2 10 39 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/132f6f9cf3a78251cf5731d7b1c68701.pdf 0d2c242ba52b1cd2f2c423d94f31d4e8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design - A New Role Subject The topic of the resource Towards a New Public Architecture', Essay by A Purser (9 pp) Description An account of the resource PUBEIt 2pES(oN New he DRAFT MAY 1978 PUBLIC DESIGN GROUP TOWARDS A NEW PUBLIC ARCHITECTURE Introduction This paper represents the conclusions reached by the PDG in its deliberations since its formation at the NAM Congress in Hull on 26th November 1977. The views expressed are either a unanimous or majority view of the :;roup as expressed by the author. The purpose of this essay is to tie together the main points of the other papers, add proposals and spirit and reach a workable path along which to move forward. The present political situation high-lights the difficulties of our task. The public's view of the value of its public servants is very low. Against such a background we must not only develop our beliefs and reasons for public design but we must get these views accepted at large, as it is only with community support that our ideals can be achieved. To gain grass roots support we will have to participate in the community: in tenants' groups, community projects, local politics, trade union branches, Trades Councils and other bodies based in the community. If we believe in the principle of public service, whether from a humanitarian, political or other viewpoint, we must convince the community that we really mean to improve the quality and content of our work together with its effects. The role of the professional in any alternative programme must include an understanding of the educational element. For too Long the myths and obstacles created by traditional professionalism have led to elitist viewpoints or at best paternalistic attitudes. These myths and barriers must be broken down. The interface of architect and public is a problem we need to study carefully, very carefully. ‘Desiring direct client contact may turn out to be unpleasant in actuality. Faced with a raging council tenant swearing about bloady council officials, are we going to blame the tenant for not understanding our problems, or are we going to sympathise with him for revealing the authority's failures ? Remember as part of the council we are going against the “espirit de corps" to criticise one another in public. We will need to take a patent attitude of explanation, listening, explanation, listening and go on explaining and listening. We will need to rebpond positively to hostile criticism, go beyond the surface problems and find ways of attacking the underlying difficulties. But this new interface will only prove mutually educational if the community is given the power to approve or reject design proposals. This shared learning experience will give the architect the new a satisfaction of helping the development of the people he works Or. For me this shared experience of mutual development gives great joy, far more than the creation of monumental edifices to my ecotism. In tackling the role of LAAD's we have seen some aspects of state intervention, the maintenance of the status quo by reproducing itself, as administrators of the gains fought for ‘by the working class and its allies over the centuries, as a bumbling body of mixed up bureaucrats and procedures. Some people fear that if community architecture is a development of existing LA's then state intervention will be its death knoll. Our arguments are based on a detailed understanding of state intervention. We see that within aspects which are genuinely in the interests of the public (i.e. the National Health Service etc.) and these we wish not only to maintain but to improve. On the other hand, we are aware that many aspects of state intervention are re;ressive and these we hope to weaken. Our main belief is in the democratic. improvements caused by decentralisation and will we hope, coupled with our other proposals, produce beneficial results. Intervention in decentralised teams will be caused by financial allocations and in meeting standards, etc. No local community can raise through its own means all the funds it needs to carry out all the diverse functions necessary. Only central government, with its manifold fiscal means, can raise the money and not get completely fooled by the national and multi-national companies. It is interesting to note that Britain has more firms exploying over 40,000 workers than the rest of Europe put together. For these reasons, we acknowledse that to a large dej:ree, central government will fund local architectural projects, however, we wish this resource to be allocated as a lump sum giving the community considerable say in what it spends its money on. We also believe that this lack of funding means that voluntary or charitable community design schemes can only provide a minute minority service. The value of the. present voluntary or charitable project is to show. the need and learnthe pros and cons for starting the real thing. Similar to the example set by charitable housing trusts in the last century. So however devolve the design team and local unit of government is, we are going to have to come to terms with some government intervention as a result of the financial situation. But tackling the worst aspects of government intervention has greater potential at a local level. A local design team working co-operatively with the community will raise the aspir- ations and the collective potential of that community. Increased collective action can challenge the stretched resources of the state and overcome the state's paternalistic and repressive aspects, thus creating a real shift of power to the community. Red tape has grown to conceal and conserve the dual contradict- ory elements of state intervention. Looking at the role of design standards is an illustrative example. National standards have evolved from a conflict of opinions. Take Parker Morris for example: 1 for the working class, Parker Morris ensures a minimum spacial requirement in council housing the role of the state there are 2 for the state and probably the professional too, Parker Morris provides a standard that ensures the working class can recreate itself. 3 for free enterprise, Parker Morris represents the maximum amount of space bought with some of the profits of capitalism. Seen in this way, standards become a political issue and one which as professionals with progressive intentions we have to understand and act upon. If we are to work in the community providing our services for those who can'ttafford us or our products, we must clearly ally ourselves with their interests. For me this means we must not only fight to maintain what standards have been achieved by centuries of collective action but also press for improvements in standards. At the present time some LAs are trying to relax Parker Morris standards in an attempt to house more people. This is totally wrong. Rather than challenge the government on the helpful aspects of standards, the government should be challenged on its inadequate allocation of resources to housing. It is also wrong because councils' response to public pressure for housing is met with demands by the council only for a reduction in standards: the whole community should be aroused to demand greater housing resources. So far I have outlinedfour reasons for decentralisation with grass roots involvement: ir it is at this level that the greatest potential exists to improve society. 2 the role of the professional Weer ngoe eeteT? and educational rather than remote and paternalistic. 3 the greatest benefits and, therefore, satisfaction, can occur here. 4 at this level the state has the least potential for harmful intervention. With this in mind let us develop a suggested outline for the Public Design Service of tomorrow. The Public Design Service working in the interests of the community will be locally based and fully accountable to the community. It will be a multi-disciplinary team working on a collective basis, in the team will be: architects, technicians, planners, builders, together with specialists as required. The team will be account— able to a parish or ward committee consisting of locally elected representatives of the following organisations: tenants' and community groups, trade unions, political parties and team workers. The local committee will have power to dispense resources and allocate land, accept designs and employ staff. The committee will have to relate to higher organs of government. This will only be meaningful if financial control is firmly locally controlled and the decentralisation of local government reverses the effects of local government re-organisation. We suggest the following strategy for decentralising LAADs. a At present architectural teams in LAADs are organised either on a specialist basis or general basis but both operating throughout the whole LA area. b Within the department teams should be allocated to specific areas, wards, parishes etc. and that they should all be general teams capable of calling in specialist advice should they need it. (Up to this point we believe there is a capability of fairly quick achievement and we have, therefore, included it in our interim proposals. The strategy from this point on is much morelong term and only a suggested guide.) c Having established teams with local responsibilities contacts and connections can be gradually increased with that community. d When good local relations have beenstarted it seems silly to have all local teams in 'head office'. The time has come to move the office accommodation into the local team area. Where possible housing should be made available in the area for team members wha wish to live in the community. e The local teams dig in, begin to formalise the democratic links with the community. f With well-established links both formal and informal ways should be developed of increasing the power of the community. Q.E.D. in conclusion a locally based democratically decentralised design team has been formed. How would that model work in your borough ? Examples of this approach are at present being worked through. It is important to realise that from the start this approach is dependent upon co-operation from all involved departments. It is not the sort of idea that can be imposed from above. Similarly, it would be very helpful to groups attempting such a course to have worked examples and plenty of back-up arguments prepared. This is a task in which the PDS believes it'can play an important part. The PDG in its interim proposals has set out the following issues which we believe can be tacked successfully. i The change from specialist architectural teams to area based general design teams, previously mentioned. 2 Job architects to report in person to the client committees. 3 Tenants and users to be included in briefing job architects and the designs, standards etc. to be approved by the tenants and users. further. 1 Internal Democracy a aBe3 aa iv 4 Architects' Departments to be altered so that there are only job architects and the chief architect. As an example we can site the case of building material standards. EJMA windows may provide an easy answer to many problems. But architecturally we can find that the various combinations of side hung, top light pivoting result in an aesthetic nightmare. While from the housing departments! view the quality of timber results in frequent and costly maintenance problems. To the building department the use of such windows is often awkward with problems in installation, lintel sizes, scaffolding etc. and again the continuing volume of maintenance work. If we can get all these knowledgeable elements together to form a design construction team we can begin to put right the separation of builder and designer. This artificial separation only came about with the advent of the industrial revolution (see NAM's "A Short History of the Architectural Profession"). We have seen the value of direct labour organisations to the public and we must add to that our belief in our public role to create a design construction team unsurpassed by the private sector. It is hoped that these proposals will improve internal and external democracy. The PDG has taken these and other issues and begun to develop them What follows are proposals that are not easily or quickly achievable and will, therefore, form part of the future work of the PDG. Design teams of around 12 people locally based would operate co-operatively, the team would include architects, technicians, quantity surveyors, service engineers, builders and secretarial staff. The team would elect annually a team leader. Management Committees - local authorities suffer from a rigid hierarchial pyramid, we believe that policy and management decisions should be made by a departmental committee with representatives of all types of depart- mental workers. In this way the collective wisdom of the department is fully utilised and escapist buck-passing is avoided. The link between teams and departmental committee will be an elected one. Links with other departments will be made at two levels, (a) working teams can be made up of interdepartmental people, i.e. from the housing department, building department , social services etc. and (bd) interdepartmental committees representative of a cross section of department- al staff, i.e. not just the chiefs. 2 External Democracy The advantages that arise from the formation of tenant/user client committees for briefing job architects and approving the work etc. are: a working with tenants/street or;anisations provides a wealth of knowledge of the area, historical background, minute detail, seneral problems, local characters, ambitions etc. A close relationship with the community creates two side effects - (i) the community's increased knowledge enables them to articulate their desires towards the built environ- ment more effectively, (ii) the role of the professional as educator and initial organiser on the environment enables the community to develop its own strength from which demands can be made to increase standards and the allocation of resources. b Trades Councils form the local focus of trade union branches and as such have great potential for action on community affairs. Currently there is a TUC campaign to improve the provision of facilities for the disabled. Trades Councils around the country are pursuing policies to get these provisions realised. The fact that it is often the architects who appear to forget the handicapped has been noticed by the trades unions. But we know as architects that the problem is often one of cost. Clearly the coupling of trades council pressure and architectural knowledge could lead to an increased provision of facilities for the disabled. 5 Theory of Public: Service We believe that civilisation in enhanced by the collective wisdom and actions of the populace. The:-funetion.of pubic service is to provide the community with an instrument that realises collective decisions. We need to not only study and develop the theory of public service but to apply practically these ideals in our day to day work. 4 As previously pointed out, housing provided in a free market society has to be capable of providing the dominant class with a working class that is capable of reproducing itself. We have seen that free enterprise is incapable on its own of providing decent housing for all the population. The reality of these facts will strike anyone who has to spend his days visiting council housing, so clearly designed as a machine for existing in. There is no way that they provide a space for growing mentally and physically. Few people realise that the system that created the need for public housing is still incapable of providing owner occupation for a good half of the population. (Rented accommodation both private and public accounts for 50% of the population but only 47% of the dwellings, depending upon which source of information is used.) As an agent of public service I wish to see public housing built to the highest possible standards. Public housing should embody all the collective ideologies and benefits that do not occur in isolated owner/occupier rip off Wimpey estates. Housing associations are another diversion sent to confuse the issue. Housing associations receive government funding without either the control or the democracy found in local authorities. In essence they provide the government with a back door method of getting housing on the cheap. Central Government Central government is, and will continue to be, the main source of public housing finance. There is such a lot of ground to cover here that already the PDG sees the need to work closely with other more economically orientated alternative organisations. The conference of Socialist Economists Housing Workshop springs to mind in this context. The PDG believes that case studies will have to be made of particular situations ‘and that the values and problems found should be made available to all interested parties. PDG Strategy and Steering Group To co-ordinate the work of all the groups and further’ the development of public design. If. we can only get three or four groups under way as a result of this conference there will be a substantial improvement in our capabilities. Fro m the amount of work the PDG has done already, as well as organise this conference, I know that an enlarged team can make very satisfactory progress. At this point I'd like to tell a little story of how I see the future in a local design team. "Tt was spring time in the office, a bare headed technician was watering down the coffee. No, but seriously, it hadn't been a bad week. The District Council have agreed to convert the old St John's school and the pressure from the residents had ensured that the funds would be made available in the next financial year. At the present time no suitable way has been found of avoiding speculation on land values, and until national asset in the same way as coal, will be found. ao land is treated as a no satisfactory answer I was leaving the office on the way to the Bullfinch for a lunch-time pint when old Jack Scamp came up to me after seeing the new technician, Grace. I thought I was in for the usual round of complaints about drains, windows, pigeons or whatever happened to upset him, but remarkably he was quite affable. Apparently he had been to complain about the draught of cold night air coming into his WC. Grace must have actually got through to him, for he had agreed to have his house modernised. Something to do with piles I think ! "Hey up, Adam" called Mrs Bestwick as Iwalked alony Maple Road. "T've had that leak mended, the man came round not half-an-hour after I told you about ot o" "Well," I said, "that's what comes of having a proper council building department." "Aye, its zood to see our rates being used properly. Thanks anyway." Crossing over New Road I was glad of the shelter provided by the young trees, the wind still having a nip in it, and I shuddered at the thought of wide open tarmac and grass spaces that this fifties council estate used to have as landscaping. ° Over the door of the Bullfinch was the name of the Landlord, Ernie Wigley, never got over that name. Inside Ernie served me my usual while rattling on about old St John's school and how aS a boy he could remember ... " Ahn well, a little dream at present it may be, BUT a major reality it can indeed become. We've stated why we believe in decentralised public design offices and we have shown one possible way of getting there. We know a lot of work has to be done and we believe this work will reveal other ways of gaining our objectives, For too long LAADs have sat back and defenSively resisted any change at all. It is now time that we rekindled our faith in the public service. The kind of fully-committed public service we talk about can be created, and we can create environments in which people are people, where a sense of caring and sharing is dominant. We can create a really happy, first-class public environment. The PDG believes, and we hope you will agree with us, that the ideals of public service are worth fighting for, that the part we play can lead to a better society. If you want to see first class public housing estates, first class inner city environments, first rate public participation, join with us and help create democratic design, a new role for local authority architects that is a real public service. i, This conference endorses the development of the PDG and asks all those interested to either a attend the next PDG meeting on Saturday, May 27th at 11.30 a.m., 118 Mansfield Road, Nottingham, or b inform the PDG of what work they would be interested to participate in. 2 The task of the PDG and its working groups is to further the ambitions of a Public Design Service. a The PDG will report on its progress to the Annual Congress of the New Architecture Movement, provisionally on November llth & 12th at Cheltenhan. 4 This conference expresses its thanks to the New Architecture Movement for its help and assistance. 5 This conference expresses its thanks to the Midland Region of the Union of Construction, Allied Trades and Technicians for the use of the premises and hopes that this event is the forerunner of other co-operative ventures between building and design workers. Adam Purser, 6th May, 1978. . = as ge ’ : o ie 5 v ~\ é \ t }2 ;: 4 VRoeS é:‘;£ S&S ps fe a 53 - te wy D -\ 1 4 Bb ”f » > ~ Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Adam Purser Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f16c9b8d7bf64902e16b21b4f20a74cc.pdf 0859251e4551007953602e8a31916caa Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Housing Assoc.s & LA's Subject The topic of the resource Housing Associations - A Democratic Alternative to L.A.'s ?' (5pp) Description An account of the resource BOUS UNG ASSOC IAT POR S AND LOCAE AUR Lr eS DRAFT MAY 1978 3agetantoSaeaOe Ei Series nes ses Perea Te HOUSING ASSOCIATIONS: A DEMOCRATIC ALTERNATIVE TO THE LOCAL AUTHORITY ? Radical and progressive architects have for some time now been argueing for genuine participation of user groups in the design process; that the problems in modern architecture arise from the system of patronage and control in both design and construction, and not from some illusory "crisis of style’. We believe that these problems can best be resolved by the reform and democratisation of local authority departments, since it is only through the local authority and its, albeit limited, democratic functioning that working people have access to land and resources. In recent years there have emerged a.number of alternativest.o local authorities which, it is claimed, are better suited to carry out this transformation than a heavily bureaucratised local authority structure. In housing, the most directly experienced and important area of architectural provision, housing associations form the most significant alternative; so this paper will attempt to show, by looking at their development, structure, financing and projected future role, why housing associations can only play a very peripheral part in bringing about the changes we are advocating. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: The origins of the present day housing association lie in the last century with the charitable trusts, carrying such well known names as Peabody, Rowntree and Guinness, and the 5% philanthropy practiced by some of the more humane, if paternalistic, among the ruling class. The legacy of charity and paternalism established by these forerunners of the modern ‘voluntary’ housing movement still bears heavily on its structure and management. Until the first world war these organisations offered working people virtually their only alternative to the ravages and inhumanity of the private landlord; but from the 1920's they have worked against the changing background of increased local authority provision, a declining private rented sector and, from the '50's, rapidly expanding owner occupation, Most of these trusts continue to function today in one form or another, and since 1945 a number of new charitable trusts have been established. Other types of association in operation prior to 1960 include Government sponsored associations in Scotland and the North-East set up in the late 1930's, and various industrial associations initiated by business concerns primarily to provide accommodation for their own employees. 1961 saw the establishment of cost-—rent housing societies financed by central government, and this scheme was expanded in 1964 when a new body, the Housing Corporation, was - set up to supervise and direct loans. Many of these projects were beset by financial problems, so the Housing Corporation introduced an option mortgage scheme and many cost—rent societies transformed themselves into co—ownership associations. Despite these varied forms of activity, the contribution made by the voluntary housing movement to the country's housing was minimal, such that in 1972 it owned only 1.5% of the housing stock and contributed only 301% of new permanent dwellings. However, changes were about to occur that would make its role far more significant. PRESENT STRUCTURE: The system of finance to housing associations was drastically altered in 1974 with the introduction of the Housing Association Grant. This provided subsidies to housing associations either through the Housing Corporation or the relevent local authority in the form of a capital grant, in principle equal to the net cost of the project, to enable housing associations to run at neither loss nor profit. At present this entails a subsidy of about 75% of a schemes capital cost, available in a lump sum; this compares more than favourably with subsidies to local authorities who receive 60% of loan charges spread over 60 years. This favourable subsidy system has led to a dramatic increase in housing association work such that in 1976 they contributed 27,561 new housing starts ( 10% of the total ) and gained 13,863 improvement approvals ( 11% of the total ). Loans from the Housing Corporation have risen from £38.3 million in 1973/4 to a projected £300 million in 1977, when housing associations were responsible for providing about 100 homes a day. They continue to cater primarily for special minority groups, with significantly more than half their provision in 1976/7 going to the elderly or handicapped. At the end of 1975 there were about 3,500 associations either registered or intending to register with the Housing Corporation; whether this number has grown in order to meet the increased operations is dubious since the tendency is towards more centralisation rather than proliferation. PUTURE ROLE: The future of housing associations under the present government seems quite secure; the Labour Party made this clear in their 1977 Green Paper on housing: "The Government intend to continue their support for registered housing associations. Housing Associationsi,n cooperation with local authorities, can offer an important element of choice in socially owned rented housingeee’. The Conservatives, too, are likely to continue support for housing associations, although under their current far right leadership, associations are likely to become increasingly dependant on private rather than public funding, thus reducing the potential for democratic accountability. Like the Labour Party, the Conservatives also Mal stress the importance of the ‘element of choice!’ in housing provision; what-ws. TL de do they mean by this ? i private rented sector has been declining since the first world oteyutie war; by 1976 it was responsible for only 14.4% of the housing stock, by 1986 it is estimated that it will have declined to 8.3%. While promoting the ideal of home ownership, realists in both parties are aware that it is unlikely to rise significantly beyond its present level of about 50%; housing associations can potentially fill the gap left by the declining private rented sector and thus prevent the unsavoury prospect, for the right, of municipal housing rising to nearly 50% of the total housing stock, The earlier mentioned economic discrimination in favour of housing associations further enhances this ideological role by providing semi-private housing which can be favourably compared with public housing; we can see parallels of this in both medicine and education. DEMOCRATIC POTENTIAL: Given the history, structure and present role of housing associations, what part can they play in the extension of tenant control over the design process that we are advocating ? The management of housing associations remains essentially paternalistic, largely because of their historical development and charitable status. There are a number of commendable exceptions which are to be welcomed both as examples to other housing associations and local authorities of what can be achieved in conditions of democratic participation, and in giving more concrete form to the growing demands of tenants groups, but the majority retain the attitudes of their forerunners. In rehabilitation schemes the problems are often increased by the dispersed nature of the development; : rv, such that in London, only one in ten housing association projects have any kind of tenants association; hardly the basis for thriving tenants participation. In the field of tenant control over design the outlook is even gloomier and not surprisingly so. Many housing associations have been initiated by professionals to channel work and public funds through their own practices, estate agents, solicitors, architects etc., they are unlikely to welcome the longer and more complicated process of user participation in the project. It is true that legislation is being prepared to control this practice, but just how effective it will be remains to be seen. Furthermore since housing associations are only accountable to themselves except in what they are not allowed to do, and often here they are more accountable to central government than they are to local elected bodies, they are sometimes able to thwart and obstruct local authority plans. This is the current structure of the vast majority of housing associations, and obviously we should be doing our best to encourage democratic developments within them, but what is the potential for using existing legislation to establish new and and democratically accountable associations ? There seems to be little hope in this direction since the voluntary housing movement is at present undergoing further centralisation, making the possibility of setting up new associations, sensitive to tenant involvement, still more remote. In the North-East for example, two thirds of new build approvals in 1977/8 went to only four associations, and this is in line with the policy of the Housing Corporation, which is now committed to oppose "proliferation, competition and wasted effort." The virtues of small scale operation, flexibility and compassion by which housing associations are supposedly characterised have apparently been largely lost to the forces of the market and financial self-interest. DESIGN AND CONSTRUCTION: The Public Design Service group of N.AM. conceives of area based design and construction teams with architects working closely mot only with the immediate users and broader local community, but also with construction workers. Housing associations, however, offer little or no possibility of this collaboration between architect and builder; by being forced onto the private market of production for profit, they can only maintain existing hierarchical relationships. Within local authorities, however, de~casualised direct labour departments where construction is for use and not for financial gain, form the potential basis for a fully integrated process of design and construction. In this important area housing associations offer no real alternative to a democratised local authority. CONCLUSION: I have attempted ,to show that housing associations do not have the potential, on a large scale, to produce the type of architectural practice which we argue for in the Public Design Service group of NeAM. Furthermore that the money made available to housing associations from the public purse and then channelled through various organisations for private profit does not make for efficient and democratic housing provision. This is not to detract from existing housing associations which are practicing democratic participation, nor to neglect the attempt to change the management structure of the more conventional associations; these can provide valuable examples of the potential of meaningful participation and popular control in housing. Housing associations have been praised for their ability to provide flexibility and choice; we must show that the local authorities, despite the rigidity, uniformity and bureaucracy which characterise their present structures, are subject to change through mass pressure and are potentially capable of providing more meaningful flexibility and choice by giving working people real democratic control over their environment. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Unsigned Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/c0d7439a4065b3b8c678b27cca345642.pdf 2fd047e20c83401dd9e59cf0de86b11c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Attendance List PDS Conference Subject The topic of the resource 34 Names and addresses of attendees at PDS Conference in Birmingham Description An account of the resource Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 06 May 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/fba19fa85d319dc1a0311176227874d9.pdf e294b5522e1bc2916e83d95982bafe97 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Future Programme Subject The topic of the resource Syllabus of future work (1 page) Description An account of the resource Future Programme RESEARCH: al x al * sk x 3. QUALITY ate nx 5. A THEORY OF PUBLIC DESIGN PDS Group May 1978 % Our future programme has four parts which consist of, work at a local level, work at a policy and educational level with relevant bodies, work at a comparative level with similar groups to N.A.M. - P.D.S., and a research component which will feed into the other three. After launching the N.A.M. --P.D.S. Group, it was soon apparent that there has been little discussion about local authority architects or their role in the economies of local areas. While the Interim Proposals and collective analysis developed in these papers provide the basis for new initiatives, further studies will be key to their development. The specific possibilities listed below will form the basis of an immediate work programme. It is proposed that an extended P.D.S. Group composed of a number of smaller teams will undertake individual parts of the work. Sources and methods will emphasise collecting and contributing case studies linked by a developed theoretical framework. Publicity, including talks; e.g. to schools of architecture, will be a growing feature. 1. DESIGN TEAMS AND DEMOCRATIC STRUCTURES Test Interim Proposal for area-based teams against capital programme and wards in a number of local authorities. Case studies of office hierarchies and office democracy. Examples from other countries e.g. Bologna. Relationship of job architects to committee structures and departmental structure of council as a whole. Case studies of job architects working directly to users. 2. THE FINANCIAL BASIS OF PUBLIC DESIGN Control of resources by central government - finance, standards, etc. Control of local councils; case studies from overseas. * Examples of how L.A. architects mediate/oppose financial constraints which lower standards. Effective tactics for raising quality - by individual ,unions,departments. 4, HISTORICAL ROOTS - AND POLITICAL STRUCTURES History of selected departments; their formation and growth. Impetus behind the radical movement in the 1930's, ABT/Unions. Links with local political structures. Potential of the lowest tier of local government for greater accountability. Elaboration of a theoretical framework in which the relationship of public and private practice and of the profession, can be located. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/eb93c9c1ed32aaba0ebf0703f5594a6f.pdf 5016b1dcf9ef822758e2c73eb594c293 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter to Reg Freeson MP Subject The topic of the resource Letter submitting 'COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE A Public Design Service?' to Minister Description An account of the resource Dear Sir, Yours faithfully, \ Hane : John Murray for Public Design Group New Architecture Movement. NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT 9, POLAND St,LONDON. W1V3DG. Telephone: (Work) 01-888.1212 The Right Honourable Reg. Freeson M.P. Minister of Housing and Construction Department of the Environment 2 Marsham Street LONDON. SWIP 3EB. 29th September, 1978. Re: Community Architecture Following reports in the Technical Press that you are inviting proposals from the architectural profession on the future potential of community architecture, we now submit for your consideration, two copies of our report entitled ''Community Architecture - A Public Design Service?". We trust that this report will constructively contribute to the material on which you will make your decision, and we confirm our willingness to participate in any further debate which you may wish to pursue. MINISTER FOR HOUSING AND CONSTRUCTION Dee M. Movay Mr John Murray New Architecture Movement 9 Poland Street LONDON WiV 3DG 5 October 1978 Mr Freeson has asked me to thank you for your letter of 29th September enclosing two copies of the report entitled "Community Architecture - A Public Design Service" which he will read with interest. DEPAORFTHEMENEVIRNONTMENT 2 MARSHAM STREET LONDON SW1P 3EB 01-212 7601 MRS S. DUNCAN Assistant Private Secretary Yous aivec—ey 3.Ounce. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray for PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 29/09/1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/4e74302c37a39d43bb3005166dcf9a1a.pdf 0db27bcc9e9497e5747dee8c4e7da13f https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/3ce488786c9eeee1ce9600b49265af4a.pdf 76161a0dd304963e7ed104a699596066 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE - A Public Design Service? Subject The topic of the resource Report of the Public Design Group to the Minister of Housing and Construction into the provision of architectural services to the community (in response to RIBA community architects working group report proposing private firms) Description An account of the resource APUll[ EInERUI[E , • PUBLIC DESIGN GROUP, NEW ARCHI TECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland Street London WI. COMMUNITY ARCH ITECiURE A PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE? Report of the Public Design Group of the New Architecture Movement to the Minister of Housing and Construction into the provision of architectural services to the community. Public Design Group New A rchitecture Movement 9 Poland Street London. W, 1. 29 September, 1978, CONTENTS: INTRODUCT ION SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE A Definition Central and Local Government Recognition . COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE - THROUGH LOCAL COUNCILS7 Resources Accountabil ity Integration Construction Tenant Participation LOCAL COUNCILS - CRITICISMS General Criticisms Criticisms by Tenants and Local Council Architects INTERIM PROPOSALS PROPOSALS OF THE RIBA COMMUNITY WORKING GROUP CONCLUSION INTRODUCTION: This report is submitted by the Publ ic Design Group of the New Architecture Movement to the Minister for Housing and Construction to assist in the investigation he is currently undertaking into the potential of various forms of Community Architecture. It is understood that the Royal Institute of British Architects is submitting its own report, prepared by its Community Architecture Working Group. The New Architecture Movement does not support the RIBA's proposals as described from time to time in the architectural press, and is therefore presenting its own arguments lest the impression be gained that the RIBA's view is accepted by the profession as a whole. The New Architecture Movement (NAM) is a substantial body of mainly salaried architects, working in both the public and private sectors. They share a consensus of views on different aspects of architecture and the profession. In the past these views have differed radically from those advanced by the RIBA. The Publ ic Design Group of NAM was delegated by the movement as a whole to undertake an enquiry into the public architectural service and to put forward proposals to a special conference in May 1978. These interim proposals, which are included in this report, and the analysis on which they were based were endorsed by the conference and the Group is currently engaged in extending their study and on promoting their views in the public sector. This report may be summarised as demonstrating that, since an architectural service cannot be considered in isolation from the provision of resources of land and finance, nor from the subsequent construction programme, and if this service is to be both freely available and accountabl~ to the majority of the public, then it l. must be a local authority service. Accepting that principle, careful consideration is given to the serious criticisms levelled at the present local counci I departments of architecture, and proposals for re-organisation are made which would enable the principle of direct accountability to be fulfi lIed. Finally, the report examines briefly the RIBA proposals for a community architecture as understood from reports in the technical press, and relates these to the current crisis in private architectural practice. Since it is understood that the Minister's terms of reference relate specifically to the ~uestion of architects' services to the community, the report has been confined as far as possible to this subject only. That is not to suggest that the New Architecture Movement bel ieves that the structure and financing of local government, its relationship to central government and the relationships of other counci I departments to the architects are unrelated or unimportant. These have not been included in the proposals because they fall outside the scope of this report. The New Architecture Movement trusts that this report will constructively contribute to the sum of material on which the Minister will formulate his decision, and we would confirm our wi llingness to participate in any further debate which the Minister may wish to pursue. 2. SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS: * THAT A COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURAL SERVICE SHOULD BE BASED ON THE PUBLIC SECTOR AND NOT ON PRIVATE PRACTICE. To achieve this, certain interim changes are proposed to present structures : .-.. ' -'.. * LOCAL AREA CONTROL OVER RESOURCES ~ * DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE AREA-BASED INSTEAD OF FUNCTION~BASED, * AREA DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE MULTIDISCIPLINARY. * JOB ARCHITECTS SHOULD REPORT DIRECTLYTQ CQMMITTEE, * ABOLISH POSTS BETWEEN GROUP LEADER AND CHIEF ARCHITECT. * ESTABLISH JOINT WORKING GROUPS WITH DLQls. COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE: A Definition: Although the term "community architecture!! has become common currency amongst at least a section of the architectural profession, five or six years ago the expression did not exist. In that short space of time it has also changed in meaning. The present concept of ,lIcommunity architecture'l embodies ideas about designing for poor cl ients. A paper on the subject presented to the Apri I 1978 RIBA Counci I Meeting stated, ....."this kind of architecture (community arch\tectllre) can only be practised with the knowledge and consent of the user. We must be moving towards an architecture for everyone, not just for thosewh.o have the money to pay for it ....• , so a national fund is needed to help the poor to aquire the skills of an architect,ll (cited in Architects Journal 19.4,78) This agreeable sentiment begs the question as to who provides the funds to buy land and pay the builder. The provision of these resources .is necessary before the skills of an architect can even become relevant. Control over land and finance is therefore the primary issue. By discarding this and other features of the community action of the 1960ls and early 1970's, the RIBA have at once depoliticised it and changed its meaning. The concept of the new "community architecture" is one in which the socially-responsible professional attends to the needs of the individual poor, rather in the way that a doctor helps a sick patient. Because of this the RIBA sti 11 find themselves in their perennial difficulty of locating cl ients: liThe emergence of this new client (the poor) is causing some architectural and some non-architectural teething troubles. The first is that of making contact with the new client and informing him of what the profession can offer." (RIBA CAWG Report - cited in Building Design 13.1.78) 4. The Ilcommunity architecture" of the past was quite different. It, and the community action from which it was generated are by now well documented. Discontent over unacceptable environmental and social conditions fol lowing ten years of slum clearance and large scale urban redevelopment were expressed in various forms of direct action, as organisations of tenants and residents demanded a say in the way their surroundings were designed and managed. The students and young salaried architects who were involved in this process w.orked with local residents in the preparatlon and presentation of alternative schemes for their own locality. This became known as IIcommunity architecture". It embodied several ideas * Local control by local people over their own environment. This entai led control over the way resources were al located. * Small scale activity based on a weI I defIned locality. * Architects working directly with and accountable to users, and more precisely to organisations of working class tenants and residents in urban areas. * A collective rather than an individual professional relationship. * It was consequently a pol itical as distinct from a professional matter and it involved at least the potential of conflict with the existing authority i ,e. with the establ ished patrons of architecture. 5. Community architecture so defined was for the architect a part~time, unpaid and temporary assignment. In many cases it resulted in the architect who worked with the tenants being in direct opposition to local authority architects, ~lthough the tenants themselves were the intended beneficiaries of the latter's proposals. Central and Local Government Recognition; Community architecture thus stemmed from a public need to prevent the worsi excesses of urban renewal and in so doing to control the general form of building in the areas in which people 1ived ~nd worked. Eventually the combined force of ten~nts dem~nds together with increasing official concern over the new estates rel~ting largely to vandal ism, lead to changes in government pol icy. The new policies took two main forms changes in built form, and changes in tenant involvement. Changes in Built Form:. Two years after is assumed office the 1964 Labour Government commissioned the Deeplish Study into the possibi litiesof rehabilitation instead of the clearance and high density urban redevelopment approach, established by the previous Conservative administration, and encouraged by means of subsidies. Under subsequent Labour governments the housing policy gradually changed from high rlsel high density to low rise/high density and finally to the current preoccupation with low rise/medium density new build linked to rehabil itation of existing stock. The built form of council housing was consequently transformed In the space of a few years in response to reactions to the problems caused by previous pol icies. These changes, which were intended to take account of the users and residents! wishes were directed by ministerial speeches and government reports and circulars; They were enforced by alterations to the subsidies. 6. The new form of housing however, reflected only the governinents technical solutions to the problems experienced in the past. It answered some of the most vigorous complaints and rectified some of the most obvious mistakes. But tenants' and residentsl views were as yet voiced through sample surveys. That is to say. the potential of a further mls~match between government policies and users~ needs remained. Changes in Tenant Involvement: The seco~d ~harig~tackled this weakness and it is more far reaching in that it sought to extend the democratic process. The 1974 Labour government began to look for ways In which tenants could have more say in the design Clnd mCinagernent of their estates , The government Working Party into Housing Co~operCltlves had included in its terms of reference the following: "(The Working Party is) to report to the Minister,." on ways in which local authority and housing associCjtion tenants. can be enabled by co-operative management schemes to participate collectively in decisions which Clffect them II t,~ and II The need for a degree of local control WCjS thus officiCilly acknowledged. A growing number of local authorities h~ve recognised that this process should be extended. Tenants in these authorities have won the right of veto over council proposals affecting their area;.their representatives have been co-opted with voting powers on to Council Committees; and the tenants co-operativ~ brief the counci I architects on the design of their new estates. The idea of local control over resources hCls therefore begun as a 10gicCjl progression taken in the light of past experience, The recipients of government policy are beginning to have a SCly in how their part of the Where conditions are not 5uitCible for co~operCitivesl tenants should nevertheless be Involved through consultation and participation in the running of their homes 'I" lit,1\ (DOE Circular 8/76) 7. social wage is allotated. It is the contention of this report that these policies are the basis of the way ahead. An accountable and freely avai lable publ ic design service cannot come in the long term from an arthitectural fund for ',.'the poor" serviced by private practitioners on an individual basis. It can only come through an extension of collective local control over resources which are channel led through local government and serviced by local authority architects and building workers . The situation- Is therefore envisaged where representat ives of tenants and ~esidents, together with local counciJlors, and trade unionists control the various components involved in producing the built environment in their area. Initiatives such as ASSIST~( and others have already demonstrated this potential for new f6rms of practice and working relationships. They differ markedly from the current RIBA proposals. But merely to advocate their expansion is to propose a selective programme. Their valuable contribution and conclusions are best general ised and taken forward in a more radical way, It is suggested here that the time has come for their ideas to be implemented within the existing structure of publicly financed design ~ can the experience of a previous community architecture be ext~nded. To suggest otherwise is to avoid the central issue at stake in developing greater community control over services which people aIready pay for. .~ ASSIST Tenant Involvement Project in Glasgow Initiated by University of Strathclyde. Only in thi sway 8. COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE - THROUGH THE LOCAL COUNCILS? The fullest possible democratisation of architectural practice, the development of "community architecture", is an important component of any attempt to give people more control over the environment in which they 1ive. The RIBA bel ieve, and their reasons will be examined later, that small private practices, given public subsidy, are the best way to promote this idea~-' Contrary to this it is argued here that a real publ ic design service should be developed through a restructuring and democratisation of the many local councils and publ ic architects departments already in existence throughout the country. Just as community architecture appeared in the second half of the 20th Century because it was necessary, local government emerged in the early 19th Century only because it was socially and economically necessary for the maintenance and continuation of the newly industrialising society. Similarly the various local government services were added only when society had no other acceptable choice, e.g. Council housing legislation in 1919 was passed becasue 70 years 6f private philanthropic and other ad hoc provision had failed to alleviate the housing problem. On the other hand it is only through the extension of public control that the vast majority of people are able to secure the resources necessary for their health education and housing. Local authority departments of architecture nQw emplqy nearly one third of all registered architects compared to less th.an 20?6 in 1952. Their emergence followed closely after legislation which made housing \., . and schools a statutory local govern~~nt responsibility, While loci31 government architects carry out a variety of work their growth and continued existence is almost wholly dependent on the provision of schools and housing, These two (>·:counted for 8 times th.e value of all other council building ,work in 1976, Thus local authority architects form the "in""'houseH design teams which local government required in its provision of bui ldings for various social services. Many detractors argue that local government provision as a whole, including architects departments, for various reasons will qlwqys be insensitive to public demands and needs. It is argued here thqt this need not be the case. If lessons are learne-d from the recent past and acted upon, the local autho~ity architectural service can become fully responsive to pub1 ic requirements. What has to be acknowledged is that this wi 11cq11 for rqdjcql qnd imaginative new departures and an effort of political will, The arguments for a "community architecture!! through the locql authorities may be summarised ~s fol lows: Resources: It has already been qrgued thqt access to qnd control over resources is central to the development of "community architecture", Local counci 1s are in a position to provide all the necessary resources - land, finance, architectural services and in many cases, with direct labour, bui 1ding services - through their existing, locally based structures. In addition, it is only when these resources are pub1 ic1y owned that their use can be controlled by perip~e through their elected represehtatives. Privately owned land and fina~ce, to which only a minority have access are used simply in the most profitable way for shareholders, regardless of social need. Accountability: Although the internal arrangements of local authorities may need some rigorous re-appra i sa 1, the i r depa rtments are, at least in theory, accountable at an overall pol icy level to the locally elected council . Their architects departments, operating as a service and not for private gain, are already indirectly accountable to the local community, and can become directly accountable. 10. Integration: Community involvement and control relates to more than housing. Social and welfare provision, transportation, industry the environment and other factors also affect the life of the community. A participatory and democratic local authority is the only existing agency able to co-ordinat~ and integrate all these services both within and between localities. Construction: The concept Ilcommunity architecture" suggests a new and dynamic relationship between architects and the locai~eople. This co-operation should be extended into the construction process itself, into the relationship between designers and building workers. - Labour's document "Building Britain's Futurell recognises the mistrust and misunderstanding that at present divides these two groups. It also recognises the value of Direct Works departments and cal Is for their expansion. Through the area-based local authority design and construction teams envisaged by this report, both these objectives could be met, to the advantage of all parties involved architects, building workers and local people, Tenant Participation: The Government has already committed Itself to encouraging the development of tenant Participation and control in housing management, but this type of involvement can only be a part of "enabling tenants to exercise real control over their living conditions" (D.C.E. Circular 8/76 "Housing Co-operatives"). There is obviously an accompanying need for tenants, collectively and individually, .to control provision and design of both rehabilitation and new build housing. With its already substantial involvement in this sector and its abi 1ity to bring together tenants, prospective tenants, resources, and designs and construction workers, the local authority has a central role to play in developing tenant par~icipation at all levels of housing provision. For these reasons it is argued in this report that local counci Is at the lowest tier of local government operate a service which is not motivated primarily by the concern with profitabIlity which is characteristic of the private sector nor with the paternal ism of charitable provision. Consequently, they form the most suitable basis for the development of a democratic and accountable "community architecture". 11. LOCAL COUNCILS - CRITICISMS: In the following section, the main criticisms of local authority departments of architecture wil I be examined briefly and changes proposed. Itis outside the scope of this report to suggest other radical changes to the structure _?f local government or to other counci I departments. However, as Malpass (2) for example pointed out, it is clear that Client as well as Town planning and - Valuation departments form pol icies which already determine land use and, to a large ext~~t, the overal I form of development, before the project architect even becomes involved, Nevertheless, it is bel ieved that the proposals contained here not only are substantial improvements in themselves but also incorporate the potential for future change in the same direction, That is, these are not seen as once and for all prescriptions, but as part of a continuing process of democratisation of local government, General Criticisms: Despite the fact that local authority architects and local government in general provide a socially useful service both are the subject of much criticism. Nor is the problem of explaining thi s persistent viI ification primeri Iy one of pointing to possible causes, Anyone aquainted with either the architectural profession or with tenants organisations could readi ly make suggestions. It appears that these general criticisms are based on two separate arguments. Firstly, because local authority practice is a public and non-profit-making institution it will be regarded in society generally, including within the architectural profession as a threat to the prevailing ideology of individual ism and the market place. 12. The denigration of the local authority architect began with the emergence of modern publ ic practice in the late 19th Century. As Summerson has noted, IIAII the glory and much of the profit was associated with 11 By the early 1920lS ideas which have continued to the present time were firm~y establ ished. "Employment in the staff of a local authority was sought on Iy by those to whom the pay enve ]'ope was a very much more urgent consideration than opportunities 1t The many examples of local authority architecture praised by the publ ic and the profession alike have been, and are still ignored when the image of public practice is being discussed, That Is~ ideas ab6ut public practice are generalised from the worst examples, For private practice the opposite appears to be the case, so that in successive surveys amongst architectural students for example, a large majority consistently put private practice as their first choice of work place. At the same time however, as local authorities themselves became increasingly important as patrons of architecture, the existence of in-house local authority architects wi!] certainly pose an economic threat to private practice. Thus, it may be thought not surprising that a profession which is dominated by the ethos of private practice but,which is dependent on the pub11c sector for work, rather than resolve the contradiction of its own position wi II conduct a continuous campaign of vi I ification against local authority departments of architecture , the private practitioners. (J. Summerson - liThe London Building \~orld of the 18601sll) for the creation of architecture. ( J . Summerson) ••• 13. Criticisms by Tenants and Local Authority Architetts: There is also another and separate concern over local authority departments of architecture. It is to be found amongst the consumers of the service and amongst local authority architects themselves. The tenants' problems have been documented and are still documented in magazines such asllCommunlty Acti.on~'. _Malp_~ss_ (2) has written one of the few serious studies of local authority architects and their problems. Both sources describeauthqrltarlan and hierarchial departments, : insensitive to the needs of user and architect alike. Job architects labouring under many external and internal constraints and the consumers of their work never meet because of the ~boundaries~ which haVe grown up in the local government institution. It is conventional to talk tif local government problems in terms of hierarchies, but these are essentially abstracted from other connections and are thus not very helpful. It Is more con~enient to think of the problem existing between architect and user as one of ~boundaries~~ The boundaries themselves exist because of the origins and social role of local government. Two of these boundaries which insulate producer from consumer are function-based teams and office hierarchies, Tenants and residents in the past have shown that they are able to formulate and achieve their own demands. Local authority architects have not met them halfway. Because of this the proposals contained here will be taken from the point of view of amending structures to increase the accountabil ity of the architect to the user while at the same time increasing democracy within the department. 14 . . INTERIM PROPOSALS: 1. LOCAL AREA CONTROL OVER RESOURCES · Since control over design cannot be separated from control over the resources of land and finance, changes are required in the formal council structure to enable control to be exercised at ..---. .. community level. Although counicllors are elected on an area basis they serve on function-based committees (housing, education) which have control over the expenditure of money on theprovision.of services across the whole local authority area. Real local needs tend to be subordinated to an assumed general interest. The role of a councillor as a committee member therefore may be {n conflict with his or her role asa representative of a local interest, In order that local area interests are safeguarded, it is suggested that a further tier be added below the main functional committees (c.f. neighbourhood counci Is). These would be area committees consisting of representatives of local tenants and residents organisations, local counci llors and trade unionfsts. The size of the area would obviously be a matter for discussion. These committees should deal with all council matters relating to their area and would consequently relate to several or all of the main function-based committees. They should have powers of recommendation and of veto in their relationship to the main committees. They should brief architects and have power of approval over designs and standards. 2. DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE AREA-BASED INSTEAD OF FUNCTION-BASED So that they can relate to local area committees and the requirements of local people. The present arrangement of function-based architectural teams servicing function-based client committees and depdrtments has two major disadvantages. Firstly, in providing a service 0ithin this structure, architects are fsolated from the people who will use their bui ldings. Architects work on a Borough wide basis, and people1s needs and wishes, insofar as they are tak~n 15. into account at all, are averaged out and presen~ed to the architect in briefing guides as criteria to be designed for in much the same way as are site constraints. The total constitutes a design problem and the concept of the a-pol itical ofHcer paid to solve technical problems is thus reinforced. Similarly the professional ideology of individual architects expressing themselves in their designs is sustained. Secondly,this system creates a "closed circuit"· method of .liaison. For the architect: architect-client department~ cl ient committee. It i~ i I logical as well as difficult to break this circle to relate to local residents or even local councillors. The publ ic also find this organisational boundary virtually impregnable, They are vulnerable to official action yet the boundary renders the officers immune to the consequence of that action. It should be noted thClt the term lIarea based team" as distinct from tlfunct ion based team" does not nece.ssa.ri Iy meqn thClt the team is located in an area, It merely means that a team is responsible for the work in Cln area. As such, it would offer the architects a variety of types of project. It would also enable them to initiate action in their area instead of being the recipient of decisions by others. 3. AREA DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE MULTI-DISCIPLINARY AND SHOULD HAVE AROUND TWELVE MEMBERS AS A SUGGESTED OPTIMUM The term multi-disciplinary would in the local authority context include planners and valuers as weI I as the more usual design team members such as quantity surveyors and engineers. 4. JOB ARCHITECTS (and other team members) SHOULD REPORT DIRECTLY TO COMMITTEE Each job architect and teClm member should be responsible directly to the committee for the work he or she carries out. In this way 16. not only will committee members relate to the person actually producing the work, but job architects wi 11 be aware that they work in a pol itical forum as well as a technical one, 5. ABOLISH POSTS BETWEEN GROUP LEADER AND CHIEF ARCHITECT Group leaders should become responsible directly to the are~ committee and thus to the Council for the collective work of the group, The chief architect would then perform a co~ordinating role amongst the groups, similar to the role performed by the elected leader of the council vis-~~vis committees.Occup~nts of redundant posts to be found a more useful role in the new structure. It is envisaged that in the future group leqders should be subject to election by their group and that the chief architect sh.ould be elected from amongst group le~ders, with periodic change built In. It should be noted that the present vertical structuring of the architects departments stemmed from the l~te 19th Century private practice model. That is, from a form of practice comprised. of one principal and a small number of apprentices, The largest practices of that time had one partner and around 25 apprentices. As private practices grew so did the number of partners, each being equally responsible under Partnership Law. ~ common ratio of partner to staff is 1:15}, In publ ic practice the concept of one chief remained so that when the chief architect became responsible to the council for the actions of more than 100 staff, intermediate grades were introduced whose sole function was to control the job architect, Theirs is a non-design function and thei r status is dependent on increasing the proportion of procedural and managerial matters under their control, They form an effective boundary between job architect and chief architect, let alone between job architect and councillor or job architect and user. 17. 6 . EST ABLISH JOINT WORKING GROUPS WITH DLOS To consider how to achieve-better designed, constructed and maintained buildings. In the longer term it is envisaged that separate professional teams should disappear in favour of design and build teams within the service of the local authority rather than within the building contractors' organisation. Summary; It is clear that many if not all, of these proposals could be put into effect_ fairly readily, It may be noted that in at least two London Boroughs, proposals similar to these are being actively discussed as departments of architecture are re-organised. These proposals are seen as p~rt of a continuing process of democratisation of local government, without which a lasting community architecture is not possible. They are not seen as a final solution but are offered as practical proposals appl icable at this stage. The next stage in the development of these ideas is to widen this discussion to include representatives of tenants, local councils, central government and NALGO and other pub] ic sector unions, In advocating these proposals it is recognised that there are other relevant questions which should be considered but which are outside the scope of this report. e,g. * Devolution of power from central to local government, particularly in relation to the control over building finance at present exercised by central government departments. * The relationships between architects and other council departments. 18. * How the RI BA form of building contract dictates the relationship between architect and building worker by separating design and construction, how this is unnecessary in the public sector, and how a new arrangement could be evolved to faci litate the formation of local authority design and bui ld teams. * The role played by architectural education, including further discussion of the labour Party proposals for overcoming the present sectarian and private practice bias. (3). 19. THE PROPOSALS OF THE RIBA COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE WORKING GROUP: It is significant that the RIBA's proposals for "community architecture" have developed now, when architecture, especially in the private sector, faces an unprecedented crisis. Although there are supporters of CAWG who are genuinely seeking new ways of relating to the community, hard economic logic and self-preservation rather than a new humanitarianism appear to lurk behind the present profess(onal-vogue for "community architecture". Figure 1. shows the serious position faced by private architectural practice. This declining workload is largely a result of economic recession in the economy as a whole. The construction industry, as usual, is affected particularly badly. However, this crisis has been compounded by structural changes in the construction in~ustry which threaten the position of the architect over and above the results of thegeneral recession. The RIBA acknowledge this; •• community architecture is not a passing trend. Economic and social pressures wi II ensure that for many architects, the nature of the job will change .....11 (cited in Architects Journal 19.4.78) The most important of these changes is the increasing division of labour, whereby special ists are taking over more and more of- the traditional functions of the architect, and the growth of the package deal and design and build which largely by-pass the architect altogether. The effect of the recession and structural change is made more difficult for the private architect by a fal ling amount of work commissioned from private practice by the public sector. (See Figure 2.). The RIBA are naturally anxious to find areas in which private practice can continue to function, both to help to ride out what after a11, may only be a relatively short-term crisis in the industry as a whole. They also need to adapt to the longer-term structural changes, Figure 3., which shows both the state of the traditional areas of private practice involvement and the comparitively healthy state of repairs and maintenance gives a clear indication of why private practice needs to move into small scale rehabi litation and renovation work. 20. ......... VI Cl) U " D- o r--... 0'\ +J ro c: 0 . E t...,) FIGURE 1. 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 lOa ~---+---4--~--~~~~--+---+---+-~~---r---+--~--~--~~~ 1963 64 65 66, 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 78 Source: The Monopol ies Commission Report and RIBA. NEW COMMISSIONS FOR PRIVATE ARCHITECTS • 45 40 . 35 30 . 25 20 10 Percentage 50 FIGURE 2. 65 66 67 70 71 72 7374 75 76 77 78 Sources: Monopolies Commission Report, A.J. and National Board for Prices and Incomes. PROPORTION OF NEW BUILDING WORK FOR PUBLIC AUTHORITIES CERTIFIED BY PRIVATE PRACTICE. FIGURE 3. ~ource: A . J . 2 8 . 6 , 7 8 1800· . ISOO 1400 .1200 1000 .... '" repairs and lIlai:ltel\.lJ>Ce " ' .I 'j; ... " .;- .. .. ."....-"\.......... ---- \ .'. priYlte industrial "" , , '.. ", ' ....: I>'ivat~ housing .:. ...." ... .... .... " • ,'-'-'- r.,._.... , ......... '. .'...., .. ',, o .' ,;' "., '."" '-'_'_' ~600 - c: ~. ... ' . ----'" ?"".- " 400-: -----r---···~··-·~--·-·i~~i 1968 69 io il 72 73 74 75 i6 n 78 79 1980 public non · housin, ! ' , .... , - ....:-7 ~ ----!-i----~'---;-·--:--~ actual~ · .. .....forecast S I BRITISH CONSTRUCTION OUTPUT, ACTUAL AND FORECAST BY SECTOR. I • ,. The problem they now face is to persuade a justifiably sceptical public, outlook and allegiances. So the new, democratic, humane and caring "community architect" is born . The RIBA's major proposal is for a community aid fund to be established, with finance from the Government, to enable the setting up of small, area-based architectural advice centres. They see these operating alongside and in a similar way to legal advice centres and, more interestingly, doctors ' surgeries. This latter parallel is important as the assumptions underlying it reflect how 1ittle the attitude of the profession has changed. The medical profession is not renowned for its openess. Certainly, a more aware publ ic would undermine the professional role of the doctor. Can the public expect qnything different from architects, or will mystification continue for the sake of the architect's social and economic standing, "Community qrchitectllrel' in the past was a dynamic relationship of co~operation, as equals, between architects and local people. The Community Architecture Working Group's proposals seem to contain a paternql ism and protection of professional interests inimical to this open and active relationship. Notwithstanding these professional and paternalistic qssumptions which seem likely to characterise any development of "community architecture" as envisaged by CAWG, there is a disturbing narrowness in the actual nature of the proposals which tends to 1imit any advantages they might otherwise contain. Firstly, they do not address themselves to the problem of the construction industry and the relationship between design and construction. Within their proposals the mistrust between the two sides will remain. The RIBA's response to this qllestion has been to criticise the Labour Party's proposals and to re-assert the professionql independence of the architect from the builder. Furthermore the proposals refer only to housing. There appears to be 1ittle attempt to see how this wi 11 relate to all the other social I pol itical and economic factors which go to make up the environment, and how these can be democratically integrated at the level of the community. in the concrete jungle and high-rise given the role of the ~rchitect boom of the '60's and early '70's, that they have really changed their 21. IICommunity architecture·· should not only involve democratic and co-operative relationships between architects, local people and building workers, but should also promote internal office democracy for the architects themselves. In private practice there is a growing awareness of the different interests of the salaried architects who produce the work and the partners who own the practice. We await expectantly to hear how the RIBA, dominated as it is by the owners in private practice, proposes to solve this internal confl ict in the new community style, private offices. • CONCLUSION: While the undoubted sincerity of many of the people involved in the Community Architecture \oJorking Group is beyond question, their overal I approach seems to contain more dedication to self-preservation in a period of crisis for the architectural profession than it does to the needs of the community. There is, however, a need to develop ··community architecture'· and democratic accountabi I ity. It has been suggested in this report that this is most Iikely to be achieved through Local Councils, The way forward should be seen not through a narrow professional self-defence but through a positive liaison between users, producers and designers arising from a development of the potential for greater democratic involvement and accountabi I ity within the existing local government structure. 22. oJ " Select Bibl iography: Some of the issues raised in this Brief Report are dealt with in more detaiIin : 1. NAN PDS Group papers on * The Origins, Evolution and Structure of Local Authority Departments of A rchitecture. ,', HoLising A ssociations - A Democratic A lternative, Both in "public Design Service Conference Proceedings May 197811, Available from NAM, 9 Poland Street, W.l Price £1.75.inc1.p&p. * NAM A National Design Service. Papers 2 &3 1976 Price 75p. inc!. p & p. P. Malpass - "Architects, Professional ism and Local Authority Housing", N.A. Thesis - Newcastle University, 1973. 2. 3. Labour Party - 'IBuilding Britain's Future - Labour1s Policy on Construction " . (35p. from Smith Square), Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray with PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 29 Sept 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/4a1ea0cd30a53dd2f9ad92fedf11b963.pdf 8cdc3c5bf84e29ec6f34ff32be5da361 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/070df04ca1a338eeed29f698782658d1.pdf 478423a77c89849f5a117e27eaaba682 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Building Design Article Subject The topic of the resource Building Design article by John Tulloch commenting on NAM PDS group report to Minister of Housing Description An account of the resource John Tulloch comments.’ THE RIBA’s case for Faced by formulations like | ‘NAM concedes _ that community architecture is this out of the institute’s own j changes ‘in built form — the now: expected to. go to mouth one is reminded that ; new low rise/medium density Housing and Construction ‘Minister Reg Freeson next month. When he gets it, he will have had time to read, mark and inwardly digest a characteristically combative Statement of what community architecture should be from the New Architecture Movement. The main ingredient of NAM’s report* to the minister is a swift kick at some rather vulnerable parts of the Institute’s case. Cries of “‘Foul’’ canbe expected. Pecksniff was an architect.| dogma — and changes in With this sort of patronising ' tenant involvement leading to philanthropy (‘‘the poor’’!); adegreeoflocalcontrolhave mingled with evident self- changed thecharacter of the. interest even Dave Spart struggle. would have an easy job. “What it calls for now is an . The killing blow is, of extension ofcollective local course, smearing the RIBA : control over. resources which with its own ‘“‘professional’’ | includes an accountable and ‘label so it appears like any ' freely available design service. other club of hard-nosed pin- It argues that-this can never ‘striped. gents, such as (perish come from a RIBA-style According to NAM, -what the Institute ispresenting as srg community architecture is a watered-down, depoliticised | formula in which private | architects solve their work “‘architectural ‘fund for the -poor serviced by private prac-. titioners on an individual “The RIBA’s major proposal is for a community aid fund to be established, way local control can be the thought) that béte noir of Labour governments, the BMA. NAM claims that ‘the with finance from the created is through local RIBA’s elaborate display of Government to enable the .councils, suitably -restruc- interest in community archi- settiupngof small, area-based tured. tecture is something of a con. architectural advice centres. Brushi ide objecti Also that it stole the idea They see these operating to public design offices as anyway. alongside and in a similar way “It is significant that the to legal advice centres and, RIBA’s proposals _sfor more interestingly, doctors’ based on market ideology and the economic fears of private architects, the report calls for “community architecture” have developed now, when : ‘This latter parallel is architecture, .expecially in the ; important as the assumptions ; )Unpre- cedented crisis. Although there are supporters of CAWG who are genuinely seeking new ways of relating to the community, hard economic logic and self-pre- servation rather than a new humanitariansim appear to lurk behind the present professional vogue for ‘community architecture.”’ underlying it reflect how litle | based set the attitude of the profession has changed. The medical; professional is not renowned' for its openness. Certainly a: more aware public would undermine the professional role of the doctor... .” he surgeries. ; -theinsertionofanothertierof teda directoltyhe chi : The P include ideas for rendering design offices his account its defining more democratic, with group features are that it was’ leaders elected by the groups problems by running state- essentially a .small-scale’ and chief architects elected ae jinics for the | subsidised clinics for activity based on a well- from group leaders. \ defined localitywith architects A special swipe is reserved working directly with local, for intermediate managers difficult time making out a , People. between groups leaders and NAM doesn’t have a veryembarrassingcase.The‘Aboveall,NAM_sceschiefarchitect.© report starts by quoting with community architecture as “Theirs is a non-design: evident relish a RIBA council ' adopting an oppositional function and their status is paper - on community architecture which says: “We must be moving towards an architecture for everyéne, not just those who have the money to pay for it needed to help the poor to acquire the skills of an architect.” stance ‘‘a political as distinct, dependenotn increasing the from a professional matter’’ | proportion of procedural and involving potential conflict' managerial matters under with established patrons of their control.”’ In the design architecture. . The essence ofthis struggle, money an . *Community Architecture. A —| Public Design Service? Public but Design Group, New Architecture ' Movement, 9 Poland Street, DESIGN In NAM’s terms the only including valuers, led by responsible to tHe connatite for the work of the group and team of the elect, salvation is by works. London Wi. £f(00 grouseaiers BUILDING DESIGN, October 13, 1978 .. $0 & national fund is: NAM argues, was about Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Tulloch Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 13 October 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/c26f72f41c2c2ac22b68fb7b9d152409.pdf 42bb141b831baf78304d1da147ca712a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Building Design Article Subject The topic of the resource Opinion piece by Martin Pawley "Why community architecture is a busted flush" (2pp) Description An account of the resource 18 BUILDING DESIGN, February 24, 1989 g A FLUSH is a five-card poker hand with each card belotnotgheisanmegsuit.A bustedflushisafive-card poker hand in which four cards are of the samesuitb,ut the last is different. The ‘bust’? means the difference between success and failure, a five-card flush is a strong hand, a busted flush is worthless _Opinion communi a a a alt|PGure n Ipropose to this house Smmunty architecture is Martin Pawley lost the vote in last week’s International Building Press debate on community archi- ate nat 5to bes: Dr Rod Hackney and his in the community tecture — but made the best speech of the night, published here. ction; entrench that was equivalent to laying tment: pessimism inifesto ontaking of rural¢ ration RIBA The Knav t . {feisrbelideving Rod Hack ON EXPRESS [Enter 19 ENauiny caro On this card is written; “Our nvironment is abattleground forces which threaten and in the end ciety the inner ties bear deep ying housing »vement laid hallengeafewyearsago 44 ynemployment: lack of Marshalls Mono Limited Head Office Southowram S KEYBLOK MONOLOK RUSTIKAL RIALTA ARCADIAN KEYKERB THE MASTER'S DEGREE IN ARCHITECTURE We invite candidates with good first degrees in architecture or an equivalent qualificationtoapply to study of our new Master's Degree. This innovative, high level, part-time course, which Started in 1988, is the only one ofits kind in the UK Itisgearteodtheambitiousandabilitiesofstudents with a passion for design, curiosity about the field of theory and the energy to bring them together with intellectual rigour At the same time, students on the course develop their other professional skills in practice Please send for prospectus and application formto THE SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE, KINGSTON POLYTECHNIC, KNIGHTS PARK, KINGSTON UPON THAMES, SURREY KT1 2QJ. Telephone: (01) 549 6151. Fax: (01) 547 1450 ON EXPRESS Enter Q PNguinY CARD\ ‘a RIW SHEETSEAL Damp Proof Membranes Agrement ap; Sheet fo Danage inappl Small damages are May de used junction with liquid applied products © Ful technical back-up from the RIW Waterproofing . SPECIALISTS IN STRUCTURAL WATERPROOFING PRODUCTS No RIWLimitedArc House, Terrace Road South, BirSeld, Bracknell, Berks, AG12 Tel O44 861988 Telex 847990 Fax 0344 862010 Enter DO. Chane aID\ aa’| yur cards down fa pon the pe ty. Urban regener ni ui civil peaceand liberties. Andit d betting on the unseen Pi tv iftwelare'to retain our not just the cities that are in th i 1 ow. The firstis an crisis. Looking out across th Ace. It shows what Dr Hackney countryside we face the spectre It worth recalling what PSAOSIS ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN AND THEORY g of their book 1 irchitecture how people are shaping their own environment. Itis a gory rerun of that everything is “appalling” he proposes a “crusade” : inner cities. He talks of raising £30 to £100 million to finance community architecture pro jects like Black Road alloverthe ‘We do not believe that community architecture is equal to the sheer Hackney, is equal to the sheer may have solved a lot of problems for your people. Let's sce how well they do with static Property prices. We do not belicve that de- caying Britain can be put right by a combination of media boosterism, awards, ceremon- ies, celebration dinners, cxag- ated responses to supposed attacks”, verbal exhortations, fitful encouragement by royalty, “alternative” Nobel prizes or 60-minute documentaries about five houses, In other words Mr Wates and Mr Thompson, wedo not believe you have the final card you have. We u are bluffing. Despite Mr Wate unhesitating and shamefulinvocationofurban riot and murder as the only the Broadwater Farm “What had been thought of asa model council estate turned into country. He even calls for a poverty and homelessness created by cessation of large-scale council community architectur police and 20 proach in the City of I had been injured. One where he might have known policeman had been hacked to — the community spirit is 100 death. The senior police officer proof and the governor of the for the area described it as the Bank of England can tell Peter most ferocious, the most vicious Palumbo that he need have no not ever seen in the country.” The third card is, shall we say Ten. It is the card of the where, certainly not any- the contraction of social welfare and house building today bf adeveloperon hth Knaveforw 4 ‘ Ac ehavenow Tu: Not the ¢ but ¢ ly-based enterprise ecople whe ield, is ayo archi | “real tate ket monc but ma afew 1. Ch esident of the RIBA ),000 inner-city houses reliction by all-scale at will se of 1 i-playing municipaliser ci al council. For the chance t build ¢ own urth cardis a King, or rathera environment theway they want utur 3, a “fairy princ ind so create a land as safeand o cares deeply about decay prosperous as Switzerland.” ind riot and archit J not t h T onflict and Thiasqtuite acard;it putsthe ind ractal future Kingto shame. Ifor one ulm here and now put m noney Th re four cards on the the table and say; “Show i ab: dtheoth rplayersturna me.”’ If Dr Hackney, Nick Wates and John Thompson and vhiter shade of pal he their followers were f pared to list councillors are bank- pt, they cannot afford to call this one. The archit adyabouts popu war criminals hiding in the Bolivian jungle. Ift cy fight this ust as We nselves on the mercy Mail. The money men gratefully cut their losses the “spectre decay and riot’ a year or twe spectators, the tribunes of the »wn their claims, then lievable. But eirclaims be? should have their houses the we they want them? nirty families can build emselves new houses in four years? That re is a lot of moncy in home improvement? That local authority tenants are happy about the renovation of s? Th local enterprise akes good teley ision? NoUl ITI (3SOU lt All of these are credible people, what do they think? claims, but in relation to the They focus all their attentioonn scale of the problem they don't the highest c fg the fourth card, the card of add up to a hill of beans ation Community architecture has from Thris a ’ of Aces and Knaves noraks. Besidehimis infrom Maccles- as Noel Coward S a5 colour brochure Oui; This isavery special card. It uture King; he is before an always gone further much further and with much less justification than the old mc ern architects who believed that the solutiontothesame problem laynotincharityandunpaid labour, but in planning and production on the largest pos- ae << n a company Ww} fear of failure, on the very day dy on the Court of mon Council votes for his the cessation of large-scale council house building.’ architect at the Pittsburgh conference described commun- ity architecturaes “an extension of the British class system’ Finally, totally inadequate Vos of talent to sible scale. We know what they Opinion — - shows what Nick Wates and dress, like a stockbroker, Car- artesKnechvoseitotwntriteatriedaway,thefutureKingsays 25millionclaimedbyDrcheap;arisinghousingmarket scale of the £50 billion urban crisis of house price inflation and the so. Indeed you will probably industry, house price inflation and where in America, has itproved recall that an expatriate British tionary myth ofthe move- Mansion House Square project achieved, arate of productionof no objection to people “creat- funding and begging-bowl eco ment. It is the story of how a Al the players and al the new houses more than double ing” their own houses, or their nomics apart, we do not believe z architect returned from Spectators ignore the worrying the present rate, and halfofthem own cars, ortheirown electricity that “Macclesfield technology” at 1andboughtacheap insubstantialityofthisspecial subsidiseddowntorentsthat forthatmatter.Whatweobject makesefficientuseofexpensive house in Macclesfield to live in card, Deep down, they know would not buy a Tube ticket to is outrageous and misleading design expertise or scarce mat- while he c mpleted his PhD that the future King hasnotkept today claims and promises that crowd crial sources — a belief y alternative to community ar- The house was cheap because it alhispromises. One ofhismuch But we on this side of the out the proper consideration of hemently shared by the late chitecture; and despite Mr wascondemned,oneof vauntedfundsforcimmunity housedonotwishtobemis:crucialenvironmentalissuesWalterSegal,whoseworkThompson'spromisethatitisa scheduled for redevelopment enterprise, to which a fair understood. We do not oppose We do not believe that a sharp community architecture propa- certain cure for smoking, we The threat of the bulldozers number of individuals and the idea of anybody “shaping Macclesfield developer can gandists have lately taken to cli your last card will show nterruptedyoungarchibusinessescontributed,btheirownenvironment”orsucceedwherehugesumsofparasathodughiitnweregtheirthatyourhandisvalueless tect’sstudies.Hero’thesackeditsstaffandvirtuallybuildingbette professionallydirectedpublicown Theconsequenceofsittingin apa hetic ho riders and closed down. Another has community 4 investment only barely made We do not believe that you on apoker game played for very ther they a resi- hauled its staff over the coals for gandists put it headway in the past. We do not have a patent on public consul high stakes, with no cards anda t'sassociationéndobtainedmakingloanstocallgirls.Busyprofessionally“misguidedas-belicvethatcommunityarchi-taotrsiweaotenquity—bothofgodlineintalk,isthatsooner general rovement area sta- withorganicfarming,homeo sailants”ordeliberately“tedi- tecture,evenattheundoubtedly whichexistedbeforeyouand orlateryouwillhavpeutuopor tus. By doing st of the work pathic medicine, trade with ously negative critics” We have exaggerated “turnover” of £20- will exist after you. Nor ¢ shut up. And Iam in no doubt th sely ind obtaining Australia, sex lence on mortg $toconvert the houses ty, and interfering in planning believe that your method is which it will be. that whate tenancy to owner on, it is remarkable that he height re King still has time to — they gave the dabble in community archi Hlifeat tecture in the Postman Pat from pr occupa Barber houses 1 cost projected cost of redevelop ment have heard « rid. It not foo much to he Macclesfield miracle the local authority of £127,000, less than half the f the Duchy of Corn $s, thisisthe crucial ind. Without it This was a shot heard round 1 Bakker, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, faith in thefuture Kingisindestructible unted by the spectre of be left to ti yupt © mess that ecay The Knave s. that others make.” nthe echo Look at the tk Only last month in the Sunday have already been t. The Express Mrs Isabella Hageart of Ac 5that “the environment ournalist is abattleground and the land is ays secmsto council housing, the old solu- tion, has become nothing but a table. The fifth card that the backdrof the most vicious gentlemen on the other side of F men have en the house clai »have ntheir The Ten, from uy ¢ in possession must be the Mai N irth c 4 the mn Of what we might Macclesfield tech IBY the ils of urban and rura solution to al Je: They have thems« ves i boastings ime to deal the Hack when he became irethe fourcardsonthe TS.L. ThrislingtonServicesltd TheWhiteHouse Imagine Og scale of the £50 billion urban crisis of poverty and homeless- ness created by the contraction of social welfare and industry, in the UK’s number onemanufacturer Ise inthisfield Soletyourimaginetionrunwild.Calusnowon 164formoredetailsandour 22 SS BUILDING DESIGN, February 24,1989 19 ANAC 20 HighStret Brasted KentrNi6ué Thrislington Partitions ALICE’S ADVENTURES MOI)Nae AN C19; ELTBARS 1Tel1%©)WU)(GIB THE LAMINATED GLASS. again itis Banham who spotsit: “One could nothelpfeeling that this particular garden shed with its rusted bicycle wheels, a battered trumpet, and other homely junk, had been excavated after an atomic holocaust and discovered to be part of a European tradition of site plan- ning that went back to archaic Greece and beyond.” The point being that appeal to the “primitive” in 1950s architectural discourse connoted a whole complex of reservations and attitudes towards moder- engagement. Yetin one work at nism.Ontheonehand,inthe least,theSmithsonsshowedan manner of “40,000 Years’, it extraordinary prescience about keyed into a “Family of Man” anthropology of archetypal and ecumenic form that modified but Mercifully, this story has a happy ending. Apartfromafewbumpsand bruises, our heroine’ fine; thanks to the Solaglas laminateded glass she : collided with. Made from layers of glass and tough plastic, our laminated glass (0224) 034247 (0232) 61021 O51 447 6191 021-327 2095 seuny kept firmly on the outside. Built to withstand bullets from the home-ownership world of the Privatised cighties. For if the stays f (0323)646566 ’ ere Ediaburgh O37 91 security game. Sccuricor. especially young ones, must be a top priority OF course, stubborn rezfusal to fall apart makekse Light may be free to pour through laminated shop windows, the light-fingered, however, are 091-567 1776 (0792) #99217 (0847) 62028 (0904) 690830 be delighted to speak to you. - the street, the community and cluster, the topology of habita- tion, association, and identity: in short, all that was intended for that half-heroic, half-nostalgic Bethnal-Green-in-the-air of IG enthusiasm was wildly optimistic, a kind of technolatry. A future in which consumption knows no limits, in which consumer power could replace political will, ideology, and collective action, yet somehow stil be “on the left”, now looks hopelessly mistaken in a world laminated glass’: mouth(0202)524151 (0274)733400 Bakes hassHieiosil Bristol (0272)#49617 Cambeidge (0223) 247212 bery (0227) 459001 i (0222) 143781 ary (0203) 458021 Deoncamer (0902) $20211 Dandee (0382) 43260/4)268 S . Someone who apPFpreciate: s this StIetl more than anyone is a Solaglas customer with apretty good record for knowing whats what in the accident that immediately after Smithsons went straight with Eamesian collage or Corbusian Scarborough (0723) 378133 Scunthorpe (0724)844793 Seningbowrne (0795)21534 Seuthampton (0703) 331177 Seuthend (0702) 463415 StAwitell (0726)66325 Stoke-on-Trent(O7#2) #22448 Sunderland Swaneee Theree individuaallithsemcl”ai,msof becauseitisclearnowthatmuch ‘ is replicated at the ICA, was Moore, Sutherland, Piper, and than today, but David Mellor’s and the artist's work of giving described by Banham as “a Nash.andeventheFestivalof Catalogueessaysuggeststhat:“In Signsandimagestothestagesof (0253)20106 aNATO TIfl€,OurstrongestglassCan (0204) 20444 051.525 7241 take more knocks than Fort Knox. more stentorian and global key; ilk — now are decried, in one on the other— and espectally in work of 1956 at least, the Sugden thefieldofurbanism—itrevised House,theyproducedanicon the CIAM orthodoxy to the of just that sort of consumer pointofliquidation.Itwasno directionthatinfusedIGenthu- siasms. The irony, however, is their “Patio & Pavilion”, the that it showed no exciting ; intact even if it cracks Falhiek (0324) 21691 Which means, unlike some Forfar (0907)63425 And as well as frustrating Daily Mail Home Exhibition, while in November of the same year, ARK 18 appeared with their article “But Today We Collect Ads”. Coterie If the IG as a whole can be described as a coteric of creative frictions, then those contrarics were nowhere more apparent bought council house, altered (usually hideously) by the owning-proud purchaser. “What IsItThat Makes Today's Homes So Different, So Appealing?” asked Richard Hamilton's 1956 Montage. 1989's diy alterations — that’s what! Reflection on this suburban subversion should remind us how far consumer society has come since the fifties. In many other glass, it won't splinter into shards that maim. Or possibly kil And thats why 95% of al car windscreens are laminated 041.336 BSAA Grimaby (0472) 351378 Guildford (0483) $72922 criminals, we make fires rage too. Our fire-resistant laminated glass can confounda conflagration forup to an hour. Mull it over. When you next ; specify glass, cither for a com- mercial or a domestic environment, your decision whether to choose. Solaplas laminated glass may have an awful lot resting on it. If yyou'd like to make the world Alice's real-life counterparts), please give one of our branches a call. They'd In the UK, 30,000 accidents* Lincoln (052)539131 ways the IG typified the influx of withinasinglepracticethanin provincialtalentofthattime, Liverpol 051-228 2696 involving glass occur in the home e 051-220 8171 Usedudne (0492) #523 every year; so protecting lives, Londe 01-928 $010 Londonderry (0504)43191 Malton Keynes (0908) $6477 Newcastle 91-266 6217 Newton Abbot (0626) 68919 Norshan peon (0604) 53924 (0465) 774317 Pererborough (0733) 63045 Plymouth (0752) 390123 Fecetetm.meth (e0e78n3)anSieeates the work of the Smithsons. On the one hand their “ideal home” took as its modus operandi the extrapolation of current state of-the-art techniques to the level of expendability and thrown- away aesthetics (a term of Banham’s) based on marketing stereotypes and the “nextstep”, along the lines of the fashion industry (theorized for the IG by Tony Del Renzio). But on the other there was, opposed to such nomadic “mass and bearing in mind the northern origins of many of its practitio- ners, the new brutalism might be said to have been the last expression ofadefinably North-of- England outlook in the national culture. As Denise Scott Brown puts it: “When the Beatles arrived on the scene, they too looked familiar, a second cul- tural import from the north.” The IG clementofthe existential, the realist, and the “brutal” deserves to be emphasised Mall (0482) 23432 (0483) 239439 (0475) 484ne Wight (0983) $22288 (0563) 29218 01.549 4900 aly (0592) $5311 ster (0553)734499 eos » Head over heels, in fact. Glass and Glaring Federation fgures for domestic accidents involving broken glas York GiaesmehthewovksbentservicebashedHt filledoutwiththeanarchicand matiofnsu,chavisionhasbeen Exhibitions “The Museum Without Walls” united from the start in resisting amorphous, skinned, visceral, by Andre Malraux, whom the the “yokelry” of 1940s neo- variable, flux, nebular, iri- individual inputs: “For in this IGwantedtoinvitetoopentheir romanticism—thecultofa descence,hyperspace,freefal way,thearchitects’workof 1953 exhibition “The Parallel Of national mythic landscape that Then, in the “Age of Anxiety”, Providing a context for the Life And Art”. This show, which they felt permeated the work of this was more commented upon individual to realise himself in, Supcerinclusive collection of ex- Britain. Yet they were not above this ‘imaginatioonf disaster’ that this realisation, mect ina single Was active in Britain during the act, full of those inconsistencies fifties there was arepressed ele and apparent irrelevancies of ment — the atomic futures. But every moment, but full of life.”” traordinary imagery”. It made making their own myths. Onc in @ total imagerial environment particular, that urban-primitive from a multifaceted display of cult ofa working-class existential enlarged photos and reproduc- h Corbusian dul this cultural phor islegible Richard Hamilton describes tions, drawing material from anthropos that became known, anatomy,architecatrtu,rmeic,ro half-jokinglya,s“thenewbruta- and macrostructure, movement lism”, cast a major weather-front inbrutalist workinst,he scarred the Patio as a “defensive landscape and geology, cal across the English architectural motif of the apocalyptic sub- of the human impulse toa post- graphy, anthropology andergo- nomics into a mobile scanning of cognitive and aesthetic con- nections. Banham wrote of it: “The photograph, being an _ The strain of IG primitivism artefact, applies its own laws of lime.” As Nigel Henderson said: “I is apparent enough at the ICA; artefaction to the material it it is palpable in the elemental feel happiest among discarded things, vituperative fragments filled with brash ephemera, to cast casually from life, with the other planets, a cultural space- fizz of vitality stil about them”. ship going who knows where". landscape. Primitivism atomic carth, adying world filled with rare fossils and touching memories. Whereas the cabinet of Dr Voelcker, was taking off, documents,anddiscoverssimi- orgaofn“biruts”pmigsmentin relatedtothemoreaffirmative larities and parallels between the the paintings of Magda Cordell, documentations, even where the conglomerate totems, simul- ment,theSmithsonsfromthat point began to withdraw from the Pop tendencies that led to Archigram. According to Denise Scott Brown’s thoughtful memoir, Learning From Bruta- lism, they also withdrew from Suggestive of an architect who what they called “active socio- none exists between the objects and the events recorded.” tancously prehistoric and post- nuclear, haptic and hiroshimoid, of Paolozzi, McHall and Turn- realistic social programme of the architects is less easy to see in the exhibition, though James Stirling's “bubble sculpture” for “This isTomorrow" looks bug- The second reason for refer- ‘ ringto“40,000YearsOfModern bull.Theirconnecttiootnhe hi- eyed and bowellist cnough, Art” is that it established an tech, consumer-serendipity abiding primitivism that per- meated much of the IG despite and through all ofits enthusiasms for advanced technology and nology of the future listed by urbanised life. IG Members were strain in the IG ae through the detour of the Sci-Fi — the bug- eyed monster, and the phenome- was to undergo more than one or two mutations, The connec- tion, of course, is there in the “Patio & Pavilion’, and once beauty emergent from designing Alloway: “Solar, delta, galactic, and building inastraightforward way, forcommunity lifeasitis, not for some sentimentalized version of how it should be: “Brutalism’s attempt to be objective about ‘reality’ tries to face up to a mass-production society and drag a rough poetry out of the confused and powerful forces which are at work.” Beatles 458844. Enter 1 5 ON EXPRESS ENQUIRY CARD. hedonistic gestures of an affluent individualism. When the Smith- sons described their “Patio & Pavilion” to the BBC in 1955, they invoked a like balance of collective, or rational, and appropriated by the Thatcher Government. The Independent Group: post-war Britain and the aesthetics of plenty, runs at the ICA until April evidenceofdetritusfollowingthe stockade,ashelterinaprotected releaseofhideousenergy,the garden—classicrepresentation How this saturnine mood And despite the “Ads” state- Smithsons’ collective projects — continued modernism in the Robin Hood Gardens and their Team 10 to Dubrovnik, the last CIAM. Yet this was only months after they had displayed their form, but was simply an ordinary fiftieshouse adaptedto brutalist order. In fact, it resembles “House of The Future” at the nothing so much as a tenant- Golden Lane (1952). This was Coronation Street-meets- Corbusier, perhaps the one point where a socialist framework of where the “hegemony”, or collective values was directly project of consent and legiti- plastics”, the finding of value and delight in places and things other architects found ugly, and Scott Brown regrets this withdrawal from sociological BUILDING DESIGN, February 23,1990 19 it the perfect way to safeguard a safer place (especially for property as well. For expert advice on al aspects of glas and glazing please cal our Technical Advisory Service on (0203) 20 BUILDING DESIGN, February 23, 1990 Mexx recept IT tak Mexx: view intoreception ‘Westminster schol: laboratory refurbishment. They have both obviously sorbed the influence exerted and w wdget control is a grucial (0 the success o! n’tafford n 8 fow their trollable warmth and hot water readily at hand. Whatever the size of your building, electricity canprovidecost- ctive heating. And your local Electricity business can give you al the advice you need. Because what they're ofering isateam efort. Working with you too find the best solution for your busines. maintenance costs, as well as the added economy of using _Storageheater low-costnight-rate |electricity. And whichever form of electric heating you choose, you can have a total system matched to your needs. Fil in the coupon for more information or contact the Ene: rgy Marketing Manager at your loacal to be extravagant. ySuvetural bude McAslan & Partners w 20d to note that Weston and Again,forlargerrequirementsyou can take advantage of the larger heaters, warnsagainst“over-engincer- develop ing”forthesakeoforiginality senseofresponsibilityf Engineering is only part of it, designed details and finishes worked on thi -rPateria Unitwith And so it is with modern electric spac and water heaters. Efficient, con- with savings in capital, instalation and Heroes: (Rostrum January19), then it there are no long energy-wasting Pipe runs, they are economical to. t i an ex-Hopkins man. But F ~~) Practiceprofile= _GOING INTO DET. The best teamwork in the worst conditions. The bobsleigh team A. perfect example of the efective use of energy inthecold, Fast acting quartz linear heaters, Electricity business for example, can provide heat either After al, wouldn't you like life to intermittently or in specific a as. be thar litle bit more comfortable. And where heat is ni ded over long periods, storage heaters realy comeintotheirown.Becausethey |ene make ful use of low-cost night-rate electricity to store heat and then release itgradually during the day. Compact el ctric water heaters can | be installed almost anywhere. On the wall, or under the sink. And because 12 ston JELECTRIC LET'S WORK TOGETHER - writes Clare Melhuish. } Sophistication can be quite ‘The restructureof the internal fex, alowingforofice nality through anumber of small projects for refurbishmenatnd adaptation of existing buildings. BUILDING DESIGN, February 23,1990 21 Weston Williamson have developed a distinctive modern style which has already won them three competitions, us from page 21 a Victorian prison as a graphic design studio involved the con struction of a glazed conserv toryoverlothoekcoiurntyagrds, black-stained ash with frosted glass pancls, materials used and possible conflict, into the throughout the rest of the composition intenor The double-height space Of the three recent competi tion wins, one, for Marketplace advertising agency, is another was exploited by the insertion of two mezzanines divided by refurbishment job. The existing an acoustic glass screen. Light fittings double up as sunshades for the glass roof A laboratory refurbishment for Westminster School, acom mission won on the basts of an warehouse in Bermondsey, dat- ing from 1903, impressed the architects by its “amazing re- servesof strength’’, They willbe retaining the open-plan space, supported by circular cast-iron columns, installing new services, and adding a new four-storey extension with an external lift Atroof-level, a glazed conference room will constitute a contrast- ing lightweight clement into the overall character of the building. As with past projects, the architects will also be designing the furniture provided an opport ’ plore the possibiliotfiperesfy ricallaequtipmientnangdcom ponent units off site, within a tight time-scale of cight months. The result was the subtle trans- lation of a 1930s office block into a “hi-tech” environment, a “spac © image’’, conjured entirely out of standard parts, A Birkin Haward and Richard significant element of this change MacCormac, is an interesting was the glazing of the side walls development of the previous St Augustine's church repre- church project, and one which sented a rather different chal- but with the same issue at a fight for quality of environment, achieved through effective organisation of space and light, and well-designed furniture and fittings At St Augustine's, this involved the tactful division of the existing church into two parts: a worship area and acommunity centre This project also entailed a serious consideration of the esthetic aspects of working with =—L1 the architects find particularly stimulating, being quite different from the standard commercial brief. A whole new range of criteria is involved In this case, the PCC (Paro- chial Church Council) requires an extension housing a new ance area and link between ch and enlarged church iding a church “centre” can accommodate wide ecular functiaosnwesll as worship. Thecouncil actually 1 | fai TheProfileAceptor’anexcitingnew ~ im! LT} Introducing the factory finish hanentprofilewhichtsbuiltinkeatraditionalwindowframe.andforms an exact a — Tilbury: ground-floor plan, an existing and historic building Thearchoiptetdetoccotnstsruct anew entrance porch inknappe flint and dressed stone, matching the original structure, rather than introduce any strong contrast, St John’s church, Pinner, a project Won in competition with pening. Al des (including plastering) required on completed be eliminating many risks, time delays 2 St John’s Pinner: concept sketch 22 BUILDING DESIGN, February 23, 1990 Practice profile St THE HOLE THING BEES ; A beautifully simple way Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource BD Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 24/02/1989 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/76997b47427b3bc8ea5d256e26868a87.pdf b301ff299afa1d8d72252f428d65f5c9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource BUILDING WITH DIRECT Labour Subject The topic of the resource Poster promoting Direct Labour. Back page has articles about the contracting system and the benefits of Direct Labour Description An account of the resource DIRECT LABOUR CAR PROVIDE © Permanent Employment, lower Building .a >|GoodWorkingConditions; _ Casts ie nd’ Responsive OL esas SService for a «aa ii. GA ihe ae The pamphlet, fully illustr ated, exam the proble of the constructi industry order, “tw / Seea DIRECT DIRECT LABOUR COLLECTIVE, HOUSING WORKSHOP, C.S. E 5,Mount Pleasant, Londonwetxoae. Price£1:50;25ppandp. Special Rate for TU branches, Tenants Associations, Trades Councils 65p;25ppandp. ***** **.** **** CRISIS The construction industry is in a mess. Almost a quarter of a million output has slumped; building costs have rocketed; millions building workers are unemployed; and roads that are only a few years old; and yet contractors’of pounds need to be spent shoring upbuildings Building firms contract for every job they profits have reached record levels. Why is this? undertake, and want to make as much profit as possible. of the industry (and there are many) stem All the operates to the advantage of building firms, but everyone else from this basic fact. The contracting system worst characteristics has to pay the cost. The contracting system THE BUILDING PRODUCT AND ITS COST * The Greatest Profit: is made by cutting corners and generally scamping on work. More often than not the detri 1 effects of employment ona casual basis. Furthermore, employment is no longer subjected to the cycle of Stability of Employ {Di lisati Permanent employ ina DLO booms and slumps and the effects that are generated by the contracting system. Unionisation: Permanent employment has led to high levels of unionisation — an important reason for the good working conditions in DLOs. Good Working Conditions, including Health and Safety: Because the all-embracing need for profit is removed, DLOs conform to health and safety regulations. Accident rates in Manchester DLO are under half those in the private sector and in Sandwell DLO there has never been a fatal or serious accident. Good working conditions also result, since there is no motive to scamp on work or facilities. Training: DLOs offer vastly superior training facilities. They employ over 10,000 apprentices and the larger ones operate extensive training programmes. Manchester employs more that all the contractors in the area put together. This isdespite the fact that DLOs are not eligible for the state grants given to contractors. Lump labour. of the Lump: Under the Lump work is subcontracted on a labour-only basis and the worker is self-employed. Permanent employment in DLOs is an effective guarantee against the use of * A Transformed Production Process: With a considerable expansion of DLOs, planned building prog- rammes would be possible, and design and building could be integrated. Both would result in a vastly superior building product, which was more responsive to the needs of the final user. The larger DLOs have demonstrated the advantages of large-scale workshops and the planned introduction of modem machinery, * Lower Rents: The lower building costs resulting from non-contracting mean, firstly, lower rents. In addition, the expansion of direct labour leads to the real possibility of lowering the enormous burden of interest charges imposed upon council housing. Once this is achieved, rents would fall dramatically. Responsive Building Service: DLOs have no incentive to scamp work or cause immense disruption to tenants. Where they were called in to do repair work, DLOs are quicker and more reliable. Accountability: DLOs are accountable and answerable to tenant complaints. Tenants, therefore, can have a greater say in work undertaken by DLOs for, as a service, their operations are public information. Direct labour DIRECT LABOUR AS A SERVICE SLUMP IN OUTPUT Workloads have fallen dramatically over the past four years. Output has dropped by almost a third. BUT CONTRACTORS DON’T LOSE * Record Profits: Many contractors have increased their profits in every year of the slump. In 1977, Newarthill’s (McAJpines) rose by 127% to £11'4 million, Marchweil by 25% to £13 million, and Wimpey’s made over £50 million and avoided paying tax on it. Large Cash Holdings: In addition, contractors have amassed vast fortunes in cash with which to playthe money market and stock exchange. Dividends and share prices have boomed. In 1973 Costain’s held £5.7 million in cash, and Taylor Woodrow nearly £9 million; by 1976 their holdings had grown to £36.7 million and £38.7 million respectively. Few Bankruptcies: The contractors are always claiming that the industry is highly competitive and that inefficient producers go to the wall. But relatively few contractors have gone bankrupt; and the crisis has demonstrated that there is no relationship between efficiency and profitability under the contracting system. Contractors Survive Slumps: Because they can lay off workers in their thousands, and have low over- heads and fixed capital. They can bide their time, taking only the more profitable work, waiting for the next boom to come along. In this way, profitability is assured but so is a building industry with appalling characteristics. ee ee 0 Tn nn aa aao Direct labour is the workforce employed by local authorities for construction work. Most local authorities have a direct labour organisation (DLO) of some sort, undertaking the building and repair of houses, schools, roads, etc. DLOs employ over 200,000 workers. ADVANTAGES TO TENANTS From their beginnings in the 1890s DLOs were intended asa service; set up as a response to the failures of the contracting em to provide a good quality product, at reasonable cost, with good working conditions and trade union rights. THE POLITICAL STRUGGLE FOR DIRECT LABOUR * The Contractors’ Attack: Aided by their Tory allies, the contractors have mounted a massive campaign against DLOs, using all the lies and distortions they can muster. Well over a million pounds have been used to finance it. Their sole concern is to preserve profit levels. They want to take lucrative work away from DLOs, and defend their tarnished image by attacking the genuine alternative to the con- tracting system that DLOs represent. Their hysteria has reached ne v heights as a result of the proposal- by the Labour Party to nationalise one or two of the largest contractors. As DLOs are publicly owned, the have ised the link b the exp of direct labour and nationalisation. So direct labour has become a test case for contractors in the defence of their interests. The Tory Attack: Where Tories have gained control of local councils, they have proceeded in a ruthless manner to destroy the DLO and sack workers. This has occured in both Birmingham and the GLC, inspite of the savings shown by the departments. Playing with Demand: The solution to the ils of the building industry is seen by both the contractors and the government to be the stabilisation of the flow of orders. But this will not work, for it will give contractors even greater monopoly power and change none of the fundamental characteristics of the industry. What is required instead is the abolition of the contracting system, and a change in the way in which building work is organised and produced. Only direct labour offers this as a practical possibility today. The Threat to Direct Labour as a Service: Strong moves are being made by Government and the con- tractors to undermine direct labour asa service by insisting that DLOs act like contractors. They want them to tender for work, with the overriding objective of making as much profit as possible. This would hard won imp: in working diti and destroy all the principles on which direct labour is based. The main losers would be workers and tenants. This is in addition to a general policy of running down council housing which also means worse housing conditions and rents for tenants, and jeopardises jobs in DLOs. * The Fight to Defend and Expand Direct Labour: Campaigns to counteract the contractors’ pernicious attacks are underway. The Confederation of Local Authorities Stewards (CLAWS) now helps to set up ‘and coordinate action committees throughout the country. These are working towards greater unity between all sections of the Labour Movement — trade unions and residents — over the issue of direct labour. In Sandwell, W. Midlands, the Tenants’ Liason Committee meets regularly with DLO shop stewards to sort out problems over repairs and to increase the role of direct labour.Elsewhere, other council workers are also joining in campaigns: for example, in Wandsworth and Hackney in London. SSEE SS EE) ADVANTAGES TO WORKERS THE BUILDING PRODUCT — LOWER COSTS Removal of Profit: Private contractors build in order to make profits. With direct labour as a service charging at cost, this profit element is removed. For this reason alone costs will fall. Removal of Contractors’ Waste: The contracting system costs local authorities a fortune — in the costs of failed tender bids (which they end up paying through higher prices), and the whole administrative apparatus required to run the tendering system. Even more costs are involved in contractors’ time and cost overruns, site walkouts, shoddy work and bankruptcies. With work by direct labour these costs do not arise. Nor do the substantial health and social costs of casual employment. A Better Product: DLOs build higher quality, lower cost buildings than do contractors. Between 1961 and 1976 Manchester DLO saved £1.5 million against the architect’s valuation plus £2.3 million against the next lowest tender. In one year, between 1975-6, Lambeth saved £1.3 million against the next lowest tender, and between 1971 and 1977 Colchester DLO (which is now being run-down) saved £1 million. Initial high quality means reduced maintenance costs. DLOs, anyhow, provide a much better repair and maintenance service. It is far more responsive and flexible, and it is much cheaper. The GLC has estimated that it would cost at least £8 million per year more to use contractors rather than the DLO. contract terms are broken in order to increase profits. Outrageous claims for additional costs are made, and completion dates delayed. Clients, including local authorities, have little control over either the quality or the cost of the work done. Monopoly: To keep profits high, contractors fix prices through monopolies and ringing. Some individual contractors have acquired a virtual monopoly over specific types of work. Corruption is rife. The name of Bryants is now famous as a result of their bribing Birmingham’s chief architect to obtain contracts. * Design Faults: Under the contracting system, design and building are separate. Untried designs are I hed by either archi or Frantic pts to make a quick profit mean that scant regard is paia to long-term reliability and maintenance costs. Failures such as Ronan Point and high alumina cement are an inevitable and costly result. Ironically, contractors are now making money out of remedying these faults. Poor Quality, Expensive Buildings: All these features lead to an enormous catalogue of inadequate and costly buildings. £100 million needs to be spend remedying faults in motorways in the Midlands; schools have collapsed; many new council houses are chronically damp because of leaky roofs or condensation; and new hospitals in Glasgow, Liverpool and London cannot be fully utilised for years. In Camden on just one site, Alexandra Road, Laings final price is £13-15 million more than the original tender of £5 million. WORKERS Casual Employment: Most workers are only hired on a temporary basis to work on one contract. When their task is finished they are laid off. At least a third of the workforce is out of work for a part of the year. This casual employment is endemic to the contacting system. Under it the lump flourishes. Unemployment: Casual jobs mean high levels of unemployment even during booms. The present slump has led to almost 400,000 construction-related jobs disappearing. Many workers have left the industry altogether; hundreds of thousands are on the dole — 221,817 were registered unemployed in February 1978. Wages: Construction workers do not get a decent basic wage, often bonuses make up over half their pay. During slumps, bonuses are cut, so earnings fall. Limited Training: At best, contractors provide minimal training facilities. Most training is now run and paid for by the state. In spite of the chronic shortage of skilled workers, the number of apprentices em- ployed by contractors dropped by over a half between 1964 and 1973. It is even lower now, with many apprentices being made redundant. Poor safety, health and working conditions: In 1975, 18lworkers were killed on site; many were injured or maimed. An official government report predicts that, unless the situation changes, 2000 more will die during the next ten years and 400,000 will be injured. Most can be blamed on the working conditions created by management. Dust, damp and poor working conditions also make building work unhealthy. Contractors are loath to forgo profits to improve this. Site facilities and safety precautions are generally primitive and rudimentary. Low Levels of Unionisation: Casual employment means that many workers do not even belong to a union; So it is difficult to fight for better working conditions, a decent basic rate and against redundancies. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Direct Labour Collective Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/2c8cfbb0c600e6767dcc36055b34d98b.pdf a0bade4d0fcb0262028bbedfd3f4886d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Direct Labour History Subject The topic of the resource History of Direct Labour from first DLO in 1982 at LCC Description An account of the resource uur History ( Ie oieirms WA. ZeLw 4 The decinion to set up the first direct labour departments was made Ly the TCC in 1992. Behind the decision ley four important factors. First, in the early 1290s, labour organisation wes strong. Following the success of the 1889 dock strike, new unions were emerging to challenge the traditional craft unions and unskilled workers were organising thenselves alongside exilled workers. Both were fighting for better working conditions high during the depression years up to 1295 and the governnent’s attcnpte to mollify rising discontent in the form of publio relier works proved coatly, inefficient and beyond the scope of most lock] wuthorivier and ne real solution to unemploymeht. Thirdly, the tuilding industry wae in a state of chaos. During the corrupt years of the MPDW contractors were infamous for scamping work done, resulting in heavy maintenance costs, ani for forming rings to maintain the costs of contracta at an exorbitarily high level. Alongside the growth of cubcontracting which gccompeniea this, trade unions were opposing the imposition of vrdue hours and unfair veges by contractore. Tastly, there wac a repidly changing political position within the LCC, with the emergence of a latour group, which inciuded 2 John Burna (one of the leading figures in the dock strike) and Sidney Webb. This group saw municipal servicee as a direct encroachnent on canitelism. The fight for an extension of municipal services arose mainly out of an alliance between this group and those desiring to increace the efficiency of capitalioms The latter were called the Progressives. Bestest the enterprises of the Progressives, dependant on the provision of essential services in the capital, were hampered by the inefficiency and costiinessa of the work done ty contractors. Up till this time the main function of town councils war to hand out contracts : , Dic = through the Fair wages Movement. “econdly, unemployment was extremely t. and: collect the money necerssary for tiem. Even as late as 1890 dust collection wae done by contractors in the LCC area. The Progressives gained control of the LCC in 1889, defeating the Moderates who represented the interests of local contractors and private companies. One of their firet acts was to bring in a clause enforcing Trade union conditions and pay on all contracts given out by the council. Contractors by the LCC in setting up their Works department was followed by Battersea (1894) and West Ham (1896). An important point about these early direct labour departments is that their work was not confined to housing. Local authorities had only recently extended their sphere of responsibility to housing, following agitation from, for instance, the Workmen' s National Housing council, to remedy slum conditions. As well as undertaking the building of some of the first council estates built under the Housing of the Working Classes Act 1890 the LCC Works Department also obtained contracts (including the furniture contract) from the London Schools Board. Battersea even built a power station, The departments were equipped with a large number of workshops. battersea had, for instance, a wheelwrights shop, joinery works, baacksmiths shop, pjumbers, painters and decoratore shops. It also had advanced machinery, such as a morticing and horing machine." One of the early direct works departments even retaliated by putting in outrageous tonderse> It was against this background, and in order to destroy the monopolistic position of contractors that the growing demand for a Works Department was accepted in 1892, with the building of the York Rd. sewer. The lowest estimate received for this when put out for tender Kas £11,000. The Works department completed the work for £6,854. The lead given owned their own brickfielde; enother provided its own gas for the works.5 == : : ; The effect of the introduction of direct works was to act as xz a check on contractors, reducing their demands and raising the quality of work done — as well ae improving the conditions of building workers by setting a high standard which private builders were force ed to follow. Not till the 1900s, when the housetwilding boom had subsided and speculetive builders’ profits were low did contractors begin arguing that direct works was more contly. It is clear that the idea of cost efficiency was not a basis for setting up Direct Works. As Battersea's engineer and surveyor, Mr. Pilditch explained: "In dispensing with the contractor and undertaking the whole of our work direct, it has never been in contemplation by the Vestry to compete With the cutting contractor who competes at the lowest poss&ble, and often at a losing figure, and then tries by every schame possible to cut and shirk the specified work to avoid a loss as far as possible if unable to make a profite!© Mr. Williams of the FRIBA added to this: "The profit and loss fallacy is not indu&ged in at Battersea. I gathered that it was quite understood in Battersez that good material, good and expeditious worknanship and proper conditions of labour were the points to be aimed at, and whether the eventual cost came out above or below the estimate the community benefitted thereby in the end" These claims are supported in a survey of direct works in the LCC, Battersea and West Ham carried out by Bradford Trades Council in 1904, ! (to ascertain the feasibility of Direct Works for Bradford) which describes the quality of work and materials used as compared with private contractors work. 4- By 1907 a large mumber of authorities had followed the initiative teken by the LCC and set up their own direct works (see figure I). As local authorities began their own housebuilding programmes, often with the use of direct labour, eo their activities encroached more and more private into the/housetuilding sector. With the increasing sucese of direct labour, the contractors launched their firat full-scale campaign against direct xarkt works. Direct Works was ons of the main iseues of the 1907/8 local elections for the LCC, with the Moderates in the name of ‘Municipal Reform',claiming that it wes costly and took away local employment. They succeeded in gaining a majority in the LCC, and their first task was in 1908 to practically destroy the Yorks Department. The Progressives BDivans and J. Stanley Holmes in their election address for the 1910 election described the effect: "The ruthless destruction of this great cepartment and the discharge of over 3,000 men had resulted in London being placed in the hands of the big contractors. It is urged that the men formerly employed by the LCC are now working for contractorsbu,t since a considerable volume of work which was formerly executed by the Yorks Department (including the furnishing contract for all london sbhools) is now being done in the provinces, it is obvious that the cry of 'Jondon work for London men’ raised by the moderates is simply electionary cant. Further it Will be remembered that the Works Department was established in 1892, partly for the purpose of acting as a check on contractors and preventing the formation of ‘rings’. In view of this it 49/noteworthy point that since the abolition of the Works Department over 50 tenders have been withdrawn by contractors, showing that the old game is starting over again, ani we are going back to the corrupt cays of the EE." (Presumably the tenders were withdrawn 60 that they could by upped.) --} By 1912 moderate opinion on direct labour was being reflected in the official line taken by government. Purns had argued throughout the 1890s in the House of Commons for direct labour and against the use of contractors for government workers But in 1912 when Wedgewood Benn | was asked: Wat is policy about whether a perticular piece of work should be done by contract or by direct letour?¥, he replied: "The policy of the department is to have work executed subcontract, practically the only direct labour employed being in connection with the Lonizn Royal Parks end certain ancient monuments situated in remote places. The regular repair work in the various government wuildings is executed bub maintenance Contreotatting To sum up this first phase in the history of direed labour. Direct works departments before the first world war were established: 1) as # solution to unemployment and as an alternative to public relief ; works; 2) to ensure good working conditions and the maintenance of trade union retes. 3) to ensure a high standard, particularly in the growing area of public housing. 4) to destroy the monopolistic position of contractors and to act as a ) check on their tenders (if these were lower than direact labour estimetes, this implied low quality and scamped work or poor wages; if higher, this implied exorbitantly high profits for contractors). The work of the departments was wide-ranging, although housebuilding became increasingly important with the growing responisibilities of municipalities to provide housing. To undertake this extensive workshops were set up. ~b— Post First World “ar The acute housing shortage after World War I reféected the pre-war deficiency of housebilding carried forward as well as the suspeasion of building during the war. The Housing Town Planning Act of 1919 zttemped to eliminate this shortage by imposing a duty on local authorities for the first time to provide for the housing needs of the zorking class in their district. To back up this committment the government gave direct encouragement to local suthorities to employ 13w local authorities gave work to both direct labour and local gu$lds- The working conditions provided were aboue those in the private sector and, inspite of the guaranteed 44 hour week and payment for wet time, veges were often slightly above those in the locality. Girect labour orgenisations. A memoradum of August 1919 As a result of this encouragement, and of the success in the experimental shousing in first Newbury, and then Tivennoovun the munber of direct labour departments snowballed. By Noventer 1920 70 new direct works had been set ea Unlike the prevar pepartments these were concentrated on house-building. Although direct labour was A aetea by the building unions, the situation was confused by the short-lived and financially disastrous Guild movement which the NFBTO also gave backing to. Neny w6s Post First World “ar The acute housing shortage after World War I reftected the pre-war deficiency of housebilding carried forward as well as the suspeasion of building during the war. The Housing Town Planning Act of 1919 zttemped to eliminate this shortage by imposing a duty on local authorities for the first time to provide for the housing needs of the zorking class in their district. To back up this committment the government gave direct encouragement to local authorities to employ were often slightly above those in the locality. 13 Meny direct labour organisations. A memoradum of August 1919 As a result of this encouragement, and of the success in the experimental shousing in first Newbury, and then Tivernsota the munber of direct labour departments snowballed. By roTener 1920 70 new direct works had been set tee Unlike the prevar pepartments these were concentrated on house-building. Although direct labour was a eee by the building unions, the situation was confused by the short-lived and financially disastrous Guild movement which the NFSTO also geve backing to. local authorities gave work to both direct labour and local gu$lds. The working conditions provided were aboue those in the private sector and, inspite of the guaranteed 44 hour week and payment for wet time, veges Shortly thereafter, the private buildinr sector, paralysed by skilled labour shortages and vastly received separate authorisation for subsidy (Additional Powers) Act. In this sector, private faced relatively little competition from would not necessarily have caused alarm housebuilding DLOs. These new measures state intervention (as with hindsipht as setting precedents for they appe=r to have done). Instead they could be constructed rary antidotes to an emergency brought In the pre-Keynesian economic fear high levels of public exnanurnne Government. Public expenditure for howsine was extremely ched a very high level indeed. The an all-time high in April-May peak in housebuilding costs. The wholesale January 1919 as base pertlod = 100) rose to 129 in June 1920 September 1921 had fallen rapidly to burden on the state (and a corresponding builders) since two-thirds of ceived by April 1921 had been contracts signed before the onset timates, on the other hand, were final costs and so offered significant Of ae and jaaeine themfootnores In this context, DLOs received sipnificant support. The 1921 Report on the High inflated prices, throuch the Housing as providing necessary but tempo- about by the aftermath of wm climate there would be no reason as a permanent feature of short-lived but rea -— general price level had reached 1920, a few months earlier than price index (taking the but by 79. This created an enormous bonanza for many private the subsidised housing returns approved in lump sum (ie, fixed) re - of the slump. Direct labour es- adjusted to reflect prevailing economies (as the example indicates). if somewhat cautious Cost of Building Workine to Class Dwellings remarks that as an experiment upon.a limited scale with a direct incentive to economy to the local authorities Adopting it we are of the opinicn that it will tend rather to a reduction than to an increase in fencral prices. !4- Despite this favourable expectation the final recommendation only supported ene provision of houses by DL and it was in small numbers in the first instance, to he subsequently increased if and when their operations prove economical (and) local incentive to economy (should) be provided by the fixine of maximum prices which shall rank for financial assistance.15 A further recommendation in the same report makes it clear just how constrained this modest support mirht be in practice by advi- sing that ‘direct building by the government should be restricted tc a minimum! and viewed as an expedient only to be talen up in emergencies. By the time this report was published (Aueust 1921) the government had already acted as thourh the postwar emergency were over by drastically curtailing its subsidised housine progfraine«. One necessary effect of this was to restrict opportunities Fore Din those which had been set up = which had undertaken a frreater pro- portion of the new housebuilding than in any earlier period. Of 160.000 houses in signed and approved contracts up to April 1924, 8,840 (5.5%) had been built by direct labour.” Addine those houses built by the Guilds and by the Office of Works brings the combined share to almost 10% of all houses. Commenting on this performance, two members of the 1921 Report Committee presenting the minority position commend DL for their good craftsmanship, for the economies they have achieved in their own estates as well as for those thev have imposed on private contracts by inhibiting throurh competi —- tion, otherwise excessive tender prices. The minority statement concludes that in our judgement, it would be in the best interest of economy that advantage should be taken to promote direct employment on housing schemes where ever possible. an The interwar period witnessed the continuinr decline in rovernment subsidies culminating in thé termination of subsidy to either sector for housing built to satisfy general needs (Housing Act 1933). But set against this decline was the remarkable increase in the output of local authority houses which peaked in 1928 with the production of 104.100 council houses with an additional contribu - Wy local authorities.T’he combined record total of 178,700 subsidised dwellings compared with only 60.300 unsubsidised dvellings - the lowest for any interwar year between 1924 and 1939. The implica - tions of this performance may well have sounded the alarm to the private construction industry concerned with its future prospects. By 1927 the NFBTE had launched an explicit attack on DLO& as the building arm of local government. al cannot be measured at the time the scheme is completed. tion of 74.600 houses built by private e'terprise but subsidised by cS Unlike the pre-war period, both the attacks and defence of Di0s at this time centred on arguments over cost. As the dramatic slump in the housebuilding industry set in after 1928 and builders were prepared to put in low tenders to obtain the work, cost savings could not gaways be shown. Wranglings over the relative cost msrits of direct labour and private work was in any case meaningless since they excluded qualitative assessment, the degree of maintenance required, certain management costs included in DL estimates and not in private tenders, The 1929 Labour research ae ieee in reply to the attack by contractors does point out that: "Were the financial success of direct labour tess striking, it would still be justified because it ensures building of high quality. And it must be borne in mxx mind that the high quality of the houces build by direct labour results in substantial economies in upkeep, which etc. {© Cose — In the recovery period after the second World War, both the Index of Wholesale Prices and the General Wage Index rose rapidly as it had after the “orld war 1, generating instability and uncertainty in the construction industry. ihese res'enses however took lonrer to reach their peak after world nar it than after norld war 4 and never returned to their prewar Icvels as they did after the earlier wal. ihis change is at least partly explained by the aco:-tion os the new Keynesian policies used explicitly to prevent a deflation of the sort thal occurred im late 1920, she acceptance of the demand managenernt role of the state was consistent with the renewed conimiit- tment to an extended postwar public housing prorranme. thourh one might have expected a pooteeh oe un encouragement of DLOs. But instead, there was much more consistent support for the dominant role to be played by private enterprise in the reconstruction of Great Britain, Contemrorary documents (first under the pre-1945 Coalition Government but continuing under Labour) make this quite expuaiciaus "Given favourable conditions, the housine needs of a large section of the people of this country can be met without Ri assistance from public funds.'” It is therefore not surprising to find this championing of competition and the private corporation reflected in the postwar directives concerning direct labour. These appear in a Ministry of Health memorandum circulated in 1946 Much of its substance however, appears in an earlier Ministry of 2 works Keport which itself parrots an even earlier report published Qt in 1939. this suggests the persistence of an older and possibly now atrophicd attitude towards DL which remained invulnerable to new economic policies emerging around it. Both these earlier reports however do offer positive evidence on behalf of 10s which tN does not survive into the 1946 memorandum; while there was little or no difference in cost between the direct labour estimate and the contractor's tender it was claimed that the cost of maintenance sub-—- sequent to completion was less on those houses which were carried out by DILO...We are satisfied that the best VL departments have built considerable numbers of food; houses at prices comparable with those of contractors. a) Yhe majority of those who had experience of PL in connection with individual trades were agreed that this method involved preater cost but renerally achieved a better standard of constructicn.= jhe recommendations in the 196 memorandum form a kind of contain-—- ment policy for DLOs: The director of the organisation must be as free as a private builder to select the staff . .. engage and discharge labour solely on frounds of efficiency ... otherwise there is a danrer that influences may creep in which may prejudice the whole nature of the organisation. A DL department must tender in corpetition with contractors, wt the sane tirie and under identical conditions and only obtain the contract if the tender is as low as that of any food contractor. Work should be confined to repetition jobs ... (which) means that the organisation need not become too complex. Housing is perhaps the most suitable job for a wLO for this reason. this seeminjs;ly contradictory position under a labour administration can perhaps be partly explained by looking at the chanre in the role of the State in its planning function. The war had served as &@ ca- talyst for a comprehensive and planned approach to post-war re- construction. both the sarlow report in 1946 and the uthwatt Committee set up in 1941 argued for direct state planninr inter- vention. in the latter case this was specifically to curtail spe- culative activity in land, to:restore to the community increases h land values which the community had frenerated but which lay in the hands of private landownerssdevelopers. ‘the war had proved te success of centralised control] of Key industries. thus could have formed the bases for permanent natienalisation or beran to alarm private wartime apparatus. 2a Inspite of this half-hearted support for direct labour, many new departments were set up, largely because of the increasing number of laboyr ctrongholds. Strong arguments for direct labour contimed RNrouRheut the late 1940s and major surveys of direct labour departments were 2lso carried out by the Labour Research Department and the ausTie A campaign for direct labour was even launched by the NFZTO and the London Trades Council, specifically as an alternative to private constructicn: "Private gunxsk enterprise cannot build houses to let becuuse they do not make money that way. Private enterpise makes profit out of houses only when it builds to sell. The only instrument eble to build houses to 25> St Pancras Trades Council, for instance, campaigned successfully for a directk labour department and exposed the ectivities of private : 2o G contractors in the area to a government inquiry. With the building cuts of 1947, delays were placed on théar first projects and only after apecial dispensation following a deputation to the House of Commons was let in great numbers was the local authority." the project allowed to proceed. ve industry, - which was therefore earer to dismantie the To many in the construction industry, direct instrument of minicipalisation wyhich wass itself a necessary corollary to nationalisation. It was one thing to accomodate local authorities as clients which ring alonpside vlLOs, for the Local authorities own contracts. labour organisations emerged as an the private building sector had always been more than willinre to i anothe?r to accep2t ththem as competitors by tende- do; it was quite the publication of the Girdwood reports on the cost of house - building in 1948, 1950 and 1951 carried forward the stand arainst the further encroachment of public enterprise. Like the 1921 hirh cost of housing report, they are basically harbingers of planned reductions in standards and output of foverrment housine. Asso- ciated with this of ccurse is a withdrawal of overt support for direct labour. there has been little diference between the general levels of estimated prices for DL schemes and tender prices for schemes undertaken for local authorities by contractors. On average up to 21st Necemhber 19h7, the former showed a slight saving but in the absence of further data about final costs we have not heen able to draw any gencral conclusions... we have found no reason to believe that house-buildine by DL is more economical than building under contract.2v By 1952 so strong is the committment to market forces that the 2nd Girdwood keport can contemplate the sacrifice of housing to the demands of competition. when inviting tenders in an area in which competiton is known to be poor, it may be possible to arranre contracts of such a size as to attract not only local contractors but also contractors from outside the area: in some cases a Greater readiness to rejcct tenders even at ibe risk of a temporary cessaticen of housebuildine in the area mirht be desirable. Ne -14- Conclusions From this brief account severdl general conclusions concerning the history of direct labour can be made. Firstly, the impetus to set up direct labour departments has arisen in periods of crisis for the building industry and for the provision of housing: the 1890s, dhe early 1920s and the immediate post second world war period. In these three periods labour organisation was strong and the issue of direct labour a very political one. It is clear that it successfully served as smme kind of check on the industry and has thus been a target of attack by cnntractors at times when the industry itself is threatened by a slump (for instance, the 1900s, the late 1920s and the present day) and seeking public sector work. At times when there have been booms in the private house-building industry it has not been a major issue (eg the 1930s and 1950s). Direct labour departments now are less wide ranging in their : activities than the early depaztments, partly because they have not in most cases been able to build up the large plant and equipment now necessary to employ industrialised techniques. In many ways they have been increasingly restricted ink their activities by * legislation and accounting procedures. * In 1958 defenders of the private construction industry did receive a minor legal setback. In Rands v. Oldroyd the High Court ruled that a local contractor/councillor had violated s.76 of Local Government Act 1933 by voting on a council issue concerning DL. The court deemed this a clear oonflict of interests. The industry found the decision quite disturbing. 1935— Neaue 128,160,000... 3,198,000 . 24 39,887,000... 5,259,000 <. 13 — Total .... 578,224,000 . 39,471,000... 6} Reka *Aftcr 1948 the information contained in the Census of Production is too aboreviated to permit extraction of Operations confined solely to building. The industry’s oulput is fegregated for “ Building and Civil Engineering.” Ratt: Repairs aud Maint eMcuce Work NB: NewBuildingVornls5 Direct Labour PRIVATE BUILDING AS AGAINST DIRECT LABOUR WORK, PERIOD 1907-1948 (Figures taken from Census of Production Reports) NeB.... 115,819,000... 3,474,000 . 3 Ram. 45,038,000... 3,641,000 . 73 Total .... 160,857,000... 7,115,000... 4} Total . 168,047,000... 8,457,000 . 43 Private Builders Direct Per Cent. of Labour = Totulto Nearest £ NB... 39,378,000 . 424.000 tPer Cent. 1907— as Rett... 34,070,000 . 862000 1” 2} Total . 73,448,000... 1,286,000... 1} CeO: 94,2,0. 2,253,000 2} Wiseinales)0)aieceee Total . 135,871,000 . 3,909,000 . 25 1930 1946— Ne@..... 185,962,000 UPON) mx, C1 Rew... 181,562,000 .181976000 3 gy ‘Totals: 367,524,000 . 26,899,000 . 6} 1948 (*) ga ie NeB.... 361,650,000 .14,386.000 3 Rati... 216,574,000 .25,085,000 |) 104 1 Most of the cost figures available for direct labour schemes in the interwar period are not directly comparable with corresponding figures for schemes built by prive con- trect. The most common form of comparison in Hansard sets approved tenders not against final costs but against estimated costs of direct labour schemes not yet completed (or occasionally not even becun). Every reading of offic ficues is attended by queries concerning the method of accounting; whether overheads/arcnitects/Q.S. fees ar included; whether the comparison relates to the same type of house built in the same region at the same time. fhe following table, therefore, lists only those ficues which attach to kkE completed schemes. Birmingham Dist. a 150° 168 210 35 39 (Ow) Durham Dist. (OW) 734 Hull Dist. (Ow)! 643 Kent Dist. (Oi!) 669)! Londen CO; 1) | 877 Wales (OW) 690 |Jarrow (DL) Bentley (DL) Derby (DL) Irilam Sf Manches Pontypri eal Sabena | Southga Swansea ) fonbridcse (DL) | fynemouth (DL) We Hartlepool (DL) | 1} ) | 926 | OOS 926 | ‘100% 1010 866 |~_ > }Direct Office of Works (CW)! Private jbuild'g.iwrkers Gld | Contract Final st C Final Cost,for Savincs | per louse (Private minus House of Pyve House of ‘ype [PAS Semen De Soimelcsie |77%. LOTo IMoa6 Boo 795°|&76) | WaSo ie | | 154 &3S Edmonton (DL) me Comvarative Final Costs for the Interwear Feriod 200 1100 ; 220-796 81 . | | | er 562 (on power station) 260 50 THansard, (175) cols.627-8 and €179) col.921. Office of Works figures exclude cost of land, roads and sewers and head— quarters charge of 2.75% to cover OW exuenditure, architects' and @.S. fees and other services. Figures for privat contract exclude cost of land, roads and sewers, arciitects' and @.S.' fees and salaries of Clerks of Works. All this information given in Report submitted to Newcastle City Council in 1923 by Sown Clerks of the towns involved. 2Hansard,(166) col. 619 Ftpid., and Hansard (175) col.426 +t Houses by Direoct eee Councillor Cyril Lacey in Labour Resear June 1946 |_376 . 35 57 OFLU fend Public) Own “J WaI0LO - © “3 0) NMOWWwoo OOOO NAH WONMWr Or Edmonton (DL) | 32 eueae e295, 56 DL Lowest Private Autho- iepe22endserageANGye 1892 rork koad Seser £7,000 tender £ 11,000 ce £ 1920 350 N.S. houses £ 192U 100 houses 854 final cost/use 929 final cost 7 Omeee enn 875 cost (orkers 1920 300 houses 1921 24 houses 192) 2U houses 1923 150 houses 1923 150 houses £2 £ O50) final 916 cost ruaranteed a 'th-hr week) W. Hartlepool Kangor Newmarket ments of which 57 concentrated all using authorities in North less that 10% of £ 959 eel OOH Bradford (average for 106 houses) 1,296 Cudworth &00 Se OOlO os (875 estimated) £ 76uU Seles HO Nov. 1949 (LRD Vol.x No. 23) Of 1lul wvL dep'ts responding to questicnnaire, only "4 carrie out new ho using cnstruction 878 per house if cost of lind, solicitors and arch itects' fees included costs BIWSe & 1,026 hull Newbury By 29 January 1947 , 124 Local Authorities using vL Depart REFERENCES 1. cf. G. Dew, Government and Municipal Contracts Fair Wages Movement: A brie= =istsor:, 1896. 2. For details of Burn's political activities and fight against contractors, see Kenneth D. Brown, Join Burns, Royal Historical Society, 1977. 3. Direct labour, published by Labour Research Department, 1929, p. 16. 4, Official Trade Unionist Report, London, Battersea and West Ham Mun Departments, presented by Bradford Trades and Labour Council to Bz History Library, 1904, p. 2. Labour Research Monthly Circular, Local Government Notes, June 1920. S.W. Star, June 27th 1898, Mr John Burns and Mr. William Davi Essentials of a Works Department - Views of an Architect and ibid. Bradford Trades Council report. Society, collection of LCC pamphlets and leaflets. 9. see Hansard 4th series XIV 81, 26 June 1893, and Hansard XXVII 1572-9, 18 Aug. 1€94. 10. Hansard (40) 476,.27 June 1912. ll. see R. Hayward, An Experiment in Direct Labour House-building: Liverpool 1920-2 discussion paper, Liverpool Univ. Nov. 1977. 12. Labour Research Monthly Circular, Local Government Notes, Nov. 1920 13. ibid. for June 1920. See Aso Matthews, The Building Guilds, in Essays in Labour History, ed. Briggs and Saville, London 1971. 14. Revort of the Departmental Committee on the High Cost of Working Class Dwellincs, LOPS ps5: 15. ibid,:p. 59. 16. ibid, p. 45. 17. ibid. p. 68. 18. {arian Bowley, Housing and the State, 1944, p. 271. 19. ibid. Labour Research Department, p. 27; for the attacks see, for instance, The Menace of Direct Labour, National Builder, Dec. 1927. Private Enterprise Housing, HMSO 1984, p. 37. The Placing and Management of Building Contracts (Simon Committee), 1944, Ministry of Works. The Barr Committee on Scottish Building Costs, Cmnd 5977, 1939. Memorandum on Direct labour issued Nov. 1946. Ministry of Health. This survey was later published as Building by Direct Labour, W.S. Hilton, London 1954. Oo mw Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Not known Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 28.01.78