13;
Apart from a rudimentary liason process the character of the movement is its diversity and localised’ basis,. A centralised power elite was seen as alien and unconstructive. se&#13;
Individuals and local groups spread throughout the country make up the movement, all are of an equal status and are free +6 develop their&#13;
own programmes’in support of the generally agreed aims. Any material produced is signed, Edinburgh NAM Group, or NAM Cardif Group. The purpose of the small,’ at present London based, Liason Group is to maintain and’ develop contacts and to set up the next National Congress, If you are thinking of joining we hope that our contact list hag a member close by you, “if not’ then we would be delighted if you initiated your ‘own: NAM Group. Speakers and informaticoann be sent to yous&#13;
In time a network of groups should develop to cover the country, -each one working out its own ideas wether localised or more universal. The Congress will be one way of communicating between groups and for&#13;
working out overall aims and strategies,&#13;
The key to this decentralised structure igs that of individual commitmant and local autonomy. We are not a movement with presidents or celebrities, its strength lies in the involvement of you, and the help we can all&#13;
five each other,&#13;
&#13;
 But atteries were hardening . In 1970 the DOE - a concept that would have seemed revolutionary 25 years earlier - established itself&#13;
in the now familiar faulty towers, sited carefully separate from&#13;
Yaitehall , and expressing so precisely its blan® combination of techroeracyand officialdom, to provide over a process that was already&#13;
in decline.&#13;
What would happen now? Obvious with hindsight :-c simple.&#13;
coronary case with complicationsW.e ran out of Padl-Spesies chemical, financial, and most important social, ‘For by new the assumed popular consent on which all this development had been&#13;
based was solidly organised into community groups, environmentalists, conservation lobbies, spaceship earth economists , the of increasing expertise. It began to seem once more that the people with the&#13;
power were ‘less intelligent than the people without it.&#13;
‘Tne complications? Almost as fast as the develapment boom&#13;
fever was dying in the establishment the antihodies were being . absorbed, Particpation, piecemeal planning,rehab and recycling have been hastily substituted in the official policies of national&#13;
and local authorities -and the professional institutilns such that concepts of 'odthimind ty Architecture! and Neighbourhood Participation! are almeaee bandied with bogus concern an? trendy humbug, without&#13;
much noticeabje advantage to the intended beneficiaries.&#13;
. The cur rent climate is pluralistic and diverse to the&#13;
extent that, given the riGet form of words, everyone. can apparently claim to be progressive - the DOE, RIBA, most L.A.'s, the RTPlLetc, ete —- concealing the fact that major idealogical change is occurring with little or no commensurate redistribtuiion of power. ea matters ccntinue to be détexminedon the basis -f power, not. of need, and the status quo is effectieéLy maintained. It is this© situation that NAM was formed to study and pehetrate.&#13;
So much for what amounts to the context in the ~utside world. Meanwhile, what ofour ccntext in the profession? In the same — | pericd the professicn has transformed iteself from a sine esomicatated&#13;
elite of aesthetic gastronomes supported by forelock tugging draughtsmen, into. and a of professicnals dpeendant on a , different calibre of--re. cruit, a university educated, m: nly&#13;
middle class mass of aspiring principals whose habit of identifying&#13;
with employers hag blurred their vision of the pelitical reality within their offices and throughout the RIBA. Contessscces&#13;
&#13;
 As a creative activity architecture, supposedly represents values that exist beyond mére building. -All creative activities experience, to&#13;
some degree or another three converging forces, the force of the imagination, the power of technics and the exercise of patronage, All three interact through design and their resolution is the creation&#13;
of forms. In the -sence of patronaze technics ind imagination have no context and thus no substance or meaning.&#13;
For a Schubert or a Gaugin such constraints as imposed by patronage were minimal for they were in effect their own patrons dirécting their creative energies towards their own needs and conditions. But in architecture his is by no means so easy, for it is a rare occurrence for the architect to aCe asLene own patron, except say, when he builds his own house, = ran, |&#13;
Ofallthe’arts,then,dirt teeis‘particularly:depengenton oehas patronage., for without patronage: theré is no building and without&#13;
want&#13;
For the alternative’ cectthologists thee is: bub one fate, the ‘eventual take over by the owners of production who will. appropriate. their creations to furt her ‘their ownends. Those inventions: ‘that, shave a potentialforgeneratingprofitandmaintainingtheiSiSquowill be exploited; thése that do not will be thrown away::.For&lt;:the conceptualis ti there is only.the world of fantasy anddreams,. Like _ the 'trip' cone too many it will end in trauma and despair, their&#13;
self inflated bubble will burst,for it has little content and no. Substance.&#13;
The New Architecture Movement offers a third alternative to this impasse, It is devising a strategy that attacks the heart of the dilemna, the principles of patronage. The notion of patronage encompasses variety of associations but their common reference&#13;
voint is to an unequal relaticnship between benefactor and benificecry. The ben&amp;ficery of course is the architect. How do we define&#13;
patronage in our context patronage is the means by which the building needs of individuals and their institutions are determindd. ‘ie realise thet under any social system there will alvays be more users&#13;
than patrons but we do not see this process of assessing building needs as an independent variable to the design problem. It is intrinsic to the forms that we will create. This is a »rincivle of our movement.&#13;
We cannot wait for the real patrons to stand up. “Ye must go to them, but this will only be achieved by removing the obstales in our own institutions, ‘irchitecture', it is suggested is the social art.&#13;
buildingarchitectture:eetne:realmsofgraphicsand.-sculpture.&#13;
For those whose art i8’less,dependent on external patronage for their ~&#13;
well being there has been the opportunity to Tiberate themselves from stereo-typed convention, but, in. architecture we'have.been trapped,&#13;
"ach move into a mew mode of work is frustrated.‘ Those whohave . “© °+4 attempted to escape ‘by side stepping the issue altogether have fled ‘to&#13;
the world of ‘alterna vtive technology! or to the ‘vorld of the: ‘conceptualists'. beunb bso&#13;
Certainly the creation of saci itsolenee is a prerequisite for civilisation. Undeniably, it effects everyone's aspect of peoples lives. And yet&#13;
we have situations where architecture, which is about living, is&#13;
practised by a group of nveople, architects, who have erected barriers&#13;
around themselves. Our conclusions can only be thatthe barriers have been erected because either the practitioners are incapableo’f practising architecture or unnecessary, or their masters, the patrons, misuse&#13;
their practice. Thus it is our belief that the institutions of architecture operate not only to the detrimmt of the non patrons but to architects themselves.&#13;
ae a&#13;
i&#13;
&#13;
 NAM identifies these institutions as the way architects are organised, their education and their methods of oractice. ach in turn reinforce and sustain the present system of patronage and moreover because the architect is the beneficery in an unequal relationship, they were intended to do so, If we accept that patronage is ultimately&#13;
exercised for its own benevolence whether for prestige, profit or povrer and if it is the means of assessing the building needs of society than there is a prima facie case of ‘aiding and abetting'.&#13;
NAM intends to ex2mine each institution in turn. NAM will demonstrate the vay in which thése institutions act-for patronage by isolatinz&#13;
the practice of architecture from its context. The RIBA claims to speak. for architects as if they were one voice, Assension and arguement&#13;
is confined to the closed doors of Portland Place. It thefefore snuffs out any attempt to undermine a system of patronave at which it is the beneficery. Through education it produces students who aquiesce to the status quo because the nature of their training has concealed from&#13;
then the true nature of their work, The organisation of practice is so structured that oo is only able to: function in the context of the existing patrons S65! ‘&#13;
&#13;
 2. ROCA.1&#13;
Similarly Housing associations, fousing netion Areas and (IAs are&#13;
controlled by professionals at the expense&#13;
purport to serve, In the long term,&#13;
impotent, for it is through real participation where the bases for&#13;
decisions are exposed to all, that the orofessional will foster his own development.&#13;
of the residents whom they this can only render the professional&#13;
,&#13;
Private praapiece is accounta iis only. to the minority who weild power.&#13;
ive. that small: group we have identifie@ as patcons. “here is no effective means of control by those who are affectedb’y the buildings thus produced&#13;
and there is little public awareness of the profits yielded by ‘the fee scale. ithin offices, a minority of employer architects exercise hierar-— chical control, due as “much to their orn inclination as to their respon= Sibilities under Partnership Lars _ wheir employees, lured by the carrot&#13;
of eventual advancement = if+they find favour ~ are suspicious compet i~ tive and divided. Such a system Will, in the long. term collapse for .&#13;
Lt is not sufficiently flexible. to respond to the hang ing pattern of patronage the dominance of the public client and the incrreasing social economic and environmental ayureness expréssed by the public at large uhether in conservation issues or politicshl: stances. N.a.ti. therefore proposes a whole range of reforms vithin practice, from ensuring that.- private offices are subject to a form of local accountability, to office structures based on the principles of co-ownership. Salaried architects should be given a real opportunity to organise and join unions for&#13;
without such strength thoy are at the mercy of the mar'cet.&#13;
Mor the public sector architect there looms a different series of frustrations, Local Authority architects work in large centralised rigid organisations which, while professing to serve he public, in reality&#13;
serve md are acountable only to co.mittee chairmen, Direct contact&#13;
between users and architects is at least discouraged or forbidden, whe monolithic. internal. hicrachy fosters the promotion ethos. Success isto move out of ‘architecture into management, Rarely: does the Chief Architects’&#13;
heavy responsibility for huge expenditure to one client create an office spirit any more inspired thai ell- organised defensiveness.&#13;
“hy: is this so? Host:public architects have arm bclief in the justice&#13;
of their cause. any have gone to good nublic offices to escavethe ~ partner breathing down their nec. Might it be that the system has been&#13;
so devised to tolerate the mediocre. or that it is so fail-safe that no practitioner is that importent? It is clear that as bureaucracies&#13;
develop, the definition of roles becomes increasingly.restrictive. ‘ihe public architect is insulated from the very problems which a#e the substance of building needsj and the exercise of his imagination and still becomes irrelevant&#13;
whe New architecture liovement believes that the tide which is continually eroding the basis ofthe architect's work can only be turned by surplanting&#13;
the local authority service by a National Design Service based on de-- centralised local authority design teams and offering a freely availa&gt;le service to groups and individuals in local -reas, Jhese teams would be&#13;
organised in such a vay that not ohly would they to help articulate the needs of residents but -also implement them, such an intimate’ relationship vould automatically introduce a means of accountaability. Thisisnotavaguenotionofcontrolor ee butaparticipatory process by which the skills of archit cots do not hide behind a. bushel but are exposed to the commonsense of the layman.&#13;
she setting up of small scale loc lly based projects should be seen in the context of a national o:xperiment.&#13;
&#13;
 Architectural education is.dominated and controlled by the RIBA through the Board of Mducation, yet it is,society which foots the bill without any means of control, or rather it has vested its. control in the hands of architects. his has encourageda.n introverted mentality, “i,A.ti.-&#13;
hasbeendisappointed,butinretrospectnotsurpris«ie:dthefailure&#13;
of architectural students to respond to the -uestions that N.A.i. ete have posed. The fostering of architectural studies in .a world of unreality, whether in the worst oxcesses of archigoonism or technical‘+ fetishes, is producing a nei generation of draving-board fodder or drop&#13;
OUTS. o&#13;
ofpe: cy&#13;
ho fe&#13;
yD&#13;
NAM. intends to set up astudy group to examine the .cuestion of education but itis clear that central to our attitude is to arrange a marriage&#13;
between schools and their communities. .Schools&#13;
considerable resources which. could be used&#13;
community. In general, we should be aiming&#13;
syllabus in order to enable each school to respond to varying local con- ditions and opportunitics. —&#13;
*here can be few doubts as to our attitude to the way the. profession is at present organised and controlled.- Eighty per cent of architects wrote off the BIDA years ago. Yet, though it no longer has any moaning for: most architects, its pover is immense and. Council is controlled by the&#13;
same faces year after year.&#13;
NW.A.H. secks to establish principles of practice outside the RIBA in architects&#13;
such a way that’ are not cosettcd in their own front room but are exposed to the street. whese new. principles of practice will range fron&#13;
of Architecture have for the. benefit of the&#13;
for more autonomy in&#13;
;&#13;
asetofethics,perhapsin.theformofanoath,modelrulesonprocedur,eto the abolishinogf mandatory fee scale, so that.a range of architectural services is more widely available. :Control of -the activitics of the — profession should be returned .to.where, it was originally invested, namely- parliament. Asthey. stand, the Registration Acts arc. administered by ri ARCUK ‘wiich is mercly afront organisation of :the RISA.&#13;
WAM. is not a debating society. Its present emphasis on analysis and theory is a prelude,to a programue of action... “hat action .is. aimed zat breaking down the barriers between society and architects, Links will be forged with the local communities where we live through trade unions, tenants associations, local amonity groups and local councillors. “ler: shall work to raise she expectations of the service provided by practices and public offices, On a broader scale, our intention is to co-operate with other progressive gsroups. by lobbying politicians wo-hope to achieve changes in the Registration Acts. ;&#13;
Our programme is not reformist for all our actions are to be judged-in&#13;
the light of our desire to seek fundamental changes in the exercise of patronage. In practising community architecture our philosophy is not to offer andy to innocent children hut to demonstrate the failure of established institutions to respond to the people’ needs. By this means people themselves will seck their own solutions; and for architects there&#13;
is the reward of their oim fulfillment.&#13;
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83 Willifield Way London NW11&#13;
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31 Davenant Road London N19&#13;
Sue Francis&#13;
9 St Georges Ave London N7&#13;
Graeme Geddes&#13;
13 Curtis House&#13;
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48 Sutherland Sq&#13;
125 Grosvener Ave&#13;
485 2267&#13;
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6 Springdale Road London N16&#13;
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405 3412&#13;
405 3411&#13;
226 5030&#13;
348 0735&#13;
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373 1420&#13;
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703 7140 00.&#13;
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Taisen London SK7&#13;
Jane Darke&#13;
173 Rustings Drive . Sheffield Sll 7AD&#13;
Benedicte Foo&#13;
44 Grafton Terrace London NW5&#13;
Nec and Emel Teymur 31 Lauradale Road London N2&#13;
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Marian Roberts 41 Roden St&#13;
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