1 10 39 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/508efbdd7948ae2e322616fdba4b3b60.pdf d61a52c560d42596917a96f50a1e2f99 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A National Design Service Doc 1 Subject The topic of the resource Paper presented by John Murray to the first NAM Congress at Harrogate 21-23 November 1975 as requested by Brian Anson Description An account of the resource 1.0 Introduction A NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE Paper No 2. May 1976 At the Harrogate Conference last November we called for a National Design Service which would meet the right of everyone to exercise control over the buildings which surround them and in which they live and work. This is a right denied in part or in total to most people in this country. We saw that the present system of patronage is such that 80% of the population have no real control over what is built, where it is built, and who uses it. They must adapt to an environment which is imposed upon them, at best through a system of spurious choices, and usually not even that. Architectsworking arrangements are similarly affected. Larger and thus fewer practices are required to handle the big jobs. At present 36% of medium and large private practices carry out 81% of the work. These same offices employ 82% of increasingly frustrated salaried architects. The bigger the jobs, the greater the profit, so it is not surprising that the principal dominated RIBA, while commisera- ting on the ‘crisis’ in architecture, looks everywhere for the answer except towards the real cause - a system of public and private patronage, inwhichinitial access and subsequent control is severely limited. The remedy for this will not be architectural. It will only be achieved when society's values change. Within the present economic system it appears to us that it is only through the state that the majority of people can gainetheir. right= ful access to the resources necessary to have control over their environment. In our opinion therefore, the existing service provided by local government offices, provides, albeit in a very limited and unsatis- factory manner, the basis of a national design service. We recog- nise that to achieve our aim, the present power structures must be radically changed. Nevertheless we shall press for a freely avail- able national design service in the form of decentralised local government offices, coupled to local accountability and control. The patrons, a minority of rich and powerful organisations and indi- viduals effectively control the direction of architecture. The design and type of buildings reflect their structure and values. The tendency for these organisations to grow larger by incorporating smaller and weaker ones, results in fewer and fewer patrons commi= ssioning bigger and bigger buildings. The purpose of this paper is to examine the present processes at work in each case of current architectural patronage and to try to draw out factors which will help to clarify both the kind of service which would be désirable and the means by which that might be achieved. 2.0 SYMPTOMS AND CAUSES 2.1 Curing symptoms From school of architecture onwards architects are conditioned to accept the context in which they work, and to look for the solu-. tions to the problems of architecture in the symptons of the malaise. After all, anything more searching would involve questioning the status quo. So the architectural establishment, the schools, the RIBA and the magazines have elevated physical form to the position where it is widely accepted that bad design is at the root of all architecture problems. The contention is, of course, that universal good design would solve everything. This preoccupation with form has led us to view in their time, structural expression, modular coordination, prefabrication, rationalised traditional and so on, as the panacea for all ills. Now energy conservation is being dressed up for this exacting role. To all of these we are.told, must be added the ingredient of creati- vity. Improving the ideas of others is not accepted as valid in this concept -— even though we know that the various elements jn the Parthenon had been around for centuries before the architect put them together ina particular way. He wasn't asked to invent them. Creation has come to mean innovation — and in a substantial way and from scratch. But to innovate is to experiment with the people who will use our buildings. As we do not know who these people are, there is a tendency for the large buildings created for their use to be anonymous also. This is where innovation comes in, where we use a variety of devices to add visual interest. The result is always false and frequently foolish as well. In this respect schemes like Park- hill in Sheffield are at least a more honourable expression of the brief than those produced by people like Darbourne and Darke who, to the delight of the magazines, attempt to conceal the monolithic -nature of the brief by the use of complicated and arbitary forms. The latest "answer" as per participation in Bykker, looks suspi- ciously like yet another attempt to fool the working class. Without the demand and feedback from the users, all designs are carried out in a vacuum, and it is naive to look for a new archi- 3.0 LAND tecture in the means of construction and form, while ignoring the basic issue of patronage. ‘The designs which we create reflect precisely the values and aspira- tions of the patron and John Berger has described how this has been true - with one or two exceptions —- of art throughout history. We believe that there will only be a new architecture when the patronage base is radically extended to enable the majority of people to control the design of their environment. 2.2 Examining the Causes Money and land are necessary prerequisites of architectural patron- age, but the ability to raise and control finance is the key aspect and the basis of all patronage, for it enables the patron to gain control over land. Clearly in our society, only the state and a minority of private organisations and individuals can hope to be in this position, and the distribution is 40% by value private and 60% by value public architectural patronage. We should have a clear understanding of the present system, if we are to discover where advances can be made towards‘a more equitable distribution of patronage in the short term, and a complete redis-— tribution in the long term. The next three sections discuss briefly the role of land ownership, the link between control of resources and control of architecture, and the resulting effect on design, architectural practice and the relationships between user and architect. The last official comprehensive register of all land holdings in this’country was produced in 1874. Today there is no official register of private land holdings and all attempts to create one have been systematically blocked in Parliament. From this we can perhaps deduce that the majority of land is in private ownership. While we do not know-the average division of land between private and public ownership, we do know that in working class communities the proportion of publicly owned land is very high; as high as 80% for example, in-parts of the East End of London. Although the ownership of land is a necessary prerequisite of archi- tectural patronage clearly the converse is not true, as most owner occupiers have no direct contact or control over architects services. Land takes its value not only from its present use but also from its potential use, and it is at its most expensive under the pressure of competing useS5 as in city centres. The use to which the land is put is dictated by the profitability of the use; hence prime sites are taken by those activities which yield the highest profits. Although the free market in land is tempered somewhat nowadays by the local planning authority, this intervention in itself results in changes in land values. Because private profit is the motive underlying the free market in land, working people cannot penetrate this market far less control it, except through the medium of the state. But the inadequacies of public finance quite often results in cheap and unsuitable sites being bought for public use, and the need to optimise even this, leads to gross over:use. High densities are therefore accepted as the norm for public housing, giving rise to balcony access and other manifestations virtually unknown in the private sector. Under the present system of land ownership this is unlikely.to change. 4.0 PRIVATE PATRONAGE The building sector financed by private patronage falls into three broad sectors — Industrial, Commercial and private housing. This work accounts for around 63% by value of all commissions undertaken by private practice. h.|) The Patrons The major patrons are those companies and individuals who control these sectors. Financial institutions now own controlling. share- holdings in British companies and through their executives and directors dictate the patterns of investment throughout the economy. These are the main private patrons of architecture, and although private individuals exercise patronage, the value is minute in comparison. 4.2 Reasons for Patronage 4.3 Affect on Architecture The architecture will reflect the directness of the relationship between profit and the building. So if the activity yields the profit, as in industry say, then the building is required merely to house the activity, and little in the way of cosmetics are applied beyond that which is necessary to satisfy the Health and Safety at Work Act and the Planning Officer. 4.4 User Control of Design? Capital in any company is accumulated by profit. On the basis of its profitability, shares in it are also bought through the money market, which together finance further development with a view to creating further profit. The money market determines into which sectors resources should flow to gain the greatest return. On the other hand, speculative housing and office development, are in themselves the means of achieving profit. Sufficient money wil] therefore be directed into the appearance, commensurate always with the market for which it is aimed. Where it is more profitable, the patrons will elect to build their own offices, which will fulfil the dual function of housing their activities and presenting the required public image. The Commer-— cial Union Building is therefore designed to create an aura of prestige, restrained good taste, wealth and stability, while con- cealing the rather squalid nature of its source of wealth. It ful- fils this function admirably. Real user control over the design is achieved when the architect is designing private villas for the directors. In other instances those same directors and executives wi 1] certainly control the design process of a new office or factory but they will almost invariably be absentee clients. Where they are not they will be well insulated from reality in the penthouse, surrounded by solar reflecting glass and Barcelona.chairs. Money will therefore only be put into buildings in the first place if that is, or will lead to, the most profitable way of using the money. The type of development, whether industrial, commercial or private housing will be chosen according to the same logic. The workers on the shop floor or in the offices, on the other hand, are still unable to control the design of their environment, (although it is in the interests of the more enlightened manage- ments to indulge in participation) even although that design, as in the case of open plan offices, is a direct function of decisions to change working methods to increase productivity. There is no element of user control in speculative housing either. 62% of this market is designed by private practice but architects and users never meet. Although people who are able to buy into this market gain a certain amount of control through choice, the choice is initially limited by income and location, and further limited in terms of accommodation and design. . These have more to do with the developer's profit margins than the buyer's real needs. But the relationship between house prices and earnings is so organ- ised as to exclude half the population and in some working class areas, over three quarters. Ina free market house prices wil] always be out of reach of the majority of the working class. Any- one who doubts this should consider what £60 per week buys in the London housing market and remember that many people earn a lot less than this. 4.5 Public Accountability? The executives who control the building design are responsible only to their shareholders. Their job is to ensure maximum return on investment. The public good does not feature in this equation - nor can it. The people affected by private buildings have no control over the developer's actions other than indirectly through Planning Control. Even where the Planning Officers. do profess to have some regard for the ethic of public service, they will be in conflict with, and wil] often be overridden by the local political requirement for rate income. The argument is that the interests of the public as a whole takes precedence over the interests of a few local people, no matter how disastrous the effect on their lives may be.. Planning Control has failed too often in these situations in the past for us to have any confidence in its ability to safeguard the public interest. Private practice in turn is not accountable to the community affected by its designs. Not only is the partners' liability to the client, but the practice is also dependent on the client finan- cially. Not surprisingly therefore, private practice rarely opposes the client's demands. 4.6 Conclusion. Control over design cannot be separated from control over resources. In the private sector these resources are controlled by a minority - formerly rich individuals, now the representatives of giant instit— utions. The Private patron of architecture adopts this role solely to create more wealth, and is not accountable in any meaningful way to the people affected by his buildings. -Simi larly, Private prac- tice is in business to service these interests. Under a system of private patronage the needs of working people will be in conflict with the dictates of the client. Profit sharing and cooperative working arrangements may increase the material well being of the salaried architect but they will not altar this basic fact. 5.0 PUBLIC PATRONAGE: Public patronage of architecture comes through the central state, the nationalised industries, but in the main through local authori- ties. Jt accounts for all the work produced by public sector architects, and 37% of work by value of private practice. In total the state is responsible for 60% of the Building industry's annual turnover. 5.1 Reasons for State Patronage. It has often been argued before that the state fulfils two basic functions. The first is to try to promote or maintain the condi- tions in which economic growth is both possible and profitable for ‘the private sector. Secondly the state trys to maintain and pro- mote the conditions for social harmony, and make the existing social order seem acceptable. Both factors are at work when the state finances building. On the one hand, the state must intervene in the arena previously described, to provide enough housing, hospitals and schools to prevent the population from becoming restless. On the other hand, a well housed, healthy and reasonably educated working class are necessary if economic growth is to be achieved and sustained. The main, organ of this system of control is the local Authority. 5.2 Local Authority Finance: The largest part of local Authority finance is in the form of central government grants. A much smaller proportion comes from rates. The services provided from these funds, constitutes the return we. get on taxes and rates paid by us the public. Pressure to hold down rates and taxes results in a short fall of finance, and local authorities are forced to resort to the private money market to make up the difference. This is a very lucrative business for the private money lenders, to the extent that 1/3 of the housing expenditures of an Inner London Borough goes into paying back interest to the finance companies. 5.3 Control over Resources The directness of the flow of resources to the state is in inverse proportion to the extent to which the public are able to control, or even understand the mechanism for producing what we have paid for, local authorities are the local arm of the central state, and are obliged by law to carry out central policies, whether or not local politicians believe that these are in the interests of their constituents. All public resources are therefore controlled from the centre through grants, approvals and regulating machinery such as cost allowances and Housing Yardsticks. 5.4 User Control of Design? Control of architectural patronage at local authority level is exercised by the relevant spending committee, a large part of that power being wielded by the committee Chairman. The committee Chairmen are serviced by their departmental chief officer whose advice is backed up by arguments prepared bya large team of specialists. In the face of this formidable array it is little wonder that the full council can do little more than rubber stamp committee decisions, and that even ward councillors are unable to play an active role in controlling services to the people they represent, let alone the users themselves. Except, for example, where a head teacher is involved in the design of a replacement school, there are few other opportunities for the user to gain control over the design. It is a system in which a certain product is demanded of individual architects in return for continued employ ment. The product is imposed or "sold" to local groups by a poli- tical leadership which has no doubt as to where "participation" begins and ends. Whatever the source, the public pays it eventually, either through increased taxes, rates and charges, or by the reduction in services for which we thought we had already paid — witness the present expenditure cuts. 5.5 Design We are only too familiar with the effect which scarce, minimum re- sources and the lack of user control has on the buildings. Whi le there is just not enough money, the design decisions which have to be made by the architect in the absence of user instructions, un=- doubtedly.mean that what money there is will often be allocated wrongly. 5.6 Public Accountability of the Architect? The local authority departments - education, housing, social services, architecture etc. are concerned with the provision of city wide services and by and large they treat the city as a whole. Sectional interests, whether of wards or of classes of people are generally subordinated to those of the. general population. 5.7 Conclusion. . Centralised offices follow naturally from this city wide view, the departmental chief officers are accountable to the Counci| via the Chairman of the relevant committee, and a hierarchal pyramidal structure must follow. The individual job architect who actually produces the work is responsible to the Chief Officer through a series of steps in the hierachy. The chain of accountability of job architect to user is through: group architect, principal architect, Chief architect, spending department chief officer, committee chairman, committee, ward councillor, User. Seven steps between architect and user. Those steps are so immovable and con= cerned with prestige,screening and face saving operations that in practice the local authority jobs architect is not accountable to the user at all. The changes which are necessary to convert this monolithic structure into a freely available and locally controlled National Design Service are substantial indeed. However, in setting out the ills and authoritarian practice of government structures it is important not to lose sight of the more fundamental fact that these structures directly or. through grants supply the resources, and buy the land necessary to meet basic — social requirements. It is not possible for people to demand control over the design of buildings if there are no resources to build them. The relevance of public resources to the question of control is seen most clearly in housing. In old working class communities up and down the country there are millions of people living in clearance areas in which badly built spec housing of the last century has rotted for decades. Housing which needs redeve=~ lopment not rehabilitation. The long-term cuts in public spending in order to make good the lack of private investment in the economy mean that people in these areas are faced with the fact that re= sources for new homes is not to be made available. These areas have become marginal, peripheral and in the end expendable. Patched up rehab. is what people will be offered alongside increasingly under maintained existing counci|] developments. 6.0 ALTERNATIVES The third area of patronage is interesting in terms of the poten- tial for raising expectations of what can be possible in the way of alternative practice. 6.1 Source of Finance: In the private sector it includes grants from developers like Wates to Assist or the Ealing project andtrust funds of one kind or another to enable the provision of special buildings and services. Such sources of finance usually ultimately rest upon less than respectable activities and hence the importance of philanthropic gestures to buy an honest and respectable image. This is not an argument against pursuing such funds; merely a reminder that such grants are only renewable insofar as they fulfil this hidden motive. They usually dry up when they fail to do so. 6.2 Control of Finance: The source of finance is provided throughadiverse range of public and private grants which to varying degrees cover land, design and development costs. Grants from public sources include H.A.A.'s, GIA's, Housing Associations via the Housing Corporation and possibly Urban Aid in resourcing community design services. But once secured they often create considerable discretionary power over handling such resources, within the overall terms of the grant. This power is expressed in the growth of resident=controleld housing associations which employ technical services on their own terms. This is by no means general. Local Authority controlled H.A.A.'s usually strictly limit the role of residents and on the other hand many Housing. Associations are merely private practices masquerading in disguise. Control of their activities by local residents. is not on their agenda either. Lfwebelievethatcompetenceandqualityareintegrallytied-up with who controls the process, then it should also give rise to designs which are welcomed and liked. 6.3 User Control and Local Accountability: But because of the facility for innovation there is scope for change in the traditional pattern of patronage. It is possible for the resident organisation which controls and manages the resources to be both client and user.. In employing the services of an architect there is no ambiguity about accountability. Where resources are controlled via the 'professionals' a serious attempt to place such structures in aposition of accountability to a locally controlled Management Committee can be innovatory. However a major drawback is the same as that which arises when work is done on a voluntary basis. Real power rests on being able to change your designer if you don't like them. Limited access to alternative source of such skills distorts the relationship on either side. 6.4 Practice Structures: The further by-product which ‘alternative projects' can create is in the office structure. Hierarchal power structures normal to private and public offices can be replaced by collective authority:| and cooperative working relationships. A further choice is to work for a reasonable salary turning the excess fees over to the public interest, rather than merely extending the sharing of excess profits. C ONC LUS |ONS This summary of the three ways in which architectural patronage is exercised provides the foundation for a more realistic discussion of what strategies can be employed to begin to lay the basis for a national design service within the real control of ordinary working people. — Local Authority Services Local] Authorities are clearly, centrally important as the main structure through which people can exert demands and gain the necessary access to land and resources created by taxation and rates, They are also equally important structures of authoritarian social control which cannot afford and have no intention of giving © away power to the grassroots. In principle, local authorities are structures which cannot be radically changed in our present society —- of that we should have no illusions. However, as the lowest tier of government they are not only necessary from above but are also susceptible to the threats of vigorous pressure from below. In our view we must campaign to support the demands of those local groups, who represent the interests of future users, and who cal] for a direct relationship of control over local authority architects delegated to design peoples future homes etc. - control which “extends to rejection of unsatisfactory proposals. Such a demand will inevitably be strongly opposed and in NAM we need a strategy which can help sympathetic architects to organise inside local authorities, to demand direct accountability to users and the creation of small locally based offices. To protect individuals, we need to secure the support of public service unions and UCCAT for the principle of this demand. Alternative Initiatives: No-one who has worked in a local authority can listen to talk of changing Local Authorities without asinking heart! This leads on to the second conclusion, which is that one of the best ways to raise expectations of what people's real rights over design are, is to increase the number and range of alternative short-term initia- tives. Where they are successful in winning public support they can be used as practical examples to pressurize local: councils into incorpora- -ting changes. More widely, we must never ignore the basic fact that small scale alternatives are based on the limited sponsorship of private or public sources of finance which can usually only meet the demands of a small number of specific groups of people. But they can offer the means to work and demonstrate how local groups and neighbourhoods can effectively extend control over decisions and resources effecting peoples lives. Local design centres which place themselves in a formal relationship of accountability to the community have a contribution to make in this process. We need a strategy for pursuing sponsorship of such initiatives. These two major conclusions and the way they should be carried forward are suggested as the basis of discussion. What does this imply in terms of a national design service? Local Authorities already control.a national structure of public sector architects. Do we wish to or change this existing structure or provide a parallel service? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov 1975 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a56fbc9cbc29716d2fde925de8e226d7.pdf 86d0bf931240ab0175d05179a1fd4068 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A National Design Service Subject The topic of the resource 22 page report for London Seminar including reprint of paper dated 11/76 Description An account of the resource JOIAUSS NOISIO TWNOLVN V 2= THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT London Seminar : May 1976 A NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE Paper No. 2 May 1976 Reprinted June 1976 10 Introduction At the Harrogate Conference last November we called for a National Design Service which would meet the right of everyone to exercise control over the buildings which surround them and in which they live and work. This is a right denied in part or in total to mest people in this country. We saw that the present system of patronage is such that 80% of the population have no real control over what is built, where it is built, and who uses it. They must adapt to an environment which is imposed upon them, at best through a system of spurious choices, and usually not even that. The patrons, a minority of rich and powerful organisations and individuals effectively control the direction of architecture. The design and type of buildings reflect their structure and values. The tendency for these organisations to grow larger by incorporating smaller and weaker ones, results in fewer and fewer patrons commisioning bigger and bigger buildings. Architects' working arrangements are similarly affected. Larger and thus fewer practices are required to handle the big jobs. At present 36% of medium and large private practices carry out 81% of the work. These same offices employ 82% of increasingly frustrated salaried architects. The bigger the jobs, the greater the profit, so it is not surprising that the principal dominated RIBA, while commiserating on the'crisis' in architecture, looks everywhere for the answer except towards the real cause - a system of public and private patronage, in which initial access and subsequent control is severely limited. The remedy for this will not be architectural. It will only be achieved when society's vaues change. exists in the service provided by the albeit in a very limited and unsatisfactory that the present power structures are to achieve our aim of a national decentralised local government offices to local people. Nevertheless has set itself and in the coming how this may be achieved. achieved. 20 We believe that any new form of architectural service must include a formal mechanism of local control through which architects are accountable, not only to their clients, but to those who are affected by their designs. Only in this way can competence and quality of service be measured adequately. Although we would encourage co-ownership in private practice, it is clear that without lcal accountability, such a development would merely extend professional elitism and allow a wider distribution of profits within the prfession. At this stage we do not think that an amended private practice system, however desirable, could provide the type of service which we envisage. Within the present economic system it is only through the state that the majority of people can gain their rightful access to the resources necessary for their material well being. The major step following from this is to bring existing publicity owned resources under the directcontrol of the public at local level, and to ensure that all new facilities brought into state ownership are directly accountable to, and controlled as architecture is concerned they must opinion therefore the basis of a national by local users. As far be the patrons. In our design service already local authority design offices - manner. We recognise must be radically changed if we design service in the form of controlled and accountable this is one of the tasks which months we shall be considering NAM If our strategies for action are to be effective, we need to understand the reasons behind the present unsatisfactory situation. The purpose of this paper is to examine the present processes at work in each area of current architectural patronage and to try to draw out factors which will help to clarify both the kind of service which would be desirable and the means by which that might be 2.0 SYMPTONS AND CAUSES 2.1 Curing Symptons From school of architecture onwards architects are conditioned to accept the context in which they work, and to look for the solutions to the problems of architecture in the symptons of the malaise. After all, anything more searching would involve questioning the status quo. So the architectural establishment, the schools, the RIBA and the magazines have elevated physical form to the position where it is widely accepted that bad design is at the root of all architecture problems. The contention is, of course, that universal good design would solve everything. This preoccupation with form has led us to view, in their time, structural expression modular co-ordination, prefabrication, rationalised traditional et al, as the panacea for all ills. Now energy conservation is being dressed up for this exacting role. To all of these we are told, must be added the ingredient of novelty. Improving the ideas of others is not accepted as valid in this concept - even though we know that the various elements in the Parthenon had been around for centuries before the architect put them together in a particular way. He wasn't asked to invent then. Creation has come to mean innovation - in a substantial way and from scratch. But to innovate is to experiment with the people who will use our buildings. As we do not know who these people are, there is a tendency for the large buildings created for their use to be anonymous also. This is where innovation comes in, where we use a variety of devices to add visual interest. The result is always false and frequently foolish as well. In this respect schemes like Parkhill in Sheffield are at least a more honourable expression of the brief than those produced by architects who, to the delight of the magazines, attempt to conceal the monolithic nature of the brief by the use of complicated and arbitary forms. ignoring the basic issue of patronage. throughout history. people to control the design of their environment. 2.2 Examining the Causes: Architecture is a service industry and it is wholly dependent on external factors for its existence. The fortunes of architecture fluctuate with the fortunes of the patrons. The present high proportion of unemployed salaried architects and the massive number of unemployed building workers is salutory evidence of this basic fact. Architectural patronage has two basic prerequisites - access to finance and control of land. The ability to raise finance is the key aspect for it enables the patron to gain the initial control over land and then to pay for the actual building. Clearly in our society only the state and a minority of private organisations and individuals can aspire to this position. At present, the distribution of architectural patronage is 60% by value public and 40% by value private and we should have a clear understanding of the present system if we are to discover where advances can be made towards a more equitable distribution of patronage in the short term, and a complete redistribution in the long term. Without the demand and feedback from the users, all designs are carried out in a vacuum, and it is naive to look for a new architecture in the means of construction and form, while The designs which we create reflect precisely the values and aspirations of the patron and John Berger has described how this has been true - with one or two exceptions - of art We believe that there will only be a new architecture when the patronage base is radically extended to enable the majority of practice and the relationships between user and architect. 3.0 LAND The last official comprehensive register of all land holdings in this country was produced in 1874. Today there is no official register of private land holdings and all attempts to create one have been systematically blocked in Parliament. From this we can perhaps deduce that the majority of land is in private ownership. Land takes its value not only from its present use but also from its potential use, and it is at its most expensive under the pressure of competing uses in city centres. The use to which the land is put is dictated by the profitability of the use; hence prime sites are always taken by those activities which yield the highest profits. Although the free market in land is tempered somewhat nowadays by the local planning authority, this intervention in itself results in changes in land values. In the docklands area of London, for example as ageing and unprofitable industries close down or move out to green field sites, un-unionised labour and government subsidies, they realise their main asset - land. The most profitable use for thisland is now expensive riverside housing, hotels and yachting marinas for the rich. This change has already begun and without the intervention of the local authorities (under pressure from local people) it would now be well established. It remairsto be seen whether the five dockland Boroughs are able or willing to insist on uses which will regenerate appropriate industry in the area. The end product of the free market in land therefore is not in the interests of the community. Thousands of jobs are lost and local housing problems are not solved. The next three sections discuss briefly the role of land ownership, the link between control of resources and control of architecture, and the resulting effect on design, architectural Similarily in the chain of escalating land values between the virgin land and the speculative house, the original land owner profits, the developer profits on both the land and the houses and the proud new owner buys into the market at the limit of his income. Then the individual house on its small plot of land continues to be a commodity, and the price continues to rise. Because private profit is the motive underlying the free market in land, working people cannot penetrate this market far less control it, except through the medium of the state. It is for this reason that the proportion of publicity owned land is so high in working class communities; as high as 80% for example in parts of the East End of London. But the inadequacies of public finance quite often results in cheap and unsuitable sites being bought for public use, and the need to optimise even this, leads to gross over use. High densities are therefore accepted as the norm for public housing giving rise to balcony access and other manifestations virtually unknown in the private sector. Under the present system of land ownership this is unlikely to change. 4.0 PRIVATE PATRONAGE The building sector financed by private patronage falls into three broad sectors - Industrial, Commercial and private howing. This work accounts for around 63% by vaue of all commissions undertaken by private practice. 4.1 The Patrons The major patrons are those companies and individuals who control these sectors. Financial institutions now ow controlling share holdings in British companies and through their executives and directors dictate the patterns of investment throughout the economy. These are the main private patrons of architecture and although private individuals do exercise patronage, the value is minute in comparison. 4.2 Reasons for Patronage just how short term the benefits were. Money will therefore only be put into tmildings in the first place if that is, or will lead to, the most profitable way of using the money. The type of development, whether industrial, commerical or private housing will be chosen according to the same logic. 4.3 Affect on Architecture The architecture will reflect the directness of the relationship between profit and the building. So if the activity yields the profit, as in industry say, then the building is required merely to house the activity, and little in the way of cosmetics are applied beyond that which is necessary to satisfy the Health and Safety at Work Act and the Planning Officer. On the other hand, speculative housing and office development, are in themselves the means of achieving profit. Sufficient money will therefore be directed into the appearance, commensurate always with the market for which it is aimed. Capital in any company is accumulated by profit. On the basis of its profitability, shares in it are bought through the money market, which finance further development with a view to creating further profit. The money market determines into which sectors resources should flow to gain the greatest return. The money market is otherwise indiscriminate. It is not its function to distinguish between those investments which benefit society as a whole and those which do not. Therefore we have seen moneyflowing out of older and increasingly less profitable industry into very profitable unproductive sectors like property. escalating rents and prices may have brought short term benefits to a minority but it was at the expense of working people. saw house prices disappearing time as they were losing their They even further out of reach at the same in the economy dwindle, the rest of society is beginning to realise The resulting bonanza of jobs. As the productive sectors Be 4.4 User Control of Design? Real user control over the design is achieved when the architect is designing private villas for the directors. In other instances those same directors and executives will certainly control the design process of a new office and factory but they will almost invariably by absentee clients. Where they are not they will be well insulated from reality in the penthouse, surrounded by solar reflecting glass and Barcelona chairs. The workers on the shop floor or in the offices, on the other hand, are still unable to control the design of their environment, (although it is in the interests of the more enlightened managements to indulge in participation) even although that design, as in the case of open plan offices, is a direct function of decisions to change working methods to increase productivity. There is no element of user control in speculative housing either. 62% of this market is designed by private practice but architects and users never meet. Although people who are able to buy into this market gain a certain amount of contxrl through choice, the choice is initially limited by income and location, and further limited in terms of accommodation and design. These have more to do with the developer's profit margins than the buyer's real needs. But the relationship between house prices and earnings is so organised as to exclude half the population and in some working Where it is more profitable, the patrons will elect to build their own offices, which will fulfil the dual function of housing their activities and presenting the required public image. The Commercial Union building is therefore designed to create an aura of prestige, restrained good taste, wealth and stability, while concealing the rather squalid nature of its source of wealth. It fulfils this function admirably. class areas, over three quarters. In a free market house prices 4.5 Public Accountability? The executives who control the building design are responsible only to their shareholders. Their job is to ensure maximum return on investment. The public good does not feature in this equation - nor can it. The people affected by private buildings have no control over the developer's actions other than indirectly through Planning Control. Even where the Planning Officers do profess to have some regard for the ethic of public service, they will be in conflict with and will often be overridden by the local political requirements such as rate income. The arguement is that the interests of the public as a whole takes precedence over the interests of a few local people, no matter how disastrous the effect on their lives may be. Planning Control has failed too often in these situations in the past for us to have any confidence in its ability to safeguard the public interest. Private practice in turn is not accountableto the commmity affected by its designs. Not only is the partners! liability to the client, but the practice is also dependent on the client financially. Not surprisingly therefore, private practice rarely opposes the client's demands. 4.6 Conclusion. Control over design cannot be separated from control over resources. In the private sector these resources are controlled by a minority - formerly rich individuals, now the representatives of giant institutions. The Private patron of architecture adopts this role solelyto create more wealth, and is not accountable in any will always be out of reach of the majority of the working class. Any one who doubts this should consider what £60 per week buys in the Londonhousing market, and that many people earn a lot less than this. meaningful way to the people affected by his buildings. Similarly, =10= alter this basic fact. 5.0 PUBLIC PATRONAGE: Public patronage of architecture comes through the central state, the nationalised industries, but in the main through local authorities. It accounts for all the work produced by public sector architects, and 37% of work by value of private practice. In total the state is responsible for 60% of the Building Industry's annual turnover. 5.1 Reasons for State Patronage. It has been said that the state fulfils two basic functions. The first is to try to promote or maintain the conditions in which economic growth is both possible and profitable for the private sector. Secondly the state trys to maintain and promote the conditions for social harmony, and make the existing social order seem acceptable. Both factors are at work when the state finances building. On the one hand, the state must intervene in the arena previously described, to provide enough housing, hospitals and schools to prevent the population from becoming restless. On the other hand, a well housed, healthy and reasonably educated working class are necessary if economic growth is to be achieved and sustained. The main organ of this system of control is the Local Authority. 5.2 Local Authorities Finance: The largest part of Local Authority finance is in the form of Private practice is in business to service these interests. Under a system of private patronage the needs of working people will be in conflict with the dictates of the client. Profit sharing and co-operative working arrangements may increase the material well being of the salaried architect but they will not central government grants. A much smaller proportion comes from ie rates. The services provided from these funds, constitutes the return we get on taxes and rates paid by us the public. Pressure to hold down rates and taxes results in a short fall of finance, and local authorities are forced to resort to the private money market to make up the difference. This is a very lucrative business for the private money lenders, to the extent that 1/3 of the housing expenditures of an Inner London Borough goes into paying back interest to the finance companies. Whatever the source, the public pays it eventually, either through increased taxes, rates and charges, or by the reduction in services for which we thought we had already paid - witness the present expenditure cuts. 5.3 Control over Resources The directness of this flow of our resourcetso the state appears to be in inverse proportion to the extento which we,the public, are able to control, or even understand the mechanism for producing what we have paid for. local Authorities are the local arm of central government and are obliged by law to carry out central policies, whether or not local politicians believe that these are in the interests of their constituents. All public resources are therefore controlled from the centre through grants, approvals and regulating machinery such as cost allowances and Housing Yardsticks. 5.4 User Control of Design? Control of architectural patronage at local authority level is power being wielded by the committee are serviced by their departmental up by arguments prepared by a large of this formidable array it is little little more than rubber stamp councillors are unable to play an active role in controlling services exercised by the relevant spending committee, a large part of that Chairmen. The committee Chairmen chief officer whose advice is backed team of specialists. In the face wonder that the full council can do committee decisions, and that even ward to the people they represent, let alone the users themselves. oe which has no doubts as to where "participation" begins and ends. 5.5 Design We are only too familiar with the effect which scarce,minimum resources and the lack of user control has on the buildings. While there is just not enough money, the design decisions which have to be made by the architect in the absence of user instructions, undoubtedly mean that what money there is will often be allocated wrongly. 5.6 Public Accountability of the Architect? The local authority departments - edwation, housing, social services, architecture etc, are concerned with the provision of city wide services and by andlarge they treat the city as a whole. Sectional interests, whether of wards or of classes of people are generally subordnated to those of the general population. Centralised offices follow naturally from this city wide view. The departmental chief officers are accountable to the Council via the Chairman of the relevant Committee, and a hierarchal pyamidal structure must follow. The individual job architect who actually produces the work is responsible to the Chief Officer through a series of steps in the hierachy. The chain of accountability of job architect to user is through: group architect, principal architect, chief architect, spending department chief officer, committee chairman, committee, ward councillor, User. Seven steps between architect and user. Those steps are so immovable and concerned with prestige, screening and face saving operations that in practice the local authority jobs architect is not accountable to the userat all. Contact between user and architect is discouraged if not forbidden, and excépt for example where a head teacher is involved in the design of a replacement school, there are few opportunities for the user to gain control over the design. It is a system in which a certain product is demanded of individual architects The product is imposed or "sold" to local groups by apolitical leadership in return for continued employment. 5.7 Conclusion. are substantial indeed. maintained existing council developments. 6.0 ALTERNATIVES The trend towards rehabilitation and small scale infill in areas of predominantly old privately rented or privately owned working class housing has resulted in the growth of a third area of patronage, which is interesting in terms of its potential for user control, and the changed attitudes and raised expectations which could follow from it. 6.1 Sources of Finance: Finance is provided through a diverse range of public and private grants. In the private sector it includes grants from developers and various trust funds which are used to resource community design services arse The changes which are necessary to convert this monolithic structure into a freely available and loally controlled National Design Service However, in setting out the ills and authoritarian practice of government structures it is important not to lose sight of the more fundamental fact that these structures directly or through grants supply the resources, and buy the land necessary to meet basic social requirements. It is not possible farpeople to demand control over the design of buildings if there are no resources to build them. The relevance of public resources to the question of control is seen most clearly in housing. In old working class communities up and down the country there are millions of people living in clearance areas in which badly built spec housing of the last century has rotted for decades. Housing which may often need redevelopment rather than rehabilitation. The long term cuts in public spending in order to make good the lack of private in industry and the economy mean the fact that resources for new homes is not to be made available. areas have become marginal, peripheral up homes is what people will be offered alongside increasingly under that people inthese areas are faced with These and in the end expendable. Patched investment Ae. so far as they fulfil this hidden motive. Public grants, which usually cover a high proportion of land, construction and design costs, range from improvement grants for individual dwellings through to the finance available to Housing Associations via the Housing Corporation. HAAs and GIAs can call on higher grants and special L.A. loans — they also have available important compulsory powers. 6.2 Control of Finance: The key aspect, as always, is who controls the use to which the finance isi put. Private sources often leave considerable discretionary power over the use of such resources, within the overall terms of the grant. Projects like ASSIST are examples of how such community design offices can be made accountable to and controlled by local residents, and resident controlled Housing Associations. HAAs and GIAs are designated by the local authority usually at their own behest. It should be noted however that in England, local residents also have the right to petition the local authority to have their area so designated. The local authority sets up locally based design teams to carry out the work and although this is a step forward, they invariably limit the role of residents to an advisory capacity. Architects are only directly accountable to local people where the residents themselves control the process through their own Housing Associations, and it is in this area that there has been the greatest advance. The current direction of resources into non-resident controlled housing of a kind not provided by the local authority. Such sources of finance usually ultimately rest upon less than respectable activities and hence the importance of philanthropic gestures to buy an honest and respectable image. This is not an argument against pursuing such funds; merely a reminder that such grants are renewable only in of local people. 6.3 Conclusion. and tightly controlled beaurocracy in the Town Hall. interest rather than merely extending the share of high profits. 7.0 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS Local Authorities already provide a public architectural service through a national network of design offices. Can thisstructure be changed into a freely available, locally controlled national design service or should we provide a parallel service? As stated at the beginning of this paper, in our opinion the local authorities associations is no substitute. It may bring work and profits to private architects and other professionals but it is at the expense The importance of this third area of patronage lies in its scope for change, not only in itself, but also as a means to raise expectations of the service which could be provided by the Local Authority. As such it is a pointer to the future direction of Local Authority services. It is possible for the resident organisation which controls the resources to be both client and user. Although this has not been the norm, where it has occurred, it has been eminently successful. e.g. ASSIST in Govan, and Rod Hackney at Black Road Macclesfield. do provide in the long term the basis of a national design service. While there is considerable room for improvement, especially in terms of local control of design, in local authority HAAs and GIAs, it is difficult to believe that residents, having once experienced a more direct service, will settle for anything less in the future, or that the design teams will readily accept their return to a centralised A further by-product of this area of patronage is the opportunity it has given to change architect's working arrangements. Hierarchical power structures can and have been replaced by collective authority and co-operative working relationships. The choice is open to work for a reasonable salary and turn the excess fees over to the public We have seen that local authorities are centrally important as the main and often the only structure through which people can exert demands and gain the necessary access to land, finance and other resources. In seeking to change them we should not forget that they are equally important as structures of authoritarian social control which cannot afford to and have no intention of giving away power to the grass roots. In principle, local authorities are structures which cannot be radically changed in our society, of that we should have no illusions. However, we have seen from history that as the lowest tier of government they are not only necessary from above but are also susceptible to the threats of vigorous pressure from below. They can be made to change direction. 7.1 Campaign within Local Authorités. A national design service as we envisage it means control over local resources and local design teams by local residents. This is not going to happen overnight and we should begin in those areas where changes have already occurred and where the potential for further change exists. Within our own localities we should therefore: * support the demands of local groups who represent the interests of the users and who call for direct control over thelocal authority design process. * support the demands of residents committees for executive control over HAAs and GIAs. * campaign for the rapid extension of HAAs and GIAs. * support tenants demands for control over present and future local authority housing. The public expenditure cuts have already resulted in tenants being "allowed" to control maintenance in many areas. 26s 2i7= 7.2 Alternative Services: In parallel with action within the local authorities we should initiate a number of short life locally controlled design offices. By winning public support such projects can be used as practical examples to raise expectations of people's real right, and to pressurise local councils into incorporating changes. ASSIST have done this with success in Glasgow, and we endorse their view that local projects must be seen as vehicles for change, not as cop-outs for discontented architects. These demands and activities will inevitably be strongly opposed. NAM must therefore develop strategies to enable these demands to be achieved. These strategies should include means whereby sympathetic architects can organise inside local authorities, and demand direct accoutability to users and the decentralisation of offices. We shall require the support of local groups, local councillors, trades councils, UCCAT and the public service unions. Finally, in considering our strategies for change we should be aware that change in the past has often been a two edged sword. Benefits for the majority have usually been gained at the expense of reinforcing the status quo. We should always remember that our concept of a freely available, national design service must in the long term mean that the resources of land and finance are to be controlled by the majority of the population. They will be the new patrons. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource North London Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan 3cc Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0f2c1c68c26711f8a6c70b4b9aa84a5b.pdf 54c633382f7d7af4dde43951d54e6457 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NDS 1975-77 Subject The topic of the resource Draft papers about NDS, Tenant Coops, A Ladder of Citizen participation, proposed research project Description An account of the resource THE UMGO ARcWMWTeTURE ALO0EHGUT. $ WOeTH Cewror) GLOUP» A NATIOMAL ICEIGN SGLUICE t. fou 2 BAAlpiod Nav 1G, leasfaneotsnft tntdeceniloned vile heasonS torn acluficine fa controled by Qa pahenagg a)(te Inbroouchan + , mum ord], and bows Tey txoral thir ety ooM Luds began loya |te elfacts om te yes, hemes ad phryrteal a a \ Yardy » We ang eel [= a natal ALsigy senuce luck ural be accoulable toavd canholladby tu propledn AS Ipcalily » de Qmcluded lint tighloeurhoock based scat auultoudy Asay. affucss shautofae aca At Preset toemt fdsse offuces aut enrhaliacd pand buraucmlic Shuctures,SteminalyLnsensitso&Ceroyfhofle,frecass 4 thon is lwited t the ounce Sfunding Aapa Arnel comer oy thom is vested Wn tanmulee Chetimnen. The Gulbebseon USev ano cesar 1S Cruaur and ‘ Sth netouy tnlintiar bene to Lepeat dn etal fhe paasars fv (hia, hoy b Arscrudee the : Pebloms aol MS. Lucounlormd bybothuseyooAesamthewallonbltecafewit.thissyslinn| Quy fee pine “a to dincur te cpoldues ¢ pietenkal chang( aud * Suggest . Im ovey — fo place Tis line US con leclenciael nocoroany TM Summanse brceflythemam(déasUndoingety ifbrtahstlyeIte IS dls ana virducl this chamge should tote Mace aud ket dt 1s Ke ley non & wHucl oly meiialives shold be anna THE Rot oF THE STATE; Conall Caveman ; ; Tha govowment imamy socchy will vedtiralhy pomcktaixrHo wDrects, ° Re relurg adev im leat sory It ey Propese changgs sheileguee cf ackor. a K dulat2Kesy geHeseul)»oftemaintansocial staladuk » but a antl natsecle 4 altty the provediing ovles a th ideology, Jtismbusines5kupthrshewomterod say (i eae 4. I Alcoktetfr eM- nr Maly nolo cuppat ail yale, nauotn tevUe ene ke, erases antl por jurvarchense Maclom Gra ou war the tke o geenmood ey co ee oe Undiptred un Als Relakionsbub t to a ContinuingpeuachangetrovsocuclyAh:oe ee o) capitalisia Ft Aces vat Slem Ohuely tent and alte aualy) could.explainAleaplrantakparadoxo|it,stalooas nnentear dn wdusln| wd essential Senne duc. on Ha os hac! wauld afivay to wmaicake 2 dannfey Sseccal ousnivbri and conbysl laut UiteaaieOn Chaqq{efo vomedlry> Mel ed Thy can" hae petlecATk Ws Rub te [aba mowonort hye Yadshenal calltdfe eee oumurrlilp 7 Laut ave banho 4 oneal '¢ eT rorcero7 qld aubol ee sourvceyGflormrerdovwdthurslen oy fixtouyL te sho de Uo al ee He the poSourcesnoce ay) aetrcougt vitaliel pao oe ea tecapitalilsyptim— eee reptPah lacksfei rowed by leat fiscal ¢ Yrshaldnettoefrentet?reuntendudeAeraes Many iar be’, nvertle len labeuy counch wr fa | bacmearinglytherecounnfya2Und[errmetytheustllaf thew yr won’. In parallel Lot thin _,d6tat tuaula Amd =Kiidonl VY arnirctions have boon demanding A~ tuck 2 4€ WeSeurtomar UA + fartaf thore pesources ane cAeployed bn huildung ,tae “he nea beng heuaing ' Be oho. fhottomands hawt abreatry been wefteA Whe g “battle bnus ~ ask. Lint nance wnrcrearinrafd UWA a (ew Malt a Aeanke wn Where and hau) Ue lie s Iscal Govremmnt Bnd fhe Mabmnak Design Somncs: lecak Jovemimout dwn ister Afxor0 puleliclyoumecl Soicen 24) i aac ec , Artucl Car te Claraifiecl ay nova tle <mtuuung (ataufe LAssect.pr fenreaaes Controslgaloe wes Wuhun , ee zal autt.crlior hone thasan A epflauig | Irene eho acecft lia reeed to would klum && [ape oly te Wwunlmum Uno ~ Quay o) Sonice ) Canmonsuvats twit. te manltuance of Ssual ~$ ao tt Keduction a a healt) Langgd again sf- tour ae Sorte tufpesentative s = tle labouy Marmont to bobo. bel tha tole a Uo’ decal eloctgaf wlpredts o)UsCounty, lszal. auttholy 4o & Aofond Chk 1 ,tt , ae educalld oH Sstualied lalow[72 ‘ thn ¢husafe har ten ?é an eoutal government Abiands wor and mine culS % 25sevhial Gera public Sonicen, t-ovelev B beleaae france fev He hedguorakier ofprsaka UrAuabry « dnreanyCALLSayeluleshavealianudKeonntlunjthGad; fa. pepe bloc councl ;* ww) ao Ay pespant eS € rasoAbobby Te Prrvaaytom charset —cetonealsa floret ter DHbasitint = ryGectiabenttal tolwil trek tYoplecan chit carpal. Lealisad by alignug will lun. Alwatres te the Grants NqupeuroutS «Un wiany Cases Poot hava boon adepled. Te next 9 Url he Enaltt Cantyol afdis, lowatkeoutsetwick, Ut(cadtoSUNconlohhes“| aMatiralCosySonkce eae eer ' thoscieee WedowethalwveeeaAseth bewmpaedpow above |tmust beClomanded flew elon) Prclilediuved esoluys i leeal authonltir munt sesot He Duapbekon 1 slttiyict wth and Lop IEA th cunect cnisiy wl puro, (Pept hoty, wets fruchetions unpord % on thim byte waray) bunidovacterseet! Aaah areold frtacommg fleak gommed Ou 00) are Soon Ay bd concomad @:notmadlyaboutBowwehutabant{0prsatnsationaf lon th.everdnnghepalateaothw,il AHeaadJ ee Cones « lscal “aeocthom Corimnient new _ a 0 prparto. crak chawes t1 yet unlnouny SepportAnThawAoTaalanosoA)Mearetuna. 7Ano guinstthebuseauc 4,AbpwdooendteweyShrugglaa, notalot « : We believe Hoot the outens afUe arcliolumteshelag?le a lech Guba of Aestyn,r Snot a AiScuram about lechruguco v amisokion lout abank raclicak paliecalcharg provghtale«l by te fe to colloctinne actuaf psihenks ad walap lec } . Avedulreta Avd wilh uthan jen) WeareSugygsligHeatty(Putte),crawlbeBe Mt — “Mhe AA eufseketeKalan But te petobial of tlw anda ofHE Doi AnudAs Lotwie rey 4 secur uaed Sfand 4 Vv inside The (scald Audowtg - poate BtScorms—treatHoereeFreee,HnitalSa acto} % &Pave(akcalel&oaso,> ap am i<suo a) debate atti & WALGO } forty at Ayfiartoant evel Hin at brand. Gvels Whar. adopled an brancl. pote 5 seh rice issue trawl. tree unio dologaterld fecal header Cound a niitghbourbood tsavd patie 1 Mesto % Crranty’ Atmands by Public Sfalomen of codspol + acken wittin [he ALefiaek Carta Colloctis Supfiat ty prevent Weltmisaterr , « Ouksihe Te leo Aafhonty uke) hobyung aye and ar C Indiytluals cavunss Suppad within tec bodfr Yo prrneple ow Quant ae adusg ee é ME tndint and qnoups bewte male contact th Crants An cuaktars ;haole Unlinisl radical council) ad syypulluhe MportBp an Ve brad prea oa Costuncken Auth fre above te. NAN sloull Promote $hort Rw Lecailyy confallecl esa offices ctucl._ sz behave Sho have tio wan funckars | xFustly fobem once oral qeps Low offeror iStradeguaX Nant sol Aevlofmurt. ; |f KStconly park conrsegpint on Ou pt to Pace teapsctetbenke = flew bea ht: HR Conrhet fey enotremnpurt ree oaee ac phisdced_<ke— of ftrac « % Obey “Preposals ASSIST ———Cagoes aot WAM Cart sper1affmala sacl fob proce Hr gee yor ConfOnAtnintces » Hrvegate df Ly fuwled aut eat [Ca estolohnedr would Go b wmefe pusards fee all Cor nal) anclitedirc .Apartfen theLIBA'S2dintafern (” sarod anclulsda yo votundcev Bebo thes- sf this werkt thaw share tome , , mad eonlly Ase tn Aol(~ Ue Conwy . et tre wto cane| als jerbals 6. TaymeeUa,beunitepepresSSHingeXthlecalult.ewlyaA 3 vicho wf Prvice plecectents fev'saXilinsinr ofBisas combed, % a Tow Shauld be oe Lies i ie balls lheug] a Manas tbrent Cmruther bef)neaenl~ lca MUSES Seaton A should aa, Shrascn$ Ctfrrmsear| lan dirtnrct mance fg Our SSShekLdapropoctsmie ee iahiess 6 prewela a wool Meare Geared derek acco bat By umaorhaats space nl coepe UCATI,Steet, Shellev,cotonclstteLesLoo,rtseh 2 er Haot—tto, ded eudls J CaBprsec=timaS= AW CA cent —Aaisdeg Ay of Pe abeno wots pelovant 1Mprerertedins leak organotins , ,erumnsaes Lae Exnung medels 2G ASSST Mm SGAX))nrg UAW Car eeerauice fproaclad a Sota leas al Lt edoute a and ste, ayich , Atih—o and a lhe partic la prablem No MA_ The tae te usnet Om Ases Vetrefev % Me Avealthy Oup hewtow f- rae clojipoad out areas tn foumsand cen rvbudl. ane holies a) a by gens brdutmual Cas Wrduio and (Jers har. nied +> moe Juefdalelelizatars , lantiag the people tnthovl asoile and Undev aoult few te vaped Ardrngyo Atul be dpncalnfSEaan gettjmkl Ihe)AST,eorbrokeee, Iteprcfesimnsteuaishad Phen —epuical proferats Whe behem Kot [ane y yeh aalr aah drag Jat te sawn timer. “Re madoly when psa tnanore we Slalk be ached b Noten he Hyang beard ‘hy Canon) ant the aowkofinr Alen bnThee SOme AMA) TES | ey Htoeemny ju AangoMng Y a Watyrnod Diliggn Spnice te ane not fell.g aloof Comuruly archulectimr bef, cormmunhy OUsen+ Ain totaquestionofaycluiloclasbut-ofpeldical Parguste —4s Choc Unefud lforevces' I. Studien te Donelefimnent of Gppctalionn .4. Doblo .(Esp: Chaplet B,Y . 2. Vawour Commumiley bvilebwut Reports \partieculaedy “iscal Gavewmont Becomer bg busine ~ ‘Profs Agamat House ecard F eutt corning Gaweetsto rot m local tndcluclral decline bbeplan 97), % Hs bund TENANT CO-OPS Government Con-t rick or A Force for Tenant Power ? with the help and advice of the other workers from the Islington Co-ops. C7 March 1977 Written by: Richard Crossley Lucy de Groot Alison McLean INTRODUCTION concerned. For the past six months a group of workers from the five co-operatives in Islington have been meeting every few weelks to discuss issues of common interest. We decided to write this article in order to look at the role of co-ops within the whole field of housing policy. The government is encouraging housing co-operatives at a time when it is also making severe cuts in public sector expenditure including cuts in the housing budget. Recently the Housing Corporation's Co-operative Housing Agency was opened with the specific purpose of promoting and advising housing co-ops. There is clearly a lot of support from the housing establishment for co-ops while other forms of public housing are continually being criticised and attacked. This has led to a lot of suspicion amongst people involved in the tenants' movement as to the role of co-operatives, their relationship with the rest of the public housing cector, their potential elitism, their popularity with the government, the standards and methods they will operate and their real potential for changing the control of public housing. It is important to clarify that the Islington co-ons, which we work for, have emerged-out of tenants' struggles to get access to and control of decent housing. We believe that it is only in this way thas tenant co-ops (and other tenants’ organisations) can represent the needs and wishes of their members. The recent moves by come local authorities, to institute co-ops from above without any direct initiative coming from tensats' g-ovps themselves, clearly contradicts the whole concept of texents' co-ops beirs the basis for tenants taking control over their hotsing. It is this latter concept with which we are We feel that it is very important to look at ihe issues which are at the centre of the debate about co-ops - ownership, finence, membership, selection. These are also the crucial areas for tenant control. In discussing these issues we have drawn on our own specsfic experience as workers for the different Islington co-ops. We Go not claim to have a complete solution to all the questions whicn have been raised about co-ops. We hope, however, that this article will explain some of the problema, clarify the issues and encourage a wider discussion and a better understanding of the role of tenant co-ops in the tenant movement as a whole. | | I. OWNERSHIP The argument about the ownership of housing by tenant co-operatives is often very confused. within the existing political and economic structures and they are therefore It is important at the outset to recognise that co-ops operate »necessarily limited by those structures. been a central demand of radical activists Public ownership of housing has is only a first step in the struggle for a socialist housing system. a crucial condition for equal distribution, proper planning and higher standards for any of these in housing but it is not of itself a sufficient condition demands. The public sector, as the present economic crisis emphasises, is controlled by the politicians and officials who dominate the political system. The DoE, Treasury, all developments and policies in public sector housing and, of course, over for Over a century. However, it It is and leaders of the government have the final control over the subsidising of private housing. the important role that housing plays in the economic and political maneouvres Unless we recognise this and understand we will fail to confront the real problems of governments in capitalist Britain, No Real Option Many people (including most tenants) think that they will only really control with which both private and public sector tenants are faced. their housing when they individually own a home of their own. They are also concerned to have a capital investment which they can pass on to their children and which they can realise by Selling at any time. For all but a Minority, however, the ideal of a home of their own can never be more than a pipe dream in a market situation where the cost of housing has escalated way beyond the Public Ownership :Tenant Control reach of ordinary working people. Massive government expenditure is essential if vitally needed housing is to be made available and it is only right that some form of government control should follow. In principle, we think that all freeholds should be socially owned, but with the greatest possible power and effective control in the hands of the tenants living in the housing. In other words, we feel there is an important need for a different form of public ownership and control whereby tenants have all the advantages (and responsibilities) normally thought to derive only from owner-occupation, without having to make any capital investment, and where the government retains the final control and recall on the property. The control vested in the tenants would normally take the form of a lease held by the tenant OO exercised in any other way. e housing doesn't arise. Public and Frivate Sector Co-ops Tenant co-ops have developed in both the public housing sector, on estates and in areas of local authority development (eg. Charteris Road), and in’ the private *Where the public sector co-ops are concerned, the issue of We feel that there is no perfect blueprint for co-operative housing and that the response of tenants in different Situations will vary. The type of solution co-op collectively. But this option is not always going to be politically or tactically viable for a tenant co-op - (most local authorities baulk at the thought of such innovations!) so it is Sometimes necessary for a co-op itself to own the freeholds. This type of co-operative ownership should not be confused with equity sharing or co-ownership schemes, where members have a stake in the capital value of the property. The Islington co-ops are all "par-value! co-ops where members have a nominal and equal share in the co-op (normally £1 per member) which is not redeemable. They have no individual stake in the property owned by the co-op nor can the co--op as a body sell any of its houses. Thus, the type of ownership enjoyed by co-ops is very restricted, and is of real importance only in so far as it creates control which cannot at presentb.e sector where tenants have fought to get bad housing in an area improved. ownership has already been won in principle; what the co-op will be concerned to gain is an extensive and powerful agreement with the local authority covering selection, Maintenance and all aspects of management. Although an ordinary tenant association may be interested in exercising this sort of power and control, all too often their energies are taken up with battles against a large, anonymous, uncaring "public landlord' and the Se for real control over “In the case of co--ops working outside the public sector, tenants' anxiety to make sure that bad housing is acquired, improved and made available to them usually leads to the demand for control over the acquisition and development of housing as well as future management. must be based on the needs of the tenants concerned. Whether the local authority Access to Money and Houses as the way it is managed. Money Gives Control going to live. III. MEMBERSHIP AND SELECTION - ARB CO-OPS ELITIST? The problem of possible elitism has been raised by many people who are unsure Legally, the only way'at present that a group of tenants can gain access to finance in order to buy from the private market to oust the private landlord and therefore to ensure the improvement of their housing conditions, is to register with the Housing Corporation as a Housing Association and thus be eligible for HAG. In the case of PPNC where tenants forced the declaration 5f a Housing Action Area, the co-op has been instrumental in bringing additional finance into areas of severe housing need. Long term, it is only with increasing municipalisation by local authorities that a major impact will be made on the private landlord. It is still the case, however, that for many tenants in the private rented sector, to be a member of a co-operative which is buying and converting in their area is firstly their only hope of access t> decent housing and secondly, but perhaps more crucially, the only way in which collectively they can control the type and standard of housing that is provided as well Our experience in Islington has shown that the effective transfer 0f control to tenants demands the transfer 2f financial control. In the case of co-ops in the public sector who are concerned with control over the allocation and management of their houses, tenants have demanded a direct allocation 9f the full amount spent by the local authority on management, and complete control over the budgeting of these amounts. Where tenants want to control the acquisition and conversion of houses in their area the only way to do so is to be directly eligible for HAG. Thus, tenants directly control the decisions made by the professionals employed to produce housing (eg. the surveyors, valuers, architects) and the tenants themselves can decide the speed and priorities of the acquisition programmes and the standards of the houses in which they are of the role of tenant co-ops, and afraid that the nature of co-ops will pre-select a certain type 9f tenant. The question, "Who becomes a co-op member and why" raises the issue of whether co-ops are in reality open to working class, badly housed tenants who are trapped in the worst conditions with no real options open to them or whether they simply attract the articulate, the middle class, people for whom other options exist. It als» raises the question of the co-7p's relationship with the established local authority waiting list. Where Do Members Come From? Most co-ops, and certainly those in Islington, have been formed in response to the bad housing of their area. So their initial membership and foundation has been amongst tenants in the most acute housing need. New members come to the co-ops because they hear from friends about the co-9p, because they live in the area and can see things happening, or because they have been referred by law centres, housing aid centres, 2m the basis 9f their housing needs. In the early stages some co-ops may restrict their membership to a specific area, for example, PPNC which is based entirely in a Housing Action Area, but most of ~ the Islington co-ops are open to any tenant in bad housing, living in the borough. The tenants wh> come to the co-ops for help do not do so because 9f some prior commitment to 'the principles of co-operation', but because the co-9%p offers some hope of a solution to their housing problems. Clearly, the initial membership of a co-op is crucial since it will determine the style and direction of the co-op. People will stay as active members and become involved with the co-op's struggle t> improve housing conditions if they identify with the way the co-op works. An Ever Open Door? It should be noted that over time, keeping an open door t2 all those in housing need can present problems for co-9ps, not least the problem of size. Also it may be necessary t2 discriminate positively in favour of specific groups, such + as elderly people who don't easily launch into tenants' meetings, or families with language problems, and in some cases to discriminate against others. In the belief that co-ops should not attempt to become all things to all people, HTC recently took a decision t>2 consciozusly exclude any 'middle class' applicants and to preserve its working class neighbourhood base. Young professionals, students and other groups have the resources to produce solutions to their %wn problems which may involve setting up their own co-op as Islington Community Housing have done for young single people. The Waiting List this entails. Selection in Action Sa are usually looked at: personal %pinions. One of the most crucial and most controversial areas 9f control fought for by tenant co-ops has been that of selection, the right of tenants to decide for themselves who should have priority in rehousing. In Islington this demand arose because of the council's own failure to operate a fair allocation system. (Tenants saw that the council's points system in effect reflected the supply of housing and was totally insensitive t3 people's actual housing needs.) Also where tenants are being permanently rehoused by a co-op, it is important that they are aware and willing to accept the responsibilities and commitment that Islington co-ops each have an elected committee which visits and interviews members, discusses each case and comes to a collective decision. Three criteria ae Council criteria »f housing need (ie. points on waiting list) b. Wider criteria of housing need (eg. size and conditionof rooms, tenants! emotional and medical problems, harassment) This is a difficult task and committee members can find themselves under moral and emotional pressure t> rehouse a member which might »verride »bjective criteria. The struggle to resolve these problems and answer for the decisions taken constantly challenges members 9f any co-op. Committee members are often sbliged to publicly speak out in meetings and thus confront their own prejudices and necessitates constant discussion and debate amonst members to determine what the c. participation in the co-op. It is probably true to say that the selection process is the most sensitive area within any co-op. The decisions taken have always to be seen t> be fair and unbiased. This has to be in the first instance to the co-op membership as a whole. There is tremendous pressure on committee members to be consistent and to avoid creating unfair precedents. In return, the co-ops demand of their membership an understanding of what's possible; they cannot tolerate unreasonable demands or expectations; nor can they be susceptible to pressures from either the more desperate or more unscrupulous members. Yet at the same time the co-ops must operate a more sensitive, humane and sympathetic allocation policy. Treading the delicate line between these various requirements is often difficult and right decisions, morally, ethically and politically should be. Public Accountability In the final analysis the co-ops are, and: should be, accountable to the wider- public through the local authority. In Islington, the council has 100% veto powers on all selections of the Charteris Road Co-op, and 75% of HIC's allocations. This ensures that co-op tenants are always people in the greatest housing need. The council's veto powers have never presented a real problem since co-op members have in practice always had very high points and have had more than the full residence requirements, All members have to be registered on the council's waiting list. In fact, the check which Islington council has kept 2m selectishs within the co-ops has confirmed the fiarness of their selections. But it is an important safety valve to ensure that the co-ops continue t> guard against possible abuses and t> emphasise their continued accountability ts the public at large. The co-ops have a responsibility t> the homeless, and sthers in housing need who live in the borough and are not members of the co-9p. ~ IV. TENANT CONTROL : THE PROBLEMS So far we have looked at some 9f the basic political, legal, and institutional issues which co-ops raise. We need to consider now the actual problems of tenant control. How do tenants take decisions and are these any better than the decisions taken by more conventional bodies like the council? What are the mistakes that have been made and why have they happened? A tenant co-operative provides an organisational structure which allows tenants to take control sxver their housing. The actual form that this takes will always be rooted in the particular history and circumstances in which a tenants' group develops. Tenant t> Co-operator In Islington, tenants got together to fight bad landlords and to struggle collectively to gain access to better housing. This was the crucial basis 2 which they built strong commitment to each other and to the co-%p as their organisation. However, this pattern of struggle and conflict with outside agencies can easily remain, so that even when rehoused by the co-op, tenants still see themselves as the 'victims'.- The landlord tenant relationship dies hard. The co-op as a collective landlord, controlled by its members, is for many tenants co= perative to be largely problem orientated. Democracy Tenants as Employers A further major issue emerges when full-time workers are employed by the tenants. The whole relationship between the members of the co-op, like those of sther tenants' organisations, join voluntarily and people therefore get involved with it om top of their other family and work commitments. The workers are around the co-op, seeing people and discussing issues every day. They have regular involvement with the members, the funding bodies, the statutory authorities and so inevitably they know more about the details of a situation than most co-op members. There is a permanent 'dynamic' tension between the workers and the members, who both employ the workers and are also dependent on them for their full-time services and expertise. a purely abstract concept. Roofs still leak, builders are slow and incompetent, the rent, rates and other bills still have t> be paid. People (and houses) do not change o%vernight just because they have become involved in a co-operative. Problems continue to arise and in some ways the co-»ps can become an added focus for complaints because they are m2 open. As one member of HTC put it, "if we had to take a 6p bud ride to tell you, you wouldn't hear about most of the problems you get in this office." The co-op office is local and the atmosphere friendly and receptive s>) it is easy for communication between individual tenants and the Democracy does not come easily in any organisation. It has to be fought for and repeatedly reaffirmed. The mechanisms for decision making are often more complex than individuals would like. Quick, instant decisons, sr answers to problems, are not produced by going through well-developed democratic procedures. This is part of an ongoing educational process which tenants have t> understand. More importantly, it also comes as a salutory warning to 2.utside bodies (eg. local authorities, central government) that democracy does not provide easy answers 2r instant responses to problems. The co-»ps have faced real difficulties over certain aspects of their work. The clearest example is that of selections where it is extremely easy for committee members to take decisions under severe emotional pressure without looking at the longer-term implications >f the decision. However, the important aspect of this is that the co-ops learn by their own mistakes. They are not the passive recipients »f other people's decisions. ee The Individual v the Co-9sp Control *rules and management policy. structure for this balance t> be fought for and maintained. For tenants who are members of a co-op the issue 9f control will involve the *selection and allocation of tenants for the houses; *development; “financial control over all aspects of the housing programme; *membership}; “democracy within the co-op; Obviously some of these issues are more easily dealt with than others. The co-ops in Islington have shown a clear and fierce determination t> fight cuts in There is also a continual conflict between the needs and desires 3f individual members (eg. for improvements do their house) and the sverall need of the co-9p collectively. T> thrive, the co-op must remain spen and responsive t> wider housing issues but for the individual membér this may seem irrelevant or remote. On the other hand, if the co-op merely services the rising expectations 7f individual tenants, it will in the long-run degenerate not just financially, but socially and politically. The co-ops are therefore confronted with keeping a constant delicate balance between individual needs and collective responsibility. What is so important about tenant co-ops is that they do actually provide a V. CONCLUSION a It is clear then that the central issue for tenant co=9peratives is control. This control does not come easily, it needs t> be Fought for on a number of different fronts; within the co-op, locally with the council, architects and builders, nationally with the DoB and the government. The continuous battles a co-op has to fight in all these areas are very important, not just for the particular co-op involved but for the tenants' movement as a whole. In Islington the co-ops have frequently joined with other tenants’ groups to fight against the Section 105 cuts on money for council rehabilitation, to challenge the council's policies on homelessness and allocations, and to assert the needs of Single people. standards imposed by central government and to ensure that reasonable allocation The Members and much debate. Realising Potential Power eg ee 5f funds is made for their programmes. The very fact of being an organised group with a definite purpose gives the co-ops great political strength in relation to both the local authority (eg. Charteris Rd's fight over the management and maintenance allowances), the Housing Corporation (eg. HTC's demands for an allocation of development finance involving costs the co-2p considers reasonable) and the Do (eg. Pooles Park and HTC fighting over standards for the conversions). Internally, the co-ops provide the opportunity for tenants who have previsusly had no control over their housing to take major decisions and to take responsibility for those decisions. In a co-op, tenants collectively have to deal with problems of rent arrears, difficult members, disputes, individual personal and family problems and with the whole issue of directly employing full-time workers to deal with these things on a day-to day basis. This obviously creates difficulties All the co-ops which have developed in Islington are multi-racial and their memberships are made up of some of the most deprived communities in Inner London. Members have low incomes, little security of employment, work long hours and experience the whole range 2f urban stress created by living in areas with few facilities of any sort. However, in the work of the co-ops they are consistently challenged by other people with similar problems. All the prejudices that people feel individually have to be confronted in an open organisation like the co-op. Race, culture, attitude, life-style are all different and potentially antagonistic. Under the pressure of having real decisions to make collectively about urgent problems which affect everyone (including, in the final analysis, oneself), members are continually forced to rise above their individual prejudices. The continuous learning process that the co-ops in Islington have created is probably one of the most outstanding features about them. Black, white, Irish, Mauritian, young, old, single parent families and childless elderly couples, are brought together because they have a common need and increasingly because they have developed a common involvement and commitment to the aims of the co-op. Many people in the housing establishment as well as in the 'alternative' housing establishment, have expressed strong opinions about what co-%ps are or should be. Much of what has been said comes from genuine ignorance of any actual co-ops in Cuyi costs and to solve their management problems. Tenant co- ps need to be - control over housing. operation; much also reflects preconceived prejudices. There is obviously a danger that tenant co-ops will be used by local authorities to divide tenants, aware of this and to ensure that it is the tenants themselves who decide the pace for a co-op and not the council. Tenant co-2ps do not claim to be the solution to the crisis in housing but they do have a real role to play in the tenants' movement. They create an important base from which tenants become aware 9f their potential power and begin to exercise real power in the immediate context of their housing. In this sense we are clearly talking about a working class organisation based 9n collective action and with a collective goal SS Taeeee 926 ctar C46 Yori 9TeE £92-T9 Bag Li wopuor key woysaTTpog ZOT TAT LVard0-09 WNViGG ZYROTION “AOTTY juomsSeuEy ITgTT COO OE-TNVIAKSO ce SOOUBMOTTY 8 2UeI5 SOOUBAOTLTY 9 UeIH 6TH UoproyT est Aesuz04H u62 7N Eopuey piry AvIOR] 46 as GZ46T 2999990 7461 Zequsqcsg 926 6S¢-T0 St] woproy PEST YOFCHSTI O22 409 Zo2-TO SGATIVGIEC-0) IVR €0°0) GOORTAOTRDT qvce STeMzeRLivaFad Wivd SEICOL —, SOOUGMOTTY 2 3OeIH Secedadv Giv SVN G2CMOL GLa uoTyBpocssy Zutsnoyq woTyepToossy Butsnoy | tpry weary Teuotstaorg SSOOUBMOTTY 8 4UeID woTqetoossy Sutsnoy | uotzepoossy SZutsnog DNIONWNIAT IGI wory goseot ak GE tpToyeerr do-op pToyeery do-op ot IWI mozy oseeT 21049 Te OID wory eset ah CE O02 ployeery do-op Ost dIHSHSNAO SQIVNEE FO “ON *(atdoed eTZute Funok ATuTem) sesnoy HOT Ut Sutat{t etdesd 04 uodo Aeuyoey 10 uoyLut{sl Ut Zuytatt qusus4 fue 09 wedo wo,Sutter Bory woTRoOy Supsnoy ut #utatt uojSut(srt S O£T 0s 02 Oot 0S2 SINVNZG ONICNIONT SSZGOGW sO °ON 9261 Szenuep T6EE Zd2-TO dzo02 €92-To FALLVA2IO-00 BNISNOH ALUUGTION NOTA IST | 20-00 COOMINCaHDINN :—a Uy Sutatt quet>y Aue o4 nodo ut ZuFATT squeuey 09 wedg | yueucz Aue 03 usdo aqlbSIvenHy —- es os ene eee qil UOpPUuCT Wteq Uo-UTTLOS OT “qoytem ejeatid ey} mory poxrtmboe £yr10dord umop-unz ‘pto Surqeytrrqeyes (TT9a4 se Aouyoey JO PIBM GUO UT SHIOM POOMSUMOIG-ZUeIpENdy) UOBHUTTS]T ySeY pue yLON ut yI0M Sdo-oo oaTy TTY dojTeaep pue eatnboe quemeseuen (do-09 zoy sortnboe qUeweZerEn Tgl pue 4snzy, Zutsnog pue quewdojteasp |(sdoteasp pue seitnboe OTD) *}uewoZeren pue juemdoTesep €€STIITO)qusmeseueyy ‘uoTq;stnboy Id)quemeSeurey pueqyuomdoteseg ‘aotqFaTnboy SUTLarIsNoTrsaa t T 2 fz d SHEMIOM JO °ON PTY Weqrn s90ue Doe O08 4fitter ( hes post 4VD y, LO A& = Ps ey Sei ) ChetArc AARcL5F7\MunaChO__ SASte, sSAAN L598 ba Gls — - . / >v7COs>StAr.DHKXK SQ_Qs! Lis /:iLU 7 ) Sr CusGretl G Q QLUGsCo Sr ' '| =z , e -_ 4 L) —~ —-— a . x aeeSe oe —COTES : oy,STASQh at 6)Boxeo) Eee Ss A NE : 7? C4/Pa. y)WQS Ca Ox | Bey 6S QCSaeweAW | ' CN ee AD AQ —\ OS =e een Ow Tee. ,97A,QkKG { yi . Sts 77 = Air? SA Oa Riser Dau /s wre YAK7% “: pee ey > a 4|OL PeNe GIQS ~| ( os Om & Vax, \ awe T°FOrn >VJ Q re P=QQ bO5-Ofc,) ge a me | Sherry R. Arnstein is Director of Community Development Studies for The Commons, a non-profit research institute in W ashington, D.C, and Chicago, She is a former Chief Advisor on Citizen Participation in HUD's Model Cities Administra- tion and has served as Staff Consultant to the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of HEW, and Washington Editor of Current Magazine. you parjicipule . - - They profit. 216 Bale 64. EMPTY RITUAL VEKSUS BENEFIT There isacritical difference between going through the empty ritual of participation and having the real power needed to affect the outcome of the process. This difference is brilliantly capsulized in a poster painted Jast spring by the French students to explain the student-worker rebellion? (See Figure 1.) The poster highlights the fundamental point that participation without redistribution of power is an empty and frus- Fiala pNPYOcessuGe poe eee Itallows the power- holderstoclaimthatallsideswereees but Takes it possible for only some of those sides to benehtt. It maintains the status quo. Essentially, it is what has | | | oa | political | i | | \ | There have been many recent speeches, articles, and books * which explore in detail who are the have-nots of our time. There has been much recent documenta- tion of why the have-nots have become so offended and embittered by their powerlessness to deal with the pro- found inequities and injustices pervading their daily lives. But there has been very litle analysis of the content of the current controversial slogan: “citizen participation” or “maximum feasible participation.” In short: Wat is citizen participation and what is its relationship to the social imperatives of our time? A LADDER OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION . The idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle because it is good for you. Participation of the gov- erned in their government is, in theory, the corner- stone of democracy—a revered idea that ts vigorously applauded by virtually everyone. The applause is re- duced to polite handclaps, however, when this princi- ple is advocated by the have-not blacks, Mexican- ‘Americans, Puerto Ricans, Indians, Eskimos, and whites. And when the have-nots define participation as re- distribution of power, the American consensus on the fundamental principle explodes into many shades of outright racial, ethnic, ideological, and opposition. AIP JOURNAL JuLy 1969 Amencan Lx stitute of Plannéxs Towra! $1077 R.Arnstein Citizen Participation is Citizen Power Because the question has been a bone of political conten- tion, most of the answers have been purposely buried in innocuous euphemisms like “self-help” or “citizen involvement.” Still others have been embellished with misleading rhetoric like “absolute control’’ which is something no one—including the President of the United States—has or can have. Between understated euphemisms and exacerbated shictoric, even scholars have found it difficult to follow the controversy. To the headline reading public, it is simply bewildering. My answer to the critical what question is simply that citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen The heated controversy over “citizen participation,” “citizen control,” and “maximum feasible involvement of the poor,” has been waged largely in terms of ex- acerbated rhetoric and misleading cuphemisms. To encourage a more enlightened dialogue, a typology of citizen participation 1s offered using examples from three federal social programs: urban renewal, anti- poverty, and Model Citics. The typology, which is designed to be provocative, is accanged in a ladder pattern with cach rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the plan and/or program. power, It is the redistribution of power that enables the have-not citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic processes, to be deliberately included in thefuture.Itisthestratbyewghiychthehave-notsjoin in determining how information is shared, goals and policies are set, tax resources areallocated, programs are operated, and benefits like contracts and patronage are parceled Out. In short, t is the means by which they an induce significant social reform which enables them to “share in the benefits of the affluent society. —_—_—_——_ FIGURE 1 French Student Poster. In English, 1 participate; you parjicipate; be participates; we participate; e | {| LIMITATIONS OF THE TYPOLOGY The ladder juxtaposes powerless citizens with the powerful in order to highlight the fundamental di- visions between them. In actuality, neither the have-nots nor the powerholders are homogencous blocs. Each group encompasses a host of divergent points of view, significant cleavages, competing vested interests, and splintered subgroups. The justification for using such simplistic abstractions is that in most cases the have-nots really do perceive the powerful as a monolithic “sys- tem,” and powerholders actually do view the have-nots as a sea of “those people,’ with little comprehension of the class and caste differences among them. It should be noted that the typology does not include an analysis of the most significant roadblocks to achiev- ing genuine levels of participation. These roadblocks lie on both sides of the simplistic fence. On the power- holders’ side, they include racism, paternalism, and resistance to power redistribution. On the have-nots’ side, they include inadequacies of the poor community's v Further up the ladder are levels of citizen power with tions among ghem, Furthermore, some of the character- increasing degrees of decision-making clout. Citizens istics used tq jiJystrate each of the eight types might be 6 ? Delegated power Degrees we «=f Citizen control i Portnership 6- 6 4 Eon Placation Consultation 7 Informing 3— 2 < 1 FIGURE 2 Therapy wal Manipulation Eight Rungs on a Ladder of Citizen Partici- pation citizen power Degrees tokenisn — Nonperticipation —d they lack the power to insure that their views will be heeded by the powerful. When participation is re-| political socipecanomic infrastructure and knowledge- stricted to these levels, there is no followthrough, no “muscle,” hence no assurance of changing the status quo. Rung (5) Placation, is simply a higher level tokenism because the groundrules allow have-nots to advise, but retain for the powerholders the continued right to decide. base, plus difficulties of organizing a representative and accountable gitizens’ group in the face of futility, alienation, and distrust. : Another caysign about the eight separate rungs on the ladder: In the rea} world of people and programs, there might be 15Q rungs with less sharp and “pure” distinc- ARNSTEIN 217 can enter into a (6) Parinership that enables them to negotiate and engage in trade-offs with traditional powerholders. At the topmost rungs, (7) Delegated Power and (8) Citizen Control, have-not citizens obtain the majority of decision-making scats, or full managerial power. Obviously, the cight-rung ladder is a simplification, but it helps to illustrate the point that so many have missed—that there are significant gradations of citizen participation. Knowing these gradations makes itpossi- ble to cut through the hyperbole to understand the increasingly strident demands for participation from the have-nots as well as the gamut of confusing responses from the powerholders. Though the typology uses examples from federal programs such as urban renewal, anti-poverty, and Model Cities; it could just as easily be illustrated in the church, currently facing demands for power from priests and laymen who seek to change its mission; colleges and universities which in some cases have become literal battlegrounds over the issue of student power, or public schools, city halls, and police departments (or big busi- ness which is likely to be next on the expanding list of targets). The underlying issues are essentially the same —"“nobodies” in several arenas are trying to become “somebodies” with enough power to make the target institutions responsive to their views, aspirations, and needs. been happening in most of the 1,000 Community Action Programs, and what promises to be repeated in the vast majority of the 150 Model Cities programs. Types of Participation and “NomParticipation” A typology of eight Jevels of participation may help in analysis of this confused issue. For illustrative pur- poses the eight types are arranged in a ladder pattern with each rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the end product.® (See Figure 2.) The bottom rungs of the ladder are (1) Manipula- tion and (2) Therapy. These two rungs describe levels of “non-participation” that have been contrived by some 2 substitute for genuine participation. Their real ob- ijective is not to enable people to participate in planning |or conducting programs, but to enable powerholders to |"educate" or “cure” the participants. Rungs 3 and 4 'progress to levels of “tokenism’’ that allow the have- nots to hear and to have a voice: (3) Informing and (4) Consultation. When they are proffered by power- holders as the total extent of participation, citizens may indeed hear and be heard. But under these conditions Characteristics and Illustrations It is in this context of power and powerlessness that the characteristics of the eight rungs are illustrated by examples from current federal social programs. 1, MANIPULATION In the name of citizen participation, people are placed on rubberstamp advisory committees or advisory boards for the express purpose of “educating” them or engi- neering their support. Instead of genuine citizen par- ticipation, the bottom rung of the ladder signifies the distortion of participation into a public relations vehicle by powerholders. This illusory form of “participation’” initially came into vogue with urban renewal when the socially elite were invited by city housing officials to serve on Citizen Advisory Committees (CACs). Another target of ma- nipulation were the CAC subcommittees on minority gcoups, which in theory were to protect the rights of Negroes in the renewal program. In practice, these subcommittees, like their parent CACs, functioned mostly as letterheads, trotted forward at appropriate times to promote urban renewal plans (in recent years known as Negro removal plans). At meetings of the Citizen Advisory Committees, it was the officials who educated, persuaded, and advised the citizens, not the reverse. Federal guidelines for the ticipation, should be an the Jowest rung of the ladder renewal programs legitimized the manipulative agenda because it is both dishonest and arrogant. Its adminis- by emphasizing the terms “information-gathering,” trators—mental health experts from social workers to “public relations,” and “support” as the explicit func- _psychiatrists—assume shat powerlessness 1s synonymous tions of the committees.® with mental illness. Qn this assumption, under a mas- This style of nonparticipation has since been applied querade of involving citizens in planning, the experts to other programs encompassing the poor. Examples of subject the citizens ty clinical group therapy. What this are seen in Community Action Agencies (CAAs) makes this form of “participation” so jnvidious is that which have created structures called “neighborhood citizens are engaged ip extensive activity, but the focus councils” or “neighborhood advisory groups.” These bodies frequently have no legitimate function or power.® ‘ The CAAs use them to “prove’’ that “grassroots people” are involved in the program. But the program may not have been discussed with “the people.’” Or it may have been described at a meeting in the most general terms; “We need your signatures on this pro- posal for a multiservice center which will house, under one roof, doctors from the health department, workers from the welfare department, and specialists from the employment service.” : ; 218 Aig JOURNAL JULY 1969 In some respects group therapy, masked as citizen par- 2. THERAPY The signators are not informed that the $2 million- per-year center will only refer residents to the same old waiting lines at the same old agencies across town. No one is asked if such a referral center is really needed in his ncighborhood. No one realizes that the contractor for the building is the mayor's brother-in-law, or that the new director of the center will be the same old com- munity organization specialist from the urban renewal agency. After signing theic names, the proud grassrooters dutifully spread she word that they have “participated” in bringing « new and wonderful center to the neighbor- hood to provide people with drastically needed jobs and health and welfare services. Only after the ribbon- cutting ceremony do the members of the neighborhood council realize that they didn’t ask the important ques- tions, and that they had no technical advisors of their own to help them grasp the fine legal print. The new center, which is open 9 to 5 on weekdays only, actually adds to their problems. Now the old agencies across town won't talk with them unless they have a pink paper slip to prove that they have been referred by “their” shiny new neighborhood center. Unfortunately, this chicanery ts nota unique example. Instead it is almost typical of what has been perpetrated in the name of high-sounding rhetoric like “grassroots participation.” This sharn lies at the heart of the deep- seated exasperation and hostility of the have-nots toward the powerholders. One hopeful note is that, having been so grossly affronted, some citizens have learned the Mickey Mouse game, and now they too know how to play. Asa result _ of this knowledge, they are demanding genuine levels of participation to assuge them that public programs are relevant to their needs and responsive to their priorities. of itison curing them of their “patholopy” rather than \ changing the racism and victimization that create their “pathologies.” : Consider an incidept that occurred in Pennsylvania less than one year ago, When a father took his seriously il baby to the emergency clinic.of a local hospital, a young resident physician on duty instructed him to take the baby home and feed it sugar water. The baby died that afternoon of pygumanja and dehydration. The overwrought father cgmplaingd to the board of the local : applicable to other rungs. Vor example, employment of the have-nots in a program or on a planning staff could occur at any of the cight rungs and could represent either a legitimate or illegitimate characteristic of citi- zen participation. Depending on their motives, power- holders can hire poor people to coopt them, to placate them, or to utilize the have-nots’ special skills and insights. Sone mayors, in private, actually boast of their strategy in hiring, militant black leaders to muzzle them while destroying their credibility in the black community. Community Action Agency. Instead of launching an the official, the citizens accepted the “information” and investigationofthehospitaltodeterminewhatchanges endorsedtheagency'sproposaltoplacefourlotsinthe wouldpreventsimilardeathsorotherformsofmal- whiteneighborhood." practice, the board invited the father to attend the 4. CONSULTATION Inviting citizens’ opinions, like informing them, can be a legitimate step toward their full participation. But if Less dramatic, but more common examples of consulting them is not combined with other modes of therapy,masqueradingascitizenparticipation,maybe participation,thisrungoftheladderisstillashamsince seen in public housing programs where tenant groups itoffers no assurance that citizen concerns and ideas will are used as vehicles for promoting control-your-child or be taken into account. The most frequent methods used cleanup campaigns. The tenants are brought together for consulting people are attitude surveys, neighborhood CAA’s (therapy) child-care sessions for parents, and promised him that someone would “telephone the hos- pital director to see that it never happens again.” to help them “adjust their values and attitudes to those of the larger society.” Under these groundrules, they are diverted from dealing with such important matters as: arbitrary evictions; segregation of the housing proj- ect; or why is there a three-month time lapse to pet a broken window replaced in winter. The complexity of the concept of mental illness in “our time can be seen in the experiences of student/civil rights workers facing guns, whips, and other forms of terror in the South. They needed the help of socially mectings, and public hearings. When powerholders restrict the input of citizens’ ideas solely to this level, participation remains just a window-dressing ritual. Pcople are primarily perceived as statistical abstractions, and participation is measured by how many come to meetings, take brochures home, or answer a questionnaire. What citizens achieve in all this activity is that they have “participated in participa- tion.” And what powerholders achieve is the evidence that they have gone through the required motions of attunedpsychiatriststodealwiththeirfearsandtoavoid involving“thosepeople.” paranoia.’ 3. INFORMING Informing citizens of their rights, responsibilities, and options can be the most important first step toward legitimate citizen participation. However, too frequently the emphasis is placed on a one-way flow of information Attitude surveys have become a particular bone of contention in ghetto neighborhoods. Residents are in- creasingly unhappy about the number of times per week they are surveyed about theic problems and hopes. As one woman put it: “Nothing ever happens with those damned questions, except the surveyer gets $3 an hour, and my washing doesn’t get done that day.” In some —from officials to citizens—with no channel provided communities, residents are so annoyed that they ace for feedback and no power for negotiation, Under these conditions, particularly when information is provided at a late stage in planning, people have little opportunity to influence the program designed “for their benefit.” The most frequent tools used for such one-way com- poverty funds) has “documented” that poor housewives munication are the news media, pamphilets, posters, and responses to inquiries. Meetings can also be turned into vehicles for one-way communication by the simple device of providing super- ficial information, discouraging questions, or giving something small, they might just get something useful irrelevant answers. At a recent Model Cities citizen © in the neighborhood. Had the mothers known that a planning meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, the topic free prepaid health insurance plan was a possible option, was “tot-fots.” A group of elected citizen representa- they might not have put tot-lots so high on their wish tives, almost al of whom were attending three to five lists. meetings a week, devoted an hour to a discussion of the placement of six tot-lots. The neighborhood is half black, half white. Several of the black representatives noted that four tot-lots were proposed for the white district and only two for the black. The city official responded with a lengthy, highly technical explanation about costs per square foot and available property. It was clear that most of the residents did not understand his explanation. And it was clear to observers from the Office of Economic Opportunity that other options did exist which, considering available funds, would have brought about a more. equitable distribution of facilities. Intimidated by futility, legalistic jargon, and prestige of ARNSTEIN A classic misuse of the consultation rung occurred at a New Haven, Connecticut, community meeting held to consult citizens on a proposed Model Cities. grant. James V. Cunningham, in an unpublished report to the Ford Foundation, described the crowd as large and “mostly hostile:” ° demanding a fee for research interviews. Attitude surveys are not very valid indicators of com- munity opinion when used without other input from citizens. Survey after survey (paid for out of anti- most want tot-lots in their neighborhood where young children can play safely. But most of the women aa- swered these questionnaires without knowing what their options were. They assumed that if they asked for Members of The Hil] Parents Association de- manded to know why fesidents had not partici- pated in drawing up the praposal. CAA director — Spitz explained that it was merely a proposal for secking Federal planning funds—that once funds were obtained, residenty would be deeply involved in the planning. An oytsiqe observer who sat in * 219 5. PLACATION It is at this level that citizens begin to have some degree of influence though tokenism is still apparent. An example of placation strategy is to place a few hand- picked “worthy” poor on boards of Community Action Agencies or on public bodies like the board of educa- tion, police commission, or housing authority. If they are not accountable to a constituency in the community and if the traditional power elite hold the majority of seats, the have-nots can be easily outvoted and outfoxed. Another example is the Model Cities advisory and planning committees. They allow citizens to advise or plan ad infinitum but retain for powerholders the right to judge the legitimacy or feasibility of the advice. The degree to which citizens are actually placated, of course, depends largely on two factors: the quality of technical assistance they have in articulating their priorities; and the extent to which the community has been organized to press for those priorities. It is not surprising that the level of citizen participa- tion in the vast majority of Model Cities programs ts at the placation rung of the ladder or below. Policy- makers at the Department of Housing and Urban De- velopment (HUD) were determined to return the genie of citizen power to the bottle from which it had escaped 220 $$ = eee the audience described the mecting this way: “Spitz and Mel Adams ran the meeting on their own. No representatives of a Hill group mod- crated or even sat on the stage. Spitz told the 300 residents that this huge mecting, was an (in a few cities) as a result of the provision stipulating “maximum feasible participation” in poverty programs. Therefore, HUD channeled its physical-social-economic rejuvenation approach example of ‘participation in planning. To prove this, since there was a lot of dissatisfaction in the audience, he called for’a ‘vote’ on each component of the proposal. The vote took this form: “Can I sce the hands of all those in favor of a health clinic? All those opposed?’ It was a little like asking who favors motherhood.” for blighted neighborhoods through city hall. It drafted legislation requiring that al Model Cities’ moncy flow to a local City Demonstra- tion Agency (CDA) through the elected city council. ‘As enacted by Congress, this gave local city councils final veto power over planning and programming and ruled out any direct funding relationship between community groups and HUD. HUD required the CDAs to create coalition, policy- making boards that would include necessary local power- holders to create a comprehensive physical-social plan during the first year. The plan was to be carried out in a subsequent five-year action phase. HUD, unlike OEO, did not require that have-not citizens be included on the CDA decision-making boards. HUD’s Performance Standards for Citizen Participation only demanded that “citizens have clear and direct access to the decision- making process.” Accordingly, the CDAs structured theie policy- making boards to include some combination of elected officials; school representatives; housing, health, and welfare officials; employment and police department representatives; and various civic, labor, and business leaders. Some CDAs included citizens from the neigh- borhood. Many mayors correctly interpreted the HUD provision for ‘access to the decision-making process” as the escape hatch they sought to relegate citizens to the traditional advisory role. Most CDAs created residents’ advisory committees. An alarmingly significant number created citizens’ policy boards and citizens’ policy committees which are totally misnamed as they have cither no policy-making function or only a very limited authority. Almost every CDA created about a dozen planning committees or task forces on functional lines: health, welfare, education, housing, and ungmployment. In most cases, have-not citizens were invited to serve on these committees along with technicians from relevant public agencies. Some CDAs, on the other hand, structured planning committees of technicians and parallel committees of citizens. In most Model Cities programs, endless time has been spent fashioning complicated board, committee, and task force structures for the planning year. But the rights and responsibilities of the yarious elements of those structures are not defined and are ambiguous. Such It was a combination of the deep suspicion aroused at this meeting and a long history of similar forms of “window-dressing participation” that led New Haven residents to demand control of the program. By way of contrast, it is uscful to look at Denver where technicians learned that even the best intentioned among them are often unfamiliar with, and even in- sensitive to, the problems and aspirations of the poor. The technical director of the Model Cities program has described the way professional planners assumed that the residents, victimized by high-priced local storekeep- ers, “badly needed consumer education.” *° The resi- dents, on the other hand, pointed out that the local storekeepers performed a valuable function. Although they overcharged, they also gave credit, offered advice, and frequently were the only neighborhood place to cash welfare or salary checks. As a result of this con- sultation, technicians and residents agreed to substitute the creation of needed credit institutions in the neighborhood for a consumer education program. \ ambiguity is likely to cause considerable conflict at the end of the one-year planning process. For at this point, citizens may realize that they have once again exten- sively “participated” but have not profited beyond the extent the powerholders decide to placate them. Results of a staff study (conducted in the summer of 1968 before the second round of seventy-five planning grants were awarded) were released in a December 1968 HUD bulletin.® Though this public document uses much more delicate and diplomatic language, it AIP Tore arn attests to the already cited criticisms of non-policy- It also urge: CDAs to experiment with subcontracts makingpolicyboardsandambiguouscomplicatedstruc- tures, in addition to the following findings: 1. Most CDAs did not negotiate citizen par- ticipation requirements with residents. 2. Citizens, drawing on past negative experi- ences with local powerholders, were extremely sus- piciousofthisnewpanaceaprogram.Theywerelegiti- mately distrustful of city hall's motives. underwhichtheresidents’groupscouldhiretheirown trusted technjcians. A more recent evaluation was circulated in February 1969 by OSTI, a private firm that entered into a con- tract with OEO to provide technical assistance and train- ing to citizens involved in Model Cities programs in the northeastregionofthecountry.OSTI'sreporttoOEO corroborates the earlier study. In addition it states: 2 3. Most CDAs were not working with citizens’ groups that were genuinely representative of model neighborhoods and accountable to neighborhood con- stituencies. As in so many of the poverty programs, those who were involved were more representative of the upwardly mobile working-class. Thus their ac- quiescence to plans prepared by city agencies was not likelytoreflecttheviewsoftheunemployed,theyoung, plannersoftheCDAandtheplannersofexisting the more militant residents, and the hard-core poor. 4. Residents who were participating in as many as three to five meetings per week were unaware of their minimum yights, responsibilities, and the options avail- able ta them under the program. For example, they did not realize that they were not required to accept techni- cal help from city technicians they distrusted. 5. Most of the technical assistance provided by CDAs and city agencies was of third-rate quality, paternalistic, and condescending. Agency technicians did not suggest innovative options. They reacted bu- requcratically when the residents pressed for innovative approaches, The vested interests of the old-line city agencies were amajor—albeit hidden—agenda. 6. Most CDAs were not engaged in planning that was comprehensive enough to expose and deal with the roots of urban decay. They engaged in “'meetingitis” and were supporting strategies that resulted in “proj- ectitis,”” the outcome of which was a “Jaundry list’’ of traditional programs to be conducted by traditional agencies in the traditional manner under which slums emerged in the first place. 7. Residents were not getting enough informa- tion from CDAs to enable them to review CDA de- veloped plans or to initiate plans of their own as re- quired by HUD. At best, they were getting superficial copies of official HUD materials. 8. Most residents were unaware of their rights to be reimbursed for expenses incurred because of par- ficipation—babysitting, transportation costs, and so on. 9. The training of residents, which would en- able them to understand the labyrinth of the federal- state-city systems and networks of subsystems, was an item that most CDAs did not even consider. These findings led to a new public interpretation of HUD's approach to citizen participation. Though the requirements for the seventy-five “second-round” Model City- grantees were not changed, HUD's twenty-seven page technical bulletin on citizen participation repeat- ¢dly advocated that cities share power with residents. ARNSTEIN agencies are carrying out the actual planning with citizens having a peripheral role of watchdog and, ultimately, the “rubber stamp’ of the plan gen- erated. In cases where citizens fave the direct responsibility for generating program plans, the time period allowed and she independent technical resources being made ~yailable to them are not adequate to allow them tp do anything more than generate very traditional approaches to the prob- lems they are attempting to solve. In general, little or no thought has been given to the means of insuring continued citizen partici- pation during the stage of implementation. In most cases, traditiqnal agencies are envisaged as the implementors of Mode (Cities pragrams and few mechanisms have been developed bor encouraging organizational change or change in the method of program delivery within these agencies or for in- suring that citizens will have some influence over these agencies as they implement Model Cities programs. .. . By and large, caple are once again being plannedfor.Inmostsituationsthereel ning decisions are being made by CDA staft and approved in a formalistic way by policy boards. 6. PARTNERSHIP At this rung of the ladder, power is in fact redistributed _ through negotiation ketween citizens and powerholders. In practically no Medel Cities structure does citi- zen participation mean truly shared decision- making, such that citizens might view themselves as‘thepactnersinthisprogram. ...”’ In general, citizens are finding jt impossible to have a significant impact on the comprehensive planning which is going on. In mast cases the staff information. At worst, they were not even getting \They agree to share planning and decision-making responsibilities through such structures as joint policy boards, planning committees and mechanisms for re- solving impasses. After the groundsules have been established through some form of giye-and-take, they are not subject to unilgteral change. Partnership can wask most effectively when there is an organized power-byse jn the community to which the citizen leaders are accpuntable; when the citizens group has the financial resoyeces tq pay its leaders reasonable ~ honoraria for their time-consuming efforts; and when the group has the respurces to hire (and fire) its own technicians, lawyers, and community organizers. With these ingredients, citiyens have some genuine bargain- 221 city’s description of the model neighborhood from a | | ! x ; } paternalistic description of problems to a realistic analy- | sis of its strengths, weaknesses, and potentials.) Consequently, the proposed policy-making committee parallel groups of citizens and powerholders, with pro- of the Philadelphia CDA was revamped to give five out vision for citizen veto if differences of opinion cannot of eleven seats to the residents’ organization, which is be resolved through negotiation. This is a particularly called the Area Wide Council (AWC). The AWC), interesting coexistence model for hostile citizen groups 7. DELEGATED POWER Negotiations between citizens and pubtic officials can also result in citizens achieving dominant decision- making authority over a particular plan or program. Model City policy’ boards or CAA delegate agencies on which citizens have a clear majority of scats and genuine specified powers are typical examples. At this level, the ladder has been scaled to the point where citizens hold the significant cards to assure accountability of the pro- gram to them. To resolve differences, powerholders need to start the bargaining process rather than respond to pressure from the other end. Such a dominant decision-making role has been at- tained by residents in a handful of Model Cities includ- ing Cambridge, Massachusetts; Dayton, and Columbus, Ohio; Minneapolis, Minnesota; St. Louis, Missouri; Hartford and New Haven, Connecticut; and Oakland, California. In New Haven, residents of the Hill neighborhood have created a corporation that has been delegated the power to prepare the entire Model Cities plan. The city, which received a $117,000 planning grant from HUD, has subcontracted $110,000 of it to the neighborhood corporation to hire its own planning staff and consul- tants. The Hill Neighborhood Corporation has eleven representatives on the twenty-one-member CDA board} which assures it a majority voice when its proposed plan is reviewed by the CDA. Another model of delegated power is separate and { | obtained a subcontract from the CDA for more than too embittered toward city hall—as a result of past $20,000 per month, which it used to maintain the neigh- borhood organization, to pay citizen leaders $7 per meeting for their planning services, and to pay the salaries of a staff of community organizers, planners, and other technicians. AWC has the power to initiate plans of its own, to engage in joint planning with CDA committees, and to review plans initiated by city agen- California, the city council agreed to a citizens’ counter ; 222 “collaborative efforts’—to engage in joint planning. Since all Model Cities programs require approval by the city council before HUD will fund them, city coun- cils have final veto powers even when citizens have the majority of seats on the CDA Board. In Richmond, AIP JOURNAL july 1969 cies. It has a veto power in that no plans may be sub- mitted by the CDA to the city council until they have been reviewed, and any differences of opinion have been successfullynegotiatedwiththeAWC. Representatives of the AWC (which is a federation of neighborhood organizations grouped into sixteen neighborhood “hubs”) may attend al meetings of CDA task forces, planning committees, or subcommittees. Though the city council has final yeto power over the plan (by federal law), the AWC believes it has a neighborhood constituency that is strong enough to negotiate any eleventh-hour objections the city council might raise when itconsiders such AWC proposed in- novations as an AWC Land Bank, an AWC Economic Development Corporation, and an experimental income maintenance program for 900 poor families. { | At their next meeting, citizens handed the city offi- cials a substitute citizen participation section that changed the groundrules from a weak citizens’ ad- visory role to a strong shared power agreement. Phila- delphia'sapplicationtoHUD includedthecitizens’ ing influence over the outcome of the plan (as long as | both parties find it useful to maintain the partnership). - One community leader described it “like coming to city | hall with hat on head instead of in hand.” In the Model Cities program only about fifteen of the so-called first generation of seventy-five cities have reached some significant degree of power-sharing with residents. In al but one of those cities, it was angry citizen demands, rather than city initiative, that led to the negotiated sharing of power.” The negotiations were triggered by citizens who had been enraged by previous forms of alleged participation. They were both angry and sophisticated enough to refuse to be “conned” again. They threatened to oppose the awarding of a planning grant to the city. They sent delegations to HUD in Washington. They used abrasive language. Negotiation took place under a cloud of suspicion and rancor. In most cases where power has come to be shared it was taken by the citizens, not given by the city. There is nothing new about that process. Since those who have | power normally want to hang onto it, historically it has oe: tobewrestedbythepowerlessratherthanproffered y the powerful. Such a working partnership was negotiated by the residents in the Philadelphia model neighborhood. Like most applicants for a Model Cities grant, Philadelphia | wrote its more than 400 page application and waved it at a hastily called meeting of community leaders. When | those present were asked for an endorsement, they angrily protested the city’s failure to consult them on preparation of the extensive application. A community spokesman threatened to mobilize a neighborhood pro- test against the application unless the city agreed to give the citizens a couple of weeks to review the application and recommend changes. The officials agreed. ubstitution word for word. (It also included a new citizen prepared introductory chapter that changed the veto, but the details of that agreement are ambiguous to developa series of economic enterprises ranging from a novel combination shopping-center-public-housing Various delegated power arrangements are also project to a loan guarantee program for local building emerging in the Community Action Program as a result contractors. The membership and board of the non- . of demands from the neighborhoods and OEO’s most profit corporation is composed of leaders of major com- recent instruction guidelines which urged CAAs “to munity organizations in the black neighborhood. and have not been tested. exceed (the) basic requirements” for resident participa- tion.'* In some cities, CAAs have issued subcontracts to resident dominated groups to plan and/or operate one or more decentralized neighborhood program components like a multipurpose service center or a Headstart pro- gram. These contracts usually include an agreed upon the coop (which included the use of force to stop line-by-line budget and program specifications. They trucks on the way to market), first year membership also usually include a specific statement of the significant grew to 1,150 farmers who earned $52,000 on the sale powers that have been delegated, for example: policy- of theic new crops. The elected coop board is composed making; hiring and firing; issuing subcontracts for building, buying, or leasing. (Some of the subcontracts are so broad that they verge on models for citizen control.) 8, CITIZEN CONTROL Demands for community controlled schools, black con- trol, and neighborhood control are on the increase. Though no one in the nation has absolute control, it is very important that the rhetoric not be confused with intent. People are simply demanding that degree of power (or control) which guarantees that participants or residents can govern a program or an institution, be in full charge of policy and managerial aspects, and be able to negotiate the conditions under which “outsiders” may change them. A neighborhood corporation with no intermediaries between it and the source of funds is the model most frequently advocated. A small number of such expeti- mental corporations are already producing goods and/or social services. Several others are reportedly in the development stage, and new models for control will undoubtedly emerge as the have-nots continue to press for greater degrees of power over their lives. of two poor black farmers from each of the ten economi- cally depressed counties. Though the bitter steuggle for community control of the Ocean Hill-Brownsville schools in New York City has aroused great fears in the headline reading public, less publicized experiments are demonstrating that the have-nots can indeed improve their lot by handling the| power and accountability rest with the city council. entire job of planning, policy-making, and managing a Daniel P. Moynihan argues that city councils are program. Some are even demonstrating that they can do representative of the cormmunity, but Adam Walinsky al this with just one acm because they are forced to use illustrates the nonrepresentativeness of this kind of their other one to deal with a continuing barrage of local opposition triggered by the announcement that a federal grant has been given to a community group or an all black group. ! representation: *° Who . . . exercises “control” through the repre- sentative process? In the Bedford-Stuyvesant ghetto of New York there are 450,000 people—as many as in the entire city of Cincinnati, more than in _ Most of these experimental programs have been capi- talized with research and demonstration funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity in cooperation with | the entire state of Vermont. Yet the area has only_ other federal agencies. Examples include: 1. A $1.8 million grant was awarded to the Hough Area Development Corporation in Cleveland to plan economic development programs in the ghetto and ARNSTEIN one high school, and 80 per cent of its teen-agers are dropeuss the infant mortality rate is twice the national average; there are over 8000 buildings abandoned by evesyone but the rats, yet the arca received not one qollay pf urban renewal funds \ 223 2. Approximately $1 million ($595,751 for the second year) was awarded to the Southwest Alabama Farmers Cooperative Association (SW ATCA) in Selma, Alabama, for a ten-county marketing cooperative for food and livestock. Despite local attempts to intimidate 3. Approximately $600,000 ($300,000 in a supplemental grant) was granted to the Albina Cor- poration and the Albina Investment Trust to create a black-operated, black-owned manufacturing concern us- ing inexperienced management and unskilled minority group personnel from the Albina district. The profit- making wool and metal fabrication plant will be owned by its employees through a deferred compensation trust lan. 4. Approximately $800,000 ($400,600 for the second year) was awarded to the Harlem Common- wealth Council to demonstrate that a community-based development corporation can catalyze and implement an economic development program with broad community support and participation. After only eighteen months of program development and negotiation, the council will soon launch several large-scale ventures including operation of two supermarkets, an auto service and repair center (with built-in manpower training pro- gram), a finance company for families eacning less than $4,000 per year, and a data processing company. The al black Harlem-based board is already managing a metal castings foundry. Though several citizen groups (and their mayors) use the rhetoric of citizen control, no Model City can meet the criteria of citizen control since final approval — NOTES 1The literature on poverty and discrimination and their effects on people is extensive. As an introduction, the following will be 224 AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969 helpful: B. Bagidikian, In the Midst of Plenty: The Poor during the entire first 15 years of that program's operation; the unemployment rate is known only to God. in. America’ (New York: Teacon, 1964); Paul Jacobs, “The Drutalizing, of America,” Dissent, XI (Autumn 1961), p. 423-8; Stokely Carmichacl and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, 1967); Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: McGraw-Hill, Clearly, Bedford-Stuyvesant has some special needs; yet it has always been lost in the midst of the city’s eight million! In fact, it took a lawsuit to win for this vast area, in the year 1968, its first Congressman, In what sense can the repre- sentative system be said to have “spoken for’ this community, during the long years of neglect and decay? 1968); L. J. Duhl, The Urban Condition; People and Policy in the Metropolis (New York: Basic Books, 1963); William H. Grier and P. M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmitian, 1962); Peter Marcis and Martin Rein, Dilemmas of Social Reform: Poverty and Cammunity Action in the United States (New York: Atherton Press, 1967); Mollie Orshansky, “Who's Who Amone the Poor: A Demographic View of Poverty,” Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (July 1965), 3-32; and Richard T. Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State (New Haven: Walinsky’s point on Bedford-Stuyvesant has general Yale University Press, 1968) applicability to the ghettos from coast to coast. It ts 2 The poster is one of about 350 produced in May or pene 1968 at Atélicr Populaire, a graphics center launched by students from therefore likely that in those ghettos where residents the Sorbonne’s Ecole des Beaux Art and Feole des Acts Decoratifs 3 This typology is an outgrowth of a more crude typology I circulated in March 1967 in a HUD staff discussion paper titled Model Cities planning process, the first-year action plans “Rhetoric and Reality.” The carlier typology consisted of eight levels that were Jess discrete types and did not necessarily suggest a chronological progression: Inform, Consult, Joint Planning, institutions entirely governed by residents with a speci- Negotiate, Decide, Delegate, Advocate Planning, and Neighbor- have achieved a significant degree of power in the will call for the creation of some new community fied sum of money contracted to them. If the ground- rules for these programs are clear and if citizens under- stand that achieving a genuine place in the pluralistic scene subjects them to its legitimate forms of give-and- take, then these kinds of programs might begin to demonstrate how to counteract the various corrosive political and socioeconomic forces that plague the poor. hood Control. - 4For an article of some possible cmployment strategies, sec, In cities likely to become predominantly black through population growth, it is unlikely that strident citizens’ groups like AWC of Philadelphia will even- tually demand legal power for neighborhood self- government. Their grand design is more likely to call for a black city ‘hall, achieved by the elective process. In cities destined to remain predominantly white for the aay foresceable future, it is quite likely that counterpart groups to AWC will press for separatist forms of neighborhood government that can create and control decentralized public services such as police protection, education systems, and health facilities. Much may February 1, 1969, pp. 27, 28, and 35. depend on the willingness of city governments to enter- tain demands for resource allocation weighted in favor of the poor, reversing gross imbalances of the past. 13 In Cambridge, Massachusetts, city hall offered to share power with residents and anticipated the need for a period in which a representative citizens group could be engaged, and the ambiguities of authority, structure, and process would be resolved. At the re- quest of the mayor, HUD allowed the city to spend several months of Model Cities planning funds for community organization activi- ties. During these months, staff from the city manager's office also helped the residents draft a city ordinance that created a CDA com- Among the arguments.against community control are: itsupports separatism, itcreates balkanization of public services: it is more costly and less efficient; it enables posed of sixteen elected residents and cicht appointed public and minority group “hustlers” to be just as opportunistic and disdainful of the have-nots as their white prede- cessors; it is incompatible with merit systems and pro- fessionalism; and ironically enough, itcan turn out tobe a new Mickey Mouse game for the have-nots by allow- ing them to gain control but not allowing them sufh- private agency representatives. This resident-dominated body has the power to hire and fire CDA staff, approve all plans, review all model city budgets and contracts, set policy, and so forth. The ordinance, which was unanimously passed by the city council also includes a requirement that all Model City plans must be approved by a majority of residents in the neighborhood through arefer- endum. Final approval power rests with the city council by federal statute. cient dollar resources to succeed.* These arguments are not to be taken lightly. But neither can we take lightly of Community Action Programs (Washington, D.C.; December 1, the arguments of embittered advocates of 1968), pp. 1-2. 15 Adam Walinsky, “Review of Maximum Feasible Mitunder- community control—that every other means of trying to end their standing” by Daniel P. Moynihan, New York Times Book Review, February 2, 1969 Victimization has failed! 16 For thoughtful academic analyses of some of the potentials and pitfalls of emerging neighborhood control models, see, Alan Edmund M. Burke, “Citizen Participation Strategies,” ournal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV, No. 5 September 1968), 290-1. $US., Department of Housing and Urban Development, Workable Program for Community Improvement, Answers on Cur zen Participation, Program Guide 7, February, 1966, pp. 1 and 6. 6David Austin, “Study of Resident Participants in Twenty Community Action Agencies,” CAP Grant 9199. 7Robert Coles, “Social Struggle and Weariness,” Psychiatry, XXVIII (November 1961), 305-15 I am also indebted to Daniel M. Fox of Harvard University for some of his general insights into therapy being used as a diverston from genuine citizen participation, 8Sce, Gordon Fellman, “Neighborhood Protest of an Urban Highway,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXV, No. 2 (March 1969), 118-22. 9James V. Cunningham, “Resident Participation, Unpublished Report prepared for the Ford Foundation, August 1967, p 54. A. Interview with Maxine Kurtz, Technical Director, Denver 11U.S, Department of Housing and Urban Development, “Citizen Participation in Model Cities,” Technical Assistance Bulle- tin, No. 3 (December 19638). 12 Organization for Social and Technical Innovation, Six-Month Progress Report to Office of Economic Opportunity, Region 1, 1$U,S., Office of Economic Opportunity, OEQ Instruction, Participation of the Poor in the Planning, Conduct and Evaluation Altshuler, “The Demapd For Participation in Large American _ Cities.” An Unpublished Papes prepared for the Urban Institute, December 1968; and Hans Yj. C. Spiegel and Stephen D. Mitten- thal, “Neighborhood Pqwer and Control, Implications for Urban Planning,” A Report prepared for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Nayember 1968. hnaageceey AIM : TO ESTABLISH A FREELY AVAILABLE ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN AND ADVICE SERVICE. 2.0 PRESENT PATRONAGE Zio Lise ANOMALIES 3.1 Anomalies in Control and Use PROPOSED RESEARCH PROJECT The problems which stem from this basic injustice have been described often enough. Lack of power and control as the root cause is slowly emerging as one of the options which might be tackled. etl To study practical implications of setting up an architectural design service which would be available to all. The study would include the identification of financial, legal and political problems. od To establish an experimental locally based, small scale, short life project to test proposals. STATEMENT A recent report sponsored by the Association of Consulting Architects discusses the ills of architecture and concludes that there are too many architects. A more searching analysis might have decided that the way forward is to have more patrons. As the patron effectively controls the direction of architecture, it is clear that a large proportion of the population are excluded from this position. The tendency for large organis- ations to grow larger and thus reduce in overall numbers, suggests that there will probably be less, not more, patrons if the present trend continues. The present patrons of architecture are well enough known not to require cataloguing here; they are either rich and powerful individuals or organisations. The people who are not patrons of architecture form some 80% of the population. If the resulting architecture affected only the patron then it could be argued that this situation is acceptable. Unfortunately, the general rule now is that the patron is usually one of the few people not affected. The users rarely have control over either the design or subsequent management of buildings which they occupy. They must adapt to an environment imposed on them from outside. SEU ANOMALIES (continued) 32 Anomalies in Design The environment into which users must fit are dictated by bureaucracies who compromise the major patrons, whether public or private. They tend to see every design commissioned asa large scale exercise, assuming that size equals rationalisation, equals efficiency, equals economy. (Less expenditure or more profit). This often results in architects being asked to design buildings particularly for local councils under impossible conditions on what is often a totally unsuitable site. However, it is often true that architects compound this by striving for the simple, bold statement. Ona large site this can become pretty simple and pretty bold. The rationalising process must necessarily exclude all deviations. Those elements which are honestly and clearly expressed in small scale work must be rationalised and suppressed for the sake of the same architectural honesty and clarity, because of their quantity. The resulting plain design then requires some applied decoration which can be achieved by the form of the structure, lift enclosures, plant rooms etc. Without the demands and feedback from the users, we have had to rely on architectural magazines for approval or design. They have taught us from our student days that good architecture is visually exciting and every building is a potential monument. We have tended to forget that the built environment is composed of a large amount of background, however rich and varied, which acts as a foil to a small number of monuments. Anomalies in Architect / Client Relationship Many architects do not meet their clients. Even when they do it is rare indeed that they feel any empathy with their clients or sympathy to their aims. This is usually mutual and it is surprising that good buildings are sometimes created under these conditions. One can only speculate on the effect which the relationship between Le Corbusier and the Dominican monks had on the design of la Tourrette. 3.0 ANOMALIES (continued) 3.4 Conclusions 4.0 It is socially important that the users of buildings control the design process. Accordingly, the design should be carried out on a small scale local basis. Our recent experience suggests that while the sum of many buildings can produce a rich and varied environment, this cannot be achieved by designing the whole first and then trying to break it down into small parts. If the design is to work upwards from the parts, it can only be achieved properly by extending the patronage base considerably. One of the side benefits would be the opportunity for patrons and architects to achieve a creative working relationship. ULTI MATE AIM To have architects' services freely available to all, through a locally controlled National Design Service, which would give people the rights to which they are entitled. No doubt there would still be room for private practice. A large part of the proposed research would have to be devoted to identifying the many problems, including legal and financial ones which would confront such a solution. POSSIBLE INTERIM SOLUTION Technically it would seem to be a straight forward matter for such a technique to be employed in local government. Design teams, which are at present centrally situated and controlled could be dispersed through the local authority area to form local offices, in each ward for example. These teams would provide a design service to their area and would work directly with the people both with individuals and with groups. They should be controlled by local groups and local councillors. Again it would be necessary to identify problems during the research period. At this stage the most apparent of these seems to be that both councillors and chief officers would lose power to the people. It is doubtful that they will see this as an attractive proposition if their present attitude to HAAs is anything to go by. 9.0 1.0 Research 2.0 3.0 Evaluation Comments PROPOSED RESEARCH PROGRAMME 1.2 Identify particular problems, eg financial, legal and political. Wad Establish interim proposals on which to base stage 2.0. ot Study existing experiments and projects sponsored by local authorities and by other sources, eg HAAs, CDPs, law centres, ASSIST etc. Action Del Set up small scale short life locally based project (say Analyse aims, principles, working methods, range of work, source of finance etc. 2 - 3 people for 1 - 2 years) to test proposals and to form possible future prototype. oral Evaluate, write up and publicise. I recognise that the difficulties facing such a solution are numerous. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this is one way to move forward. The work being carried out by ASSIST in Govan, the moves towards involving local people in HAAs, and the possibilities for tenants control being discussed by the Minister of Housing, all give me cause for optimism that there is scope for initiatives at the present time, which will reflect the demands being pressed by tenants and other groups. Internationale Zeitschrift far Bauen und Wohnen VERLAG BAUEN +WOHNEN GmbH Redaktion Dear John I should like to thank you again for the time you had to talk to me in London, which interesting. Sincercly yours, Bauen+Wohnen Veli Schifer Editor i-A. Judith Pfau was very injoiable and Mr. John Murray 5 Milton Avenue GB -LondonN6 Bauen Vel aTaT=ya Bauen Wohnen Briefadresse: Postfach 8033 Zorich Telefon 01/289566 rj Construction A A Habitation Inseratenverwaltung Abonnementsverwaltung 8006 ZGrich, Vogelsangstr. 48 Zurich 22nd August 1977 jp As soon as there is something published out of the material you gaved me, I shall let you know, KeDarby Grove Loka Nothghan May 2277) L0Os (John) Nee ce Gk He NAM Uarordschor Giferoce hat Ke Noksxho~ goup WUL agar 4 Cutetasse wal Lvov. kkiy pie Speak neh Choa Dei Serres. The ones 4 bhFake Place on ie pi cst id & & BR hated Qrwd Dee ee ce 4.*Pole (Qa. plese a-fym a5 Maas possible IcDoveorofnolisn kethRaGe, ADB4 (st prebenol, (avies tnd (of b/eo. [of Ke Bimrgha. eo (as aliea.d eee bo Speak Cd e polkkrel Leeasmy of AOusA7 Csr ()2ose XGloGY Son28-2 prow Yj Utero . ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE Chairman: Alvin Boyarsky, B.Arch (McGill)., M.R.P. (Cornell), M.R.A.L.C., 34-36 Bedford Square London WCIB 3ES 01-636 0974 11 November 1976 John Murray 5 Milton Avenue London N6 Dear John: not be with you, but I had a bad cold. George tells me students greatly enjoyed your talk and I would like to thank you very much indeed. I enclose a cheque for £10 as we agreed. Hope to see you soon. Yours sincerely, LADLowe Briah Anson The School is run by the Architectural Association Incorporated, a company limited by guarantee and registered in England under No,171402. Its registered office address is as above. The AA (Inc) is also a registered charity under Section 4 of the Charities Act 1960. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray; RC, LdeG, AM; AIPJ; John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975-1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/aff2be56dfda55d240d8d385a8f3f3bc.pdf 4949ba400b48fdc8823cd0ae7133df7b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NDS Subject The topic of the resource NDS Group preliminary steps recommendations to 3rd Congress 2pp. 3 copies Description An account of the resource leave DYNCMDLs cervecertraetrenUeMaligationof foboifcrmiuirntaralppprsionaoe deaviiesof puspleynndefter,lonheCele ‘lateexciltpualyWML? arclidiae ovetved ar an Allonolive meas Weaiy by phich.profleeatMAHI. FavetiwwrachunrePers Public <fituctibionk Md a shdf ofresources fags publeesect srfotepruyele,partecularttyn beisng nae housing Rehab iliteahor. ; a Pitin)fdas afCourseatnddy anchiA22t0atfftayeudneted,16 a /yate praclich hie Sora C0_ LL fale of contolHotes idl gp sn aN 2'ln4 (o (ohesottrite prluae |EBS 1tall hn “ae eA reelsteetecledel nsarvdtele prpanalé fisLa Nabael chetigen SomeaebasedmwAcuque€pectic lathinagpsSti 4k ffeck on archukechnal sernce tp te public jarclufacts anamapninksandee ee fouart. Weanyudfladebiserviceartucl.ouldbe rectly accounleble & and conhollad by te pesple tn th lgcabidy We <upesled trot peighbeurhrod based trea auiberdy offices WhuleMealgoveumaeytbeMgaarsatutdaSeprudment Y scuak cated it 1sat te same fewn te wan and oflr Be only stuchise through —ortutl, tle reajoity ofpeoplecar sett cima’ and gavin accord he tnd» feairuc on eller Kioures vecravy Paw housing , eabld’ od ducati Megnbnik « That ts, leak goverment prices tase coral Vitipan) conrneces ebucl, te print soa cect tarfound &be Jn Cortol ovetase pesecmnests A crtfealfoal Kaotucl corkedcnev clecign 5 polated. tshalosev Haul Secinkfanshin Us ewgl, Ce Atwacrabee Itt; 2~A rot Ahgoegl Ue Lacal grremasmoit “> Acdiiid A; Lé Ue ody efpryiniee A prereguscle a patimal Aeciyn connie epalt be Ue Litlevon a/4eleut ee x ee : freaplea ;foe wesfy decalgotu.nirdawol Eee eave dashed- hawMat20CeLawstattees 4 4 mint at 1S saceftib® a vg @noue preSsune fia bela): Fil. decal akkaulibo Can an Haw Chag of dinvelion 07 a roculf Me celeelode Aomands a Grats aganinatios , tral foliteal fariies oA” peck MANUS5 Pomudlgatr tis ddsaofev x Meslyn sence arth <orpol AY s0semcr Hol Le 9px An Crucspructjo. Was by dszall be ath tuinboingAesiguofficerXe20talallel, thepeel a megetCalaullouty Ara stopAn torlang fourrde tia goals Le Third WAI Cugnnr aclepted te fallawing tes an! “ThinCeguencostes)Mototbynary recervary 8developflies I frites Nitds avanr ~ te Ppublia sectv. To Ler Lud yf wavdals aneelNratiornaldBésiy.d.sloysiceGpoufpee ae Lebar 0 a rnponen cor, werden,tra foclovatiaAnAS\Hferopriale(hakeuninS~# AlalociedvGebratirs Ie: f Md: A Wabioral Design Sennen”, P 2 CA7L Bw 3 ea, 3 Sts Anedtalole 5 NAM, 2 Pland Shet london SI. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NDS Group John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/ba391f8919d0a15ac4a7eec125c88376.pdf 0b9668d8db15913b91de7eceb545aa68 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NDS Group Subject The topic of the resource Names and Addresses of NDS Group (plus others) Description An account of the resource Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/9bf3a5b39c27f700e66478408b9e0ebf.pdf 9de39cae66276ec0f6f650fd71422c46 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Background Notes Subject The topic of the resource Background Notes following Hull Congress Resolution 1977 Description An account of the resource Background At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come through the public sector. By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange this conference. Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact : PDS Group NAM 9 Poland Street LONDON. WI. Background through the public sector. this conference. PDS Group NAM 3 Poland Street LONDON. WI. At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) Proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and Private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim Proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray/PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/285e9ac1768e57ff6fab557d6157b33c.pdf c81de158ad0d65bd0d288822b559e41b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Background Subject The topic of the resource Following the Hull Congress in 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and an enlarged NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Group mandated to present their developed proposals at a conference next year Description An account of the resource Batkground At i ts Hul l Congress in November 1977, the New Archi tecture Movement decided to develop further i ts pol icies relating to the publ ic sector. NAM I s interest in this field had already been establ i shed at our fi rst Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) proposals, based on a cri tique of architectural patronage, argued for a local ly based design service di rectly accountable to tenants and users. I t was suggested that Local Authority departments of archi tecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued i n i t ia l l y under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a smal I i ssue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the publ ic could only come through the publ ic sector. By late 1977, i t was cons idered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was requi red and fol lowing the Hul l Congress an enlarged N.D. S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange this conference. Since November, the NDS Group evolved ihto the Publ ic Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addi tion to refining i ts critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authori ty departments of archi tecture and thei r relationship to the profession and private practice. Work has al so been done on the party pol i t ica l context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The resul ts of this prel iminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further informat ion contact PDS Group NAM 9 Poland Street LONDON. . Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 30 November 1997 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a73afa35b5014f23b178ce980e456d1b.pdf 640675f7decf8c56d9a0b9d993b684fb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM PDS RESEARCH 1978 Subject The topic of the resource A file of several papers used as research for the PDS Group Description An account of the resource = CU rs G} Joint Centre for Regional Urban and Local Government Studies J G Smith Building UniversityofBirmingham PO Box 363 Birmingham B15 2TT Telephone 021 472 1301 extn 2143 Cables Inlogov Birmingham Telex Spacephys B’ham 339838 CentreforUrbanandRegionalStudies InstituteofLocalGovernmentStudies Director Professor A S Travis 14th April, 1978. s Unfortunately, I can recommend no material in this library of direct relevance to the subject you are studying. Of course we have the normal abstracting and indexing sources such as Departments of Environment and Transport Library Bulletin and Urban Abstracts and so on which you may well have found in other libraries. The only reference which may be of use to you is "Professionalism and the role of architects in local authority housing" by Peter Malpass in RIBA Journal, June 1975. Of course you are welcome to come up to Birmingham and use our facilities at anytime although we do not loan material to anyone outside the Centre. I am sorry I could not help you further. Yours sincerely, Mem A. R. NEWSON Librarian. Mr. John Murray, 5 Milton Avenue, London, N.6. Dear Mr. Murray, Director Professor J D Stewart Thank you for your letter concerning your research into architectural departments in local authorities. a Curs 9) J G Smith Building University of Birmingham PO Box 363 Birmingham B15 21T Telephone 021 472 1301 extn 2143 Cables Inlogov Birmingham Telex Spacephys B’ham 339838 CentreforUrbanandRegionalStudies InstituteofLocalGovernmentStudies Dear Mr. Murray, Yours sincerely, A. R. NEWSON Librarian. Director Professor A S Travis 14th April, 1978. Director Professor J D Stewart Joint Centre for Regional Urban and Local Government Studies Mr. John Murray, : 5 Milton Avenue, London, N.6. v4 Thank you for your letter concerning your research into architectural departments in local authorities. Unfortunately, I can recommend no material in this library of direct relevance to the subject you are studying. Of course we have the normal abstracting and indexing sources such as Departments of Environment and Transport Library Bulletin and Urban Abstracts and so on which you may well have found in other libraries. The only reference which may be of use to you is "Professionalism and the role of architects in local authority housing" by Peter Malpass in RIBA Journal, June 1975. Of course you are welcome to come up to Birmingham and use our facilities at anytime although we do not loan material to anyone outside the Centre. T am sorry I could not help you further. geriatric ward by sin reciting and will also behanding ing A outEaster“®andpresents defeated. A COMMUNIST candidate who strongly youth centre on Broadwater Farm opposes racism is to stand in the Borough Elections in West Green ward. Mr Terry Heath, 44, has represented Estate and for more full-day nurseries in Haringey. He intends to mobilise public campaigns involving community groups the Broadwater Farm Tenants and trade unions to defend and improve Association in regular meetings with the council for the past five years, and has been involved in campaigns against rent increases and for better conditions on the estate. If elected, he says he will fight for a public services and for more jobs He is a full time official of the Union of Construction, Allied Trades and Technicians (UCATT), the building workers union. Terry Heath Joins ight Royal Institute of British Architects 66 Portland PlaceLondonW1N4AD SM/DR 26th April 1978 Mr. Murray, 5, Milton Avenue, LONDON N6. Dear Mr. Murray, Architects! Field of Employment With reference to our telephone conversation of today, the figures below represent the most readily available. All figures from 1970 to 1977 are based on Earnings Surveys. I found a rather ancient document which was also derived from an Darnings Survey, which includes some of the figures you require for 1950. I have enclosed a complete copy of this, as you may find the comments of interest. Employment Distribution of Architects 16h 1970meno72 elo(Onee1D Principals in Private Practice 26.0 29.6 29.1 27.0 27.6 Employees in Private Practice 24.1 19.2 20.5 20.0 17.6 localAuthorities POOeeolez31613163 Central Govt. & National Boards 10.5 11.9 9.8 131 14.4 Education Other Private Employment Yours sincerely, AG rnthe~ Sheila Miller (Mrs) Statistician 2.7 3.3 35.0 3-3 8.0 8.6 6.0 5.0 (All figures are percentages) 3.0 6.1 > 01-580 5533 Ext. 261 "\ and local organisations. Outside the Town Hall a view often express-— ed is that the Council is run by a hier- archy of paid officials and not by the 64 elected members. The new Council intends to ensure that this is not the case, I am pleased that this Labour administration 1s the support of the Conservative yinority group in condueting a thorough This committee meets in public and anyone interested is welcome to attend (see page 2 for timetable). Representatives of our staff and works sides sit on the committee as advisers, which emphasises that we are definitely not aiming to make cuts,create redundancies or run down any of our essential services to the community. While we are likely to be proposing changes in our management and committee procedures, our objectives are to improve the Council's services to, and relation= ships with, the public and to make I am sure most people agree that there is much room for improvement so far as the Council is concerned, On the next pages are some notes setting out the main sub- jects being looked at by the Special Review Committee, However we are interest- ed in positive suggestions on any aspects of the Council's operations (not individ- ual cases or grievances please),.Further background information is included later in the bulletin, to make the changes which are needed, It is vital for the future of Lambeth that together we really do succeed in this goal. Councillor Bryn Davies LAMBETH eas a issued on behalf of the Spe Review Committee by the Public Relations Office, a LambethTownHal,BrixtonHil,SW21RW. AUGUST 1978 For additional copies or information contact Pat Cox (274 7722 ext 50: internal 233) YOU TELL US review of the organisation and work of the Council. A Special Review Committee of Send your comments by 15 September if possible to the Chairman of the Special councillors of both parties has been set up which will complete its work within a vear. Any urgent or obvious changes can be made as the work proceeds. Review Committee, Lambeth Town Hall, Brixton, SW2 1RW. You will get a chance to comment on our specific proposals early next year, Help your new Council (Introduction by Deputy Leader of the Council and Chairman of the Special Review Committee). This"#reen paper” seeks the views of local people on how their local authority should be organised and run. Comments are also effective the involvement of the elected councillors in the making of policies and decisions. This after all, is what open government is all about. invited fromthe Council's 9,000 employees, their trade unions, members of the Council 15 Sept.1978 4 Oct.1978 18 Oct 1978 19 Oct.1978 15 Nov.i978 29 Nov.1978 13 Dec.1978 Ist week in January 1979 15 Feb.1979 7 Mar.1979 21 Mar.1979 April cycle ending with Council meeting 2.5.79) Committee meeting to con- sider draft initial report for consultation with members, staff and the community. Publish draft initial report inviting comments by 15th February. Closing date for submission of comments on the draft initial report, (i.e. allowing about 6 weeks for consultation). report, 2 Council meeting to consider the final report for implementation from the Council's Meeting in May 1979, Annual with effect ; PROGRAMME FOR SPECIAL REVIEW COMMITTEE Closing date for submission of comments on the Discuss— ion Document. Committee meeting "to rec-— eive replies and, if appropriate, invite oral evidence and also consider published works on manage- ment", Committee meeting to receive replies and consider final Committee meeting to consider preliminary draft Proposals, If any conclus- ions finalised on short term changes or otherwise recommendations can be Submitted to the Council, Meetings can be arranged in this cycle if it has not been possible for the Committee to complete its work by 7th March, THE PRINCIPAL ISSUES Committee meeting to receive oral evidence, "To review the organisation of the work of the Council including the structure of the Council's committees and departments", 1.2 In order to carry out their work the Committee are anxious to obtain information and Opinions on as wide a basis as possible: not Council meeting to receive outline report on evidence received and any firm ideas under consider- ation. Council meeting to rec- eive any recommendations which may have been finalis-— ed by the Committee on 15th November, le Introduction 1.1 The notes which follow concern the review of the Council being undertaken by the Special Review Committee which was established by the Council at their meeting on May 24th, 1978. The Committee was Given the following terms of reference:— 2. The format of these notes 2el The notes which follow outline the five principal issues in which the Committee are particularly interested, and provide background material against which those intending to give evidence to the 3- Evidence 3.2 Ewidence for the review should be sent to the Chairman of the Special Review Committee, Lambeth Town Hall, Brixton Hill, Swe 1RW. The Committee would be grateful if it could be sent in no later than 15thSeptember, 1978. 4, Issue One: Policy formation and implementation 4.1 The Committee wish to have views on how and where the Council should create its policy and the way in which it should establish its priorities between these policies. In particular how can policy options be presented openly to members with information on their different effectse On the basis of the policies which have been decided how can the Council best monitor and review the way in which these policies are being carried out? In what way should the Council control and deploy its principal resources of finance, land and personnel? 4,2 At present the Council has a Community Plan, a Borough Development Plan, in course of preparation under town planning legisla- tion, and an Annual Budget. What role should the preparation and implementation of such plans and similar approaches have in the Council's work? How should the Council carry out its longer term thinking and research? 5. Issue : Committee structure 5.1 The Review Committee have to report on what is the appropriate Committee structure for the Council. At present, the main principle upon which the Committee structure is based is that all activities of the Council should be classified by their objectives and services contributing to the same general objectives should as far as practicable be grouped under a single Committee. 5.2 The Committee would welcome views on what should be the responsibilities, powers, number and size of the Council's Committees. How can these committees be run so as to take effective decisions in the most efficient way that is desirable? What form of co-ordination and control is needed between the Council's various activities as carried out by different committees? At present, cmsiderable reliance is placed on a Policy Committee to achieve this. 5-3 Because of the considerable and detailed nature of much of the Council's work a lot of issues are delegated to Sub-Committees, Committee Chairmen and the Council's principal officers. What role should such delegation of powers play in the Council's operations, is there scope for further delegation and how should the exercise of such delegated powers be monitored and controlled? . : 5-4 To assist in their work the Council co-opts non-councillors to some committees. What value do such co-options have, and to what extent should the Council use this provision? How should the authority's employees be ok2 Committee can give their own views. The notes are not intended to restrict the nature of the evidence; nor is there any necessity to comment on all the matters raised in them. 3.1 The Committee may wish to include in their reports, extracts from the evidence sent to them. In the absence of statements to the opposite effect, the Committee will assume that they are free to use the evidence in their reports if they wish to do so. 8. Issue Five: Devolution of powers 4 involved (under present law voting membership of committees is prohibited)? Committees have also established a considerable number of sub-committees, working parties and policy groups; what should be the role and function of such bodies within an improved Committee atxcucture? 6. Issue Three: The e of the illor 6.1 The Committee are particularly concerned to consider what are the appropriate role, powers and functions of Councillors and would welcome views on the following points. Is there a need for a greater involvement of individual members, in particular backbenchers, in the making of council policy and its administration? If so, how is this best to be achieved? To what extent should Councillors be in touch with all the Council's activities and how can -phis be facilitated? Alternatively, should Councillors be assisted and epnouraged to exercise their specialist interest and if so what ways? 6.2 What information do Councillors require to exercise their functions most effectively and how should this information be supplied? What other services do Councillors need as ward representatives and in ® particular how can they be assisted to deal with their individual case work? Te Issue Four: + structure 7.1 At present the management structure of the Council is based on a corporate approach. The intended aim is to enable each of the Council's policies and the allocation of resources to be considered in relation to each other. The cornerstone of this structure is the Board of Directors. The Committee are interested in views as to whether the stated aim is being achieved in practice and if not how can it be improved? In particular can the problems of comprehension involved in any attempt to oversee the whole of the Council's activi- ties be overcome and if so how? 7.2 The Committee will also wish to consider whether there are alternative structures which would better serve the Council's needs. Would a structure based more on departments be better or is there scope for a mare generalist approach to solving the Council's problems? In particular should a project based approach, as has already been adopted to some extent in Housing Action Areas, be used on a wider basis? ) 8,1 The Council's intention is to make the Town Hall machinery more accessible to and responsive to the needs of local people. The Comaittee are interested in receiving views on how this can be achieved. In particular they will wish to consider whether the Council should delegate some of its powers to lower tier bodies on either a functional or a geographical basis. If some form of area Ranagoment were adopted,what functions and decisions would it be appropriate to delegate and how would any such geographical areas be determined? What effect would such delegation have on the Council's RPanagement structure? 8.2 In more general terms how can more local involvement in the aotivities of the Council be achieved? How should the Council open up its processes and what information should be provided to strengthen this involvement? SOME BACKGROUND NOTES ELECTED COUNCILLORS The Council consists of 64 councillors representing the 22 wards into which the borough is divided. Twenty wards elect three councillors each, two wards two councillors each, The Mayor who may be a man or woman is elected by the Council each year from among their members. He or she is the chief citizen of the borough and plays an active role as civic representative in the public life of the community, is chairman of the Council and also presides at Council meetings. Politics play an integral part in the itish democratic system at local as well ~ at national level. Anyone who complies with statutory requirements may stand for election at the four-yearly borough elect- ions, but it is the practice of the major political parties to put up most of the candidates, After the election, party groupings continue to play an important role in shaping Council policies, operating in a similar way to those of the House of Commons. At present Labour hold a majority of about two to one over the Conservatives. The Leader of the Council, who is also Chairman of the Policy Committee is selected hy the majority party group from among its membership. The minority party group selects one of its members to be Leader of the Opposition, These political groups also appoint their own officers such as Whips, to help them promote their Wei cise interests in accordance with ir election manifestos. In most cases, members combine Council work which involves attendance at evening Council and committee meetings with ther full-time jobs. They are entitled to a small attendance allowance when particip- ating in official meetings, but otherwise they work voluntarily. COUNCIL MEETINGS The Council meets once every six weeks (August excepted) at the Town Hall at 7pm on Wednesdays, The agenda and minutes are printed and canbe seen at any public library and are available on application from the Information Centre at the Town Hall. Council meetings and most committee meet—- ings are open to the public and press. Tickets can be obtained at the main entrance to the Town Hall on the day of the meeting. WORK OF THE COUNCIL You can get an idea of the Council's activities, how much they cost and future proposals from the Lambeth Community Plan published annually, setting out the Council's policies and forward planning The Community Plan is divided into seven volumes covering different Council services, each volume dealing with one or more of the Council's committees, Copies are available for reference at all public libraries and also for purchase at the Town Hall, The Community Plan is revised each year in an extensive planning process, involving all members of the Council, leading up to the making of the rate in the Spring. However, throughout the year there remain many other decisions to be made in order to implement the Community Plan policies, Most of this work is carried out by nine major committees cach responsible for a group of services. Some of these committ— ces appoint sub-committees to deal with certain aspeets of their work, In addit- ion, the Council appoints a policy committee to give guidance to overall strategy and corporate planning. During a six-week period each committee usually meets once and at the end of the six week cycle a full Council meeting is held at which each committee reports its decisions or makes recommendations to the Council. As the volume of business to be dealt with during the Municipal year is so great certain decisions are delegated to committees, sub-committes, chairmen and directors without reporting back to the full Council. Lambeth's committee meetings are open to the press and public, but there are some matters which have to be kept private for the time being and are discussed E after the public part of tle meeting,such as the buying of land or property, possible redevelopment proposals, legal procedures, contracts and items concerning individual people or families. : THE COMMITTEES Policy Formulating the Annual budget strategy. General co-ordination of policy and administration. Amenity Services Libraries, swimming pools and aeratone baths, sports, arts and recreation Planning and Development Local development plans, development facilities; entertainments Spaces, childrens playgrounds; town-twinn- ing, hiring out of public halls. Construction Services ————eeee Building and housing maintenance, rehabil- itation, conversion and construction, Finance and General Purposes Social Services eS SES. Health and Consumer Services Environmental health, food hygiene, control of noise and air pollution control of factories, registration trades, food and drugs licensing functions, consumer protection and advice,schvol milk, registration of charities, births, deaths public baths and Laundries, promotion of publie and home safety, Housing Management and maintenance of Council dwellings. Housing advisory service, provision for homeless under Council's purchase improvement areas and housing action areas, Management Services a e aEeee parks and open of specific street trading, and marriages, families, mortgages scheme. General control, town planning, ions, employment matters, Public Services patSAnLa planning applicat- MANAGEMENT STRUCTURE Continuous assessment and amendment of a Community Plan setting out the broad pattern of proposed changes in and the development of services in relation to the financial and other resources avai lable New roads, traffic management schemes, road cleansing, refuse collection, street lighting, trees, sewerage (as agents for the Thames Water Authority) drainage, flood prevention, public conveniences, cemeteries and crematoria, maintenance of Council transport, and regularly monitoring its implementation, Control of all Council financial trans- actions, rates, raising of loans, insurance, Superannuation and investments, central public and community relations, neighbour- hood councils, Mayoralty, clectoral registration, elections, The management structure of the Council is organised into ten directorates, Each is headed by a director responsible to the Chief Executive for the management and effective operation of the directorate, Between them Lambeth directorates have a combined work force of officers and Children's services, welfare of old people and physically and mentally handicapped, travel concessions, The ten directorates are listed on the chart following. This also shows the main services provided and the relationship of) directorates with committees, Staff matters, recruitment, training, promotion and working conditions, manual staff of about 9,000, The Chief Executive is the Council's principal adviser and head of the Council's administration, He is chairman of the Board of Directors which aets as the foeal point of the co-ordination of advice and information to the Council's committees, SNOILONN4 ONY 3HNLONYLS LNIWADVNYW ~H 147 40 HONOWOE NOGNOT anya induiod | sean | | | DIIA195 JH WOG LANIT) HOMIEN | UBIS “sUONeDUNUIWOD serjuieig “SPIE, ssapRUIOH Asiong (yowuos pus uByt8g Ave Guiuiers | 3UIWIO|AAIG 199185 | Divas woydajay MAUOF OPINIIH| WEDD) — aeersnusy suOneruNWWO? JOHPPOWWOIIy bulUUrig sa6sey2 PUP; 1207) |Guiness VONtpOWWOIIy jPUYQeIsSeHUMOL ‘uondopy pue Buus, “98S SPupUNe?) Byieg |HOMWWAD putsape}oweD 70 Bunia -/vPosnoejnpiue,) pepnpuy DuetyrtgLU)VOLRa2e8y ‘Systg“eoueuauey “BOIADYYLUBUSL eet tag etyueag JIMODUTSANS wiNdwoD voHFiurBIC Puevouenjerggor ‘vonradsuy | s26riuuew pur syyeap | ayows pue pooy ‘sucs5 ‘aianzy jeminD Wodsues, “soulste ‘suonej2omny Bulsno}Y PueHuaWwueeg mous-BujueoiD198445 ‘suesjuewer2o/sAdIu0y5 -B/nusA“spuOsKeBruinseuey Bpuyrs edeatpury "“VeOngeoTeIiQjeyoyreyy “YO/sG SujsseusSugsores APMIS OAL “SPouayy | 20 eM HES| | AIOW-UNRAH2GNd BuNnodpurUaspyys‘f!|PooMsoRyseddy)AeAseq)) pooj4"}-ONeUl0euDpeBsugpepdugr MOYma'iBaupnyero)|@‘Kietdes uyryBultNOYewospur tapeusSugAIDWa apey | AsuOneIspueBunuig |[919‘YONDaIOIdAAUNSLOD Ajyeiuaw‘paddesipuey JU)OfdVOPUTSOUR pL suamas 21jp044(Sey "yuas-sBuyjjemp|pUNCD Huswysgentjj2un0D UOTUOReVodsuEs uvouenuueiedns put | s22mues voneuojur pue | “Sieysew ‘sdoys) jonuoD Ayjeiuew “paddespuey | Ve saquueg Ast2Q)) “Buyssou6ug pue sO \UPWaSeUEy ‘peeU 1/8 }O soueuajuley Bujuuelg UMOL ‘AnidHG pursuoneiayyeisnpuy SUOIIPUOD B2KVIS aoupy save “Buwiesy | | | DGMg BAP wWNSVOD AipeaisAyd "pug ay 20) | Pur s,Uaupjy> ‘s2U8s0)84 BLZ) Siuawero“dSwA)RMYBIEY Gusnoy pO lusUESeTY *YONRIN38U05 Burpying | pur UWS\H9Q ‘eae yy Spuepuris Guipesy IOM [@1205 Pus $09) "Buipuay 40 voisisorg @QUPLaUIEYy - “taney 9/80} 10)HaNUED Uojidasay ‘HuoneIS Gujrejumig ‘mucoy TTT 7 (avsd0enriceanaye WOUERINSUOSHERUIENPueModo@Aa —————— “S110 Dia aWOH Bary a temo ‘enuesoupy {Amqeg)HrOdayWAOBQPuIrHEimDetayyHaqQuayy j| Q30IAOWd S3DIAWAS | GAGIAOd S3DIAH3S | G3IOCIADHd S3D/Au3S | G3GIAOWd S3IDIAWSS | G3GIAOUd S3DIAN3S Q3O/AOWd SIDIAWIS | GAGIAOWd SIDIAWRS | AIOIAOWE SIDIAW3S | AIOIAOWd SA9/AURS | GADIAOWd S3D/AUIS POY YAPIOD LI | NOILYIO7 OH HEH Uo NOILYD070H | tH UMOL ‘NOIL¥301 OH | #50} JES SND ‘NOILWI07 OH asNOH IHS 2NVB ‘NOILW907 OH IHH BUSY PL ‘NOILV9O1 OK sonchy Vat alos ‘NOILV907 OH VIGNVH £ 7 sue NYDINIVH 30 3F HLIMS OTS SdiT Hd ‘OW oH HO = 0 S$301Au3S NUILINELSNOD S301Au3S AN3WIOVNYH 30 YO1934I0 | |S391AU3S Y3WNSNOD $391A83S 1¥931 ONY | ONY Hi1W3H S3D1A83S IWID0S JO HOLD3uIO S3D/AW3S ALINSNY 40 ¥O193¥I0 S3DIAW3S ALU3d0ud ONW ONISNOK 40 ¥O193H10 S391AU3S 4N3WNd013A30 40 WOLD3UIO i ES | ifinzs, Damanees [pio (res | ee ] | | i t | — ]l ||I | t PMS '@PIS YON |} vowut8) opese‘gNO|iI@HL¥U9M0O1L OLHE ‘PNeOoyILWweIpOi1od O9H2 peoy yutg WH‘YNdOeI!DLVO9P0L7/BEOLK JINVNIS 30 HO1D3HIC NOILVEASINIWOY =| TWLNZIWNOIYAN3 40 wO193H10 i 40 40193810 40 ¥OLD3UI0 =a A - "S210WOMIeOos ee SUePHS 1eluepiay ' | Bujinop, | | fis $1499 Burress 1iNpYy sop) "HOOY Buywiang '5\¢H AUnMWWOD “satresg)7 “nOd0Qtery eerwierg | sarueig Pio isjaaqym-vo-sieaw | puensy meque] aoa] Ghd “Gunysy eens “sesusesd 1UBpIFeLYOU. i’ '\ an | QNOWISO o'N'8 ssa NIAIOD2W svo HW» NOSTOHOIN 'H'O ore S3LVA 'H'O asnvux oO ASWY110H “3 HO AnsiBay| sasmuoig | saniuang "syeat ‘t902) Buypnjauy BuyinoyY Gary ‘seweyrs “Ansnpuy +so)URWELIEU Bulsnoyparnijeus yt207 221285 AutI|194 pus arosdw) *Bujyew | Suipnyouy s21€183 BurtNOH neg pees uaysien) COMMISEUP Wo a $391AW3S 18nd ONY ONIW3INIDNZ VAIS 30 ¥OL93uIC | i j isanuep Arg sau ;oHeaIgeyasROS aydoed Py 404 TALOH sesnuerg|“s4)/04tng“salesMUtU QNID,sUTUaLHHO anurg apy (prow Guyuurig umoy PWOH, “SIAN YICIH JONUOD A>uabsewy | sasueD ariApy saWNsUOD| jOOYUDS “sAepIOY 5e)doed vonmuzoju)LOYReaRqIwDeIyL | IP“EUBAU“OsDau2pIuGnNeg) “AslaujeS VOLEDOSNY FOO SIE | “syiaigOoVonensBay | juaWeAosdWyUOAPY sermeag VOHPASBIY /erO1>e)3 JR2luypa| “Louednsc0 Ayapia ‘ajdoad Buea, pes Oy pur sinjey “voRuanmd *SURO] BUOBYuls-nop 889) “luyed Bulpnyou) soutus) “BujAaning Ainuino sabem “sautjes s21yseD | su0Ne jay 219% ON, Pur 1UPULE IIe PRsLaD pue Buney ‘AruepunoIy |[06aq ‘saolas dan WWOD | T [sane] a J I| T| | | | \ r! 7 40O¥vOE =| =| 4! —-- $H019341G | | | = | | | | earSe |des | mers | | f | 331111409 | [| 33LL1WW0D J3LLINWOD | 1 S33LL1WN09 33LLINWWOD ZILLIWHOD S391AU3S AN3W39"NVH | Laser a my varsacl | saoiauas ONY 39NVNI4 ONV HinW3H |___Iwi90s eee ee ed | 33LLIWWOO ADNN0d | | :i eh J [ae Sale + 3AILND3X3 43IKD - ted PS TINNOD ||| l 33LLINWOD F3LLINWOD as S391A3S 1NaWdO73A3G $39/Au3S S301AU3S ALINAaWY oiend NOILONULSNOD ONY ONINNY1¢ 31330/0‘Buiquinid‘Buy “CL88 MY ENZE/SH Gite4 3 / —$_$_—_— iy ; - aie, Quvotily ee f ! UtA|CHtLYY.nllb [YhAeY4n/ foe a7Stick L—7 ttf: Wafh. ar| | PP ANNE rn_? / LUiloze tU1.Adnek&i:, °7 j oxeo&a iLez y ouhsWe f2Zn2de? | oygtsehy nig) (A Arlulid7 palp-—ac 4 eppiect Ns be whl eMrnslehy ofCec Lp? ¢onto. mpyntal a a Cadynb Sar |ee Aroecutale, e Lé $64. of puddle(5 MeacnK4 eX BqFEfeWe $H.fhowaogLee Gali Syl pote Ko_ eA cf L stot _f/ | LR , fe r ae A-—F Lost 2 c f SS at. tA 2 — CfhE 25 brabwt2&e Futrf- UCC6t4 LA ta. 2 a4 idette ve 4 + Q YunxrutaZe 4, n Linz A, ie ‘ . ELS3S| Y. F ! ~ y) o a) Alo eubr. Weala» GQuceM~ l fem Gk raft. pe Arde(oa geea4, fee U19 Mioxe by Cle che. a- L 7 wy ,eEz do bace ; A Midi nae freA Lhe orl CéE£ ( i 4 ales cry 4 ledu—QTE Gihe24Os gu Cl1A LL€,/ 4 LA Peer ClivreleV feroyte5 et. Oy, {)-LA @ Uwe prmch G Aiclrats lCTAAIL SA kyat l= Miz, ;J/f “ tn tu AaHty baga~ BS 7th. alacd Litbfirre 2 Aer 4 j Osakualin tc felef_— & v —_+ , / of tli S| Lt. Uo “U2 V x Bont ral LU - Tht 5 Re ho.tt eeq A fu Ke ual f aA hicfot aH ¢Leo Os he cel Yoxwe ‘Cer Trek cAwe tae (A Bix “pe Sx A +offerte fcdate-7tenw.pe!Uga hte. Geofan— — Ge~1Saes , Ne CRAYANEAS — @ Tiens = bob Hat oo live Cb of(Cats Private PVAClice ia (ec,24 oF ' @ptohfhine /opPK pwr yy Wom! lsot aA iad Ki 4 Acrelo |240 YOU GMs Sf,Leer ng ge [| Vv. Oe ciehis CAL Dee fps [4 brutfLe Ato, clig’. Dextea lopeod f :A“ = l &beaitcd <i ae Vv) Use. lal a[/Jedml CetCY-, ;':} PI wily loetiale co eee LOS Oud% eShate . REOODOODOOHAOO¢ WLA2 7®@ ine EP Mat Reward - 6066000000000 0008008 = HARINGEY O°"T2AL AREA +LEADER'S CONFERENCE (COMMITTEE STRUCTURE) Notes of conclusion of meeting held on 15 February 1978 OF 27 FEBI978 err RECEIVED COMMITTED STRUCTURE TERMS OF REFERENCE AND DELEGATION POWERS AND OUTSIDE REPRESHULALTICN D,_- SUBORDINATE BODIES 17 COMMITTEES Considered the discussion document prepared by the Chief Executive ana Borough Secretary and Solicitor and arising therefrom dealt with the following matters so as to enable more detailed consideration to be given at a subsequent meeting. A. OBJECTIVES The purpose of this review of the Committee Structure, with consequential adjustments to the Terma of Reference and Delegation.of Powers, ig to suostantinlly reduce the number of evening commitments for Members by reducing the number of bodies constructing the Committee structure, limiting membersaip thereof, and ensuring that the decision making machinery is effective and efficient. The review is necessary not only because total membership of the Council is reduced from 70 to 59 from May, but because Members commitments, particularly meetings, have reached unacceptable levels. B. POLICY MAKING Agreed that the present arrangements, whereby matters requiring policy guidance etc are referred to the Policy Advisory Group (or specially to a Leader's Conference) whose advice, if approved by Majority Group, is relayed to the Service Committees for implementation,is an effective system and should continue. Agreed further that the creation of a Policy Committee is not necessary. % Officers were asked to >eport upon ways of achieving this broader delegation, together with such checks and limitations that may be necessary; levels of decision making,and the eiministrative arrangements to give effect thereto. G. BASE FOR COMMITTEE STRUCTURE Considered whether the structure should be Service based, or Area based with ‘mini Councils! controlling the requiren ats of areas. Acreed that a Service based structure broadly similar to present arrangements should continue. : Considered that Service Committees should be made more autonomous by considerably relaxing central controls exercised in relation to Terms of Reference and Delegation of Powers, estimates and budgetary control, staffing matters, land transactions ete. The function of central resource committees should be to provide broad guidelines for Service Conmittees who should operate within such guidelines with only exceptions being subject to Central Committee consideration -and approval. }. Service Committees shou.d themselves control the delegation of powers to their Bubordinate groups; control changes in their expenditure within their approved total expenditure; approve staff changes within approved guidelines and approve land transactions and, possibly some planning matters within approved policies. In principle, these should ;onsist broadly oft- . ,G. DIVISION OF COMMITTEE FUNCTIONS t —_——<— 1. Sub-Committees mecting regularly within the time-table, having delegated powers for a continuing purpose, a formal agenda, serviceé by the Secretariat, and open to the press and public. 9. Civis Amenities Committee to carry out the ‘unctions of the present Committes with the addition of Community Development and Town Twinning. 2. Panels created by the Committce and consisting of three members having formal business to conduct preferably by correspondence and meeting only as and when required. Serviced! by the Secretariat. 3, Working Parties who are appointee for a specific pirpose only, have a Limited life and meet informally. Services by appropriate service officers to consult and advise. The Tercs of Reference and Delegation of Powers for these subordinate bodies would rest wich the parent committees. E, SERVICING OF MEETINGS ‘The servicing of formal meetiigs by the Committee Division of the Borough Secretariat will be controlled by) the allocation of staffing resources within which the Committee must contain its activities. Any escalation of meetings requiring additional resources wil require Council approval. ' Recommend that an allocation of committees broadly as frllows be examined in detail: 1. Manacement_and Finance to carry out the presert functions of the .General Purposes, Finance and Personnel and Manement Committees, --=-Texsept for Comnunity Development, Area Managemet and Town Twinning. ‘2, (Public) Worke Committee to carry out the functions of the Highways and Works Panel, al direct labour works and the ac:ivities of the Borough .-Architect. 3. Planning and levelopment Committee to carry out the functions «cf the present Commitiee, less those allocated to the “ublic Works Committee, but with the acdition of Area Management. . 7 4, Rousing Committee broadly in line with present Terms of Reference. ‘5. Sorzial Services Committee broadly in line with present Terms of Reference. ) “6. Education Comm.ttee broadly in line with present Terms of Reference. F.CCMMITTERSTRUCTURE PeTee ig fi b GeneraZly it is considered that each Committee should be directly responsible for sor) main function.s) and that the number of sub-ordinate bodies should be restricted to essential subordinate areas but they be given a wide measure of delegation to enable their functions to be properly performed. The current nusher of appointed bodies excluding staff and employee consultation is 47. A division of functions is proposed which vould have this. . ; ae Tenancy Selection Panel. 5. Social Services Committee with only an Apneals Panel. forking Parties to 2e appointed for ‘one-off' functions as needed. It is also suggeszed that certain membe:s be designated to tase a special interest in specific functions. 6. Education Joumittee to be assisted by Schools Sub-Committee whose functions will be enlarged to include those of the present Boarding and Independent Schools Panel, and Further Education Sub-Committee to whose finctions will be added ‘hose of the Youth and Community Services Sub-Committee. All remaining functione, including Development will be direct responsibility of the Committee. 7- Civic Amenities Committee will be directly responsible for Recreational Services baths, parks, allotments, recreation, entertainment and Catering’ and to be assisted by a Public H2alth Panel ox Sub-Committee to embody the functions of health, safety and protection, cemeteries and crematorium, and Cleansing and Transz0rt; a Libraries, Museum _and trts Panel to which would be added Town twinning; and a Community Development Panel. H. TERMS OF REFERENCE Oi".cers yere asked to report upon Terms of Reference and Delegation of Funstions to give effect to the revised Committee Structure and division of funstions, including those contained in Paragraph © (Base for Committee Structure) and land and planning control. The report to cover the legal requirements and other implications of the proposed allocation. Ofricers shoul¢d consult Chairmen of Committees as they consider desirable. “The suggested division and subordinate bodies are:— 1. Manazement and Finance Committee to be directly resnonsible for the residual functions of the present General Purposes and Finance Committee, and to be assisted in Personnel and Management functions by a Personnel Sub-Committee whose responsibilities will include Work Study and O & M matters, job evaluation, appeals and personnel matters concerned with staff and employees, other than teachers. Staff and employee representatives currently_ attending Personnel and Management Committee to be invited to attend the Sub-Committee. A Finance Panel of 3 Members will function as the present Panel meeting only 2 or 3 times per year. A Disciplinary Panel to be appointed by the Chairman to meet only as required. To continue to monitor the Working Party for Unemployed Younes People pending its review. oe 3. Planning and Development Jommittee to be directly rssponsible for Central Area. IGS have Development Control Sub-Commistee, Employment (or Development) Sub-Committee, Land Act Acquisition 2anel, and for the Area Manaement Advisory Sonmittee to continue but as another Sub- Committee. 4, Housing Committee to be itself responsible for housing management and to be assisted by aNew WorksSub-Committees and aRehavlitatiSoubns Lomittee (both subject to evaluation of workload) and io appoint a I, STAFefe LOY OoUSUMINEEVEIAGIERETS K. REPRESENTATION CN OUTSIDE BODIES ' . '. <peesmoega4 Tt was not considered advisavle to jnelude teachers in the Staff and Employees Joint Consultative Committers, bul officers werensked to report vpon ways of reducing Members commitments jn respect of joint consultations whilst maintaining the opportunities for close contact petween Members and employees. : Cenoi.cered 3 mugged vic rant the number of committee cycles should be reduced, put were of the opinion that this could lead to a substantial number of unscheculed meetings, due to the Jenthened time span between Council and committee maetingse Asked that consideration be given to the possibility of introducing 4 seven cycle time-table designed to minimise the calling of unscheduled meetings. : Deferred sonsideration of this matter, put are of the opinion that commitments must be veduced. wt see Peds ea cores J. NUMBER OF couua Tem CYCLES. AgreedtomeetonFricay10March1978at7Pets see eenste iee b= e NEXTMEETING aBagain, Vera er ¢ ete gs i * fC poeta Tues THD servi rats ‘ wee pelsies te pean 3% + - : . - 7 of Rita COLLINWARE popebeigeenaltacpmtetRearih : -‘vais AC*sHyOLSeos5 Chairman ~ caidascote ares p mh . nae we ' ¢ » a . shic att “ mA‘ tu a ' - 4 \ i at - - oo ~ r+ ate 3 nee { - it la“2. ~«ayo<£ti fe sae Bee : ‘i Z ‘ eae .- Ia ?:2- 5 ‘{3 Bpaow : x (iP a + real P : 4 in + wn -Vidaoteomeso Sow )t jHi ‘ cececetaeaa and Be Aee Ital From the outset, the Council will wish to state its objectives < for this review and establish targets as necessary. Members will no doubt take account of the mounting pressures on their time and their current commitnents occasioned by the present Committee structure, Details of 47 committees, sub- committees and panels and 6 consultative committees are appended for information. This list does not take into account the Policy Advisory Group, Leader's Conferences and other bodies appointed for specific purposes. An indication of these commitments can be obtained from the fact that in 1976/77 there were more than 400 evening, meetings serviced by the Secretariat and that an analysis of the meetings held in Cycle 2 and 3 of this year compared with 1976/77 shows an increase of approximately 16%. If continued throughout the year a total of some 470 evening meetings would be realised. The timetable of scheduled meetings published for 1977/78 totals less than 200 meetings, the balance being made up of special meetings and wmscheduled meetings of Panels and ad hoc bodies. f REVISIONS TO COMMITISE STMUCTUNG i. os 3. Sou 3.2 SUBJECT: To consider poasible revisions to the Committee Structure and consequentiol adjustmepts to the Terms of Reference and Deleyation of Poversy (a8 well as representation on outside bodies.) PURPOSE: The purpose of ;thies report is not to make recommendations but to provide a discussion document to enable members to formulate their views. OBJECTIVES: 4.2 4,3 (a) reducing the number of committees, ‘ (b) reducing the number of Members on each Committee; and (c) a combination of (a) and (b). TEADSRSS CONFERENCE (COMMLTTES STRUCTURE) JOINT REPORT OF THE CHIEF NXECUTIVE AND BOROUGH SECRETARY AND SOLICITOR It is assumed that one purpose of the exercise is to reduce members commitments in regard to meetings, particularly evening meetings, after the elections in May 1978, when the number of Members making up the Comcil will be reduced from 70 to 59. ie further objective may be to reduce their ¢ommitments in ‘meetings of outside bodies, REPORT: A reduction in Members committee workloads may be obtained by:- fh reduction in the number of committee meetings may be obtained by:- (a) reducing the number of committee cycles; and (b) a streamlining of the Structure and the decision making machinery. e @& REVISIONS 10 COMMTIZE STUCTUNG IEADSRSS CONFENSNCE (COMMITTEE STRUCTURE) 3.2 It is assumed that one purpose of the exercise is to reduce members commitments in regard to meetings, particularly evening meetings, after the elections in May 1978, when the number of Members making up the Comceil will be reduced from 70 to 59. \A further objective may be to reduce their Gommitments in meetings of outside bodies. , REPORT: 4 A reduction in Members committee workloads may be obtained by:- (a) reducing the number of committees, ‘ (b) reducing the number of Members on each Committee; and (c) a combination of (a) and (b). JOINT REPORT OF THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE AND BOROUGH SECRETARY AND SOLICITOR I. SUBJECT: To consider poasible revinions to the Committee Structure and consequentinl adjustmepts to the Terms of Reference and Deleation of Powers, (a8 well as representation on outside bodies.\, 2. PURPOSE: The purpose of;this report is not to make recommendations but to provide a discussion document to enable members to formulate their views. Sok From the outset, the Council will wish to state its objectives ° for this reviow and establish targets as necessary. 4.2 Ah reduction in the number of committee meetings may be obtained by:- (a) reducing the number of committee cycles; and (b) a streamlining of the Structure and the decision making machinery. 43 Members will no doubt take account of the mounting pressures on their time and their current commitments occasioned by the present Committee structure, Details of 47 committees, sub- committees and panels and 6 consultative committees are appended for information. This list does not take into account the Policy Advisory Group, Leader's Conferences and other bodies appointed for specific purposes. An indication of these commitments can be obtnined from the fact that in 1976/77 there were more than 400 evening meetings serviced by the Secretariat and that an analysis of the meetings held in Cycle 2 and 3 of thie year compared with 1976/77 shows an increase of approximately 16%. If continued throughout the year a total of some 470 evening meetings would be realised. The timetable of scheduled meetings published for 1977/78 totals less than 200 meetings, the balance being made up of special meetings and unscheduled meetings of Panels and ad hoc bodies. 3. OBJECTIVES: e @& hk 45 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4,10 4.10.1 Haringey is 4 small borough in area. - Members generally have : a very detailed lmowledge of the place and are readily accessible to the public and to representative groups and organisations. There is, therefore, an almost inevitable involvement of Members jn day to day detail. Changes in the Committee Structure in Haringey are more likely to vorl: successfully in practice if they accord with the local traditions and outlook of Membarna. The present "Panel-based Structure!! vas undoubtedly adventurous and innovative in concep. but its operation in practice over the years has apparently strayed considerabl; from the original intention. The "Panel-based Structure"! worke best vhen there are few main committees (perhaps no more than h or 5) with a substantial number of Panels working informally with the mascimum delegation and the minimum generation of paper. In Haringey it is difficult in many instances to distinguish between "committees! and “panels! in their method of operation. \hat Haringey now seems to have is a large number of "committees (although they have the variety of different names including "panel", "sub-committee and "working party'') whose activities have to be co-ordinated by a rather complicated pattern of inter-committee communication and control. In addition, the formal structure generates an ever increasing number of other groups and meetings which are given povers to make decisions on behalf of the Council. The reduction to, say; k committees with panels/sub-committees reporting action taken under delegated powers may result in such committees becoming largely formal instruments for the transmission of information to the Council. ‘The nearest example in our present structure being the Education Committee. The contrary to such an arrangement would be to maximise the number of committees, each performing within more limited but realistic terms of reference, rut with extensive delegation, while at the same time panels/sub-commi ttees are severely restricted. Coupled with a reduction in the number of "bodies! (committees panels, etc) would be greater delegation to officers in order to reduce the number of decisions required of Chairmen or OtGumas Members. Some of the ideas have been mentioned with the purpose of making fever demanés upon the smaller number of Council Members, where the balance of the Council might algo change to make either majority party even smaller proportionally than the present position. There should be a considerable relaxation in the control exercisalover Committees by General Purposes (Tarms of Reference, delegat‘.on), Finance (Estimates and control of budgets), Personnel and Management (staffing matters) and Planning and Development (iand transactions and planning control). The function of central committees should be to provide broad guidelines for other committees. 4.10.2 4.11 4.11.1 4.11.2 4.11.3 44 The main Service committees should themselves control the delegation of powers to their Bub-Committees and other subordinate groups; they should also control changes in their expenditure within their approved total expenditure; in addition, they should be able to approve atafi changes within approved guidelines and should themselves approve land transactions and, possibly. some planning matters within approved policies. There should be provision in the structure for subordinate bodies both formal (having delegated powers, a formal Agenda and meeting and serviced by the Secretariat either for a continuing purpose, e.g. development control, or for a one-off but formal task, €.&- new Leisure Centre; new structure for building works/housing repairs;) and {nformal (having no delegated powers, meeting informally and serviced by the appropriate service officers to consult and advise.) The control of their Terms of Reference vould rest with their parent committee or, their parent committees. Even if these general principles were accepted there must ani jnevitably be a variety of preferences about the number of committees and distribution of functions. For the purpose of thi report the following is however, a list of some of the proposale which had been suggested from time to’.time:- Combine General Purposes and Finance (currently 7 bodies) to form a General Purposes and Finance Committee (reducing to 2/% bodies). Combine General Purposes, Finance and Personnel and Management (currently 10 bodies) to form a Resources Committee (reducing to 3/6 bodies). Under either of these arrangements it is visualised that subordinate bodies alcdin to the Management Services Panel and the Finance Panel would ‘be required with more active roles and that Community Development and Area Menagement would pass to the i Planning and Development Commi ctee. Concidexation would also need to be given to the position with regard to the Joint Consultative Committee representatives who currently attend Personnel and Management Committee. Planning and Development Committee (currently 5 bodies) to divide into an (Architecture and)(Public) \lorks Committee (Including Highways and Works etc. and perhaps Cleansing and Transport): and a committee carrying the Planning and Valuation functions along with Community Development, rea Management,- Central Area and Employment (reducing to 3/4 bodies). Housing Committee to continue but to distinguish tio major functions by "Sub-Committees"; namely the management function and the develonment (new works and rehabilitation) function (reducing to 3/' bodies to include separate JCC). 4.11.5 Alternatively the Housing Committee be divided into tuo Committees namely the management function and the development function. 4.11.11 Employee Consultative Bodies Attached is 4 note setting out the eurrent position. In practice : the present machinery does not often leai to prompt ansvers from either the Council or the Employee's Sides and it produces a lot of cross-referencing from Personnel and Management Committee to Enrp loying Conmittees/Penels and baclt. 4.11.6 Social Services (currently 3 + @ occasional bodies) to be 4 Comnittes \ithout formal Panels put allowing for working partics to be appointed \ith delegation {o carry out one-off functionse 4.11.7 Education (currently 9 bodies, 2/3 only occasionally). It may be considered that there ia no continuing need for a separate Development Sub-Committee. Youth and Community Services and Careers Advisory (possibly with Unemployed Young People Working Party) should be examined (reducing overall to 6). 4.11.8 Civic Amenities (currently 6 bodies). Consider possible joining of Rec: eational Services, \Libraries and Allotments to form & ‘Teisure end Recreation Committee. Contrary views have been expressed about Cleansing and Transport remaining separate or joining the "Works" Committee. However, Health fafety and Protection and Cemeteries ard Crematorium could combine’ with Cleansing and Transport to form an Environmentel (or Public) Health Committee (vaducing to 2 oF 3 bodies). 4.11.10 Or even maintain a Civic Anonition Commi ttoe with one sub-committee carrying either the Recreation ete. activities or the Public Health functions. Revisions to the current machinery should aim at resolving problems within Services wherever appropriate and ensuring that the Member time spent in meeting with Trade Union representatives is spent as effectively as possible. The following broad out): 1e is one suggested way of improving the position:- JCC should meet re_..-arly with Councillors 4s the Management. This couid be extended to include Teacherse Personnel or other officers denending on the subject matter should meet all the ate. rds in sufficient time before the meetin, to explain Management proposals so. that the Trades Union represent..tives can speak for their member: at the meeting and equally the Trade Union Side could explain their items that the Councillors also can be better briefed and abi: to enter into more meaningful digounsiod. 4.11.9 If Gleansing and Transport is accepted as part of a "\lorks Committee" the rem: ying functions of Civic Amenities could be contained within 4cimilarly named Committee with perhaps one Sub-Committee for leisure and Recreation and a Panel to deal with the Health, Satety and Protection and Cemeteries and Crematorium functions. : ; 8. 8.1 9. 9.1 9-5 9.4 9.5 A MEMBER'S SUPPORTING SERVICES Members are finding that the increasing demands on their tine are euch that to carry out their functions satisfactorily; they need to be supported in a number of ways. The General Purposes Committee has vequested the Borough Secretary on| Solicitor to report upon Wiuys of achieving some additional me wwes of support and it ig anticipated that this will be u:dertaken during Cycle 6 so that approvst measures may be introduced in the new Municipal Year. There are more than 60 such bodies requiring Council representation, and 37 governing bodies in Education having 186 Council seats. ‘ The Area Hee.lth Authority currently uses 10 Members but they occupy 26 Member places. a Special mention should also be made of the Joint Committees, TOL) Middlesex Polytechnic Pip.0) N.E.L.E.G. Some rationalisation of Member commitment to outside bodies ust be seriously considered and Conference is asked to advise thereon. R.C. LIMB G.A. BIOOR Chie? Executive Borough Secretary and Solici OUTSIDE AND OTHER BODIES Representation 1 outside and other bodies carries with i. 4 further considerable commiivent sor Members, although it «ould be remembered that persons other than Members may be appointed to some bodies. 9.2 t Council Side Members Staff Side Reps. Frequency of Meetings 9©, ®+ 6 + 2@ Deputies 6 + 4 Deputies Oluce every cycle(6) 500 (fluctuates) h 18-20 esee IPADER'S CONFERENCE (COMMITTEE STRUCTURE) 15 Femnvany¥ 1672 JOINT CONSULTATIVEMACHINERY EXCLUDING TEACHERS 1.Council_and Staff Joint Numbers within purview 3,60 4,600 2. ___Tocal Joint Worka (Craftsnen) se Lecal Joint Works (Nen-Craftsmen) Numbers within purview Council Side Members Employees' Reps. 4,600 I; 12 Numbers within purview Council Side Members Employees’ Reps. Frequency of Meetings Ouce every 3 cycles (2) Council end Employee Joint Conaultntive Caml ttee @ Numbers within purview Council Side Employees Frequency of meetings 6,700 1? + @ Deputies Frequency of meetings Cnce every 3 cycles (2) We FocalJointWorks(Man-Euducnatiin) Nunbers within purview Council Side Menbers Employees! Side Frequency of meetings 2,059 6 N.B. The teachers’ involvement in this body is currently being explored If necessary, additional meetings are arranged, or tieetings cre concelled through lack of business. Above figures are pveraje re meetings « 6 Once every 3 cycles (2) 12 + 4 Deputies Once every 2 cycles (3) ® © © COMUTTEE PANEISOR HEMEL g HOUSING 5 Chairmen 2 Opposition Members ( ( ( ( ( ( ( SUB-0OMMIETTEES lonenaces ad Speyabe COMMETTHES, PANEIS AND SUB-COMITIEES (47) Finance Panel. Working Party on Unemployed Young People indicates meetings open to the public Research Panel Management Service Panel Haringey Council. & 10 Mombora of the Ceunott 2 Majority Party Mombera 1 Opposition Moubor g FINAE 4 Majority Party Mombers 2 Opposition Members & Tenants Representatives g GENERAL PURPOSES Homeless Families Re Selection Panel 10 Monmbern of the Comehl 2 Majority Varty Howl-ora 1 Opponition Merther 2 Majority Party Hemera 1 Opponition Horler Majority Party Members Opposition Members Majority Party Members Opposition Members ~~ “o_o Q PERSCNNEL & MANAGEMEND Community Development Panel 5 Mnjority Party fordore 2 Opposition Honlera Town Twinning Panel Disciplinary Panel 1 Members of the Councs.1 Majority Party Members Opposition Members Housing Development Panel Housing Rehabilitation Panel Housing Management & Pinance Panel. Tenants! Joint Consul- tative Committee 8 Ward Mombers 1 Majority Porty Membor 1 Oppositien Monber 2 Majority Party Members 1 Opposition Mombor 10 Members of the Council frea Management Advisory Committee 2 Mojority Party Menbers 1 Opposition Mombey 5 Majority Party Members 2 Opposition Members nna om — mow Mm nw Haringey Central Area Panel ( ¢ ( 7 Majority Party Members ( 3 Opposition Members ( ( ( ( COMMTTEE PANEIS OR SUB-COMUTTERS MENERSTIE g PLANNING & DEVELOPMENT 15 Members of kthe Council Development Control Panel 4 te ere 2 Opposition Members 2 Majority Party Members 1 Opposition Member € Employment Panel 5 Majority Party Members 2 Opposition Members ; g Highways & Works Panel 5 Majority Party Members i g civic AMENITIES 14 Members of the Council“) g SOCIAL SERVICES 14 Members of the Council g Recreational Services Panel ( 5 Majority Party Menbers (| 2 Opposition Members g Allotments, Cemeterics ( 3 Majority Party Members & Crematorium Panel ( 1. Opposition Member Iibreries, Museum and Arts Panel ( 2 Majority Party Members (| 1 Opposition Member g Health, Safety and Protection Panel ( 2 Majority Party Members ( 1 Opposition Member Leisure Centre Panel 3% Chairmen { Opposition Member 0 ee Canteen Committee ( 4 Majority Party Members ( 1 Opposition Member G5 T.U.Representatives g Residential & Day Care Darel! 7 Members g Community Care Panel 7?Members Appeals( Pre-School Ohildren) Panel ( Chairman, Vice-Chairman an ( 1 Opposition Member of the ( 2Co-opted Members Cleansing and Transport ( 5 Majority Party Members Panel ( 2 Opposition Members Commnity Land Act Acquisitions Panel ( Residential & Day Care Par COMMUDTIRE SOCTAL SERVICES EDUCATION PANELS OR Sus-COMTAES MENPERSUE_ ( 3 Members ( 2 Officers ( Chairmen of Education, Social Services & Housing Committees & Youth Com- munity Sub-Committee ( 2 Opposition Members 18 Members of the Council and § Co-opted Members ( 9 Members of the Council ( 2 Co-opted Members (Chairman, Vice-Chairman & ( one other Member of the ( Schools Sub-Committee ( 9 Menbers of the Council and ( 2 Co-opted Members 7 Members of the Council and ( 2 Co-opted Members ( 4 Members of the Council & ( 1 Co-opted Member 1 February 1978 Adoption Case Committoe Honelless & Detached Youths' Working Party Schools Sub-Committee Appointinents Panel Further Education Sub-C ommittee Development Sub-Committee( Youth & Commnity Services Sub-Committee Boarding and Independant ( Chairman and 2 other Members Schools Panel ( of the Schools Sub-Committee Careers Service Advisory ( 2 Majority Party Members Committee ( 1 Opposition Member Working Party Conditions ( 4+ Members of Service of Teachers in( 4 Teachers FE Nstablishments @ Council & Staff Joint Comittee Builders Joint Consultative (Craftsmen) Committee Local Joint Works (NonCraftsmen) Committee Local Joint Works (Manual Employees - Education) Committee Council & Employees’ Consultative Committee (Education). Premature Retirement Voupensation Panel ( 2 Majority Party Members (1 Opposition Member 343 Joint Consultative Committee CEo2{ Af,, > TAT C LOY Byukleckg Craprinels” SLURS: Val.View," lnba VityVAs jlA Go TRS bt No C Lay fa reloA— Clif hin Be Cluirtéy . g frel+Gray J o eel f -(S6 Yur O72 \e Attia SlCe LIAV l (onWir. Ayate [To a4 Mon we Bay liaMrzm,ig V Dent eet :tl IWy,(/ Rutigo—a ULee PS Aah (EQns:2 ((KiLf Tsga 4Woon) zee eo STS ae (2)2?) Ld CotLe 5 LTA S tha Aha : ‘ KX Fpe Nan ((AS 6 aALp Gn e4 LWare Ee CcUfAes 6 4feiee 1 AOI NG7 Saye aja/ usual l, Caeepfaceclanlid b,yf. SCcot ppeyoq ;Cae|Corols anh/MYheabdullerby atc AAS VAUDCrobonWsafi Realeeasandl.S§trvwer (ER Cabex Qvt)-of,K795% (Ca +16° B wm a te{. TCALG pentGrn. o : PISG Hladaod “| (A4se Siey : . Te Sale of local Auffoihy Building. Folgeit experditun rag achniy, 4 No aeietne,|raneHa.Seona~allft ry [cpast ves Seka Tasty: Ce x, = nie“th Me. ISO a eee ee I9S~ _hou-rSrLoaol, Arum a4Bp parjr ce bout }eanepeta Ke hong-me hynaa{Ldve, Gain— dnoAendwilpl CEC es lao~g + Mk, fbuatg a ovale gy doo. NomCR+ApWeds—cridtAmol vollhax Sano.|LMSWateeco ae y Ie but Ee eer Manto thc [i~9 eyp5 MoiG, amy lhrerss,prurted cals; ce tn es 4euba §athe Cutie -SLah. bg pe LTS04ta— eet Ves]eee NeOfer_aFieSts lscolouytbwitltgr,yfpered Police buch Motel Chinn wWeelt cetran ant tNao drat keg meallyoe ee 1s courhy corel <Bs ely Arhanes haloy, Teucteg had uot. 4] tad < (9506. wit healt ote, ¢age 4 n Pi ne > 3 contribute in a much broader way than they have ever done in the past.” with my fellow chief officers, overriding particular departmental interests. Today the architect, engineer, town clerk and treasurer must act as a team, not as contestants.” His consciousness of the new roles ahead for the architect is accom- panied by a progressive attitude to new methods. Unselfish teamwork is the keynote, whether in his establish- ment of the co-operative office rather than the hierarchical office (“nobody should play at being God’) or in his enthusiasm for consortia working—he is closely involved as honorary archi- tect to the West Group of the London should be looked at on its own merits, and a decision taken as to whether the design function should be under- taken at county or district level.” He sees no reason, for instance, why a county council should not act as the design agent for a district council, bringing all the design skills together. Like all good local authority men, he is adamant that the public sector offers unrivalled opportunities for serving society, and rejects the ‘rat race” tag applied recently by Malcolm MacEwen. “It is probably true that with some authorities there has been a struggle for power, but it is not necessarily generally true. [tis not true of my own authority and | think if architects are prepared to take the responsibility there are far greater opportunities now, and certainly will be in the new Thurston Williams, Hillingdon Borough Architect, on the oppor- tunities and challenges of, the public sector practice. is likely to occur in the reduction in the total number of authorities in the country. Nor do |see there being any major problem at chief officer level, because most of the major boroughs with architectural chief officers are likely to continue as at least the nucleus of the new district councils.” What he is anxious about is that the division of responsibility between the counties and districts will take into account the need for a consistent and varied workload. “| think it is impor- tant that each of the new authorities has a sufficiently wide workload to attract good professional staff. | don’t think architects are going to come into local government in the future unless there is this varied work- load, and unless they feel that they can make a positive contribution to the general improvement of the environ- ment. It is my experience that very few architects want to become in- volved in a practice that has a very narrow range of design opportunities, and if you look at the functions suggested for district councils, out- side of housing there is very little. It is most important that there is not a universal application of function, ‘’There are far greater oppor- tunities now, and certainly will be in the new authorities proposed, for architects to but that each new local authority Housing Consortium, is chairman of authorities proposed, for architects to the consortium’s chief officers’ com- contribute in a much broader way mittee and is a member of the steering than they have ever done in the past.” He has also been extensively involved his authority is involved in a wide in joint project working with private range of consortium work for both architects, and regrets that the enforced reduction in the council's Uppermost in his mind at the moment, housing programme from 1000 to 450 however, are the implications of the dwellings a year has drastically cur- local government reorganisation pro- tailed the scope for more joint working. committee of MACE. Mirroring this, housing and education. posals for publia authority srehiteats, Nevertheless he is suspicious about Tae 2 } _danuer srusent Government intentions ta NTERVIEW . sector architecture probably «much to Thurston Williams - present considerable place in 'oN scheme of things as to any s een As an architect in his at Tshe was at the forefront of the we revolution which influenced the pre become the more repre- ralbodyitistoday. Uptothe er {ties it was undisguisedly an »,pon for private practices, until em “yng, intense architect, then with moc, had the unprecedented ny to lay down a motion from ane atanAGM callingforatrade ee salariedarchitectsinthe gen tor. The formation of the ation of Official Architects was eocehsnly result; a popular front ae assparkedoffwhichledtoa e tchange in council representa- en inthewholecomplexionof maplisnment. Such is the nature nemocracy what yesterday's angry : outsider is now firmly estab- re nthe hierarchy of influence and oe! _as borough architect of the pe porough of Hillingdon, with an fessional department of 140 i Fim, as Honorary Secretary of wr oA and as President of the AOA, tyociation he was instrumental in we Now, at 46, the intensity wm Dy transmuted into an urbane, ” * scholarly, charm but the same we Getermination persists in the pir of what is fair and rational. |wtoftoday's angry young men are » -oning the need for a pro- a ‘institution, but Thurston jwe’ stresses the importance of its sth edexistence. “There isaneed v “essionalism in the widest sense wre held, and the RIBA can assist ide in a positive way. Look at # nad against the Monopolies sane, The present attack on fession IS aimed as much at the . gs at the private sector. I ile ays believed that the public wea architects should participate soemanedly in the RIBA and gain wot antage of the experience of the * jon as a whole. There is an per ndence in such things as wand salaries.” w “veinterdependenceandcom- oe” tariness crop up often in his pression, indicating an attitude to are of the architect that is borne »TM ¢own approach. Heisvery #* cartofthepost-Maud new of manager architects, par- in the design places as part = — =at ty Architect bert H. Clarke, FRIBA, AMTPI in 1937 the amount of architectural work in various departments of the Bristol Corporation brought about the need to co-ordinate that work and the problem was reported upon to the City Council. In January 1938 the appropriate Committee reported the Council on the architectural work already being carried out in the various departments and the manner of its execution, and the City Council accepted recommendations that a separate architectural department should be formed under the direction of a City Architect on a whole-time duty basis. A City Architect was also required to advise the many committees of the City Council on al architectural and building matters. The position relating to quantity surveying work was also reviewed, but it was sot until 1955 that quantity surveyors were appointed. The City Architect is responsible for the organisation and administration of the department which carries out the architectural requirements of the committees of the Corporation, and also undertakes a proportion of the quantity surveying work connected with it, His duties relate to the erection of new “buildings and the reconstruction, adaptation, and alteration of ting buildings in Corporation ownership, and include the . hole range of Architect's work from the sketch plan stage to the supervision of work in the course of erection, the issue of certificates, and preparation of final accounts. The quantity surveying section of the department carries out the full range of duties usually undertaken by Chartered Quantity Surveyors. He 50 acts as architectural consultant to the planning authority, Former City Architect J. Nelson Meredith, FRIBA ai aga | my sine7hy 4iy |5Wo ne|ofthe BristolCity Architect's Department and collaborates with the City Engineer and Planning Officer in approving and reporting upon plans and elevations submitted under by-laws for the erection of buildings by private enterprise and in relationship to the Town and Country Planning Acts, where it is necessary to take into account the design of buildings to be erected within the city boundary. The Department is organised under the control of the Architects’ Committee of the City Council. Such a Committee ensures that the department is organised to deal with the work of other client Committees and that the commissions are allotted proper priority. The Department is under the direction of Mr Albert H. Clarke, FRIBA, AMTPI, the City Architect, with MrT. S. Singer, ARIBA, AMTPI, as Deputy City Architect. Ithas an establishment of architects, quantity surveyors, clerks of works, administrative and clerical personnel, totalling some 140, including 30 chartered architects, 27 assistant architects, 28 assistants, 20 quantity surveyors and 15 clerks of works. This staff establishment has never been up to full strength and a number of vacancies still exist which itis hoped to fil. For ease of operation, the architectural personnel are divided into three sections, specialising in housing, education and general work. Each of these sections ts led by a chief assistant architect and deputy chief assistant architect, who take charge of the detailed day-to-day work on individual projects being dealt with in the section. The quantity surveying section, with a chief quantity surveyor and deputy chief quantity surveyor, Top row: J. Nolson Meredith Former City Architect Albert H. Clarke City Architect K. J. Watson Chief Assistant Architect (Education) Bottom row: T. 5S. Singer rs Dogety Oly Arehitoct OAP May 64 SfB (9) eri -2 4 City Architect from 1908 to 1926 F. E. Pearce Edwards, FRIBA City Architect since 1953 J. L. Womersley, CBE, FRIBA, MTPI On the 5th October, 1908, Mr. F. E. Pearce Edwards, formerly the City Architect and Architect to the Education Committee of Bradford, took up his duties as the first City Architect of Sheffield. The officers formerly employed in the architectural department of the City Surveyors Department and those of the buildings department of the Education Department were transferred to Mr. Edwards, who became responsible for al architectural work including the preparation of plans, specifications for new buildings, alterations or extensions required by the various committees and departments of the City Council as occasion arose, except where the City Council otherwise determined. He also was responsible for the preparation of bills of quantities and for the small repairs and maintenance branch which then existed. It is perhaps of interest to note that in 1910 the repairs branch had 12 workmen whose total wages bill was £20 per week. Mr. Edwards retired on December 31st, 1925, having devoted nearly 40 years to public service. During the 17 years he served Sheffield his department was responsible for the design and construction of many new council schools, secondary and special schools and extensions to colleges and schools. New buildings for other committees included several tramway depots, new swimming baths at Walkley and Hillsborough, depots for the Waterworks and Cleansing Departments, and extension of the Lodge Moor Hospital, but perhaps the work for which he will be best remembered is the very fine extension he completed in 1923 to the Town Hall designed by A. W. Mountford and opened in 1897. The Sheffield City Council has always been a progressive housing authority and under the Housing Acts of 1919 to 1924 over 5,000 new houses were built under Mr. Edwards's direction. Mr. W. George Davies became Sheffield’s second City Architect on May 1st, 1926, and stayed until he retired on January 1st, 1953. Mr. Davies had previous local government service at Bradford, Essex and Belfast and had specialised in schools work. Undoubtedly, some very fine school buildings were produced by the Department under Mr. Davies’ direction. The Central Secondary School, now the High Storrs Grammar School, and the Abbey Lane School are two good examples. During Mr. Davies's period of office, over 33,000 dwellings, including some interesting pre-war flats schemes, were erected. One of the outstanding buildings for which he was responsible, and which will form an important feature of the new Civic Centre, is the Central Library and Graves Art Gallery. Another is the extension to the Weston Park Museum and Mappin Art Gallery, which unfortunately was badly damaged during the War and is now being reinstated. (The Civic Reception for the Conference is to be held in this building.) This extension was carried out by direct labour under Mr. Davies's control. The Department had a repairs and maintenance branch which was developed under Mr. Edwards. In 1927 the City Council 636 City Architect from 1926 to 1953 W. George Davies, FRIBA decided to build some schools by direct labour an force was set up under Mr. Davies and grew unt * size of over 800 employees, undertaking al kinds °’ work. In 1938, it was decided to place the direct! under a separate chief officer and the Public Wor > was then formed, which now has some 2,000 em During the 1939-45 War, when approximately 70° were damaged in Sheffield, the Department wes for first-aid repairs and the ultimate reinstatement © buildings The City Council has throughout the years suppler work of the Department by that of private architecTM the outstanding buildings, designed by E. Vincent” City Hall, opened in 1934, where the opening a sessions of the Conference will be held é Mr. Davies had the difficult task of re-establishine Department after the war, when the demand for and technical officers and building resources far ot supply. However, he achieved a great deal witho himself much limelight. It was on the firm four = first by Mr. Edwards and built upon by Mr. Dar Mr. J. Lewis Womersley was able to develop t when he became the City’s third City Architect © 1953. it is perhaps during the past ten years that the wo’ © Department has attracted most attention. Mr came to the Department from Northampton wher 2 reputation for his housing work. He now fis 200 of which 80 are architectural; the remaine quantity surveyors, structural, heating and elect’ land surveyors, clerks of works and administratv been responsible for much of the recent rebuildin for major housing redevelopment schemes anc peripheral developments, in which he has sought to improve housing standards and to secure pect segregation from traffic. One of the best-known schemes is Park Hill wi! designed as a neighbourhood unit with schools §!** centres, clubs, tenants’ meeting hall and laundries © was awarded the Good Design for Housing Med!” the RIBA Bronze Medal for Sheffield, South Yorks" District for 1962. This scheme, costing over £2.07 built by the Public Works Department under its > Manager, Mr. H. Smith, ARICS. Another is 1 Valley Development where interest centres on 5° excessively steep slopes and on the use of exist © landscape. Mr. Womersley was awarded the 815” in Town Planning in March, 1958, for his work * and at Greenhill, Gleadless and Park Hil! in She" Another RIBA Bronze Medal was awardec Greenland Road Bus Garage When awarded the CBE last year Mr. Wome” a a) eee — Fal ah a ~~ . on Saas TM By bs criia * a = re 1 2! 5 ae ” ed . ed ~ End ; ae Yorkshire. 10 January 1978 Dear Mr. Smith, Yours sincerely, Aicunr Os When telephoning please ask for: General Secretary: GEOFFREY DRAIN BA, LL B, JP. Mike Dobson Alan Jinkinson Local Government Service Conditions Officer LG/7/GA/G2 Uy NATIONAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT OFFICERS ASSOCIATION Barrister B. Smith, Esq., 56 Sunnyvale Road, Totley, Sheffield, 1Mabledon Place London WC1H 9AJ 01-388 2366 ASSISTANT GENERAL SECRETARY JOHN DALY Service Conditions In reply to your letter dated 5 January 1978 I have noted your observations but the point you have raised would be more appropriately dealt with by your professional association the Association of Official Architects. As a trade union NALGO is concerned directly with service conditions matters affecting its members and the problems to which you refer should be directed through the professional body who will be better equipped to deal with them. SHEFFIELD JULY 1977 A SPECIAL BULLETIN FROM THE NALGO/MRC PROJECT STEERING COMMITTEE Approximately 2000 members completed questionnaires in the survey carried out earlier this year ~ about one third of the Branchmembership. Althoughit{snotpossibletoprovethesampleisatotallyrepresentativeone,thesampleislargeby All Departments and status levels are represented. 51% are male and 4% female. eos) 31%areunder25,38%26-40,and31%41orolder. 34% have less than 3 years’ service, 39%] 3-10 years, and 27% 11 or more years. 55% say their political opinions are "right" of centre, 45% "left" of centre. The results are helpful in answering certain questions: IS IT TRUE THAT ONLY A SMALL MINORITY ARE EVER ACTIVE IN THE BRANCH? Yes and No. If you take any single activity - such as attending union rallies, attending meetings, canvassing or raising issues with shop stewards ~ then generally fewer than 40%} of the membership have done any one of these in the last 12 months, However 73% of the sample reported having voted {n a unfon election in the past 12 months, and taking all activitiestogetheronly12%reporttheyhavedonenoneofthem. Inotherwordsonlyjustover1in10istruly“inactive”. ARE ONLY POLITICALLY MINDED PEOPLE ACTIVE IN THE UNION ? FOR WHAT REASONS DO PEOPLE GET INVOLVED IN UNION AFFAIRS ? 0 Ideology and politics are not the most common reasons; more people see involvement 4s 8 way of putting their point >f view across, and concem over service conditions seems to be the predominant motivation here. For example, 39% feel their salary {s unfair compared with that of other Council employees; 44% feel their promotion opportunities are unfairly Hmited, and 41% feel the economic climate represents a direct threat to them in their jobs. For many it seems the union is important as a path to industrial democracy - 47% want more involvement in higher management decision-making. WHY DO PEOPLE NOT TURN UP TO MEETINGS ? Reasons differ but the most common ones are: because people “have too many other things to do” (88%), because meetings are held at an “inconvenient” time (82%), or because they are "not interested in that particular meeting” (81%). (Contd. overleaf) The views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those BRANCH oftheExecutiveCommittee. First results of UNION DEMOCRACY SURVEY No. Only 5% take an “ideological” approach to union involvement whilst 7% say they are actively involved but with no interest in politics. Both groups are oumumbered by those who are content to be inactive most of the time but prepared to be more active over certain specific issues, 1.e. 37% of the sample, of opinion on the extent to which the main Branch policy makers are seen as receptive to membership feelings and opinions, though it could be said that the number who think they are not {s disturbingly high ~45%. most survey standards, and the diversity of respondents suggests that all sections of branch membership are represented, Here {s a brief profile of the sample: In contrast, only a minority say "it would be a waste of time, my opinion wouldn't carry any weight" (47%), that they haven't been informed of meetings (38%), that the location is inconvenient (31%), or that they don't know or like the people who do attend (35% and 29% respectively). HOW MANY PEOPLE ARE HOSTILE TOWARDS THE UNION IN GENERAL AND BRANCH POLICIES IN PARTICULAR 2? A minority, though a noticeable one, are “reluctant union members” = just under 17% say they wouldn't be in the union if it were not a condition of service. A larger proportion are out of sympathy with Branch policy (34%) - but these are out~ numbered by the 39%} who agree with most Branch policy (27% couldn't decide on this question). There is a similar division Gale. if me 66% of the sample well-informed but the way they make decisions seems to vary considerably, WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE BRANCH ? Representatives also keep 15% involve members FOR FURTHER DETAILS OF THE SURVEY ++++++ee+- Please contact your shop steward, who has a more detailed report of the main findings. -~ 2 MORE QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS The MRC (University) team are carrying out further investigations within the Branch, via interviews with all shop stewards and Branch Officers, by attending meetings, and by more complex analyses of all the findings. This information will provide further insights into how the branch is working. If there is a question you would like answering please write to the address below and we will endeavour to provide an answer in a special “question and answer" column of Nalgo News, Please write to: MRC/NALGO Project, 32 Northumberland Road, Sheffield, S10 2TN. Membership of the Project Steering Group Rn ; Es\akz.. Press Cactus SBISTS (pvext See(7IaSBofp-coKadkeer,Piste(xeS5 Mr Scanbonad 4 S| S22 | 2E2S4 par«eo Of sous By -§Jack te i Seem eeee _ HOW EFFECTIVE ARE COMMUNICATIONS WITHIN THE BRANCH 2? They are definitely good, as is suggested by the small number who say they are not informed about meetings. More directly, 68% say that the branch keeps the membership well informed about what it is doing, whilst 29% disagree with this. A large majority also report that they are kept well informed by their shop steward. ARE PEOPLE SATISFIED WITH TUE WAY THE BRANCII IS ORGANISED FOR UNION DEMOCRACY 2 Generally yes. Only 25% feel that they don't get suffictent Opportunity to express their feelings about Branch leadership through the existing electoral machinery, and a similarly small proportion feel that there has been too much “devolution” to department level union organisation. ‘The shop steward system is important here and most people regard it as a progressive development for union democracy and the welfare of members. There fs agreement that its introduction has increased the union's effectiveness in negotiating with management, improved the flow of information within the branch, enhanced membership commitment to the union, and made the Branch more democratic. Quite well, insofar as almost all members have regular access to and contact with a shop steward or worksite Time, materials, and analysis were all provided free by the Medical Research Council HOW WELL IS THE SHOP STEWARD SYSTEM WORKING ? ; rep. Only jb say there is no union representative of any kind within easy reach, Similarly over half the sample see their representatives at least once a week, though 28% have very infrequent contact with one. completely equally in decision-making, and 35% consult with members before making decisions, But 50% only communicate with members about decisions after they have made them. In view of the fact that 77% of the sample say they feel stewards should be “followers” rather than "leaders" of membership opinion, this clearly leaves room for more consultation, Finally, there is considerable uncertainty and disagreement about how much influence on Branch policy AD is available via the shop steward system. Although the shop steward system is alive and well, there is no cause for complacency in these results, and there is a clear need for improvements in certain areas, Whilst "downwards" communication from Branch to membership is effective, the "upward" communications and decision-making links need to be strengthened. Two areas suggest themselves for future attention; 1. The links between stewards and members need to be strengthened. Representatives should have more opportunity to consult directly with their electors, and both members and representatives should see thattheseopportunitiesareutilized. Constituency-basedelectionsofshopstewards,thoughnotwitnoutproblems,isone way of helping to create this closeness of representation, 2. The links between shop stewards and Branch policy making should be strengthened. Recent changes in Branch committee organisation are helping in this, but it requires a lively climate of departmental shop steward committee organisation to ensure that Branch policy continually evolves to reflect membership opinion. WHAT HAS THIS COST THE BRANGH ? Practically nothing. Unit in the University. MRC - N. Nicholson, G. Ursell, P. Blyton, Jackie Lubbock Zn Neo leaner « she. Steconret ae NALGO = Yvonne Rose, Ruth Sanders, Kath Butler, Keith Dugdale, David Haslam ~ > 7S ae S S 3 Werk foWed azeriraoas ~ / The NALGO- activists Nigel Nicholson and Gill Ursell A... it gives me a chance to give vent to my feelings B .. .-it identifies ma with ae Labour Movement 23 64 i9 72 15 74 13 73 collar unions themselves face the challenge raised an issue with a of accommodating new high status members union rep with diverse needs. Clearly, the first chal- attended a fullbranch lenge is highly dependent on the second. meeting Yet very little is Known about what white canvassed within the members’ opinions and feelings in these 61 26 13 areas. What attitudes and opinions encourage. 65 22 34 12 and discourage activism? First, it is im- branch their unions, still less about Aow they parti- spoke at a meeting 84 6 85 6 85 7 collar workers want from, or feel about, tion, but in both cases the answer is no. common among people who are active First, we asked members to define their members of political organisations outside own level of activism (table 1): Table 1: How members describe their involvement %o |amonlyamemberbecause|havetobe 17 1don’t mind being a member but |don't have any interest in the union 35 the workplace. In terms of personal charac- teristics, activists are more often male, long service, older employees and have higher educational qualifications. At a more psychological level we have sought to identify what mofivates activists. Asking people directly about different possible needs for involvement shows (table Most of the time | don’t gat involved but | do on certain issues 37 I'ma loyal and active member most of the time but |have no concern for the ideological aspects of trade unionism My involvement in the union is an exten- sion of my political and ideological beliefs 5 While the closed shop agreement seems to have netted a sizeable minority of “reluct- ant” or “unwilling” union members, just about half the sample say they are occasion- ally or regularly active in union affairs. A problem here is one’s definition of “active”; clearly people may be active in a number of different ways. To look at levels of membership participation multi-dimension- influence others ally we asked respondents to state how However, admission of any of these needs often in the previous twelye months they is highly correlated with activism—most had participated in each of seven ways strongly so in the case of needs for affilia- (table 2): tion and influence (items c and pD in table 10 sonsiderable growth in white collar Table 2: Participation in union activi- 3) and to a somewhat lesser extent for nsM1 Over recent years poses two im- ties over a twelve-month period expressive and ideological needs (items A portant challenges. On the one hand, it presents a challenge to traditional patterns of management as dual membership and activity allegiance (to both union and management) reach -upward into the higher levels of voted in union elections 27 56 7 want from the union. A large part of the organisations. On the other hand, white attended a dept mesting 54 26 13 questionnaire was devoted to revealing cipate in union activity. r attended aunion rally These issues form the focus of a major What is particularly interesting about these Table 4: Members’ attitudes to branch research collaboration between a team forms of -participation is that they are not policy from Sheffield University and one of the as highly correlated as one might expect: largest provincia! city branches of NALGo, Who does or does not participate is not the the local government union. The 6,000 ‘same across al forms. This is illustrated strong branch is pioneering an industry- by tabulating how many. different activities agree disagree Yo Yo style shop steward system, which was ' people have engaged in. From this it re y endorsed and recommended to emerges that only 13 per cent have engaged |am strongly opposed toa lot of 57 33 other branches by the union’s annual con- in none of the seven activities in the last what this branch does 32 39 ference. The current programme of action- twelve months, 26 per cent have done only As one might expect, the more active Tesearch is thus for the union branch a one of them, 26 per cent have done any members tend to be those who wish the ccurageous piece of self-examination and two, 15 per cent any three, 21 per cent union to have a wider role than solely a declaration of intent to use systematic- four or more. defending job and pay levels. They are ally gathered information to further re- It is notable here that if one accepts a more ready to endorse branch policy (much form and refine it’s representational system. generous definition of participation then of which concerns issues over and above The part of this continuing research pro- it is by no means a minority phenomenon; local service conditions). This tendency for Stamme that we report here consists of on the contrary it is the totally inactive non-activists to disassociate themselves the first results of a postal survey of the members who are the small minority. Yet attitudinally from the union also emerges entire branch membership, which yielded the possibility still exists for the highly in the reasons people give for not attending a return of 2,050 questionnaires. active minority to wield an effective and meetings (table 5). Nigel Nicholson end Gill Urselt are researchers with the Medical Research Council Social and Applied Psychology Unit at Sheffield University. Our primary analysis of the results has unrepresentative control over union affairs. Correlations from these and similar ques- been geared to seeking answers to a Thus the second major question we tions reinforces the conclusion that in- number of questions. First: Js it true that sought to answer was: What types of mem- difference, torpor, negativism and a feeling only a small minority participate in union ber are active? Contrary to popular belief, of “weightlessness” in the face of the union affairs? The questicnnaire results provide activism is not confined to left-wingers. In machine are felt ‘by non-active members. two different sorts of answer to this ques- 7 Table 3: |value being a union member because... ~ 3) that each of these needs is only acknow- Talal g to be personally relevant by a minority. agree disagree ~ YoYo C .. it helps bring me into con- tact with other people D... it gives me-a chance to three and B). not once or or more Clearly such needs do nce exist inde- atall twice times pendently of people’s experiences and atti- %o So Yo tudes to work and what they expect and epiae portant to note that wide differences of 8 opinion exist among the membership about 9 what the branch should be and is doing 8 (table 4): our sample an equal number of right-wing Nonetheless it might be expected that activ- members are highly active. However actiy- ists would have negative attitudes to aspects ism is positively related to people's self- of employment such as job content, pay, assessed interest in politics and is especially promotion opportunities, and the employer 1 want the union branch to con- fine itself to defending my job and pay level 581 VST TEtan pesewpegs - oe = cere + 2 :tineiaaginaaieSpPayFEPEtosbo TS - ESL as ME SEEREPras i /- “excessive stress” in their jobs, feel that the present economic climate directly threatens their own jobs and desire more involve- ment in higher management decision- making. The latter result is particularly important: demonstrating that white collar employees value their involvement in trade making a decision 37 unions as a form of “workers’ participa- # city corporation). Surprisingly, this is regular contact with stewards described Ot the case, though activism is related to their “style” of decision-making: Some other work attitudes. More active / members tend to admit to being under Table 7: Members’ descriptions of their shop steward’s ‘style’ tion.” This leads us finally to the question that Table 5: Members’ reasons for not attending union meetings some- never times/often allows me an equal Say in decisions 15 This brings us finally to the most import- |have too many other things to do The time of meetings is in- convenient - I'm not interested in that particular meeting I'm not interested in the union generally 12 18 19 Stand A feeling -39 my opinion wouldn't carry ‘ of fun Angela Carter It would be a waste of time— any weight | haven't been informed of @: meeting 533 62 63 65 71 and’ attending full branch meetings. The is unambiguous; but the noun certainly the reason %o the reason - %o " 88 62 81 61 47 38 27 35 29 ant findings to emerge from the research so far. Correlational analysis clearly shows that members who have good access to shop stewards are more likely to be active than those who do not. In other words, the shop steward may have a crucial part to play in developing membership interest and partici- pation. Still more interesting relationships emerge on the shop steward “style” variable, for results suggest that “democratic” shop stewards tend to foster “local’’ forms of union involyement—attending departmental meetings, raising issues, and convassing for causes. Members with “autocratic” stewards are more likely to engage in ‘“‘central’’ forms of participation—voting, attending rallies, The idea of “fun” is an odd one. “Funny” e& place of the meetings is inconvenient Idon't know the people who are active in the union Idon't like the people who are active in the union encapsulates the main purpose of our research: What patterns of union organisa- tion stimulate membership involvement? The branch adopted the shop steward system some four years ago with the aim of strengthening members’ ties with union decision-making and to devolve responsi- bility for negotiation from the centre to the departments of the corporation. We asked members to evaluate the changes they had witnessed as a result of the sys- tem’s introduction and found that percep- direction of causation in all these relation- tudes and behaviour will shed further light machine killed you with too much pleasure. T% makes decisions and then informs me about them afterwards 25 makes decisions and then takes some trouble to explain or justify them 23 consults me about the options before does not imply the simply risible. And fun ships is probably two-way, and it is hoped is quite different from pleasure, which has that closer scrutiny of shop stewards’ atti- obscure overtones of the erotic. Barbarella’s on these results. Buying votes Since the 1972 us presidential election— when, among other things, Richard Nixon’s Campaign to Re-Elect the President (CREEP) greatly outspent George McGovy- ern’s Democratic Party campaign—new laws have been introduced in the us to limit private and corporate financial contribu- tions to political campaigns with the object of curtailing abuses. But. does campaign spending really matter anyway? Lawrence Shepard has investigated the extent to which spending sways public opinion in Californian congressional elections (Public” Opinion Quarterly, vol 41, No. 2, page 196). A machine that killed you with too much fun suggests a far less swooning death. Death by tickling, perhaps. (The World's Fair advertises tickling sticks, “ideal for Glasgow Fair.”) Fun is also quite different from delight, which is a more cerebral and elevated concept. You might get pleasure, or delight, froma good performance of The Marriage of Figaro. If you found it fun, or worse, “great fun,” it would only go to show what a camp little number you were. According to the Oxford English Dic- tionary, “fun” originally meant a cheat, a hoax, a practical joke; widened to involve ridicule (“to poke fun’) and heartlessness, always an aspect of the comic, It only finally settled to a significance of guiltless enjoyment at around the tum of this cen- tions were largely favourable (table 6): Table 6: Members’ perceptions of changes since adoption of a shop After a complex multiple linear regression tury. Perhaps some folk memory of its eward system information flow union. effectiveness conflict in branch membership commitment democracy in branch 31 50 management—union analysis, Shepard found that public opinion earlier meaning is what lends a certain am- as expressed by voting behaviour was more ‘bivalence to funfairs. (Which are not the more no change %o So 65 32 less %o 9 was shown to vary directly with population 54 42 44 52 responsive to Republican spending than same as fairs.) 4 Democratic spending. The proportion voting Since fun is pleasure without. guilt, as in 4 Democratic in each district was simply re- the euphemistic “fun-loving,” we are bound 35 56 the thing is the guilt, anyway. Adultery is to feel it must be inherently trivial. In a towards Democratic candidates. This total Judaeo-Christian culture, half the fun of 4 lated to the number of citizens predisposed 18 density, degree of urbanisation and un- never fun; look at Anna Karenina. Swap- employment—and it also varied inversely 28° with income. ping is fun, or so the writers to Forum harmony 19 52 A more direct evaluation of the system is Although Democratic spending does in- you in approved school, but “having a bit provided by members’ own reports of their crease when the election result is expected contact with shop stewards. These reveal to be close, it makes no difference to Demo- that the great majority have easy and cratic performance. Shepard therefore con- regular access to, and information from, cludes that incumbency and predeliction their representatives, though it is less are the most important influences in Demo- evident that all stewards are approaching cratic voting behaviour. But the new legis- the pleasure of the working class, as defined their role in an overtly democratic manner, lation on campaign’ expenditure docs Table 7 shows how those members in diminish Republican prospects. from outside that class. Nevertheless, it’s a shibboleth that ain Ree ————————cncneecacape-roerciestalea teneeeAI TTTETTET claim. Promiscuity isn’t fun and will land of fun” with a consenting adult suggests that nobody minds a slice off a cut loaf. Fun is pleasure that does not involve the conscience or, furthermore, the intellect. Hegel is never fun. Fun, in fact, might be "New Society 15 December 1977 Dick Scott Stewart NRC/NALGO FROJECT -- UNION DsvOCRACY SURVEY /DEPARMMENTAL FROEILE This sheet summarises the results for your Department of the membership survey carried out earlier in.the year. It docs so by showing under 5 head— ings in what ways your Department differs from "the Rest". If no differences are mentioned, you may sssume your Decvartment's results are broadly similar to those of "the Rest". For details of these, consult the full revort of results issued to shop stewards, or to the. summary issues to all the memoder— ship. Department PLANNING & DESIGN 4) SAMPLE CHARACTERTSTICS ——---- eee ee ee Sample Size 272 Response Rate 56% . "the Rest" 1781 2) MEMBERSHIP ACTIVISM/INVOLWVRENT P&D 74%| 615| 2he65| us the Rest 13% 19% 29.55 8.5% venue for union meetings is a greater consideration. ‘ 82% of Planning & Design respondents are male, which is a much larger pro- portion of men than among the Rest (425 male). This Department tends to be more highly educated than most, with 65% holding first degree or higher equivalent qualifications compared with 3% among, the Rest. However, Planning and Design members are likely to supervise fewer other people than is generally the case. Members in this Department seem less likely to do nothing in the union but more likely to do very little rather than a lot. Measuring participating in 7 forms of union activity and comparing this Department with the Best gives the following percentage distributions for extent of activity: A larger proportion of P & D members have voted in union elections than among the Rest 83% as against 725), but-fewer have attended derartmental union meetings (225 as against 73 » and have taken part in union rallies ($5 as against 153). Apparently for P & D members the inconvenience of the 0 4-2 3-6 7 Number of Activities engaged in SDaaa Sag ASOEaTeTRTSECSCDERRaaaeca Fewer P & D members feel themselves to be under stress intheir jobs (414 feel under stress as against 265 of the Rest), and fewer find their work is boring (124 say it is, os against 164 of the Rest). Also there seems to be less inchnation to feel that the Department has more than its fair share of pro- blems (235 feel it has, as against 31% of the Rest). Problem-loaded, stressful and/or boring work would not then appear to be substantial reasons for union involvement in this Department. The membership here is also less likely to look to union involvement as a way of identifying with the labour movement (11% regard it in these terms, as against 193 of the Rest). However 564 of P& D respondents do feel that the current economic climate represents a threat to them in their jobs, i.e. more than half those replying and significantly more than the 38% of tne Rest who feel this threat. 1,) REPRESENTATION AND THE SHOP STEWARD SYSTEM Generally soeaking P & D members are better served by their shop stewards in >?) that more of them have frequent contact with their representatives {at least once per week for 67% of them, which compares with 5/% among the Rest). Also more P & D snop stewards are employing consultative and democratic styles of decision-making in their relationship with their constituents: 51% of the membership describe their steward in these terms, as against 35% among the Rest. So far as assessing the introduction of the shop steward system is concerned, P & D attitudes tend to be very close the the norm (se2 Section & of the full report), with the excention that slightly more people see the system as generating greater conflict within the branch. . 5) APTITUDSS TOWARD THE UNLON AND BRANCH TEMOCRACY Greater dissatisfaction with the union branch is expressed by P & D members on counts: 49% of P & D membership is strongly opposed to a lot of what the branch does, simificantly more than the 325 of the Rest who feel this; 38 regard shop stewards as having too little say in branch policy, some 84 more than those among the Rest who say this; 32 are dissatisfied with the current electoral system for-branch leadership, some 74 than among _ the Rests finally, fewer P & D members regard Chief Shop Stewards and Branch Officers as taking sufficient acount of membership feeling (21% say they do, as against 234 of the Rest). : oD xe First Results of U.D.S - Some interpretative comments from the University teom Ree First, what do people do in the won? se wae The survey is significant for several reasons. In the wider sphere as a tpoical comnentm on the growth of white-collar wiionism, Implications also for industrial democracy, for managerial and white collar unionism established democratic lines of comminichytion that cut across the boundaries of arganisatibnal hierarchy. fhis msns it is important to Pind x out who particivates in theimion and why Whilst it is avparent that only a smll proportion have ever held office (taple 16%) » this is not the whole story and larger proportions participate in others ways (tables 17-23). Even so, a large proportion are generally inactive, Some clue to reasons are to be found in table 2), where a general disinclinaticn/apathy is more canmon than feelings of haxtitrtyy; alienation, Our study is especially interesting being based on a large ard heterogeneous population - 2000 returns from all levels, fimctions, areas. A better understanding of people's feelings about union invdlvement is to be found in table 1)., which shows that most inactivity is potentially activity given the right stimulus — one mist asaume that this means tmt members are content with their ovm inactitity. How do people's needs and attitwies explain activity/apathy? Tables 32-5 show that the union is no’ serving individuel needs ina deeper psychologicel sense for mare than a minority, but that of these needs the n'"opinion expressive" function is the strongest. i.e. the remainzder (on the evidence of +14) are only pulled into action by crisis-created needs. It would seem that the membershin are rexlatively content about sm:h-axs the Unions's effectiveness as an information channel (4.39), and is reasonably confident that electoral checks on the leadership do exist44+2> (.42). Moreover, whilst the membership"s view af what the scope of twrtomcx Branch policy/is narrower than ib is in reality (+.36) they are not,on balance, opposed to Branch polity (t.37), though the no. of yeses here is not insignifiayt. Opinion is divided omer the extent to which Branch Officers take account of members feelings.(t.38) What checks are there on exécufive action? How well is the shop steward system working? This is crucial to the interpretation of all foregoing results. Insofar as the ses. system epitcmise& devolved power, the membership neither clearly endorse nor criticise the system (t,l4), though there is an uncomfortabiz large proportion (albeit balanced by one of opposite opinion) who lack faith in their rep.'s access to power and decision-making(+¢.10) More positive are results concerning s.S »-member relations, which seem to be close and canmmicative (+.25)(t.26). However, stecards seem to vary widely in their "style" of operation (¢.27) ané clearly some need to be less autocratic and more sresvonsive to their members, It seems that stewards are viewed most favourably as information chanrels (4.28), and are not sccm as concerned or aware of members' individial problems (+29). Let us be clear on this point — the members want their stewards +d be more receptive to their needs (t.31). However, from those who were in a position to assess the effects of the introduction of the system, (aprrox 1200), -L~ people are gererally positive about the changes it has brought about (t.20) = the system does work, though with some possibly uncomfartable (butarguably beneficial) side-effects (e.g- conflict within the Branch). “ Binally, in view of table 48, it is clear that the union has a role to play in giving people access to decision-making, The implications for the Branch are relatively clear: first, there is a need to strengthen links between shop stewards and Branch policy-making; second, there is a need to iimpzove the patterns of consultation between shop stewards and membership, It showld be stessed that we have no data on the wider union system and the tim links between membership and bodies beyond Branch level, but the evidence of all participation research strongly urges the point of view the democracy begins at hame, Sheffield Branch has got a head start over others on this, and the results of this survey offer the opportunity for future advances. y Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/63e4601962282ba671d9ef545bb48fcc.pdf 5f54569593ddbdd147672b061567987f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource PDS Conference Subject The topic of the resource PDS Conference May 1978: Invitations, Programme, Applications, Attendance List File, Press Release Description An account of the resource qailan aS heeTa DD =Sek i S=AX SDaNv2S aSav ow—oSS c Diay. LS<7D 3 e P27 FLL (note Inches | | eae Blue Cyan ai iB g \4 E | 0 { 2 3 4 ‘ Centimetres Ss Green Yellow Red Magenta White 3/Color Black ©© Inviatatiaon PUBLIC DESIGN GROUP New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland Street, London WI. 3rd April 1978. Dear PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE CONFERENCE, UCATT HALL, GOUGH STREET, BIRMINGHAM As you may know, the New Architecture Movement decided at its Hull Congress in November 1977 to develop further its policies relating to the Public Sector. Since then, work in this field has continued steadily and the Public Design Group which was delegated at Hull to arrange a conference now invite you to attend this, the first NAM Public Design Service Conference in Birmingham on Saturday 6 May 1978. During the past months we have met regularly and consolidated our propramme. In addition to refining our critique of architectural patronage and local authority working arrangements, we have been considering the origins and evolution of local authority architectural departments, their internal structure and their relationship to the profession, private practice and to society as a whole. Papers on these Will be available at the conference. We feel that discussions have now progressed sufficiently for interim proposals to be made. At the same time areas of further study and action have been identified and more support is needed to extend the work | of this group. We therefore hope that you will wish to participate in | the conference and to contribute subsequently to the programme. AS you can see from the attached papers it will be a very full day. We hope you Will be able to attend, and we look forward to receiving hi application as early as possible and to seeing you in Birmingham on th May. Yours sincerely, for Public Design Group, NAM. Programme DEMOCRATIC DESIGN A PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE CONFERENCE T2.15 - 13.00 13.00 = T4.00 14.00 = 14.30 T4.30 - 15.00 15.00 = 15.45 15.45 = 16.00 16.00 = 16.30 16.30 = 17.15 E7eL5 = 17230 17.30 Their origins, structure and their relationship to private practice and the profession. DISCUSSION. LUNCH - Food available at the Conference. NEW APPROACHES IN HACKNEY - Tom Bulley. Some first steps by L.A. Workers. THE D.L.O. EXPERIENCE - Peter Carter. DISCUSSION+ TEA. A NEW ROLE FOR PUBLIC DESIGN = Adam Purser. Including Interim Proposals and future strategy. DISCUSSION. CONCLUDING REMARKS = Chairman. CONFERENCE CLOSES. SATURDAY 6 MAY at UCATT House, Gough Street, Birmingham I. I0.00 - 10.30 10.30 = 10.35 I0.35 - 10.50 10.50 = II.15 REGISTRATION AND COFFEE. TI.15 - IT.45 II.45 i T2.15 DISCUSSION . CURRENT ROLE OF L.A. DEPTS. OF ARCHITECTURE = John Murray, CONFERENCE OPENHD BY K. BARLOW, REG. SEC. UCATT, AIMS OF THE CONFERENCE - Chairman's opening comments. THE PARTY POLITICAL CONTEXT - Howard Smith. Implications following the Local Elections. SIRMINGHAM| City Centre ROAD Gough Street __| Location Guoas¥* ag New Street Station —_ Application NOTES: Te Please make cheques payable to New Architecture Movement. 2. To save postage we will not confirm unless so requested. Sia If you can, please copy this form and pass to anyone you think may be interested. 9 POLAND STREET, LONDON WI. f PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE CONFERENCE: Birmingham 6th May 1978. CONFERENCE FEE: Number of People: £1.00 each (exclusive of meals) Cost: Total £ Ay Please send completed form and cheque as early as possible to: PUBLIC DESIGN GROUP, NEWARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, NAME ADDRESS TEL. NO. OFFICE (If L.A. Worker) 12.45 a 1.45 1.45 = 2.05 2.05 Ls 2.30 = 3,00 3.00 > 5.30 2.30 — 4,00 4.00 = 4.30 4.30 = 4.45 4.45 = 4.55 4 5.00 een Un ebnlivt 3.3” Wwe|, DEMOCRATIC DESIGN - A NEW ROLE FOR LOCAL AUTHORITY ARCHITECTS DEPARTMENTS Registration and morning coffee Opening Kemarke by Bro. K Barlow, Regional Secretary, UCATT. Chairman's Address, A Frurser Role of Local Authority Architects Departments, J Murrey Discussion Lunch Local Level Experience = Hackney, T Sulley ° DIO Experience, F Carter ~- Political Parties and Their Views, H Smith . Discussion A future for Public Design, A Purser Discussion Resolution Chair's Closing Remarks, J Murray Conference Closes Organised by the Public Design Service Group, ‘ew Architecture Movement, 9 Poland Street, LondonW le 4. Goamna. Fp 4vee CONFERENCE TIMETABLE To ve held on Saturday, 6th May 1976 at UCAT? House, Gough Street, 146 Mustinne Read lida. Clade 16 Motkianwn Creat Sheet Birmingham, 1. 'ae wore pas eewyrermmeaaryyNUM -CUFRyeWK. Crude HES Wale yp PNehad j 10, lng Meades Real Cromey Sheet wel. David Abln, wks lol Whyko Lane Cluclostty Sussex CAfhel. Ceany Bishop | 275 Man OL, Rectlutl ob4 Ann. 1 Aare Forkh . CloBina hannah)Aclulset Dopt mele Backes *tence Blum . {Im . 146 hushinwe Mad livda Clrkg 16 Norttian Jeanna. oN BooTiFul AluiTSHE ? G YO HANBS T0O (COE IN KIKAA HANDY “TA STORE MA CATRE bs, FE66..!) J 6-31 March RIBA ‘Paper sculpture’ exhibi- tion will be retained until 31 March. At the RIBA, 66 Port- land Place, London W1. Mon- day-Friday 10.00-18.00 (closed from 12.00 on 23 March until 10,00 on 28 March). Admission free. 13-31 March RIBA ‘Turkish architectural At the RIBA, 66 Portland Place, Lon- don W1. Monday-Friday 10.00- heritage’ exhibition. 18,00 (closed 23-28 March in- clusive). Admission free. 30 March Society for Architecture and In- stitute of Consulting Architects joint meeting “Sensing architec- ture’. Raymond Moxley and Frederick Chadwick introduce a new programme of events in More architects but fewer new admissions In 1977 there were 26 223 architects on the ARCUK register. There has been a steady rise since 1973 when there were 24 559. New admissions, however, have steadily fallen over this period from 1156 to 843. Kingsweston scheme turned down Planning permission to build a police HQ on land around Vanbrugh’s grade I listed Kingsweston House, near Bristol, has been refused by the city council. The scheme, designed by Avon county architect’s department (AJ 28.9.77 p538), included the repair and conversion of the house and garden aildings. The police have not yet decided whether to appeal or find another site. The Architects’ Journal 22 March 1978 HYRAM .K, ZIMMERMAN 1S NEGOTIATING THE PURCHASE OF THE CURRENT OBJECT OF 1S HEARTS DESIRE Carnegie Trust launches environmental fund Local amenity groups registered with the Civic Trust are eligible for a three year programme of grants launched this week by the Carnegie Trust. The scheme is intended to help groups provide facilities which will give residents and yisitors an insight into the character and resources of their areas, Grants for the projects, expected to include town trails, conservation area guides and wall sheets, will normally meet up to 50 per cent of costs. Obituary: Philip Scholberg Philip Scholberg, who as Brian Grant edited the AJ’s products pages for nearly 40 years, died last week aged 72. He retired in 1975. Future events B...BUT WHY EXACTLY Do YOU WANT, T° BUY St PANCRAS MR ZIMMERMAN 7 GUESS ITS JES’ MA HOBBY, Son... AIM TA TRANSPORT 1TBACK T'HA RANCH IN “TEX--A.S GOT 27 OLE ANTIQVvE STATIONS BAGC “THERE ---/ TELL YA WHAT J'LLBO... £6 MilLion ON TH’ NAIL MY FINAL OFFER ---Au! AS AN EXTRA BONUS LLTAKE “THET THARE.-+> Entries invited for Saltire award The Saltire Society which presents an annual award for good design in housing in Scotland is inviting entries for its 1978 award. The award is given in two categories, new and restored. Closing date is28 April. Housing Centre Trust national conference ‘A better life in towns’. Speakers: Roy Emerson, Professor Graham Ashworth, Leslie Ginsburg and Ed Berman. At Scientific Societies Lecture Theatre, 23 Savile Row, London Wi. Fees: members £1620; architecture and the senses, pre- ceded by the film Beauty i trust (recorded commentary by Sir John Betjeman). At London House, Mecklenburg Square, frers WCl. Details from: Hon Secretary (01-589 0726). 19.00. non-members £21-60; £8.64. Details from: 3424 extns 283 or 291. 13 April students 01-240 oe Institute of Advanced Architec- tural Studies ‘Building perform- ance’ a two-week study course to examine the evaluation of build- ing performance and feedback from user to designer. At Univ- ersity of York, King’s Manor, York. Details from: David Rymer (0904 24919). 1-12 May ee NAM Public Design Service con- ference ‘Democratic design—@ new role for the local authority architect?’ to be held in Birming- ham. Details from: The Secre- tary, PDS Group, NAM, 9 Poland Street, London WI. |6May Pe 1 Nestling on an awkward site in the centre of Brighton is a new office building which shows that it is possible to build successfully in historic towns without resorting to pastiche. Much of the inspiration for the design comes, in fact, from the awkwardness of the site. Located in a narrow strect below Brighton station, the building occupies a pivotal site between immenscly tall buildings on Frederick Place and small terraced houses in Queen's Road Quadrant. To make the most of this dramatic change of scale the building is designed (architects Hughes Lomax and Adutt) in two parts of differing height linked by a service core and dominated by a tall brick tower. So, when viewed down Queen's |Road Quadrant from Queen's | Road (the only direction from | which most people will see the building) the office rises in scale from three storeys, similar to the terraces, to five storeys behind. This difference in height will probably be increased for elfices at required apen atfice space Frederick Place 0 5 10 \Sen a Schematic floor plan. Tint shows circulation the building is designed to allow for another floor to be built on top of the tall portion. The other factor determining design was the client’s (a firm of solicitors) desire to keep costs down. The architects had to design a building which was cheap to construct (it has cost £16 per sq ft to build totalling £331 000) and which would be cheap to heat and maintain. Consequently only the tall part of the building has a reinforced concrete frame with the rest being constructed of load bearing brick. The windows’ sizes have been kept to a minimum and the walls are extra thick with a double size cavity half of which is packed with insulation. Job architect: Stephen Adutt Photographs: Duncan McNcill 1 The Frederick Place frontage from Queen’s Road Quadrant. 2 Looking past the terraces in Queen’s Road Quadrant from Queen's Road 3 The entrance hall. lave| reception Tt central facilities The Architects’ Journal 22 March 1978 537 5. — Rest Gloucester \ | hoa Ted, WARA PulolieTern Soriee Corferencte : Wntrelasy Ci aeeinen :) PhatWweagiedte-matothave2 fay J road sillbeverypleatotdeodthirbul dncasyeou Yor Sica, qe Mann, aoe have Homebefotere cory = rar tre Somenotes,@Lette,ofdniuinian / dal fov B.D. wuk edig blannsa my absence pr~ nivile.$0 perhaps a Dayal Be Sess an yous maniags» Tel: 888 1212 Work 348 87'3 Home aol proye—rne shu may ye you auengh to Sav - © Sow ured lilymnt difomationpliatHg mo. Somat Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Invitations and Applications Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/5fcb220d438e26f101f86c9d924c54a0.pdf 8cdd2691bee0238b369c2d73118d7821 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0c240674b46af701a79362460fa538be.pdf 345e5d38a9af15bba38961a43380fee2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Service Conference (Birmingham) Subject The topic of the resource Conference Programme Description An account of the resource CONTENTS s CONFERENCE PROGRAMME INTERIM PROPOSALS BACKGROUND TO CONFERENCE THE PARTY POLITICAL CONTEXT ORIGINS, EVOLUTION AND STRUCTURE OF L. A. DEPTS. OF ARCHITECTURE FUTURE PROGRAMME OF WORK PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE CONFERENCE MAY 1978 A UNION BASED INITIATIVE IN HACKNEY HOUSING ASSOCIATIONS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES A NEW ROLE FOR PUBLIC DESIGN DEMOCRATIC DESIGN A PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE CONFERENCE SATURDAY 6 MAY at UCATT House, Gough Street, Birmingham I. I0.00 I0.30 20.35 I0. 50 II.15 II.45 12.15 13.00 T3.00 T4.00 T4.00 T4 30 T4.30 15.00 15.00 15.5 15.45 16.00 16.90 16.30 16.30 LiwlD 17.15 T7230 17.90 RHGISTRATION AND COFFEE. CONFERENCE AIMS OF THE GONFER#NCE - Chairman's DISCUSSION. DISCUSSION« DISCUSSION. CONCLUDING CONFERENCE CLOSHS, OPENH#D BY K. BARLOW, REG. SEC. UCATT, opening comments. REMARKS = Chairman. Conference Programme THE PARTY POLITICAL CONTEXT ~ Howard Smith. Implications following the Local Elections. LUNCH = Food available at the Conference. CURRENT ROLE OF L.A. DEPTS. OF ARCHITHZCTURS - John Murray, Their origins, structure and their relationship to private practice and the profession, DISCUSSION, NaW APPROACHHES IN HACKNEY - Tom Bulley. Some first steps by L.A. Workers, THE D,L.O. #XPERIENCE - Peter Carter. A NEw ROLE FOR PUBLIC DESIGN - Adam Purser. Including Interim Proposals and future strategy. maintained buildings. PDS Group May, 1978. and which create the potential for further change : interim Proposals and while giving each team a varied work load. % + To achieve an effective Public Design Service the NAM Public Design Service Group proposes local authority design and build teams which are area based and which will be accountable to users and tenants. We suggest the following interim proposals which are feasible now * DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE AREA BASED INSTEAD OF FUNCTION BASED. To increase the potential accountability to local people, * JOB ARCHITECTS SHOULD REPORT DIRECTLY TO COMMITTEE. * TENANTS AND USERS SHOULD BE PART OF BRIEFING TEAM, AND SHOULD HAVE POWER OF APPROVAL OVER DESIGNS AND STANDARDS. * ESTABLISH JOINT WORKING GROUPS WITH DLOS. To consider how to achieve better designed, constructed and AREA DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE MULTIDISCIPLINARY AND SHOULD HAVE AROUND 12 MEMBERS AS A SUGGESTED OPTIMUM. ABOLISH POSTS BETWEEN GROUP LEADER AND CHIEF ARCHITECT. As a preliminary step towards group leaders having equivalent status to chief architect. i.e. towards a two-tier system. — Plartrn ds epburn _ Coup Ghim Aig ? Background through the public sector. this conference. PDS Group NAM 9 Poland Street LONDON. WI. At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins| and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact DRAFT MAY 1978 O-fl-G- Nes, ENS Ul ON AND Teer ee Cro LO EAL AT HOR PTY Pere eSO aeaa Re PREFACE: rity architectural practice. The purpose of this first study is to develop a theory which can: within the profession, alike, architecture. This paper is a draft of what is intended to become three separate papers dealing with (a) the origins and role of local authority departments of architecture (b) their relationship to private sract ite and the profession and (c) their internal structure. These issues are closely linked and a major part of this and future studies is to deve- lop a theoretical framework which can describe adequately local autho- show how public and private practice are different in their origins and social role and which can provide material to counter the persistent denigration of the public sector from describe adequately the failings of local authority departments of architecture as experienced by public architects and users indicate the way in which progress can be made in public |NTRODUCTOIN suggestions. and in the private sector because it does not reinforce but is in ceFee Bute .' Hupp The problem of explaining the persistent vilification of local autho- rity departments of architecture is not primarily a difficulty of pointing to possible causes. Anyone acquainted with either the archi- tectural profession or with tenants organisations could readily make others.Inasocietybasedonexchange,buildingsforusearenecessa-pen It will be argued here that criticisms of those departments are based on two major and separate arguments. C onsequently any attempt to under= stand public practice should take account of both. On the one hand it will be said that local authority departments are denigrated by society generally and by the architectural profession in particular for two main reasons. Firstly local authority practice is a public and non profit making institution. Relations within the departments are thus different from those which obtain in the private sector. Secondly local authorities themselves provide collective resources for the social requirements of the public. That is public architects design solely for public use. In each case they are in opposition to the prevailing and dominant ideas in society which support the belief in individual private enterprise. Comparisons between public practice and private practice which in its basis and function supports the prevailing ideology, are likely to by uglann”, esult in the former being regarded in an unfavourable light. It will a. ee be shown that for this reason, a widely held view in the profession of local authority practice appears to be generalised from examples of the worst rather than of the best public architecture. In the private sector the opposite is the case. The image is one which apparently is generalised from a few well designed buildings by a few well known firms. The rest are ignored. Furthermore, it will be seen that there exists within the profession an attitude which defines certain types of buildings as being more worthy of architectural attention than rily ranked low. x Quip lo ; vactil cnen il Nd, Pree Aockice tvs fr 4.Ap .— Thus it will be argued that public practice is denigrated in society opposition to the prevailing system and its associated ideology. contain two main paradoxes: as to alienate both worker and user. those social relations. place in a certain direction. lysed. =9= On the other hand there exists another type of concern over local authority departments of architecture. It is to be found amongst the consumers of the service and amongst local authority architets them- selves. (1) For them local authority departments are authoritarian and unresponsive to the requirements of both users and architects. Local authority provision and public architectural practice therefore Thirdly, the present structure of public design departments will be related to public access and the local authority architect. Firstly, while state welfare provision is for the benefit of the existing social arrangements the means of provision are in opposition to those ideas which stem from and sustain those arrangements. Secondly, although local authorities provide for social use and while their departments are not based on extracting a surplus from their architectural workers yet their arrangements and procedures are such The answer to these paradoxes is to be found in theories which relate to the role of the state in society. In particular it will be argued that it is the states' function to secure the reproduction of the labour force and of the existing social relations. It thus services the private basis of society by providing for the majority of people their education, health and housing requirements. But the states' role in securing the reproduction of the labour force and of the social relations of production can only be carried out at the expense of It is because of these contradictions that change will take place. The interim proposals suggested in another part of the conference papers may be regarded as creating the potential for change to take This paper will be in three main parts. Firstly in order to establish (a) the social role of the local authority and its departments of architecture and (b) the different basis of public and private archi- tectural practice the present position will be considered and the ori- gins of public practice will be traced. Secondly, professional criti- cisms of the local authority departments of architecture will be ana- PUBLIC PRACTICE: second world war. Local authority departments of architecture employ nearly one third of all registered architects. L.A. architects remain in a minority des- pite a steady increase in numbers and a substantial increase in the volume of public building works this century and especially since the In 1952 19.6% of registered architects worked in local government. This had increased to 28.6% in 1964 and to 31.3% in 1977. At the same time 41.6% of registered architects worked in private practice in 1962, 50.1% in 1964 and 45.2% in 1977. (2) In addition the propor- tion of employment in private practice is falling in favour of public practice as various studies have shown. (3) In 1966 nearly half of all public building was still being carried out by private practice. Vrvaccounted-for about one third then compared to 29% now of the total TOTS workload by value carried out by private practice. (4) The growth of local authority departments of architecture followed closely on government legislation which made housing and schools a statutory responsibility. While L.A. departments carry out a variety of work, it will be shown that their origins are almost wholly depen- dent on the provision of schools and housing by the state, and that their subsequent identity as separate departments depend on whether the local authority build mainly schools or mainly housing. (5) The provision of state housing and schools goes back 59 and 76 years respectively and it is the extension of this responsibility for the greater part of post war housing and schools under the 1944 Education Act that accounts for the vast expansion of architectural work and to a larger degree of the architectural staff in local authorities. °9/-9961| Pue 4/-17961 einzipusdxyz pue swodu; |eud! EN + SO!PIAOYINY |ed0| Aq Buip, ing ‘*uojAe7 *°Q) :S904N0g 981€ €8Z1 09 66€ Ort Het Heh 194 264 try ole oe £L—- | (e201 96 a) Gs) Gz Gz Lz 42 Zz iz| iz 0z (31) L-€[e101 681 ol 9H 6 |6 ol l 9 S S lL S 42410 81 6 9 t € € € € € € Z | BIIAASSS4!4 L9 Zz a b L 8 8 lL 8 lL S 4 9110q (€ € € € € Z € € € ( *oJ0 poby jo e4e9 z6 et 92 tc € € €°-€ c € € € ozgz6c.)Gz9) ELE Giy|Lon 00m|EH ily|€t|oS€ Z+JO[e104 96s| sez| ost z [ZI €ol zg tL. zl LZ zg 0s e4edpliyg 4 UuO!}eONpy ZZ2Z Hl S64 SZ 767 10 BLE G9 66€ ZSE 88Z 192 Buy snoy S61 oL61 7961 8561 LS61 9561 S561 4961 €S61 7561 iS61 0561 42]22H (UOLLLEW F) ‘win UL Bulp| ing uo sela}soyjny |e90| Aq einzipuedxg teqideg existence. notes, -3- in fact carried out by private architects". (9) Board began to function. A study of the history of the fluctuating fortunes of public spending on council housing and schools shows that these vary according to whether a Labour or Conservative Government is in office. (6) The growth of these services is dependent on Labour governments. L.A. departments which service these, consequently but indirectly have relied on labour for their continuing workload. L.A. departments of architecture depend on the maintenance of public services for their own The table shows the extent of the other work for which L.A. departments are responsible. Schools and housing however accounted for 15 times the value of all others in 1961 (7) and for 8 times the value in 1976. Since the National Health Service Act, 1946 responsibility for building hospitals was vested in the Regional Hospital Boards whose own architec= tural staff work mainly on research and administration. (8) Asa result of the Act as the 1950 Percy Thomas Report on Private Practice The question of separate departments of architecture is also related to schools and housing. Where the major part of an L.A. department is school work, there has almost invariably been a separate architect s department. Thus in the former counties, whose main work was education buildings (counties provided housing only for county staff, e.g. police) 61 out of the 62 counties had separate departments in 1968. (10) In-house architects have always been the rule rather than the exception as far as school building is concerned. Robson, the first London School Board architect was appointed almost directly after the School engineer and surveyors department, particularly in the smaller towns. Tete Architectural work has in fact ceased to be a responsi- bility of local authority official architects and much of it is In cities and towns, now the district authorities, where the main L.A. architectural work is housing, architects are very often part of the Counties County Boroughs Non County Boroughs (excluding London) Metropolitan Boroughs Urban Districts Rural Districts Total number of 1937 1957 authorities Ah 60 62 14 47 83 1 14 318 1 5 28 1 4 564 1 Z 474 61 132 1529 County Councils District Councils London Boroughs 49 53 123 369 31 32 Source: Metropolitan Year Book 1978 —h Source: E. Layton "Building by Local Authorities" p.136. Number of separate Architects Departments in England and Wales in 1978 Number of departments Number of Authorities 203 454 Number of separate Architects Departments in England and Wales before Reorganisation *. Furthermore as Elizabeth Layton has pointed out, -5- There may be several reasons for this, the most important apparently being that housing since the 19th century and until fairly recently was regarded as a public health and public order matter, not an architec- tural one. (Housing until the 1950s was under the control of the Ministry of Health). Because of these links it was, in the 19th century more closely associated with the domain of the engineer. lt may be noted that due to the anxiety over public health and order, and the resulting need for sewers and new roads, the surveyors’ was the first local authority technical department. Gibson et al (11) argue that since this department already existed, it was expedient for all addi- tional technical and related duties to be automatically passed to it. Any important work was given to private firms. "Many authorities considered the use of architects for dwellings for the working class a quite unnecessary expense and have and in 1953 the Institution for Municipal Engineers circulated a docu- ment arguing that the creation of separate architects departments would "Municipal engineering and architecture have no clear cut dividing line ....... the municipal engineer is trained and experienced to act as head of a comprehensive technical depart- ment. The best, the most logical and in the end the most econo mical practice is therefore to put all technical work under the continued to do so until very recently". (12) The municipal engineers argued strongly for the status quo. In his presidential address to the 1911 Housing and Town Planning Conference the president of the Institution for Municipal Engineers stated, "Expressions of opinion have been given to the idea that municipal engineers and surveyors are not the proper persons to be entrusted with the carrying out of this Act (1909 Housing and Town Planning Act) but that members of other professional bodies are more competent to undertake this work, who after all is better qualified than the local surveyor..... 2 (13) undoubtedly increase the staffing costs of local authorities. municipal surveyor...." (14) AJ 22.1.53 p.1I9. -~6§+ Thus although the social legislation of the 19th and 20th century gave rise to the need for an increasing public building programme, it did not automatically lead to L.A. departments of architecture. Separate departments emerged at different times in different authorities. The LCC architects department one of the first if not the first evolved from the old Metropolitan Board of Works in 1888. In Sheffield the department originated in 1908. Bristol had to wait until 1939 for the architect to be separated from the engineers department, while A.G. Shephard Fidler, Birmingham's first city architect was not appointed until 1952. The reasons for these differences are intriguing, and in the absence of any data at this stage it may be speculated that several factors influenced the decision, including increasing housing programmes, local political views regarding housing and possibly the ability of the architects department to convince the council that housing was indeed an appropriate concern of the architect. In order to consider the origins of these, it is important to take a broader view of the emergence of the two most important services from the L.A. building point of view, housing and schools. They in turn are closely related to the history of local government itself. eT LOCAL GOVERNMENT = BACKGROUND TO SERVICES: were associated concerns. wage worker". (17) Local authority departments of architecture and indeed local govern- ment itself are relatively modern innovations. Writers like Summerson (15) have described how L.A. architecture stemmed froma shift from private to public patronage in the late 18th and 19th centuries. But this hardly gives a full picture. Local authority patronage itself evolved from the needs of 19th century industrial and urbanised society. These needs were i]lustrated by the fears expressed by the Victorian middle class over what they felt to be the breakdown of family life, morality, law and order and health amongst the poor. They The history of the mid-19th century is a story of the unsuccessful attempts of philanthropy and organised religion to alleviate these. Central government was eventually, albeit reluctantly, obliged to intervene to provide these services necessary for the maintenance and perpetuation of the workforce and of the existing social order. It is at this period of transformation that evidence for Althusser's That is, any society must create the conditions for its own perpetua- tion, for the renewal of raw materials, tools and of labour itself. As far as labour is concerned, at one level the reproduction of labour power is ensured by giving labour the material means to reproduce itself outside the firm, namely wages. But this in itself is inade- quate to ensure that each new generation of labour is appropriate to the work which will be required of it. Therefore Althusser maintains that it is the role of the state both central and local to secure the provision of the necessary housing education and health care. Thus it is argued that the primary basis of the governments' involvement in housing is to secure the reproduction of the labour face. Secondly, the social relations of production must be reproduced if the society is to continue in its present form. theories on the role of the state can be most clearly seen. (16) "The capitalist mode of production regarded as a connected whole or as a process of reproduction therefore produces.... and reproduces the capitalist relation itself; produces and reproduces on one side the capitalist and on the other side the crisis of reproduction. governmental control. =6= Hence a mode of production must create the conditions for its own perpetuation, the reproduction of these conditions being as important as production itself. And Althusser has argued that the social rela- tions of production are secured "for the most partTM by the legal, political and ideological superstructure, which are controlled by the state, On the one hand there is the police, army and courts, the "repressive state apparatusses" and on the other, and of greater importance in our society, the “ideological state apparatuses", hous— ing,education,social services etc. These ensure the transmission by various means, including the fact of their existence, the knowledge of society which leads people to identify with the dominant culture. The state therefore attempts to secure the reproduction of the social relations and of the labour force through the same medium. The history of government legislation is clarified by this view. For example far reaching legislation usually followed closely after work- ing class protest and unrest, when society appeared to be in danger of breaking down. In addition and for that reason, legislation controlled more and more precisely activities at local level. The following brief description gives an indication of how housing and education services emerged and how they were dependent on a prior reform of While it is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss this theory in detail it may be noted that Althussers' argument does not fully account for the fact that in the U.K. at least the state achieves these ends by different methods depending on the nature of the government in office. Apparently opposite policies are proposed to achieve, in Althusser's terms, the same ends. Secondly, although the state through various agencies may seek to secure the social relations and although it may do this either by promulgating ideas or having embodied in these agencies ideas which have this effect, such an analysis cannot account for the pervasiveness of ideology. Other writers such as Mepham (18) have produced a much more convincing interpretation. For the purpose of this paper it is taken that the role of the State is to secure the reproduction of the labour force and of the social relations, on behalf of the prevailing economic mode in the society. it is in the 19th century that for the first time, capitalism faced a Local government and the Welfare State: Harris has pointed out, =~ 9 = The emergence of the present system of local government is related to the growth of the welfare state. Before then and up until the 18th century, the slow development of local government was mainly connected with poor relief. (19) It was only when a portion of the taxes collected were returned from the centre for local and social purposes that the first principles of modern local government were established. With the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832 the political predominance of the middle class was substituted for that of the aristocracy and the new rulers began to write their interests and ideas upon the statute book. Allthe middle class received the vote and industrial capital now secured a large share of political power. The legislation which followed was preceded by the last mass protest in English history against rural conditions - The Labourer's Revolt. The rioting, rick burning and machine smashing were confined to those southern counties in which the Speenhamland System of poor relief was best known. The threat to social order was perceived to be a result of the inadequacy of the poor law system in the face of continued economic stress and a commission was set up to inquire into its operation. (20) Two significant pieces of legislation followed. Firstly in 1834 the Poor Law Amendment Act abolished the system of outdoor relief. The last ties keeping the population in one place were thus severed in the interests of industrial capital. Administratively the Act sought to give uniform direction to poor law policy through the introduction of centralised executive control of local government administration. As “For the first time a central government department was authorised to exercise extensive control over the activities of local government and thereby was established an administrative system which continued for over 100 years" (21) Secondly, in 1835, The Municipal Corporations Act fixed the principles of a new system of municipal government, (extended to cover the counties four years later) the principal features of which are still in force; e.g. the country was divided into local government areas, - 10 = councils were elected by local ratepayers, magistrates were to be appointed by the Crown and the Town Clerk and Treasurer were to become obligatory appointments. Equally far reaching was the new doctrine of ultra vires. Central administrative control was introduced to limit the sphere of local. government operations. That is local government was and still is permitted to act only in areas specified by central government. Thus with the Poor Law Amendment Act, central administrative control was established, with the Municipal Corporations Act local democracy was extended while local powers were restricted. These two facts lead the way to a gradual development of a paid loca! government service. Numerous officers were appointed and by 1835 the principle of a paid police force in towns was established. (22) Local government was now in a position to administer these services required by the society as a whole and deemed necessary by central government. Local government departments, including architecture, gradually developed to fulfil the various requirements of providing those services which became known as welfare provision. The local Government Act 1889 which created the London County Council and set up a series of County and County Borough Councils throughout the land com- pleted 19th century local government reform. education of the poor. Housing: The provision of all local government services may be seen in terms of its role in defence of the existing social arrangements. However, only those major services which gave rise directly to L.A. departments of architecture will be considered here. The emergence of the paid local government architect is most closely related to the housing and The question of housing the poor in the 19th century as in the 20th is essentially an urban one. The appearance of epidemics, particularly of cholera in 1832, which spread rapidly amongst the population "without consideration of rank, class or locality" (although it was more viru= lent in the highly populated areas of towns) brought to the attention of the Victorian middle class the potential threat to the maintenance of their society in terms of the ill health of the poor. (24) by Octavia Hill. the physical benefits". impression on the problem". (27) = 11e% Even more pressing was a social problem. The middle class believed that the bringing together of the poor in large numbers in areas like London rookeries where there was little or no access by outsiders created a danger of insurrection as well as of immorality and il] health. (25) Housing, public health morality and the maintenance Stedman Jones (27) has described how attempts to improve working class housing and to abate the chances of social unrest took three other main forms - street clearance, model dwellings and the schemes initiated Street clearance was imbued with “almost magical efficacy" but the of the existing social order were inextricably bound together. The government acted albeit against strong public opinion by intro- ducing first the 1844 London Building Act which for the first time imposed restrictions on the way buildings related to each other (minimum street widths, ventilation of habitable rooms) and the Public Health Act, 1845 which laid the foundation for all subsequent housing legislation. (26) result was to exacerbate the overcrowding problem. Private philanthropists elected to build model dwellings for the working class, the aim being to show that good sanitationand adequate working class housing were compatible with a fair return on capital, plus the fact that they believed that “the moral were almost equal to Butas Tarn has pointed out, the combined efforts of commerce, phi lan- thropy and charity while producing a generic housing type still in existence, in terms of quantity "there was hardly enough to make any Local authorities had initiated slum clearance as a last resort since the mid century. The Artisans and Labourers Dwellings Act 1868 gave power to close or demolish insanitary houses, the cost falling to the slum owner. The Ciross Act of 1875 gave compulsory powers, compensation to owners and gave local authorities the power to rebuild and maintain property and to borrow or levy a rate to finance the work. But in first council estate in London. country's full scale council housing programme. quality houses promised to the returning soldiers. = |9 & government housing programme." (31) Education: The Elementary Education Act 1870 formed the basis of the later local 1878, Dr. G.N. Child was arguing that "the evil (of overcrowding) is increasing rather than diminishing, and that no remedy short of inter- Local authorities did intervene and the country's first council estate designed by the City Engineer, was built in Liverpool in 1875. Seven years later the new LCC obtained permission to build in Limehouse the Although the 1890 Housing of the Working Classes Act gave local Councils the power to acquire land and to build; housing did not become a statutory duty until 1919 when the Addison Act launched the By 1915 the lack of houses for rent had become acute. House rents rose steeply and the resulting demonstrations by aggrieved tenants in Glasgow “came near enough to the appearance of revolution at home while the country was at war in Europe to frighten the government into passing the Rent and Mortgage Restriction Act 1915". (30) Rents were now fixed at such a level that private speculators no longer found it economic to rent to the working class. The government concluded that it could no longer look to private enterprise to provide the good The Hunter Commission itself established following working class agita- tion in 1912 recommended in its Report of 1917 that municipal housing should be provided for the working class. The Salisbury Commission urged that housing for the working class must be a duty carried out by local authorities. Both Reports influenced the passing of the 1919 Act, aided according to Enid Gauldie, by Lloyd George "who used the dangers of Bolshevism as a stick to prod the Cabinet into accepting his vention by the state is at all likely to remove the evil” (29) authority system. It established the principle of attendance at ele- mentary schools, created school districts, provided for the election of -13- School Boards by ratepayers and for the maintenance of schools by a compulsory local rate. It was still however intended as a supplement to voluntary schools. (32) Ten years later the 1880 Education Act made elementary school attendance compulsory, and in 1891 fees were abolished and an exchequer grant. provided 10/- for each child in attendance. The ad hoc School Boards lasted for over 30 years until they were abolished by the 1902 Act which transferred their power to the local education authority. In 1918, one year before the Addison Act made it a duty for L.A.'s to provide housing, an Education Act established a system of national education under 330 local authorities as the primary provider of education. All previous Acts were consoli- dated in 1921, legislation made school attendance compulsory to 14, and provided for education up to 17-18 years. The changes in Victorian Society leading up to free education for all and the way people perceived these makes instructive reading. A picture emerges of on the one hand a rapidly industrialising society which required a disciplined and reasonably educated workforce, and on the other of a working population which had to be inculcated with the values and beliefs of a new form of society. And in the end local government were obliged to perform this function, instructed and Prior to the 1870 Act the church undertook the responsibility for edu- cation in the Sunday School Movement. Day schooling followed in 1808 when the British and Foreign School Society was established, and in 1811 by the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church. - controlled by the central state. For their first 20 years teaching centred around the scriptures but by the 1830's the system changed to take account of acute economic and social pressures. More emphasis was put on teaching children about the demarcation between rich and poor and the mutual dependence on each other in an harmonious society. “Contentment in the station of life to which God had assigned them was an important precept". (33) But no industrial nation could have gone forward without a workforce which was literate, disciplined and contented. To aid the voluntary schools in their venture the government provided from 1833 a £30,000 grant for school building. Pressure began to be put by the Radicals for example for state controlled secular education. (34) Schools Boards; their civilizing works". (35) order. (36) =14- tt is a measure of the failure of the voluntary system that in 1893 the Rev. T.W. Sharpe, senior Chief HMI could write of the London “The Education Act (of 1870) was not passed a year too soon; London would have been filled with a savage population in the year 1893 if the 480 schools built by the Board had not done But the 1870 and subsequent Acts were not without opposition. Conser- vatives feared that the opening of the horizons of the working class would lay then open to Radical influences and stimulate them to enter- tain ideas above their station and thus prove subversive to the social Liberals and progressives on the other hand echoing more precisely the needs of the age; believed that a well educated working class was not only an end in itself but also an important means of securing eco- nomic advance and stability. Children learned the habits of “tidiness, punctuality, order, truthfulness" in the Board Schools. Stanley who “We want our lower classes to be educated .... We want them to learn the self respect of citizens to feel their responsibility as voters, to have self restraint, the thoughtfulness, the power of judging and of weighing evidence which should discipline them in the exercise of the great power they now wield by their industrial combirations and through their political action", (37) Headlam of the socialist movement in his election address as a (successful) candidate for the London School Board, argued that it was a fundamental purpose of board school education to make children, “discontented with the evil circumstances which surround them. There are those who say that we are educating our children above their station; that is true; and if you return me | shall do my utmost to get them such knowledge and such discipline as will make them thoroughly discontented". (38) dominated the London School Board Progressives wrote; Departments of Architecture: ment. -15- The local authorities role in securing the reproduction of the labour force and of the social order and the resulting contradictions are aptly summed up in these quotations. It is because of the importance of the ideas expressed in the last quotation that the labour movement have traditionally supported the role of the state in controlling aspects of the economy. In the last resort those services are account able to the public through the democratic system. The pressing social need to build housing and schools on a large scale produced a corresponding need for local authority departments of archi- tecture. Depending on the authority, one or other of these services was the critical factor in their establishment. In the case of the LCC for. example housing provided. the. impetus, although its predecessor, the Metropolitan Board of Works appointed its first chief architect in 1855. The Board was abolished by the 1888 Local Government Act and was replaced by the London County Council, A programme of municipalisation followed supported by the Progressives who wished to municipalise public utilities to run services so that profits subsidised the rates. The Fabians on the other hand wanted to municipalise all trading services and abolish profits. (39) The LCC was instrumental in pressurising the government and pass the 1888 Housing of the Working Classes Act which gave it new powers. It decided to expand the old Metropolitan Board of Works‘ architects’ department to cope with the expansion of housing. According to Service, "They received applications for jobs from a stream of young architects attracted by the social idealism of the work. This was a generation born in the 1860's or later and strongly influenced by the political and social theories of William Morris and Phillip Webb". (40) Following the 1902 Education Act, the ad hoc School Boards were disbanded to come under the local authorities. School design and later Fire stations then came under the jurisdiction of the LCC architects depart- ginated in a number of authorities The Profession: profession. base of the profession. question of styles. (42) - 1622 As far as this and other authorities are concerned, further study is in progress and case studies will be included in the final version of this paper which will describe how and why departments of architechture ori- In the next part of this paper the evaluation of these departments will be related to the cormern with which they were greeted by the architec- tural profession. It appears from the evidence available at this stage that in-house architects in local authorities followed almost automati- cally from the growth in services. Their relatively peaceful beginnings is therefore in sharp contrast to the controversy with which they have been surrounded ever since, especially in the private sector dominated During the period of social turmoil in the second half of the 19th century the architectural profession was pre-occupied with its own concerns. Jenkins (41) has described how patrons of architecture changed from wealthy individuals to commercial and then public bodies following changes. in the economy as capitalism developed. The scope of architectural practice was extremely wide but architects were em- ployed on only some 10% of new building work, Contracting methods were transformed with the advent of the general contractor, with con- sequent effects on the role of the architect. The changing economy not only affected the practice of architecture but also the knowledge The concern of the architect was thus almost wholly directed towards two questions; firstly architects were anxious to establish and main- tain the profession's reputation in the public eye by attempting to guarantee integrity and competence through professional association, formal education and statutory registration. Secondly there was the While it is outside the scope of the present paper to consider this in detail, these two aSpects were closely linked to the development of capitalism. This is not only in relation to competition from builders Benjamin, too, argued that in the 19th century, forced to make novelty its highest value", (44) depended on service not individualised styles. in the profession as a whole. lasyrt rat = yy = ae and surveyors and the need to establish professional status, but is con- cerned with the position of the professional as a mediator of knowledge in capitalism. Secondly as Joanna Clelland question of styles was linked to the development of knowledge as another commodity. She argues that in the Renaissance, knowledge produced by the scientist or artist was believed to be part of the growth in universal knowledge, that is, it was collective. By the 19th century knowledge had become individualised. Individual knowledge differentiated one architect from another and was sold: as.a personal style - as a commodity to the client in competition with the personal styles of other architects. Thus the individualism engendered by capitalism was of particular importance to the private architect. It became his or her source.of livelihood. Public architects however were in a different position. Thier livelihood vidualism is one part of the reason why public practice is designated ° (43) has pointed out the "Art which begins to have doubts about its function is It will be suggested in the following section that this question of indi- PUBLIC V. PRIVATE PRACTICE: The 1950 RIBA Committee on the Future of 81% of students answering their questionnaire declared a preference for private practice. The question as to why the schools of architecture one. It might be expected for example conscious profession would support and and the profession submits to a private practice for the poor and the local authority Local authority departments of architecture distinct from exchange. That is to say they do not design buildings which become commodities or sources of profit. Dele Gevle fe public « While there are many inadequate (and some of the reasons for this will be considered briefly in the next section), the same is also practice in lalio 9 s Private Practice, found that ideology is an intriguing that a liberal and socially- foster the idea of welfare provision departments which serviced that. design buildings for use as buildings designed by publie true of private practice. Yet Derk mye privy 18. contrast to prevailing ideas about private practice, there is a tendency to generalise and to arrive at a position where it is imagined that local authority work is inherently bad. But many examples of local | authority architecture praised by the public and the profession alike exist. They range from early L.C.C. housing estates to post war work in the L.C.C., Coventry, Herts County and many others. Why then are the progressive authorities ignored when the image of local authorities is being assembled? ' /OVINS . To some extent this phenomenon may be explained by the potential economic threat which the public sector poses to the private. More importantly = it is ‘Suggested that it is precisely because L.A. architects Jo design Burylobs for use that they are denigrated, and why certain buildings are thought to be a suitable medium for personal architectual expression and others are not. Moreover, public practice itself is similarly for use and not for profit. ‘It thus exists as an alternative and opposing method of practising architecture. That is to say, public service and public practice create an ideological problem. Commentaries on 20th Century architecture are replete with evidence of the view that public architecture at best is a matter of inspecting and cheking the work of others. (45) Private araerice was presented as a much more attractive proposition although at least in the eyes of Lethaby in the 19th Century the method of securing commissions was less than satisfactory. "At present individual architects are at the mercy of vulgar incidents, such as having a flow of dinner talk or being in with a business syndicate or knowing a Lord.'' (46) Even though the public architect did not have to face these indignities, as Summerson has pointed out, in the 19th and early 20th Centuries, "All the glory and much of the profit is associated with the private practitioners."' (47) Neither thirty years of well designed buildings by the School Boards, ten years of new schools by the local authorities, nor the passing of the 1919 Housing Act as a far reaching piece of social legislation, altered the L.A. image. In the 1920's as Summerson again notes,- "Salaried employment -. except as a mere transition to independence was in 1925 a proposition that attracted few and was entertained by the unambitious and the not very talented. Employment in the staff of a local authority .... was sought only by those to whom the pay envelope was a very much more urgent consideration than opportunities for the creation of architecture.'' (48) Thus by the early 1920's ideas which have continued to this day were firmly established. In some quarters however, during the mid 1930's public architecture had begun to stand for the progressive movement. Amongst politically conscious students it was regarded as the architecture of the future. This point of view was championed by the Association of Architects, Surveyors and Technical Assistants (later to become the Association of Building Technicians). The reputation of the L.C.C. and other ‘progressive authorities after the war was due in large measure to the influence of these architects. The reason why this situation has not continued will be examined briefly in the next section. The RIBA still regarded public architecture as disreputable. In 1935 they appointed a special committee on official Architecture. It should be noted that 19. by this time some 20% of registered architects worked in the public sector, but more important, it was becoming Among the committee's recommendations buildings should be given to private practice. ' than one who is cumbered about with much serving.'' (49) 17.4% of architectural posts were unfilled. of the expansion of the public sector. circumstances. (51) a major patron of architecture. was the suggestion that important 20. "dn important municipal buildings, the design should be entrusted to a practising architect in preference to the official man, because where a new building of civic importance is required or where there is scope for fresh ideas of design leading to an advance in architectural planning the outside architect is more likely to be successful and to contribute to such an advance Bowen (50) in his survey of the architectural profession in 1953, found that there was only a small minority of architects who actively supported the advantage of public employment. In support of this the Mallaby Committee on local government staffing reported that in 1966 Ideas and views denigrating the public architect can be traced through to late 1977,even although the RIBA in 1976 pronounced an embargo on public bickering between the public and private sectors, which they said contravened the Code of Conduct. Equally however, public patronage was becoming more and more significant. Following the labour government's expansion of Council house building and schools after the second world war and their severe curtailment of all private building by means of licensing the RIBA setup a committee .... "to consider the Present-.and Future of Private Architectural Practice'' which reported in 1950. Their report, while stressing that it did not regard private and public practice as being mutually antagonistic, significantly in view of its title, presented in fact a detailed analysis They found that although there had been a decrease in private practice employment of around 16% between 1938 and 1949 and a corresponding increase of 20% in Central Government and 18% in Local Governments staffing, that 57% of practices were expanding and a further third reported no change in exchange versus usefulness. in 1952 argued ; main objective."' (52) 21. Furthermore, nearly 20 years later in 1967 the National Board for Prices and Incomes, reported that only 22% of new work was done by the public sector, compared to 54% by private practice. In addition 45% of all public sector work was carried out by private practice. By 1974 however, the Monopolies Commission Report indicated that private practice's share of all building work had fallen to 29%. The public sector undoubtedly does present a potential economic threat to private practice and is perceived to do so, in that studies into the state of private practice and the profession have always taken place in times of curtailment. Nevertheless this does not fully explain the persistence of their concerns, particularly in the first half of the century. What it does suggest is that the major threat posed by public practice and indeed by the local authority services themselves, stem from its opposition to the dominant image which society has of itself as a private and individualistic social arrangement. Eventual ly it will be said these ideas become incorporated in the concept of Gibson et al in their Guest Editor series in the Architects Journal ' Because the public office grew up during a period when private enterprise was the dominant motive in society, it came to be regarded as the haven for the lame duck, the quiet back water where risk and adventure were at a discount and security the Private enterprise is still the dominant motive in society although other conditions have changed so that their supporting ideas have altered as necessary to fit new situations. The relationship between public and private offices however, may be regarded not merely as a result of economic forces but as part of an overall pattern of how cultural relation- ships are established and reproduced. These relationships that is, which are necessary for the perpetuation of the existing social arrangements, must be reproduced if a dominant class is to be reproduced. In order to do this, the society produces ideas which further the interests of the dominant class and which are represented as the only rational and universally valid ones. Furthermore, these ideas, or ideology must have a sufficient degree of effectiveness in rendering social reality intelligible if they are to gain widespread support. Mephan (53) has maintained that idealogy arises from the opacity of reality and that the appearances of things conceal those real relations which themselves produce the appearances. In addition, ideological categories must be inter-dependent and mutually support. They must form a homogeneous matrix which supports the existing social relations. Any departure from these by new.forms of organisation based on different principles for example, will disrupt the homogeniety of the matrix and will be perceived as a threat to its continuing existence. This it will be said is the case with public practice. — Cf. Gen . at Dateae wieetin These ideas, attitudes and intentions form a dominant culture. The - most important of these ideas, according to Raymond Williams (54) is a belief in individualism. It stems from the concept of private ownership. It is suggested the potential opposition between the rights of the individual stemming from individualism and the limiting of private ownership, is resolved by the introduction of a further concept - that of the idea of permanent scarcity, associated with success through individual merit achieved in competition with other individuals. It may be noted that private practice itself is based on these principles and this supports the ideas of the dominant culture. In addition, if the status and livlihood of the private practitioner is dependent on individualised knowledge sold as a commodity, then it is especially likely that individualism will be strongly supported in the architectural profession. For that reason any alternative and oppositional forms which are not based on private practice will appear as a threat, not only to the dominant culture but to the basis of private practice and the profession. While the dominant culture may be 'natural' in our society,in order to perpetuate itself, society also requires that the working class, with its own and potentially oppositional culture, is also reproduced. This culture will include ideas generated by the social conditions of the class and which further a more beneficial arrangement for that class. 22. The different basis of the two cultures is described by Raymond Williams, "Bourgeois culture - is the basic individualist idea and the institutions, manners and habits of thought and intentions which proceed from that. .... Working class culture is not proletarian art ... or a particular use of language, it is rather the basic collective idea, and the institutions manners and habits of thought and intentions which proceed from it. ' (55) It is therefore argued that it is the idea-of collectivity which is the major threat to the dominant culture. Thus, while it is not suggested that the state in any way stems from working class culture, local government is collective in the sense that decisions are made collectively by committees answerable to the public. Public Architects service elected representatives and not individual or corporate private organisations. A further difficulty for local government relates to the English concept of democracy. As Raymond Williams has pointed out, just because democracy in England grew slowly by gradual constitutional amendment the perception of equal rights embodied in democracy is effectively neutralised. He suggests that the idea of economic individual ism creates a more“decisive social image than democratic equality. Active —_— en processes of popular decision ‘such as committees or juries are not recognised as symbols of equality and are more likely to be regarded as inferior to decision making by individuals. Furthermore, the activities of production and trading are increasingly seen as the essential purposes of society in terms of which all other activities must be judged. Instead of society being regarded as a social order, it is more readily thought of as a market. Eventually, Williams suggests, this gave way to an image whereby the organisation of society itself was thought of as a market organisation. Such ideas are continually nourished by the forms of everyday life, where for example, the exchange between capital and labour presents itself to the observer as being of exactly the same kind as the buying and selling of other commodities. 23. The: purchaser gives a certain sum of money and the seller supplies an article which is of a different kind from money. Debord (56) has argued that as the economy developed, the exchange value of a commodity which originally was a function of use value (or degree of usefulness) came to dominate use value so that use value was dictated by exchange. The use value of an object becomes less and less important compared to the exchange value so that eventually a use value must be invented as a justification for exchange value. Adam Smith also made this point; "The things which have the greates value in use have frequently little or no value in exchange; and on the contrary, those which have the greatest value in exchange have little or no value in use.'' (57) If the ideas in society are to sustain this arrangement the evaluation lee of an article or service must be in inverse proportion to its use value. shuyle Thus council services and buildings which are based on use, the use being reproduction, are not only likely to be ranked low, but also to be denigrated because they are in opposition to the dominant ideas of exchange. Private practice is based on the principles of exchange, public practice is based on use, both in the form of tts service, in the nature of the buildings it designs, and in its internal office arrangements. The internal arrangements are also based on different principles to those which obtain in the private sector. In the latter there is an owner, the principal, whose own income, plus the income to service the office, is generated by the surplus produced by the staff. Definite social relations exist between principal and staff resulting from their connections within the process of production. These social relations mustcontinue if private practice is to continue as it is - on the one hand the owner on the other hand the architectural staff who sell their skills as their source of livlihood. These social relations are concealed or blurred in various ways in order thattheymaybeperpetuated.Thisilsikelytobeespeciallythecase where owners and workers share the same skills and the same professional ideology. 24. In the case of the local authority office the situation is different and more complex. The owner to whom the architectural workers sell their skills is the local authority which is a collective owner. The local authofity does not buy these skills to extract a direct surplus, but to achieve a use. The use is the design of buildings which are themselves for social use. Within the office there is no owner. The chief architect does not extract a surplus so that the social relations existing between him and his staff are different to the equivalent private sector situations. It may be speculated that because of this the public office principal will adopt different forms of social control out of necessity. The occasional authoritarian and arbitary nature of this control may be thought of as a result of this. That is to say in the private sector it is in the principal's interest to appear as similar as possible to his or her staff in terms of status, because the issue of control is established. In the public sector on the other hand, it will be necessary for the chief architect to differentiate his status from that of the rest of the staff in order to achieve control. Finally, the nature of public accountability is different in public and private offices. In the latter, accountability to and control by society is achieved through the market and by means of the ARCUK Code of Conduct. The public architect on the other hand, while also being controlled by ARCUK, is accountable to the public via the local government democratic system. In summary it may be said that public practice exists as an oppositional form to the dominant culture,to private practice and to the professional ideology. It is for this reason that public practice has been so consistently vilified. In terms of office structuring, changes in the forms of control are possible in the public sector because the arrangement does not depend on it. This is not the case in private practice where any change to the social relations between principal and staff would mean the abolition of private practice as it exists. — \ Ww 25. ado \. yw PUBLIC PRACTICE - NOTES ON STRUCTURE: A detailed analysis of the structure of public practice in relation to local government as a whole remains to be completed as part of a further study. Central government, fjnance and control over resources will also au_ t form part of a later paper. At this stage it may be noted that all of these have been covered in some depth by others, particularly by the The following brief review has been confined to two aspects of the structure. Firstly the issue of function based design teams and secondly the question of the internal hierarchy. It will be suggested that these two as they exist are major factors in preventing contact between architect and user. Furthermore they may readily be changed to the advantage of both. It was argued earlier that the role of local government is to ensure the maintenance and reproduction of the labour force by providing schools, housing and other services. Local government also attempts to secure the reproduction of the existing social relations, the most important being that labour stays in the same relationship to capital, i.e. the reproduction of the classes. Although these two aspects of the local government role are indivisible, if they are regarded separately it will be seen that the barriers described by Malpass (58), which exist between architect and user,do not result from the first - the provision of services. The barriers are rather the result of the need for local government to ensure that all-.aspects of the social relations are maintained intact. Thus, if in our society which is based on individual achievement through competition with other individuals,.housing came to be regarded as the public's right, this would conflict with the basis of the society. One or another must be eroded, But both the provision and society's image of itself are necessary if the social order is to be maintained. It is suggested therefore that to overcome this problem conditions have arisen which effectively place 'boundaries'' around the provision so that they fail to appear as a right, nor are they easily accessible. Furthermore although local government is a collective institution local government provision is allocated individually. The collective becomes individualised at the point of 26. CommunityDevelopmentProjects. A IbrooCode oy -frov~ Cnseli reproduction, thereby neutralising the collective content of the service. - "Thus the Welfare State is not just a set of services, it is also a set of ideas about society, about the family and - not least important about Women.'' (59). Two of the boundaries which insulate producer from consumer in the architects departments are function based teams and office hierarchies. Central government dictates which services the local authorities should administer and provides grants of various kinds for this purpose. The local authority council delegates the running of these services to various committees - housing,education etc. That is, committees which are function based. These committees of elected members are serviced by technical departments staffed by full time officers. In the case of a 'spending' committee these departments will-act as client to the architects department. Architects departments thus service various committees via the relevant technical department and are responsible to that committee for the service which they provide. They are also responsible to a ''parent'' committee for staffing, etc. This is often the Planning and Development Committee. (Planning engineering and valuation also often came under this committee). This division by function is generally followed in the architects departments where there are separate sections or groups dealing with housing or schools, etc. The job architect consequently will be responsible for projects in different parts of the local authority area rather in the way that a private consulting architect is. In this way the professional ideology of individual architects expressing themselves in their own job is sustained. In addition, architects deal with and become expert in functional issues, i.|e.g. housing or schools. Their experience will therefore be limited, and they must either transfer or leave to extend it. Furthermore as Bennington (60)has pointed out, there are contradictions in the function based committee structure. The councillor is elected to serve the interests of a small geographical area. But once elected the councillor oD vay pater MO" . 27. is appointed to serve on a series of committees which are organised not around any of these interests but around service committees. These committees are concerned with the provision of city wide services. So that the city is treated as a uniform whole. Sectional interests whether of wards or of classes of people are subordinated to those of the general population. Thus, because the service does not relate to a political area, it does not relate to 'people' but to an abstract idea. This is equally the case as far as officers are concerned. The concept | of the a-political officer paid to solve technical problems is thus reinforced, In addition the arrangement of function based client departments and committees creates a 'logical' method of liaison - architect - client officer - client committee. It is 'illogical' to break this circle to relate-to either area councillors or local residents. Job architects already face a wide variety of constraints as Malpass has shown and they may feel reluctant to add to their difficulties by adding yet another hurdle in the path of their project. I The public also have difficulty in crossing this organisational boundary which tends to make them vulnerable to official action while making officers immune to the consequence of that action (61). It is suggested that an architectural team, based on political areas will create the potential for those organisational boundaries to be broken. (This is to be argued in detail in another paper prepared for this conference). Briefly however, the team based on areas will give the team members the opportunity of working in different types of projects. The architect will therefore deal with as many function based committees as require work in a particular area. The architect will relate not to an abstract function, but to an area, to ward councillors and to local residents and users. 28. HEERARCHY: According to Gibson et al (62), the present vertical structuring of local authority departments of architecture in the late 19th century. That is, were comprised of one principal and a small number of apprentices. Giles Gilbert Scott for example who had one 25 apprentices. of the largest practices, had status depends on design indeterminacy, not numbers of staff. stemmed from private practice from a time when private practices 29. The concept of one individual architect also relates back to architectural knowledge as a commodity and to owner and workers, both of which are in accordance with the dominant ideology. As private practices grew so did the number of partners, each being equally responsible in law. (A common ratio in large private practices is one partner to seventeen staff). In public practice however the concept of one chief wholly responsible to the client remained. Webb (63) has shown how various intermediary grades were introduced and while his argument leaves room for doubt, he has graphically illustrated the position. As the ratio of chief architect to architectural workers rise to 1:100 and over, problems of control must necessarily arise. The obvious solution and the one adopted throughout public practise is to create intermediate levels whose function is to control. Following Jamous and Pelloile's argument therefore, it may be said that the job architect's status and position depends on his or her indeterminacy, that is to say, on that indeterminate architectural knowledge which cannot be codified. The intermediate functionary however, as Webb and others have shown, do no design work. Their status depends on another form of indeterminacy based on procedural and managerial matters. If they are to succeed in this role they must necessarily increase the ratio of procedural over design indeterminacy. It is suggested that this is achieved by increasing the number of workers to whom they relate. They thus depart from the professional model where The job architect relates upwards to these levels, who while blocking access to the chief architect and to the committees, control not only discipline but also design work in the department. They form a further 'boundary' between job architect and committee in an administrative arrangement which has already been described as circular. those and architectural staff. for further boundary reduction becomes feasible. Lsula Ax warpil, 30. In private practice the situation is different. Only one level and sometimes not that separates job architect also drew attention to this. -They suggested that there should be only one level between architectural worker that level should have 'partner' status with the chief. (64) In effect they were arguing for several chief architects, each directly responsible to the client for work suggested that a ratio of 1:10 should While this suggestion also will be discussed in more detail in another paper at the conference, it can be pointed out that the effect of these proposals would be to reduce boundaries between architectural worker and user. Seen in conjunction with area based teams the possibility and partner. Gibson et al and chief architect and that carried out. Further more they be the maximum between each of REFERENCES: (1) (S$. Webb "Architecture Alienation and the Omnipotent Adminman'' AJ 19.10.77 p.751 "The Local State"! Estimated Employment Distribution of Architects 1964 - 1977 Survey of the Architectural Profession AJ 15.10.53 "Report of the Committee to Consider the Present and Future of Private Architectural Practice!’ 1950 "Architects Services - A Report on the Supply of Architects Services with Reference to Scale Fees'' p.12 "Building by Local Authorities'' "Whatever Happened to Council Housing'' op cit op cit ibid "Architects Costs and Fees'! National Board for Prices and Incomes 1968 Guest Editor Series AJ 14.2.52 p.207 opcit p.137 (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) also ( C. Cockburn ( RIBA also ( ( 1. Bowen RIBA The Monopolies and Mergers Commission E. Layton C.D.P. E. Layton RIBA RIBA HMSO ( (11) (12). Layton (13) Institution for Gibson et al Proceedings of Housing and Town Planning Municipal Engineers Conference West Bromwich 191] p.3 (14) Institution for Municipal Engineers (15) J. Summerson (16) L. Althusser (17) Marx (18) J. Mepham (19) J. Clarke AJ Editorial 22.1.53 p.119 "Georgian London" "Lenin and Philosophy and other Essays’! "Capital Vol. 1' p.635 "Theory of Ideology in Capital''in Radical Philosophy I] "History of Local Government in the United Kingdont' REFERENCES: (Cont'd) (20) M. Bruce and E. Hobsbawm (21) J. Harris (22) L. Hill (23) J. Clarke (24) J. Tarn (25) G. Stedman Jones (26) J. Tarn (27) G. Stedman Jones (28) J. Tarn (29) D. Rubenstein (30) E. Gauldie (31) E. Gauldie (32) J.Clarke (33) P. McCann (Ed) - (34) =P. McCann (35) P. McCann (36) P. McCann (37) P. McCann (38) P. McCann (39) Gibbon & Bel] (40) A Servi ce (41) F. Jenkins (42) Barrington Kaye (43) J. Clelland (44) W. Benjamin "The Coming of the Welfare State" "Labouring Men"! "British Government Inspection'' p.12 "The Local Government Officer’ pp.13-15 op cit "Working Class Housing in the 19th Century' p.51 "Outcast London"! p.52 op cit p.4 op cit p. 179 op cit p. 16 "Victorian Homes'' p.188 "Cruel Habitations' p.308 ibid p.307 op cit p.37 "Popular Education and Socialisation in the 19th Century" p.93 ‘ibid p.101 ibid - cited by Rubinstein p.255 ibid p.240 ibid p.242 ibid p.243 "History of the LCC, 1889-1939"! "Edwardian Architecture and its Origins'' p.407 "Architect and Patron!! "The Development of the Architectural Profession in Britain" In conversation May 1978 "Paris - Capital of the 19th Century" From Charles Baudelaire - A lyric poet in the Era of High Capitalism p.172 REFERENCES: (Cont'd) (45) (46) (47) (48) (49) (50) (51) (52) (53) (54) (55) (56) (57) (58) e.g. Barrington Kaye op cit F. Jenkins is Summerson Barrington Kaye Barrington Kaye Bowen RIBA Gibson etal J. Mepham - Williams . Williams - Debord - Smith . Malpass op cit - citing Lethaby "The London Building World of the 1860's p.21 op cit - p.234 - citing Summerson ibid p.166 AJ 10.12.53 p.714 "Report of the Committee to Consider the Present and Future of Private Architectural Practice" AJ Guest Editor Series 13.3.52 p.327 "The Theory of Ideology in Capital" from Radical Philosophy 2 "Culture and Society'' also "The Long Revolution'! ibid "Society of the Spectacle'! "Wealth of Nations! "Architects Professionalism and Local Authority Housing" p.75 "Women and the Welfare State!’ p.9 "Local Government becomes Big Business'' p.13 (CDP) (59) (60) (61) (62) (63) (64) Gibson et al - Wilson J. Bennington a Malpass Gibson et al S. Webb ibid op cit op cit op cit ) oh, * low pou pS 1 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM PDS Group (John Murray) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 06 May 1978