2 10 20 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/692555f988890b49d602faeee4ba34f5.pdf 2c271f6c4b8cc514fa5790ce5451ee02 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE 12 Subject The topic of the resource Contains: 'Women and Space Conference Application', Sat 10th and Sun 11th March 1979 'Speculation Over The City' Description An account of the resource [ aa . oe ecul: Bs ance a2 at Peed oA oé ao a Fence rs to, a Le Ee Se is REPRESENTATIVES ae orbluish-purpletockeasilysplit Anetworkof30representativeshasbeen housing bill trauma THE SHELTER CONFERENCE on the 1979 Housing Bill was held on the the 16th of February, its aims were to help tenants and housing activists to campaign for a more radical hous- ing Bill than that proposed by the Bte!, n.,a,&v.t. 1,Inds ofgrey, {nto flat smooth plates; plece of such fhe ~, rid oneself of or renounce oblign- tons) +~-black, -blue, -grcy, modifications of these tints such as occur in~; jl-~-cltb, smutual benefit society with small weekly contributions; ~-colour(ed), (of) dark bluish or greenish grey; hence slat’y? a, 2. adj. (Made) of~. 3, v.t. Cover with ~s esp. as roofing; hence slit’er' n, (ME -). Criticize severely te hor in reviews), scold, rate; *nominate, propose for office etc, Hence slit’1xc(1) n. (app. f, prec.} SLATE IS THE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Moyement’s Publications Group. News und features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are inc- luded to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s Views and activities to the attention of the largest possible readership set up throughout schools and large prac- ticesuloverthecountry.Theonlycomm- itment of each representative will be to receive 5 copies of SLATE every two months and to try to sel 4 of them, return- ing £1.00 to SLATE. ’ Al this should help SLATE acheive a far wider circulation and become more truly representative of the views of rad- icals concerned with the industry and the environment WORK ON SLATE SLATE needs more workers, more writers .more ideas and more reps in order to produce a better, larger and cheaper newsletter. If you would like to work for SLATE: become a rep., join the group, send in articles or suggest topics it should cover then contact us soon, : : The copy deadline for the next issue is Friday 11th May 1979 and THE PLIGHT OF SUB— URBAN WOMEN Commercial development and women's employment ACOMMUNITY LAND ACT? Was itever effective? PLANNING SYSTEM ON TRIAL The implications of the forth- coming South Bank Enquiry BAKER STREET BLUES A complex inner city area under threat P20 ARCHITEKT P20 LETTERS P23 :[ + SUBSCRIBE! the recent election among thenearly 4400 architects considered by ARCUK as ‘unattached.’ Although the four incumbent NAM—affiliated | NAME |ADDRE If you would like to receive SLATE without SLATE 12 PAGE 2 Councils an incentive to produce a clear SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland St., London W.1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications Group) ; Contents NEWS THE SLATER UNATTACHED NEWS EDITORIAL PENSION FUNDS: YOUR MONEY OR YOUR LIFE Pensionfundsandproperty speculation P8 Printed by Islington Community Press, 2a St Pauls Rd., London, N1. Trade Distribution by Publications Distribution Cooperative, 27, Clerken- well Court, London, E.C.2 ; joining NAM fil in the form below and send ittogether 7 notincreasebecausewageshadincreased. bythecouncilofSTAMP, On improvements there were demands section of UCATT. the non-manual for fostering action by councils in com- attached councillorsThe newly-elected un- NEWS FROM NAM workshops as to the ways in which the Bil should be ammended. In the work- shop on Allocations of Council Houses the following ammendments ware demanded:thatthereshouldbenogrounds councillors(BobMaltz,JohnMurray, P10 P16 P18 government . While Labours Bil is nolonger nec- essarilyas immediate asit was in February, the Housing Bil that the Conservatives may may introduce iseven less likely to match the conferences aims than that of the Labour Bill. At the conference there were workshops on the Tenants Charter, the allocation of Council Housing, Housing Subsidies, Home improvements and empty Houses. Specific demands were produced by these Architects Registration Council in which preyented a person for a council house and ‘that eligiblity for Ian Tod and Tom Woolley) easily led the balloting and increased their percentage of the votes over last government to publish for the its secret figures showing how the new subsidising system will work and to give to invest in housing and national policy on rent levels which did pulsary improvement powers, essential repairs and the production of an action programme on vandalised council estates. It also called for an increase in the homes improvement grant and the scrapping of the proposed tenants grant. In the Empty Houses workshop a ban on the demolition of good houses before are three NAM members members; John Allan, Sue Jackson and being considered transfering area should not only be con- sidered when achangeofjob was involved. year, the number of NAM members The subsidies workshop called on ARCUK has declined by two. Four NAM members who represented “unattached” architects for the past two years (Anne Delaney, Alan Lipman, David Roebuck and KenThorpe) did not stand as candidates this year and NAM member Adam Purser did not seek renomination NAM MEMBERS have won seven of the nine seats up for grabs on the Marion Roberts, together with Péter Cut- more and David Robson, neither of whom isexpected to throw in his lot with the RIBA Council’s “Gang of Forty” which stil controls the 67-seat ARCUK. While the ‘unattached’ are obliged by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 SLATE 12 PAGE 3 VSWEWSNEY to nominate only ‘registered persons’ (e.g. ‘architects’), the RIBA Council is free to nominate anyone,lay or profession— al,RIBA mamber ornot. Onceagain, however, the RIBA Council has nominated exclusively RIBA menbers to its 40seats onARCUK. Itappears,indeedthatit is becoming so difficult for the small group of RIBA fanatics who mastermind the RIBA’s use of ARCUK as an RIBA puppet to find sufficient ‘sheep’willing to toe their party line on ARCUK that of their 8 new nominees, the RIBA Council has had to draft five members of the RIBA Council itself. a public enquiry was demanded as was aduty of Councils to consider the 1se of empty property anda right of couzicil tenants to object to the demolition plans At the end of the conference it was emphasised that massive publicity must be given to the shortcomings of the Bil but it was reiterated that the campaign for a more radical Housing Bill would only be effective if it was linked to a Wider cam- Paign to reversethe housing cuts and win political commitment to everyone's right to have decent housing. victory at the poles 3 [ityouwoui ikefboeamemberoftheNewArchitectureMoverientfillinthefecmbeloawndsend} it together with a cheque/postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5.00 ( if | you're employed) or £8898 (ifyou're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at 9, Poland Street |London Wt. 3-00 withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNew ArchitectureMovement )for£9988toNAM at9, |feesina steeteeatt 250 As ever, the RIBA Council has nominated to ARCUK primarily bosses. Although lessthan 30%ofthe RIBAmembership are in management positions, over 90% of their Council’s nominees to ARCUK are. Indeed, two out of every three of the RIBA Council nominees are owners of private firms. And although the RIBA draws nearlyhalfofits membership from the public sector, over 75% of RIBA Council nominees to ARCUK are from theprivate sector. Despite the widely—trumpeted gains made in last year’s RIBA Council elections by the RIBA’s self—styled ‘SalariedArchitects Group’ (which includes some employers), there is still only one ‘SAG’ person among the forty RIBA Council nominees. Perhaps the thought of SAG people voting together It was recently reported in Building that the RIBA Council refused to nominate even one member of the Society of Architectural and Associated Technicians, which was originally established under the RIBA’s wing to keep the ‘second tier’ of the profession in line (and out of thealternative a a bona fide trade union) because that body, floundering though it may be, quite understandably refused to be bound by the RIBA whip. with NAM members elected by ‘unattached’ architects was too daunting aProspect for the bosses on RIBA Council . or for SAG! The six ARCUK Councillors nominated by other professional and employers NIEWSNE JSNEWSNEWSNEWSIREWS ARCUK by the RIBA itself and isapparent ly no longer a member of STAMP. The hopes of the representatives of the ‘unattached’foranincreasedturnoutin the recent elections were unfulfilled. ARCUK sent out the ballot papers so late that many unattached hardly had a chance to vote Steps are underway now to get ARCUK’s regulations changed in order to oblige the Registrar to allow voters su‘licient time Nevertheless, the elected unattached councillors al received between 338 and $00 votes. While RIBA Council nominees to ARCUK are not subject to election at al, it may nevertheless be worth noting that ARCUK Councillor Nadine Bedding ton, private practice boss and a RIBA and ACA fanatic, gotre-elected to the RIBA Council last year with 146 votes. That's the same Nadine Beddington who is re ported to have sought to field a slate of RIBA sympathizers to contest the “un attached’ elections, claiming that the NAM members elected were ‘unrepresentative.” Resultsof the ‘unattached’ election: standers) was ejected from the building. There were no arrests however and the demonstrators had stayed long enough tomaketheirpointandhavesomecons- iderable fun in doing so. The immediate reason for occupying these particular houses was to protest against their erec- tion by the GLC (at a cost of £75,000) in order to publicise this council’s policy of halting its housing programme and selling off council houses regardless of the social consequences. The protestors also raised more important broader issues, pointing out the need to oppose the hous- ing cuts as well asthe attack on council housing that accompanies them. They challenged the very idea of an ‘Ideal Home’ exhibition while thousands are homeless and millions remain inadequ- ately housed, and they brought the anger of the homeless and badly housed into the heart of this funfair for the wealthy, well-heeled and well-housed. The people involved came from avariety of organisations and areas, some of them travelling from Cardiff, Portsmouth Plymouth and other parts of the country. The Ass- ociation of London Housing Estates, the Federation of Short-Life Housing Groups, London Squatters Union, Middlesex Poly Not all visitors reacted too warmly of course, there being the full quota of complacent owner occupiers that would Bob Dumbleton from South Wales Housing Action Group started the day with an introduction on the whole sub- jectofpensionfunds.Heemphasizedtheir outtheargumentsforthenecessityfora Elected Not elected unequal opportunities "THE NAM Feminist Group is to do battle with the legislative machinery of anti-sexismTh.e RIBA swung into action in November on the issue of sexism in the profession by sending out a survey to al women registered architects. The survey asked such highly relevant and un- biased questions as “What does your fath- er do ?” and “Is your husband an archit- Ck am The RIBA had been commissioned by the Policy Studies Institute which in turn had been requested by the Equal Oppor- tunities Commission to carry out this sur- vey on women in the profession. A similar study was done ten years ago and the conclusions which its distin- guished researchers came to were that “women architects did not succeed bec- ause they were not ambitious enough” and “the architectural profession was not inherently sexist”. size: for example ICI’s fund is£593M and the National Coal Board’s is£1037M. This concentration of capital should in theory give immense power to the workers who collectively own it. Bob elucidated the paradox of pension funds: that they are in effect workers deferred wages and must therefore guarantee a certain minimum return. As a consequence the investment of pension funds is left to “experts” : investment consultants, who pick up a fat fee for advising on safe returns for the money invested. The kind of investment that yields a consistently high return in the short term is in the areas like property speculation, and not in the manufacturing sector. Thus the contradictory situation arises where pension funds are investing in soc- ially destructive projects, to the detriment of other workers living conditions. A poignant example of this isthe develop- ment of Swansea City Centre, in which some money from the miners pension fund is invested through a development company. These funds together with the local authority funding are diverting investment away from the Welsh valleys and are thus contributing to their econ- omic decline. Bob emphasised the importance of campaigning for a good state-owned pen- sion fund scheme which would releive the necessity for this kind of investment in the private market. An interim step could be greater trade union representation and participationontheboardoftrustees of pension funds. planned programme of investment which would put capital in the prodiictive sect- ors of the economy. He reminded us of the subjectivity of the investment elite and it’s desire for short-term returns. The distinction between social ownership and social control was discussed and the imp- ortance of the latter, with special refer- ence to eastern europe. Holland drew the parallel between the health service before it was nationalised and pension funds now. He thought that the way forward lay eventually in state/social control over pension funds with a long-term strategy for investment. One step towards this could be the use of a key case, such as the ones spoken earlier in the day, where an exposure of the contradictions of the present mis-use of funds could be given full publicity. The discussion following each speaker's contribution was lively and the conference ended by breaking into groups and dis- cussing the way ahead. Thus the propo- sals which came out of the conference are in the long term: 1. The nationalisation of pension funds under social control with a system of “pay as you go” contribution. 2. Government direction over the invest- mentofpensionfunds. and in the short term: 3. More effective trade union represent- ation and participation on the boards The representatives on ARCUK of ‘unattached’architects are concerned thatmanyarchitectswhooughttobe areinterestedingettingarealistic |IDEACHOMES FOR AL. Wi individuals involved in housing. It exists to further the fight for decent housing _ forall. ideal homes for all THE IDEAL Home Exhibition found itself the scene of something alittle outside its usual artificial affluence on Friday March 9th when agroup of demonstrators occupied the two GLC show houses in the Exhibition ‘village’. A group of about 30 people entered the houses as ordinary visitors and then told the GLC officials inside “This is an occu- pation”, escorted them out of the build- ings, and secured the doors. Meanwhile another squad had climbed onto the roofs of the houses and unfurleda fifteen foot long banner saying “Ideal Homes for All”, and a hundred supporters gathered in the vicinity kept up a continuous barrage of chanting and singing, as well as saturat- ing the exhibition with leaflets. Stuart Holland followed with an anal- ysis of the crisis of productivity. He drew Text of this article by courtesy of the Housing Action Campaign HOUSING ACTION isadecentralised net campaigningnetworkofgroupsand Report of the conference held in Birming- ham on January 20th. The conference was reasonably well att- ended in spite of the snow: about 60 delegates came from places as far afield as Swansea and North Shields. There was a mixture of people involved in commun- ity action, trade union officials and active trade unionists which lent a wide resource of experience to the discussion. Police moved in rapidly, kicking their way through the locked doors and breaking a couple of windows, and everyone invol- ved in the occupation or who looked like asympathiser(includingahandfulofby- beexpectedatsuchanevent.“Whyaren't_ and the RIBA too many. They should also write to the Registrar of ARCUK stating that they are not membersofRIBA,AA,FAS,[AAS or STAMP and asking to have the The representatives of the unattached In response the NAM Feminist Group haswrittenalettertotheE.0.C.point- ing out the deficiencies in the RIBA questionnaire and the previous report, and explaining the difference between the RIBA and ARCUK. We have asked for funds with which to carry out our ownsurvey.Theanswerisstilyettobe rarytotheinterestsofworkerslivingin HousingResourceLibraryTM.LadbrokeHouse received....... these areas. Alan Spence from Covent Highbury Grove London N.5. view of how widespread the practice isand would like to hear directly from architects who think they are unattach— status as unattached. Any architect ed but did not receive papers in the resigning from any of the above recent election. Please write to mentioned associations is advised of pension funds. 4.Theuseofakeycommunitystruggle regarded by ARCUK as ‘unattached’ are considered by ARCUK to be ‘attached,’ particularly to the RIBA This means that they do not receive nomination and election papers and alsomeansthatthe‘unattached’may UnattachedRepresentatives,c/oSLATE,toinformARCUK’sRegistrarofthe be allowed too few seats on ARCUK 9 Poland Street, London W1. fact. SLATE 12 PAGE 4 to publisize the contradictions and anomolies inpension funds. Students Union and local building workers were among those who gave their support. Registrar confirm inwriting their Speakers from community action groups in North Sheilds, Cardiff, Birming- hain and Southwark related the ways in which pension funds had invested cont- you at work?” yelled one well-dressed gent gentleman, to the quick retort from a pro- control testor of “Why aren’t you at work?” The point was probably lost, but the action asawholeleftthoseofusinvolvedfeeling pensionfunds elated and just itching for the next time. | Garden pointed out how a trade union pension fund could play a constructive role, by buying up the development in Covent Garden for housing and social fac- ilities which had been won by the direct actionof the local community. This devel- opment isnow owned by the GLC and since it has turned Tory wishes to sel al cf the dwellings at £30,000 per flat. In the afternoona trade union official from the GMWU explained the philosophy behind his union’s investment of its pen- sion funds and the way in which worker representatives came on to the board of trustees. He emphasized how pensions had originally been a gain for the labour movement and their importance as a def- erred wage. A more detailed account of the conter- ence may be obtained from the “Self -Help SLATE 12PAGE 5 VSNEWSNEWS\S associations in the building industry are prevented by law from beingarchitects. Of the remaining 61, 51 are members of the RIBA. This is because the five minor ‘professional’ bodies with nomination rights under the 1931 Actall nominated exclusively RIBA members to their total of seven seats, as did the government, with the exception of one senior civil servant. In addition to nominating a RIBA member to ARCUK, STAMP has also nominated RIBA stalwart Kenneth Campbell to fil its places on ARCUK’s Board of Education and Admissions Committee. William Kretchmer, who lost his STAMP nomin Pwore |THY SEP ation last year after voting with the RIBA faction to keep ARCUK investing in apartheid, has now been given a seat on John Murray Bob Maltz Tom Woolley lan Tod 550 Eddie Walker 337 492 MJB Jackson 333 489 HP Massey 315 478 lan Cooper 299 433 John Allan David Robson Peter Cutmore Sue Jackson Marion Roberts 338 391 356 343 VSNEWSNIS SNEWS1Y associations in the building industry are prevented by law from being architects. Of the remaining 61, 51 are members of the RIBA. This is because the five minor ‘professional’ bodies with nomination rights under the 1931 Act al nominated exclusively RIBA members to their total of seven seats, as did the government, with the exception of one senior civil servant. In addition to nominating a RIBA member to ARCUK, STAMP has also nominated RIBA stalwart Kenneth Campbell to fil its places on ARCUK’s Board of Education and Admissions Committee. William Kretchmer, who lost his STAMP nomin ation last year after voting with the RIBA faction to keep ARCUK investing in apartheid, has now been given a seat on ARCUK by the RIBA itself and isapparent ly no longer a member of STAMP. The hopes of the representatives of the ‘unattached’ for an increased turnout in the recent elections were unfulfilled. ARCUK sent out the ballot papers so late that many unattached hardly had a chance to vote. Steps are underway now to get ARCUK’s regulations changed in order to oblige the Registrar to allow voters suclicient time. Nevertheless, the elected unattached councillors al received between 338 and 500 votes. While RIBA Council nominees to ARCUK are not subject to election at al, it may nevertheless be worth noting that ARCUK Councillor Nadine Bedding ton, private practice boss and a RIBA and ACA fanatic, got re-elected to the RIBA Council last year with 146 votes. That’s the same Nadine Beddington who is re ported to have sought to field a slate of RIBA sympathizers to contest the ‘un attached” elections, iming that the NAM members elected were ‘unrepresentative.” Results of the ‘unattached’ election: JQEAL- HOMES FOR ALL. ARRAS eS Elected John Murray Bob Maltz Tom Woolley lan Tod John Allan David Robson Peter Cutmore Sue Jackson Marion Roberts Not elected $50 Eddie Walker 337 492 MJB Jackson 333 489 HP Massey 315 of organisations and areas, some of them travelling from Cardiff, Portsmouth,Plymouth and other parts of the country. The Ass- ociation of London Housing Estates, the Federation of Short-Life Housing Groups, London Squatters Union, Middlesex Poly Students Union and local building workers were among those who gave their support. Not all visitors reacted too warmly of course, there being the full quota of complacent owner occupiers that would be expected at such an event. “Why aren’t _ They should also write to the Registrar of ARCUK stating that they are not members of RIBA, AA, FAS, IAAS orSTAMPandaskingtohavethe SLATE 12 PAGE 4 these areas. Alan Spence from Covent Highbury Grove London N.S. SLATE 12PAGE 5 478 lan Cooper 433 39] 356 343 338 299 The representatives on ARCUK of ‘unattached’architects are concerned that many architects who ought to be are interested in getting a realistic regarded by ARCUK as ‘unattached’ areconsideredbyARCUK tobe ‘attached,’ particularly to the RIBA This means that they do not receive nomination and election papers and also means that the ‘unattached’ may beallowedtoofewseatsonARCUK 9PolandStreet,LondonW1. 1. The nationalisation of pension funds under social control with a system of “pay as you go” contribution. 2. Government direction over the inves'- ment of pension funds. and in the short term: 3. More effective trade union represent- ation and participation on the boards of pension funds. THE IDEAL Home Exhibition found af S standers) was ejected from the building. There were no arrests however and the demonstrators had stayed long enough to make their point and have some cons- iderable fun in doing so. The immediate reason for occupying these particular houses was to protest against their erec- tion by the GLC (at a cost of £75,000) in order to publicise this council’s policy of halting its housing programme and selling off council houses regardless of the social consequences. The protestors also raised more important broader issues, pointing out the need to oppose the hous- ing cuts as well asthe attack on council housing that accompanies them. They challengedtheveryideaofan ‘Ideal Home’ exhibition while thousands are homeless and millions remain inadequ- ately housed, and they brought the anger of the homeless and badly housed into unequal opportunities itself the scene of something a little outside its usual artificial affluence on Friday March 9th when agroup of demonstrators occupied the two GLC show houses in the Exhibition ‘village’. A group of about 30 people entered the houses as ordinary visitors and then told the GLC officials inside “This is an occu- pation”, escorted them out of the build- ings, and secured the doors. Meanwhile another squad had climbed onto the roofs of the houses and unfurled a fifteen foot long banner saying “Ideal Homes for All’’, and a hundred supporters gathered in the vicinity kept up a continuous barrage of chanting and singing, as well as saturat- ing the exhibition with leaflets. Police moved in rapidly, kicking their way through the locked doors and breaking a couple of windows, and everyone invol- ved in the occupation or who looked like a sympathiser (including a handful of by- the heart of this funfair for the wealthy, well-heeled and well-housed. and the RIBA too many. The representatives of the unattached view of how widespread the practice isandwouldliketoheardirectlyfrom architects who think they are unattach— Registrar confirm in writing their 4.Theuseofakeycommunitystruggle to publisize the contradictions and anomolies in pension funds. ed but did not receive papers in the recent election. Please write to status as unattached. Any architect resigning from any of the aboye mentioned associations is advised iinformARCUK’sRegistrarofthe - act. A more detailed account of the conter- : The people involved came from avariety HOUSING ACTION isadecentralised campaigning network of groups and individuals involved in housing. It exists to further the fight for decent housing forall. Report of the conference held inBirming- ham on January 20th. The conference was reasonably well att- ended in spite of the snow: about 60 delegates came from places as far afield as Swansea and North Shields. There was a mixture of people involved in commun- ity action, trade union officials and active trade unionists which lent awide resource of experience to the discussion. Bob Dumbleton from South Wales Housing Action Group started the day with an introduction on the whole sub- ject of pension funds. He emphasized their size: for example ICI’s fund is £593M and the National Coal Board’s is £1037M. This concentration of capital should in theory give immense power to the workers who collectively own it. Bob elucidated the paradox of pension funds: that they are in effect workers deferred wages and must therefore guarantee a certain minimum return. As a consequence the investment of pension funds is left to “experts” : investment consultants, who pick upa fatfeeforadvisingonsafereturnsfor the money invested. The kind of investment that yields a consistently high return in the short term is in the areas like property speculation, and not in the manufacturing sector. Thus the contradictory situation arises where pension funds are investing in soc- ially destructive projects, to the detriment of other workers living conditions. A poignant example of this is the develop- ment of Swansea City Centre, in which some money from the miners pension fund isinvested through adevelopment company. These funds together with the local authority funding are diverting investment away from the Welsh valleys and are thus contributing to their econ- omic decline. Bob emphasised the importance of campaigning for agood state-owned pen- sion fund scheme which would releive the necessity for this kind of investment in the private market. An interim step could be greater trade union representation and participationontheboardoftrustees of pension funds. Speakers from community action groups in North Sheilds, Cardiff, Birming- hain and Southwark related the ways in whichpensionfundshadinvestedcont- encemaybeobtainedfromthe“Self-Help rary to the interests of workers living in Housing Resource Library. Ladbroke House you at work?” yelled one well-dressed gent gentleman, to the quick retort froma pro- testor of “Why aren’t you at work?” The point was probably lost, but the action as a whole left those of us involved feeling elated and just itching for the next time. Text of this article by courtesy of the Housing Action Campaign |IDEA-HOMES FO Hos, control pension funds Garden pointed out how a trade union | pension fund could play aconstructive role, by buying up the development in Covent Garden for housing and social fac- ilities which had been won by the direct actionof the local community. This devel- Opment isnow owned by the GLC and since it has turned Tory wishes to sel al cf the dwellings at £30,000 per flat. In the afternoona trade union official from the GMWU explained thephilosophy behind his union’s investment of itspen- sion funds and the way in which worker Tepresentatives came on to the board of trustees. He emphasized how pensions had originally been a gain for the labour movement and their importance as a def- erred wage. Stuart Holland followed with an anal- ysis of the crisis of productivity. He drew out the arguments for the necessity for a planned programme of investment which would put capital in the prodictive sect- ors of the economy. He reminded us of the subjectivity of the investment elite and it’s desire for short-term returns. The distinction between social ownership and social control was discussed and the imp- ortance of the latter, with special refer- ence to eastern europe. Holland drew the parallel between the health service before itwas nationalised and pension funds now. He thought that the way forward lay eventually in state/social control over Pension funds with a long-term strategy for investment. One step towards this could be the use ofa key case, such as the ones spoken earlier in the day, where an exposure of the contradictions of the present mis-use of funds could be given full publicity. The discussion following each speaker's contribution was lively and the conference ended by breaking into groups and dis- cussing the way ahead. Thus the propo- sals which came out of the conference are in the long term: Unattached Representatives, c/o SLATE, JSNEWSMEWONEWSNIE WS ~THE NAM Feminist Group istodo battle with the legislativemachinery of anti-sexismTh.e RIBA swung into action in November on the issue of sexism in the profession by sending out a survey to all women registered architects. The survey asked such highly relevant and un- biased questions as “What does your fath- er do ?” and “Is your husband an archit- ech 2m The RIBA had been commissioned by the Policy Studies Institute which in turn had been requested by the Equal Oppor- tunities Commission to carry out this sur- vey on women in the profession. A similar study was done tenyears ago and the conclusions which its distin- guished researchers came to were that “women architects did not succeed bec- ause they were not ambitious enough” and “the architectural profession was not inherently sexist”. In response the NAM Feminist Group has written a letter to the E.0.C. point- ing out the deficiencies in the RIBA questionnaire and the previous report, and explaining the difference between the RIBA and ARCUK. We have asked for funds with which to carry out our own survey. The answer isstil yet to be received....... a ss nt eli da cc a 7 &, TheSlater CAREER PROSPECTS Pe wAS Jot oPanh “CHese JERK OFfARASTS AND otHERAplPelagING ided against distributing local lists of arch- off for ‘conspiracy to corrupt’. He had been itects.: a measure long advocated by the architect to Kirkby and Knowsley councils andhadacceptedgiftsfromthemanaging unattached.Althoughtheunattachedcan, director of a local builder in return for the award of contracts. The star turn of the afternoon was (sadly) deferred until june: The discussion onconfidentialityhadpromisedtobe very contentious. It was decided to defer after a submission had been received from STAMP (one of ARCUK’s constituent bodies)which,accordingtotheregistrar epicprosewhichconstitutedtheannual and his retinue, hada significant bearing report. Virtually each paragraph was ques- on the issue. At the last meeting in Decem- tioned by your heroes and the vast maj- bertheregistrar’sproposalthatalthe orityoftheirpointsweresummarily Inspite of none-too-rosy career prospects foryoungarchitectsandthesighofrelief os ES4) Dont professionalclimbers(womenthistime) in the shapeof a group to look at “Feminist Architecture ’(FAWG for short) and so cloud the fact that the profession Themeetingwasroundedoffwitha dogged duel between the unattached and the rest of the council over the registrar's heaved by the architectural world when it heard that, at last, the number of REM PMiCR YcHee on CrogcRbt wikis DAUGHTER OF CAWG UNATTACHED WE Far be it from this column to put ideas into the architectural establishment’s (Leas?N]Ght$)FULoF head, ifithas one, but the recent success of NAM’s Feminist Design Cooperative WEnt 2 Tals parly SLATE aims to provide an effective means of communication for the “unattached ” members of ARCUK through these columns and letters page. So if you feel strongly about these issues, don’t hesitate to write to us. For the lay reader of SLATE “‘ARCUK ”is the Architects Registration Council of the U.K. It was set up by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 to control the entry of people into the profession and itor their conduct once regi d.Itis composed of 5mainconstit- uent bodies; The RIBA (Royal Institute of British Architects), the IAAS (The Incorp- arated Association of Architects and Surveyors), the FAS (The Faculty of Architects and Surveyors )and the AA (Architectural Association ). has set in motion some speculation about PReindARH]tactoRth, theRIBA’spossibleresponsetotheidea ! 13 And “Comes|e of Feminist Architecture. The Feminists’ eke: LT LOOSE INGY Co-op has not onlya satisfied client and IT SARDEN Ov o SSPurdaY ajob on site, but has also earned itself a tidy sum in fees and the chance of NicHt.. ENoUgH AROUND Jn further work. Reflect on the RIBA’s response to the devotion and hard spare time work of the many architects who set out to help beleaguered tenants’ and residents’ groups in the early seventies: the establishment of the Community Architecture Working Group (CAWG for short) to co-opt the good name of Community Architecturteo polish up ARCUK Council ‘From our reporter on the spot It was the hallowed occasion of the 188th meeting of the Architects Registration CounciloftheUnitedKingdom-ARCUK. It was the last for the outgoing council and the first for the new and your SLATE rep- orter was there with sharply-pointed pencil and quivering ears. The meeting started in sombre fashion with disciplinary hearings againstfourARCUK-codebreakers.Fresh from the dramatic (by ARCUK standards) press coverage of Summerland’s architect Lomas’narrowescapefromexpulsion,the council focussed it’s gaze upon the new unfortunates. We the press were asked to leavefortheactualhearingsandwereush- ered in ceremoniously for the verdicts: The proceedings were rich indeed in lower court pomposities such as this. ARCUK is very aware that just one of these cases can profoundly affect the public’s already sceptical view of architects’ remaining scruples and verdicts seem to be affected more by the Public Relations angle than by any purist notion of professional integ- rity. Due to the fact that your reporter and the first defendant Arthur S. Cole were both excluded from the chamber at the same time the facts of the case were free- ly volunteered: Arthur was nervously chatty and was anxious to plead his case. Arthur had, amongst other things, run his wife’s car on the practice for over adecade: He had fended off numerous enquiries by the Inland Revenue but eventually found that there were too many holes in the dyke and was taken to court and given a two-year suspended sentence. Arthur avoided being struckoffbytheskinofhisteethpleading “well everybody does it, don’t they ?”. The council emphatically agreed with him and dealt out a severe reprimand. “Phew”, said Arthur. Mr Woodiwiss, case no.2, chose an even craftier defence -he didn’t turn up. His lawyer however did, but, in the time-honoured tradition of ‘let the man have his say ’they deferred the case.. Mr W had smuggled 1500 Kruger rands into the U.K. (presumably his own particular interpretation of the “International Style’.) Eric Stevenson, the third case, was struck ThE WE3k. As P58 UpsG0 iT VEn? por. you se WI.ACJFThey thetarnishedimageoftheleadersofthe “EReny?T |ALways OY The Bice hig =clLy- mich? LAV. Blew bAsPhs reluctant wotthies and ambitious in theory advertise as a bloc the council Sees fit to ignore the practical difficulties involved and its refusal to countenance area lists is but one aspect of its avoid- ance of this issue. studentsenteringtheprofession wasfalling, RED Dontrow stildescriminatesagainstwomen,both the Observer ran quite a bullish piece on cureersjin architecture in a recent issue. whAt HAP Penge To at work in architects’ offices and with GordonGraham,PresidentoftheRIBA, Alt PV)Renee THAR thebuildingsitdesigns? obliged -the paper and its enthusiastic young readers with some carefully chosen words of encouragement at the bottom of the article wider theheading, ‘Psst...a tip from the Top °.One tip was that “an eye for legalistic detail will stand an architect in good stead ”. Quite right too, and Graham should know. His firm, the Architects’ Design Group is currently being sued by Worthing Council over faulty design work on a swimming pool contract. Well, that’s enough to put off any enthusiastic young reader, unless, of course, s/he revells in legalistic detail. SKIN DEEP WIVES AND GIRL-FRIENDS Movey council members should sign a sort of ARCUK official secrets act declaration restricting publicity of issues defined by the the council was withdrawn at the eleventh hour and the honorary officers were asked to see whether the existing arrangements needed changing. These arrangements, dating from 1976, allows publicity of guilty cases only. The two documents tor discussion at this meeting essentially con- tained two proposals: -A press hearing would be called after the disciplinary committee’s hearing and the press would be told simply “guilty” or “not guilty”. -Apart from the above the press would remain in meetings but the council would resolveitselfinto acommittee and the press would be placed on trust not to report the proceedings. Comm- ittee hearings would remain wholly confidential since “a‘report of a committee’s recommendation would be misleading ifthecouncil subseque- ntly decided not to accept the recomm: endation”. The meeting trundled on labe:iously, thro- ats dried and your reporter whilst availing himself of the RIBA facilities mused upon the detailing of 66 ,Portland Place which any salaried architect could not fail to be impressed by -where else are the toilet mirrors rendered redundant by the shine on the brassware ! During the committee reports the un- attched again asked why it had been dec- flattened by either chairperson’s action or by the nudge-and-wink conspiratorial consent of the council, now impatient with tea-lust. After a rally on page 14 the chairperson grew thoroughly rattled and accused the unattached of “delaying tac- tics’. The unattached were, quite rightly. outraged and ina brilliantly direct but controlled response replied that they had been remarkably restrained before a dis- play of classic railroading. Metcalfe the chairperson climbed down and after an abortive attempt by one of the RIBA vouncillors to pass a motion approving the rest of the report ‘in toto” took issue once more with your fearless representa- tives. At last we broke for tea. After down- ing the nectar the first meeting of the new council was pretty small beer by comp- arison: The new council was ratified a:1. apart from the relatively colourful un- attached crew the changes were almost imperceptible -one less three piece suit here, one mofe collarful of dandruff there -that sort of thing. A single moment of humour illuminated the bland last laps: Su Jackson, an unattached rep had been nominated for the chair in competition to Metcalfe. Kenneth Forder, in a slip that was freudian in more senses than one, referred to the candidates as “Mr Jackson and.......”.The meeting guffawed over what had been yet another affirm- ation of the al pervading maleness of ARCUK: SLATE 12 PAGE 6 profession and to create a new source of clients for private practice. How long before the RIBA wheels out asimilar crew of ‘straight’ counterparts. ual for self build Housing ¢ d group is a subject upon groups will adopt totally different policies n of their visiting the site, to a very full SLATE 12PAGE7 (CIL: 3 Alternative ideologies are often as chauvinist, if not more so, than their Try this piece on self-build housing for instance from ‘Self Build -aman Associations’ put out by the National Building Agency. The part to be played by wives and girl-friends of members of a self buil which it is difficult to be specific. Experience shows that concerning the womenfolk ranging from a complete ba: involvement. Onethingishowevercertainandthatisthatforahappyandefficientselfbuildroup,neintriceaneial that the womenfolk fully understand and Support the commitment made by ie group. They should also be kept informed of Progress. Family ties and other.respo ibil te Hh naturallydictatetheamountoftimethatawifeorgirl-friendcanofferineerealoe valuableworkhasbeenprovidedinthepastinsecretarial,accountingand"If:Seee decorating, cleaning and landscaping etc, elfare duties as well as This article was written by members of the Green Ban Action Committee, an organisation set up to coordinate campaigns among trade unionists and others against envir- onmentally and socially harmfull development. MONEY AND YOUR LIFE Total net investment 1973-1977. 1973 11974|1975|1976|1977 1be 296 | 3347 434] 595 | 7221 590 ¥ SLATE 12 PAGE 8 SLATE 12 PAGE 9 We have chosen commercial development as the theme for this issue of Slate because there are many signs that the climate is right for a new drive to exploit the land in our cities for private profit: development companies haye recovered from the crash in the property market that followed the office boom of the early seventies; financial institutions and especially pension Tunds are seeking profitable investments for massive accumulations of capital , the government is faltering in it’s intentions to curb commercial development through the planning system and the Community Land Act. The way in which land in our cities is used is crucial to the well-being of the citizens and in part- icular working people. Commercial development ,the destruction of inner city communities ,the distancing and alienation of home and work for many people ,increases in the cost of providing roads, public transport, police and other services ,much of the burden of which falls on ordinary rate payers and the diversion of investment away from socially necessary We hope that this issue will go some way to explaining the process. and con- sequencies of the rule of profit in our cities and be of some help to those seeking a city designed for peoples need. PENSION FUNDS: YOUR But underpinning this improvement property companies’ sector lies what is in the known as ‘the weight of institutional funds’, The deferred wages of millions of workers and ‘small savers’ held in Pension Funds, Insurance Companies and Property Unit Trusts, which have increased rapidly in the 1970s. The funds invest a steady proportion of their investments each year in property. Immediately after the last boom these funds purchased al the surplus investments on the market from the property companies, Now we are at the stage where there is very little property left to purchase. Capital values are rising and development islooking attractive Once again. Many funds are setting up their own property operations. Others want to develop partnerships with existing property companies or are interested in taking them over The table shows the extent of Insurance Company and Pension Fund Investment in property since 1973, and the trend looks set to continue. In January the Henley Centre for Forecasting preducted institutional investment in commercial property would rise construction, very substantial deals have sparked off the present activity and it looks as though more will follow.’ The key question then is whether or not we shall be faced with another property boom in the early 80s, funded this time by the injection of pension and insurance company monies as opposed to easy bank money which triggeredoffthelastboom. Institutional investors are even better placed than property companies to overlook short-term market conditions in order to produce long term assets for their portfolios. The government, too, has no way of controlling institutional investment, unlike the controls it possesses over the banks. Faced with this background it is easy to see why the Planning Inquiry for Coin Street on the south bank isof great significance to many community groups throughout the country. A victory against the developers and financiers here could set the pace for the 1980s, but it is not going to be easy. Measures to nationalise land and control the property sector have been watered down because of the effect they have on the financial institutions who now control the market. The fight to get the kind of urban development we really need now has to tackle this financial sector too. The boom in property shares arises because after 1974 property companies cut their development programmes, sold off theirassetsandgraduallypaidofftheirdebts, Now the prospects for rental growth from their existing properties look good, and many companies are ripe for takeovers. According to the Investors Chronicle, property company Profits rose by 87.5% in 1978 and dividends ‘ sia paid out by the 32 property companies in the F.T. index showed an average rise of 34%, Not too bad. The public sector workers would willingly settle for a similar ‘average rise’, Year Insurance companies Total net investment each year % of total net investment each year in property * Jan -Sept 1978 only source: Business Monitor M5 +663 | 1902 | 2509 | 3029 3802 -—-- Visi a ae 18% | 21%] 17%]. 15% _ INSURANCE COMPANY AND PENSION FUND INVESTMENT IN PROPERTY development boom could take off, although it might not reach the same heights as in 1973. ' from £1.02 bn in 1978 to £3.54 bn by 1984. The funds are flush with cash and given the crisis in the industrial sector, after they haye financed the public sector borrowing requirement, there is little else left but property. Alternative invéstments to absorb their huge cash flows are just not available. The recent case of the British Rail Pension Fund illustrates the point. Itishaving to give up its investments in art treasures and stop investing incommodities. This ispartly due to political pressure, but also because these sectors » are just not big enough to absorb the huge sums the fund must invest. British Rail will now be forced to increase its property investments. ension Funds (land, property, ground rents, property unit trusts and overseas investment) Total net investment each year # of total net investment each year in property . 1217-| 1446 | 2208 | 2916 | 3118 2079 24% | 25%] 20%] 20% 23% | 22% 307 | 405] 406] 450] 410] 413 Of all the sources of development finance pension funds are accumulating capital fastest. Contracted contributions from millions of individ- uals to company and union pensions ensure a cont- rolled and steady income to the funds essentially Sree from the vagaries of the investmentmarket. _ By the middle of March 1979 the Financial Times Property Share Index stood at 332. The Estates Times’ Bruce Kinloch argued: Pension fund capital is likely to fuel anew develop- ment boom, but would large-scale investment in commercial property be to the advantage of either the social or economic interest of the millions of contributors to the funds ? et ‘not even during those heady days of 1973 was the sector rising so fast. If, as many brokers believe, we are only seeing the beginning of the next property share boom, the 1973 high of 357.40 points could be passed by the endofMarch. Idoubtifthemarket has got itwrong, although many The property market has not been in a healthierstatesince1974thanitisnow. 1978 sawasignificant Tevival ofactivity , especially in London, and all thesigns indicate that, givena little push, a brokers are stil] being very cautious towards the sector. In effect some peeeee Conurbation relatively very expensive, Indeed, those living in city centres today are either the very rich, or inhabitants of council dwellings, or people living in overcrowded conditions, or else the very old, whose housing choices do not reflect the current pattern of land values. As the cost per unit of housing has increased in central areas, the suburbs have become relatively More attractive to those who have the ability to mi- Table 2 Employment in suburban location (outside city ‘core’) as a percentage of all conurbation employment, 1971. Tables (Table 5) many different factors, not least the desire for in- creased space and the availability of transport lines, but increasing land values at the centre of the city, due at least partly to commercial development, is certainly one important factor encouraging people to move out to the suburbs, Having got there, many face a much longer, and more expensive, journey to work, since jobs have not moved to the suburbs at anything like the same rate as people have moved. In Particular, Table 1 shows that office employment, despite considerable suburbanisation in theperiod 1966 to 1971, remains more centralised in themajor THE PLIGHT OF SUBURBAN WOME Intensivecommercialdevelopmentisgenerallycone aiyen ae diistricts.Concentratioinofcapititalalincentralareasgiivvesrisetoto thetheciconcen ercial,industrialandresidentialuseoflandwithcorrespondingdistributionoFaad opportunitiesoftheclassiccitymodel.Insspiteofacontemporary ee pote oe commercial development into the suburbs, the arrangement of functions within ps capital- ist city is a major factor which militates against equal employment opportunities for women argues Jacqueline Tivers. The large capitalist city has aCentral BusinessDis- trict, an area more or less clearly defined according to the individual city’s importance and the strength of capitalist development in the country concerned. The C.B.D. is the heart of commercial development in the city, drawing in workers from surrounding suburbs and expelling them back to their homes at the end of each day. S Who are these workers? A lot of them are women, employed inofficejobs. Mostly theyareyoung and single, or newly-married -indeed, ‘glamour’ is an essential ingredient of the job in many cases. What happenstothesesamewomenwhentheybecome tactwithsuppliersandcustomers,andalsocompeti- mothers? How does the form of the capitalist city servetoreinforce‘traditional’familyroles? _ a Commercial development, land use zones, and employment The land use models of neoclassical economics structure the city in a series of zones. In the centre of the city commercial development takes pride of, place. Further out, industrial plants become the principal users of land, and even further out these give way to houses and zssociated community fac- ilities. This land use zonation implicitly assumes the existence of capitalism, but does not explicitly refer to it. If we are to understand the spatial structure of the city it is essential that we take full account of the economic and social structure within which cities grow and develop. Table 1. Employment in suburban locations (outside city core’) as a percentage of all conurbation employment, 1966 and 1971, Al1_in employment _(¢) tion between firms ensure that head offices will be locatedclosetoeachother.Thisproximityisfound in the centre of big cities and it is therefore heréthat C.B.D.’s develop. As individual firms become bigger and bigger, and the number of firms declines relatively, the tendency to centralisation increases. Office functions become increasingly detached from other production areas. Womenwiththroremeore dependent children 68.6 75.0 arises because of the need for specific head office functions. So long as individual firms are small ; (whether industrial firms or commercial institutions, like banks), officefunctions are not segregated from other aspects of production. Once a firm has a numb of branches, however, there is a need for a central- ised administrative function. This could, theoretical} be located anywhere, if one considers only the indiy- Table 3 1974 1976 Women with no dependent children 26.5 25.0 . Women with one dependent idual firm in isolation. However, the head office re- quiresawholerangeofexternally-providedprofess- ional services. In addition, many other firms are also enlarging and setting up administrative centres. Con- child 55.6 58.5 68.3 70.8 One result of this process of office centralisation is a sharp rise in central city land yalues. In turn, the mise in land values discourages other types of develop- ment, and these are forced outwards to less central cations. Here we can see the formation of the land use zones described by urban modellers. In particular, housing in central areas becomes Clerical workers (<) grate. Amongst these the largest proportion are nuclear families, both with and without children at the time of moving, The suburbanisation of housing has resulted from English conurbations than employment in general. This isespecially true in Greater London. Souree:: As Table 1 Women with two dependent children Total Source: 40.0 43.1 General Household Survey, 1976 Report (0.P.C.S., London) SLATE 12 PAGE'1] i The increase in part-time employment amongst women workers has been very significant in recent years. In 1961, one-quarter of al women in employ- ment were in part-time jobs. By 1976, the percent- age had risen to 43 per cent. Table 3 shows how im- portant children are in determining whether a woman will work part-time. Over the five year period 1971 to 1976, the percentage of part-time workers increased in al categories except that of women with no dep- endent children, and itisnotable that the highest in- crease occurred amongst women with large families. Women working part-time asapercentage of _alwomen inemployment, 1971 and 1976 (Great Britain). Labour power, reproduction, ideology, and women’s employment. Commercial development, as part of the structure of capitalism, depends directly upon wage labour. It isalso dependent on the reproduction of labourpower. Not only must new workers be produced and suitably Socialised, but adult workers must be cared forand Supported on a daily basis. This is the roleof married women in our society. But women are also needed as employees themselves -indeed, an army of women commute daily into central city offices. The contradiction is resolved by splitting the pot- ential work force. Young and mainly unmarried (or at least childless) women are encouraged by high salaries to work in the city centres, where their youth and attractiveness in any case serve as an added bonus to impression-conscious employers. (At a much later Stage in life, women with grown-up children may re- turn to similar, but less ‘glamourous’ jobs.) Once married with young children, existing ideology dic- tates that they should become the lynch-pin of the family, and closely circumscribes their outside em- ployment opportunities. Since they are to beprim- arily responsible for care of the children (in the abs- ence of both sex equality, and the provision of state child-care facilities) they are no longer able to work the long hours and commute the long distances which would enable them to keep their relatively high status, old jobs. They remain, however, anindispensible part of the wider labour force -a ‘marginal’ pool of labour, willing to accept any type of employment so long as it is both part-time and locally- or home- based. The need to work near (or at) home, in order to Save time-consuming, expensive journeys to work, and in order to be ‘on hand’ for the children, means that most women have to accept lower status jobs than those previously Occupied. A survey amongst women with young children, which Iundertook in a south London suburb in 1977, found that 70 per cent of those out at work travelled for no more than 10 minutes to get to their jobs (and only 8 per cent worked in central London, while 40 per cent of those who were employed before the birth of theirchildren travelled up to town each day, being mainly office workers). In addition, only 30 per cent of workers were in the same jobs as they occupied before they became mothers, while nearly half were doing work of a definitely inferior status. In general there had been a change from higher to lower grade work, or from clerical work as a whole into sales work, clean- ing or childminding. Tyncside S.E. lancashire Merseyside West Midlands Greater London 80.8 82.5 88.4 89.1 7 83.7 91.4 91.3 69.8 69.4 68.1 72.6 73.0 77-7 60.3 71.0 80.2 80.7 50.3 52.3, 1966 _ 1971 1966 1971 Source: Calculated from 1966 and 1971 Census - Workplace and Transport However, high land costs in the city centres also in turn have their influence on commercialdevelopment. It becomes increasingly difficult to justify the enorm- us expenditure devoted to head office functions, Rationalisation of such expenditure ensures that the truly managerial functions remain in centrallocations, but there is a tendency for lower-order, clerical func- tions to be decentralised to lower cost locations. 1971 Census figures indicate the higher degree of suburban- isation of lower grade clerical work, although the job categories are not very clear-cut in these official stat- istics (see Table 2). Conurkation Higher grade clerical employnent (junior administrative posts, senior secretaries, etc.) Lower grade clerica) employment ( e.g. tvpisis, clerks) Tyneside S.E. Iancashire Merscyside West Midlands Greater London 61.6 74.8 68.5 78.6 55.6 73.3 79.7 72.9 82.4 57-1 Commercial development in central locations SLATE 12PAGE 10 The jobs occupied reflected the local avail- ability of part-time employment, as well as the ideological constraint of limited career aspirations. Table 2 has already indicated the greater degree of suburbanisation of lower grade clerical work over higher grade employment, and Table4illustrates the easier availability of sales work in suburban areas compared to clerical work as a whole. This is especially true in Greater London, and could partly account for the switch in jobs from clerical to sales work experienced by my survey respondants. Employment opportunities for suburban mothers * The continued centralisation of admini- strative and and higher clerical functions in central city locations serves to diminish acutely the range of occupations open to suburban mothers, so long as existig ideology concerning family roles continues to dominate both individual and government atti- tudes to child care. But this ideology itself supports the whole capitalist system by ensuring the repro- duction of labour power, so it is unlikely that the relative distribution of job opportunities will change markedly, simply to reduce employment inequalities for women. Suburban mothers are a useful, “marginal labour force- relatively contented with low wages and poor quality work, so long as hours are flexible and the work is near home. This sort of employment is being increasingly decentralised from central city locations since it does not justify a high expenditure on land costs. a But the needs of capital are dynamic, not static. Over a century ago, most women worked very long hours -the need for an immediate labour force displacing the requirement of its reprodution from the position of greatast importance. After the last War, women were no longer required to keep the nation going and a new ideology, based on the generalised concept of ‘maternal deprivation’, emerged to keep them firmly in the home. At the present time, women with children provide an essential ‘peripheral’ labour force, both being actively in paid employment, and also taking the predominant role in domestic work and child care. It remains to be seen what direction the needs of capital, including those of commercial development. will tend in the future. All government attempts to intervene in, or control the activities of commercial developers of land have foundered and the most recent, the Community Land Act passed by the 1974 Labour government isno exception. The principle behind the Community Land Act was that the people should It is within the powers of the State to bring the land market under control and replace it with a tational system where land is allocated and devel- oped according to social need. Nationalisation of land out of the investment-speculation market. Over the past 60 years the Labour Party have re- 'peatedly expressed their intention to nationalise land. Land nationalisation is a vital necessity. 1918 Manifesto The Labour Party proposes to restore to the people their lost right in the land..... 1923 Appeal to the Nation The party will deal drastically with the scandal of appropriation of land values by private landowners, It will take steps to secure for the community the increased value of land which is created by industry Table 4 — employment, 1971. Clerical workers 72.6 77-7 71.0 80.7 52.3 Sales workers 73-7 85.7 81.0 86.3 72.4 and the expenditure of publicmoney, 1929 Manifesto. ~seturned to power in 1974, itwas under great pressure to come up with some solutions to the problems created by financial ownership. _Firstly, the negative effects of the ‘Land and Property boom’ were manifested most acutely on the spatial structuring of urban areas. Inner city housing was particularlybadly effected by commercial devel- opment. Tenants and community action groups sprung up everywhere and, together with Trades Councils and Trade Unions, Demanded land nation- alisation. Secondly the effects of the boom were also felt by the owner-occupied housing sector. This, inturn, effected the cost of living and, thus, the necessary wage. It also made entry into the owner-occupied housing sector extremely difficult and this created problems for the Labour Government as it was trying to encourage owner-occupation through mortgage sub- sidies. Thirdly, the social responsibility of financial instit- utions was called into question. An investigation into their investment policies by Counter Infomation Servicesconcludedthatenormous amounts)of production capital were being diverted into the hands of property owners, many of whom were already incredibly rich. Finally, British industry was undergoing asevere profitability crisis whilst, at the same time, financial landowners were muking enormous profits. The labour Governement would have to deal with this anomoly if long term wage restraints were to be negotiated with the the trade unions. : When in 1974, the Labour Gevernment published its White paper on land it seemed that the long- awaited first step towards a rational Land System had at last arrived. Their initial concerns and objectives were: SLATE 12PAGE 13 benifit, at least financially, from commercial devel- opment through the Act's mechanism for transférr- ingfinancial gains in land values due todevelop- ment from private to local authority hands. Andy Brown recounts how the act has never beenfully implemented and has failed to fulfill it’s promise. Employment in suburban locations (outside city ‘core’) as a percentage of all conurbation ened to tax not only realised but also unrealised Andy Brown is a mem- developmentgains,therewasconsiderabledoubtabout beroftheSlateEdit- the future profitabilityof I;nd and property. Asset orial committee. A COMMUNUNITY LAND ACT ? values began to drop. Concurrantly, interest rates rose dramatically, from 7 to 13% between July and Nov. 1973. In addition, the Government imposed Testrictions onlending to the private sector, The combination of a rents freeze and increasing interest charges proved catastrophic. Rental incomes and borrowing ability were no longer able to meet loan payments andmany small companies went out of business. A, complete collapse of the property sector was only averted through the intervention and support of the Bank of England. It was widely held in the early 1970’s that the activitiesof the financial landowners were damaging to the national economy. When a Labour Government was towards it..... we will provide for a revenue of public funds for ‘betterment’. 1945 Let Us Face The Future. The first requirement isto end the scrabblefor building land. Labour will, therefore, setup a Land Commission to buy ,for the Community, land upon which building or rebuilding is to take Place. Instead of paying the inflated market rates that have now reached exorbitant levels, the Crown Land Commission e buythelandatapricebaseduponitsexistinguse value, 1964 Manifesto. Labour believes in land natiozalisation and will work ~ (The land Commission never became Operative asitwas abolished by the incoming Tory Government in 1970.) Despite their stated intentions successive Labour Goy- ernments have consistantly failed in their efforts to intervene in the private system of land ownership. During the 1971-73 period, the country witnessed a major ‘land and property’ boom’. The credit relax- ation and expansionist monetary policy initiated by the new Tory Party made it easier for the land and Property marketeers to borrow money from banks and enabled the land investment-speculation market to take off. Large ammouts of money capital were invested in land ownership by insurancecompanies pension funds and property companies. An unprece dented concentration ofcommercialdevelopment (particularly Offices, but also hotels, conference centres, etc.) mainly within the major metropolitan areas took Place during this period. But the activities of these financial landowners could onlybe sustained as long as rents and asset values of land and property continued to rise. When in 1972 the Government froze business rents and, in 1973, threat- 12 PAGE 14 The first objective was to be achieved by bringing © development land into public ownership through a Community Land Act. Local Authorities would be given first the power, then the duty, to compulsorily purchase land for development. The second objective was to be achieved by means ofaDevelop- -ment Land Tax. Increases in land values brought about by the granting of planning permissions for development would be taxed at a rate of 80%. Even more damaging to the original proposals was the Government’s concession to the property lobby, that the Community Land Act is to be introduced in slow motion. For astart, from the ‘First Appointed Day’ in April 1976, local authorities need only buy relevant development land if they feel like it. They are under no compulsion. Only when the ‘Second Appointed Day arrives will local Authorities be obliged to acquire al relevant development land. John Silkin, the Minister responsible for theAct said that a period of at least 10 years is likely to elapse before the ‘Second Appointed Day’ will be fixed. In reality, the ‘second Appointed DAy’ will probably never arrive. While we are waiting for the ‘Second Appointed Day’ to arrive, modifications made to the levels and tates of Development Land Tax are assisting land owners to maintain their profitability. The original rate of 80% only applies to development gains in excess of £160,000. The first £10,000 of gain in each year is tax free; while the next £150,000 of gain is taxed at the lower rate of 66.67%. In addition, allowances to cover interest charges and other qualified allowances should provide opport- -unities for financial landowners with a number of ways to cook their books. The Community Land Act became lew in 1975 and the Development Land Tax Act, in 1976. From the outset the developers and financiers, who were the the primary targets of the Acts, exerted massive pressure on the Government, principally through the British Property Federation and the Institute of Chartered Surveyors, to make the legislation work in their own interest. Originally violently opposed to the proposed legislation, they eventually agreed to in making the new ‘modified’ legislation work; but on their terms. The principal concern of the financial landowners and their backers was that the level of profit they require should not be threatened. The number of English Local Authorities who have implemented the Community Land Act is small enough to have been almost outnumbered by the number of documents issued by the DOE explaining its use. Only 1'50 out of 411 Local Authorities have purchased land under the Act during 1976-78. At the same time there are signs that the land and property market is beginning to pick up. Both the value of land and the demand for office office space have increased. Property companies have used the recovery period after the ‘boom’ to regularise their finances and consolidate their assets. The financial institutuions are bursting with funds and looking for profitable markets in which to allocate them. Large building contractors are intensifying their interests in land and property and already derive a substantial income from rents (mostly from offices and shopping centres.) A Tory victory in the forthcoming General Election will be a death knell for the Community Land Act and a sounding horn for a new round of ‘land and property” speculation. In the workds of Hugh Rossi, Tory spokesperson on Housing; “We have a very firm, absolute commitment to repeal (the Community Land Act) at the first evailable opportunity.” He goes on to say that a Tory Government would also introduce a reduced level of Development Land Tax payable on realised (but not unrealised) development gains. Without a return to Goyernment by the Labour Party and an immediate announcement of the ‘Second Appointed Day’ there will be little chance ofstarting off a renewed round of commercial develop- ‘ment. The urban and wider social economic problems posed by financial landownership will remain unresolved. The Community Land Act and Develop- -ment Larid Tax Act will join the scrap heap of brave words already spoken on land nationalisation over the past 60 years. However the Government's original proposals were considerably modified both during the formulation of the Bills and during their passage through Parliament. The definition of development land came under attack. The Government had originally proposed two categories; “relevant” and “non- televant”’ development land. But under pressure from the property lobby, these were expanded to three, “relevant”, “exempt” and “excepted”. Relevant development israther obscurely defined by what is not, that is, all development except 1. excempt development 2. excepted development 3. building of a single dwelling house After prolonged wraxgles in Parliament the Land to be included in each category was agreed. Exempt development comprises, firstly, categories of development which do not require planning permission and, secondly, agriculture, forestry and mining developments. Land in this exempted category is legally outside the new compulsory aquisition powers of L8cal Authorities. Excepted development covers, firstly, ‘minor’ developments including industrial premises up to 1500 sq.m, other developments under 1000 sq.m, adding less than 10% to existing buildings, etc. Secondly, it covers any development on land which, on 12 September 1974 1. had planning permission 2. was owned by an industrial undertaker 3. was owned bya builder or residential or industrial developer. Local Authorities are legally entitled, but not bound to aquire ‘excepted’ development land. By inference ‘relevant’ appears to consist of mainly urban land which did not have planning permission on the prescribed date and, on that same date, was not owned by an industrial undertaker, a builder or a residentail or industrial developer. Most land owned by financial institutions and property companies fall into the “excepted” develop- “ment category. Itisalready developed (mostly as ‘prime’ office space) and will not be obsolescent for some time. It is unlikely that Local Authorities will choose to purchase this highly expensive land for ‘relevant development’. This leaves land held by financial institutions and property companies which is Suitable for development and does not have planning permission. In practice, this does not amount to very very much. land. e SLATE 12PAGE 15 1. to ensure the community to control the develop ment of land in accordance with its needs and priorities and 2. to restore to the community the increase in value of of land arising from its efforts. co-operate with the Government and Local Authorities - SLATE 12 PAGE 16 PLANNING SYSTEM ON TRIAL attention to this fact for a number of years, and the rate of local shop and school closures recently has proved their point. (towards the end of last year the ILEA moved closure notices on two out of the remaining three Waterloo schools because of falling ‘pupil rolls’). The London-based Campaign for Family Housing, recently formed by community groups from North Southwark, Covent Garden,Fitzrovia, Battersea and Waterloo has emphasised that this loss in family accomo- dation throughout Central London is the most immediate threat to community life in the capital. Campaign for Family *‘ousing led to the formation of theeInner City Alliance with community groups from other English Cities and at their conferences it has become clear that the Government's understanding of inner city problems and needs is radically different from the understanding of those actually living in these areas. The South Bank Inquiry should be a major opportunity to publically debate these differences. Community setf-help on trial There is little doubt that the treatment of the Waterloo District Plan at the South Bank Inquiry will have a substantial impact on the willingness of individualsand community organisations to invest the considerable time needed to make public participation in planning a reality. At a time when Authorities throughout the Country are moving towards the consultative stages of the Local Plan process, it would be disatrous forthe first major test of the efficacy of District’Plans to show that the DoE and private devlopers are prepared to tide rough-shod over the results of five years of public participation. Further the efficacy of positive intervention in the planning process will be judged by the success or failure of the Association of Waterloo Groups’ initiative in submitting its own planning application for the South Bank sites. NATIONAL THEATRE The Association’s action puts to the test the Government’s verbal commitments to encourage self-help. Public Inquiry system on trial Commercial Properties Ltd., the Heron Corporation and Lambeth Council have each appointed QCs and supporting teams to prepare and present their cases at the Public Inquiry. The GLC have put their In the late seventies it is easy to assume that set - piéce struggles between local communities and comm: ercial developers are a thing of the past now that the emphasis in town planning is on conservation and gradual renewal rather tha: comprehensive redevelopment. Developers and indeed some local councils, may not see eye to eye with new trends in town planning. However, two large-scale develop- ments proposed in Baker St. and behind the Nation- The Secretary of State for the Environment has announced a major public enquiry to be held this summer into the future of 16 acres of Loddon’s South Bank. The inquiry has implications far beyond the manifest dispute, over, whether this part of Central London should be used for a hotel and over 14million square feet of offices or for low rise homes andariverside park. On trial at the inquiry will be: The new planning system (introduced in 1971) with its commitment to public participation. The Government’s Inner City Policy. The efficacy of community self-help activity The equity of the Public Inquiry system, and The future of residential communities through- out Central London The land under dispute lies between the National Theatre (by Waterloo Bridge in North Lambeth) and the Kings Reach Development ( by Blackfriars Bridge in North Southwark). The main parties to the dispute are: The local community represented by the Association of Waterloo Groups ( the local Neighbourhood Council) and the North Southwark Community DevelopmentGroup. The Association has applied for planning permission to develope seven sites for housing and ariverside walk and park. Lambeth Council which has applied for planning permission to develope four sites for housing, and The Heron Corporation and Commercial Properties Ltd, (back by the Greater London al Theatre in London fly in the face of the more sensitive planning policies that evolved out of many years of community struggles and threaten to rey- erse many of the gains made. Ian Tuckett examines the particular significance of the forthcoming Pub- lic Inquiry over the proposals for the South Bank site while Sarah Gillam visits Baker Street to find out about the possible consequences of redevelop- ment there. tequires relevant Authorities to draw up Structure Plans (e.g., the Greater London Development Plan, finally approved by the Secretary of State in July 1976) and then to produce more detailed plans (e.g., the District Plans now being drawn up by ~ Authorities throughout the Country). It is at this Local Plan stage that the 1971 Act intends grass- roots participation to take place. _ The Waterloo District Plan was adopted in September 1977 after five years of public’ consultation-and participationJt was confirmed by the Secretary of State in Afigust 1978 and is London’s first District Plan, ft is one of the few District Plans in the Country to have passed through al the stages required by the 1971 Act. The essential features of the Plan are “a substantial emphasis en housing and a severe restzaint on further office development ” in the Waterloo area. The South Bank sites are shown as the only substantial ones available for new housing. Any office development of these sites would therefore effectively undermine the whole Plan. The South Bank Inquiry is therefore a test case for the new planning system and for publicparticipation. Inner City Policoyn trial : : lanning, valuation and legal staff at the disposal of e private developers” teams. In contrast, the local In June 1977 the Government issued a white - permissiontodeveopeninesitesforwhatwould papercommitingitselftotheregenerationofInner Council) who have applied for planning be Europe's talles. skyscraper hotel ,over 144 million square feet of offices — equivalent to nine Centrepoint size blocks -flats and a riverside walk. City araas. A number of particularly deprived areas were chosen for ‘Partnership’ arrangements whereby the Government would cooperate with local and other public authorities in an attempt to break the cycle of deprivation afflicting these areas. Waterloo The sites are mainly owned by the GLC and designatedforhousingandopenspaceintheWaterloo isintheLambethPartnershiparea:Boththe, ~~ =e ei District Plan. Lambeth Council have asked the Government to approve a Compulsory Purchase Order, allowing it to purchase the land from the GLC#What the DOE has called a ‘vastInquiry’ into the planning applications and the CPO, will start in May 1979. The Government expect the Inquiry to last at least eight weeks. Following the growth in power of the consumer movement in the 1960s, a new system ofplanning, incorporating statutory duties to consult thepublic in drawing up plans, was introduced by the 1971 Town and Country Planning Act. The new system Partnership Committee (in its submission to the Secretary of State) and Lambeth Council have be ‘economically’ maintained: e2 S ae)Fs i SLATE 12PAGE 17 2s= 6 community groups rely solely on volunteers, The DoE have said that, despite regular requests, the Government have not'seen fit to extend thelegal aid scheme to community groups, and that the Association of Waterloo Groups will not receive any Central Government grant to meet the costs of @Particjpating-in the Public In quiry. Hiring Counsel on a similar basis f the other three planning applicants would cost in the region of £25,000 becatise of the expected duration of the enquiry. Itseems clear that this ‘Public Inquiry’ system is weighted very heavily in favour of commercial developers and aginst the general public A vital decision for Waterloo and for London The Waterloo community has suffered much from post-war developments but it has maintained a strong sense of identity and has united to fight off the threat to its future posed by the office developers. However, the South Bank Inquiry is also important because it raises the general question as to whether the Central London area is to retain any of its stable residential communities. Stable communities need a permanent base of families with some commitment to their area. Families need decent homes and, according to recent changes in Govern- ment policies, these must be low-rise homes. There is not sufficient of this sort of accommodation in Central London at present and, if stable commun- Planning magazine recently commented that “ Waterloo is not just a battle between specicific Office developers and the local community. It is Not too melodramatic to claim that the new- look development planning system ison trial”. Stated that if new houses are not builitn Watérlog”— and iffurther office development isnot restrict then the local community wil be destroyed. is because the loss af. family accomédatfonin the area (caused by redevelopment) has.lead to’a drop in the residential population below the level'at which local shops, schools and ther amenities can 1 eWaterloo, et CommunityDevelopmentGro(aucopmmunity pibeetl ganisation formediduring the distr lanconsultation petiéd) has ben drav sp PRES)HASPepiat we # I a > Yet another office block going up, you may say sadly to yourself. Why is this always happening? Even more important how does ithappen? To try and find out Icycled off to Baker Street, scene of the latest redevelopment project in London to talk to some people involved in dispute with their landlord. Flairlifie Properties own the island block bounded by Baker Street, George Street, Blandford Street and Manchester Street W1. Most of the buildings on the site were constructed in the late i8th century but iave been neglected over the years so that some sort of repair work is needed if they are to be restored to their previous elegance. The buildings house workshops, residential accomm- odation, offices and shops which are juxtaposed haphazardly around the block. The rents are low for the area but have obviously been so for some time since the site houses many small businesses and workshops, some of which have been there for over 20 or 30 years. It would seem reasonable to assume that Flairline Properties do not reap large financial benefits from the site in its existing form. Flairline Properties must have been mulling over the future of their site for some time and came up with a solution in July last year. They hired the services of a group of architects, Fitzroy Robinson and Partners to redesign the block with accommodation for alarge international corporation in mind — Davy Power Gas Ltd is the prospective client. The scheme involves the demolition of the 18th century buildings on Baker Street to be replaced bya five storey modern block accommodating shops offices and arestaurant. The Georgian facades of the remaining perimeter of the square are to be refurbished while the interians are to be rebuilt to create SS SS VA. th = larger flats and some shops. The ‘central core’ is to be redeveloped to accomm— odate an underground car park, light industrial space at ground floor level and roof garden at first floor level. The developers — Flairline Properties notified the tenants of the proposed re— development scheme in July 1978 and Westminster City Planning department posted notices around the blockalittle later. At first the tenants were rather startled by this ambitious plan, they began to understand why requests for repairs had been ignored; why they had received letters from estate agents acting on behalf of FP offering to purchase the end of leases, flats had been made uninhabitable when tenants moved out and rent fefused from some tenants, implying that they were there illegally. After the initial confusion someone called a meeting and they decided to form themselves into the George Baker Blandford Society named after the streets proposed for redevelopment. The aim of the society was to fight the implementation of the proposals, arouse public interest in their plight through meetings and organize a petition in opposition to the scheme to which over 4000 people have put their signatures. They have also produced a booklet outlining their objections to the proposals. The tenants haye been in touch with various groups who have an interest in preserving the site in its present archit— ectural form such as the St Marylebone Society, the Committee of the Georgian Group, London Walks and the Sherlock Holmes Society. These groups and many other people have written letters ex— pressing their opposition to the scheme. The scheme is attacked from many angles, the preservationists argue that the proposal to concentrate the scattered shops and offices into one modern block SLATE 12 PAGE 1g SLATE 12PAGE 19 BAKER STREET BLUES driven out. Others said that by con— centratingall the office and shop space in one block, the charm and character of the area was lost and it made personal service that much more difficult. They felt that the destruction of al these features could not be justified by the office requirements, 67% increase in office floor space, of one large, international corporation whose needs could surely be met else— where, where no harm was done. The residents said that while the proposals show an increase in residential floorspace, the units will be larger and thus result in an overall reduction of accommodation. Rents will also be increased, again drawing in a wealthier class of tenant. The development’s car park will also attract many more vehicles causing safety hazards and further congestion in the area. After notification from Westminster City Council in October of the plann— ing application, planning officers con— tacted the interested groups to sound out their views on redevelopment. This is usual practice in any planning applic— ation. Officers then decide whether or not a project is viable in principle. They take into account any listed buildings and the use proposed, as well as the way the project fits into the City Plan (this is a policy statement on the borough’s town planning eg some areas may be more appropriate for offices and others for residential accommodation). Officers compile their information and recommendations for the scheme and give this to the Town Planning Committee who decide the scheme’s fate. The Westminster Town Planning Committee is made up of 15 councillors who are voluntary and voted in by the public. In this particular case it seems that the proposal was rejected by the Planning Committee in December due to the architectural and historic interest of the proposed scheme was put on display for a day in one of the hotels in the Baker Street area accompanied by a representative from Fitzroy Robinson on hand to supply any additional information. This was felt to be inadequate since it did not give individuals the opportunity to comprehend and analyse the proposals in detail. - Councillor Mordue kept in touch with the GBB Society but was hesitant in his opinion about the future of the site. Five of the councillors on the Planning Comm— ittee, however were adamant about the scheme and gave much support to the objectors. Councillor Mordue explained that he was concerned no’ only with the past and present con¢ition of the area, but also of the future. He felt that some sort of rehabilitation scheme was necessary if the houses were not to deteriorate com— pletely. This would involve the owners having to inject capital into the site and they would expect a return on their investment. Although opposed to the present plans he believed that somesort of commercial venture was needed. The developers have lodged an appeal for reconsideration of the scheme to the Minister of Housing who must now decide whether to reject the appeal and thus confirm the councillor’s decision or to go ahead with it and hold a public inquiry. This would involve the appointment of an inspector to consult planning officers, the developers, architects and interested groups involved in the case. The procedure usually takes about a year. In the meantime the George Baker Blandford Society are preparing for more meetings to keep public interest alive and have outlined an alternative scheme for the site. This would involve retaining existing frontages, re— furbishing the buildings while maintaining the existing craft and commercial activities albeit at increased rents. wioeof onBakerStreetcompletelyupsetsthe architectural style and concept of the siteie.apreservationistargumentwhich Soreturnoncapitalinvestmentseemstobe the crux of redevelopment. Need this be the case? An alternative proposal might be the Heritage Aid Bil currently passing through Parliament. This intends to strengthen the powers of local authorities to enforce repairs on deteriorating listed buildings and allow grants ie public money for the cost of professional advice and services. Certainly something of this nature seems necessary ifexisting buildings are not to be exploited further by property developers for private gain. For more information please contact the George Baker Blandford Society, 39 Blandford Street, London W1. site. They point out that the existing terraces and that part of traditional Baker Street which stil remains; and that the proposed materials to be used (large expanses of probably tinted and mirrored plate When the tenants first heardof the proposed scheme they also contacted their local Tory councillor Mr Mordue who advised them on possible action. As a result, representations were made to City Hall on a formal basis, members of the Planning Committee were invited to meet the objectors and they organized apetition. Councillor Mordue also chaired meetings - between the developers and those interested in the scheme. Those who were involved criticised the way separate meetings were arranged for the business and residential tenants with the developers. They felt this ~to be adivisive tactic. A model of the glass curtain walling) are inappropriate and have no relationship to the existing . fabric of Georgian London. Those who are concerned for theirlive— lihood explain that while the proposed was accepted in toto. Pp may be more modern, it is likely that the rents will increase by 30-40%. It should also be noted that the proposals show a reduction of 50% of floor area devoted to light industrial Space making it almost inevitable for existing businesses to be NAM introduction . NewArchitecturemovement, 9, Poland Street, London, W1 .to return control over their environment to ordinary people ,and social responsibility and accountability to the worl: of architects....... to fund- -amentallychangetheexistingsystemofpatronage toreturnavoiceboth to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use its products. ‘Firstly while state welfare provision is for the benefit of the existing social arrangements, the means of provision are in opposition to those ideas which stem from and must sustain these arrangements.Secondly,althoughlocal fundamentalcontradiction,andmore itisnecessarytomakeafewgeneralpoints authorities provide for social use and particularly to the ‘boundaries’ which seek to because the ideas contained in this book although their departments are not based sustain it ,which in effect seek to insulate nurture among certain sectorsof the left an on the extraction of a surplus from their architectural workers, yet their arrangements and proceedures are such as to alienate both worker and user.’ PDS. reply to criticism democratisation and deprofessionalisation of architecture. It is misleading to believe that this is more likely to be achieved in community architecture initiatives. It is obviously important to relate Government funding of any enterprise to the role of the state as described in the May 1978 Public Design Group’s paper which is briefly summarised in this article. If the state is funding the voluntary sector it can only be in an attempt to conceal contradictions which are being exposed in the public sector. And according consumer from producer. There are many boundaries .Two existing distaste for the public sector. Cynthia Cockbum sets out to prove and is able to amass considerable evidence that Distaste for the public sector with its elected members, committees and standing orders runs deep in the souls of architects. It has done so for over a hundred years Only the arguments change to suit current fashions. Even the Jesuits must env: system of education, which in five y is able to reinforce the general ideology with its own particular variant to the extent that the heathen as well as the faithful are imbued with an unshakable belief in the virtue and necessity of the independent priesthood. But the local authorities and their departments of architecture exist for spec- ific historical reasons.* For equally spec- ific reasons the continuous antagonism from the right rises to a peak during times of economic crisis (eg. in the thirties, the immediate post-war years and the present time) would be better and cheaper if undertaken by several small private contractors. While these ideas ignore the historical forces which made the services public in the first place, they underline the mounting pressure to take over certain public services by an increasingly desparate private sector. In addition there have been fairly explicit references to the other advantages con— ferred by small scale operations. Namely they would either not be unionised at al, to our theory at least, such small scale We argued that the answer to these para- doxes is to be found in theories which explain the state’s role in society. It is the state’s function to secure the repro- duction of the labour force (by providing various welfare services) and also the reproduction of existing social relations, the most important of these that labour stays in the same relation to capital, ie. the reproduction of the classes. It was further argued that the state can only carry out either or both of these functions at the expense of the social relations of production, the users. They will reduce boundaries. or they would be so fragmented that coll- ective industrial action would be difficult. As far as public architecture is concern- ed we can anticipate a more sustained attack from the RIBA in their forthcoming report on the state of council architecture, than they were able to mount in the CAWG teport on community architecture. When the CAWG people were formulating their arguments to Freeson they were obviously initiatives are more likely to maintain the existing social relations since they are quasi-private and conform to that model. That is not to say that they also do not contain their own contradictions which may be exploited. But professionals who act in this sector in preference to the public sector would be well advised to consider their preference in relation to the role of the state and to their own professional ideology. As the radical . Interim proposals were put forward as firat but necessary steps which would at the same time extend democracy within the office and pave the way for full worker control, and alsa create the potential for a closer relationship with These crises give rise to suggestions that local authority departments of arch- unable and probably unwilling to identify momentum of law centres is diluted they Separately for a moment it will be seen that the barriers described by Malpass which Equally, only an organised department can —and ithas been—a totally false picture itecture should be dismantled, the work parcelled out to consultants with a few public architects remaining to act as expert clients. These periodic attempts to achieve a lasting solution are not confined to departments of architecture. During the vulgar commercialism as more important than service to the community. Others who are less liberal and who have more to lose will no doubt be less inhibited in their prescriptions. Both however represent different approaches to the same economic problem, that is, how to get work away from the public sector. are beginning to to look increasingly like the launching pad for the legal establishment of the 1990's. The theories of the state and of public architecture on which the report ‘Comm- unity Architecture: A Public Design Service’” was based were published in the May 1978 Conference papers already referred to. These theories drew mainly on the work of Althusser (‘Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays’) and were CLIENTS BECOME IMPATIENT exist between architects and users, do not result from the first (the provision of services to secure the reproduction of the labour force). The barriers are rather the result of of the need for local government to ensure that all aspects of the social telations are maintained intact. Thus, in Our society which is based on individual achievement through competition with other individuals, housing came to be regarded as a right, this would conflict with offer anything to tenants’ groups or other council workers. will emerge. That is not to say that Cynthia Cockburn says too much about the State. The problem is that she does not say enough. The analysis is not wide ranging enough either recent public sector manual workers strike there have been arguments, including an article in the London Evening Standard. advocating that education, some aspects of envisaged by the Public Design Group health care and of course garbage disposal bitter complaint in anoffice that is what you organise around. Similarly, if, in the public offices ,the proposals were to have any meaning they had to provide solutions to the most commonly voiced frustrations Ly is DoorEAE "nate TERT COMMUNITY ARCHIE TEKT Lag aef tenislo o SLATE 12 PAGE 20 SLATE 12PAGE 21 anid BRENTERT| WHY DONT You BE LIKE ME? The longer term potential for change calls for fundamental steps towards developed to describe the realities of local authority practice. They were illu- strated bya historical study and contemp- orary examples. We argued that local authority provision and public architect- | ural practice contained two main para- doxes; the basis of the society. One or other must be eroded, but both are necessary if the social order is to be maintained.” (May 1978 PDSGrouppaperP26) It was suggested that in an attempt to _ overcome this contradiction, conditions have arisen which effectively place ‘boundaries’ around State provision in order to secure the reproduction of social telations. And, since the resolution of contradictions is the mechanism whereby historical progress ismade, it was necessary for us to address ourselves to this while being within the grasp of an organised workforce. (The history of how this has been fought for in Haringey will hopefully bedescribedinalaterSLATE) and that this is the profound contradiction faced by the state. It can only carry out its’ function in society by putting the social order at risk. The functions of the state thus distort the pure form of capitalist ideology. Although these two aspects of the State’s function are indivisible, if they are regarded New boundazies will undoubtedly appear but that is progress. Reforms do not have to stay within the logic of the system and the proposals which we are pursuing break the logic of capitalist production and ideology. There was a second aspect to this. The interim proposals can only be achieved through the collective action of the staff. only were identified ,but they were important since they divide arcaitect and architect as well as architect and building user. They were office hierarchies and function based teams. The boundaries between architect and building worker will form the subject of a later Public Design Group paper. local authorities in general and liberal/left Labour councils in particular are bad news. It is unfortunate and possibly significant that over three quaters of a book is given over to a closely documented demolition job. The case studies do not illustrate the dialectical nature of the State’s role and, however correct they are, they tel only one side of the story .Positive, although very generalised comments come on all too few pages at the end. E.g., “The contradictions are not so immobilising as they seem, because, in their particular shape and form they are always changing and so opening up new possibilities for action.” The SLATE reviewers could be forgiven for not catching on to this remark as it does not occur until the last page. The overall meaning conveyed by the Local State is thus controlled by the ratio of hopelessness to hope. The evidence is all one way. And if this limited evidence is generalised from Trade unionists attempting to unionise the private sector will know that organisation starts in the world as it is. If unpaid overtime for example is the most historically or geographically to be taken In commenting on the three SLATE reviews of the Public Design Group’s report it is useful to draw out one or two points for further discussion. It appears at the outset that both Marion Roberts and Mark Gimson share a misplaced dependence on the theories of Cynthia Cockburn. While it is outside the scope of this article to carry out a detailed critique of ‘The Local State’, as sufficient proof of a theory, in this case Althusser’s. Losses are described in detail but not gains. Itappears that what an analysis limited in time and space cannot do is to describe victories, or more acurately 2090) partil victories, like council housing, GMWU, large sections of UCATT and the education and so on, which are classic TGWU, not to mention NALGO’s ‘two-edgedswords’asfarasthesocialorder 730000members.Itsoundsratherlikethe isconcerned. Further more they (and the setting up of Local Governmentitself for thatmatter)weretheresultofstruggle. COOPERATIVE ? UNLIMITEDCOMPANY? REGISTERED CHARITY? PARTNERSHIP? DHSS User Participation From CNickerson: DearEditors, assumptions of the magazine. Is SLATE’s main role to be that of a oor e of capitalist ideology and the social order is put at risk another way. , Tony Brohn: OI-240-2430 ext.185 Mary Rogers: 01-251-0274 Some SLATE readers may be ina position to use the system and encourage itsdevelop Anyuser ‘employed’who,asindividuals,wil effectivewayofdemonstratingthistype In many, if not al cases, national issues appear just as local pressures, and it seeme clearthatonlyatthelocallevelcancontrolPublicDesignServiceGroup over State provision be extended. Many people, including the Public Design Group believe that there is a better chance for pushing for this from inside rather that outside local government. -information and local support, but would a local wall poster campaign be a more In the ‘Local State’ the local struggles are Copies are still available from NAM, 9, isolatedoutofthiswidercontext.The analysis is static. Future changes in practice and perception which result from defeats aswellasvictoriesarenotconsidered. In addition, and possibly overriding these difficulties is a major theoretical gap in the basic analysis. Although Cynthia Cockburn talksratherlooselyabout contradictions she seems to be unable to pinpointtheoreticallywhatthecontradictior actually is — that the State can only secure the reproduction of the labour force and of the social relations at the expense of social relations. That is, it cannot actually achieve what it sets out to do. By not extending her analysis to this point Cynthia Cockburn is prevented from describing either the contradictions or their expressions alternative future for their company in detail and is consequently prevented from just as viable and certainly more taking apositive approach. C, Nickerson, Unattached Architect, 15, Durand Way, London, NW10. PS.Thesystemiscalled‘TheA&B Sheet Bank ’. needs must be met on monday. SLATE could be a useful tool rather than a NAM chat sheet. You delude yourselves in supposing that peoplewishtobeinvolvedinsomebroad debate on the built environment: rather, they are concerned with their own local By not relying on the ‘Local State’ for its analysis and by recognising ‘Community Architecture — a Public Design Service?’ as a political statement, the first reviews critiscisms of the report were helpful and to the point. Unfortunately the other two reviews did not seem to grasp either the purpose of the report or the thecries on which it was based. Leaving aside thesurprising inaccuraciesinthethirdreviewits Prescription for state funding for tenants’ groups so that they can have access “‘...to expert advice as a right ...” appeared to be advocating yet another extension of professionalism in the poverty industry. industry. In our society when housing standards space and scope, is a tremendous opportunity for London. The shape it takes will be with us a very long time. Although itnow houses sonie of the nation’s most important and distinguished cultural and theatrical centres, it also features some perfectly : perfectly hideous office blocks and some networks of of dingy and alienated underpasses and walkways. To concrete the South Bank over and make itempty afterdarkandatweekendswould leatragedy.It would mean missing the best chancz to civilise London since the Great Fire. And ifthat happened it might turn out that many of the office blocks and hotels were empty anyway — which would be bad for rateable value too. “It would be both feasible and desirable if there could be a living mixture of working and housing space, with:-gardens and vegetation in between. Not ony would this have obvious advantages for the residents and the employees of the area, itwould also makea fairer setting for the National theatre and the various galleries and concert halls The second reviewer pointed out that he did not wish to attack the local are falling, an energy crisis threatens and unemployment in the building industry is at disastrous proportions, who can doubt the need for a new and radical future for the industry? authorities. Having affirmed his belief in the public sector he then went on to vote against it, as it were, by Suggesting that, *...the potentials for making alliances with Progressive sectors of society seem to be greateroutsidethahinsidelocalgovernment” This appears to write off NUPE, NUT, SLATE 12PAGE 2 officedevelopersisadequatelypreparedandpresent- oftheriversidestretch.Inthelongruneverybody sort of unfortunate judgment which might emanate from (that elitist architectural establishmentinBedfordSquare.Hisanswer AConferencewillbeheldon15th newsletterwithintheNewArchitecture Movement? Most NAM members are able to follow the Movement’s affairsthrough theirinvolvementwithNAMissueand MajorStateprovisionlikehousingfollowed isthatrealprogressinpublicarchitecture June1979todiscussalternative TheDHSShastriedtoimprove localgroups.Despiteyourexertionsin iease!! z communicationbetweenhealthbuilding attemptingtoreachnon-architects,NAM longperiodsofworkingclassdemandsand willcomefromloneortwoexperiments.The forms of practice open to architects and other professionals. users and designers by issuing, in June 1976, a data bank for producing a detailed design brief. Although difficult to cost, it involves public investment of £mplus. Unfortunately the NHS, notably the Regional Health Authorities, seem to be sitting on the system and not using it. and architectural radicals of al kinds temain introspective and narcisistic. To be «effective SLATE must challenge architecture from a noh-architectural standpoint. Aim notattheinformedprofessionalclass but at the great mass of individuals whose actions are restricted by the meaningless broad groupings into which they are shepherded. It is the ‘housed’, the ‘homeless’, the ‘unemployed’, the demonstrations. The State intervened eventually to secure the social order. So Capital may have benfitted but so did the working class and, as we have argued, the securingofthesocialorderbytheState Despiteourmisgivingsaboutsomeof 2itherofthefollowingtwopeople immediatley conflicts with the pure form collective action of local Authority architectural and other workers does not appear to be a candidate in the progress stakes. The venue and other details have vet to be finalised but you can phone 2 ; the ideas expressed in the reviews, the space given to this subject in SLATE is most encouraging and we hope that the discussion will continue. f you’re interested in coming. demonstrated by full examination of particular cases. Their are plenty of local action groups in need of particular SaaSaneaee For a detailed analysis of the State see: ‘The Hisory Evolution and Structure of LA Departmentsof architecture’ which was published as a draft paper at the May 1978 Democratic Design Conference. would be welcome by the DHSS architects. . develope the tools of a libertarian ssciety. The millenium will come but mon:.ay’s of support? Is their any reason why SLATE should not become involved in the street level approach, perhaps in cooperation with local architectural support groups? SLATE asamagazine, could provide a link between local campaigns by including alistofcontactsandcurrentactivities, thus promoting wider support. However, if SLATE is to achieve anydegreeofcredibilityyouwillhaveto shake of its frivolous, rag mag tendencies and take on the mantle of maturity. PolandSt.,London, W1. Workers’ user control: why not zoom in on the problems and actions of a particular group insteadofpanningacrossavastfieldof view without pinpointing anything of 13, Severus Rd., directrelevancetoanyone?Yourproposals Fenham, for humane than the company manage— ment’s ideas. Their proposals for transforming Lucas’ production from armaments to equipment for which real need exists are now renowned NAM has been invited to take part in discussions with construction workers, economists and others leading to such an alternative plan for the whole construction A.J.Earl, Newcastle-Upon—Tyne. plan for societal changes would be more forcibly construction Workers at Lucas Aerospace have proved that they can plot out an Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning A RATIONALE FOR THE PRODUCTION OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT Changing relationships between land capital and construction in Cities details from: BARTLETT SUMMER SCHOOL, University College London, 22 Gordon St. London W.C.1. If you would like to take part in the development of a worker’s plan for construction, please write to the Secretary, NAM, 9 Poland Street London W1. who will forward details of the first meeting about the project. Summer School September 2nd to 15th i aay mt Slate’ narcissistic!problems.Yourcoveragehasbeendevoted to general issues, eg., Feminism, CABIN, From A. J. Earl: Dear Editorial Committee, Afterreadingthecommentsofsome of your NAM members in the last issue ofSLATE(number10/11),Iam prompted to question some of the basic Planning system on trial cont. ities are to be retained, new family homes must be built. But, as the Campaign for Family Housing has pointed out, the Government has not yet come to terms with the difficulties faced by Councils and other developers wishing to provide such new accommodation. In particular there is the problem of availability of land for residential dvelopment and the extremely high cost of this land, as deter- minedbycurrentvaluationpractices.TheSouth Bank sites are vacant or derelict and are largely publicly-owned (bought by the LCC in1953) and zoned for housing: they should therefore be cheap. However, the GLC and the private developers claim that even these sites are ‘far too expensive’ for homes. This assertion must be challenged at the Public Inquiry so that the Government is forced to come to terms with the reality of inner city needs and the effects of current land valuation practices. The size and ‘visibility’ of the South Bank sites also make it essential that the case against the ed at the Inquiry. The Evening Standard has |isthe loser ifthe South Bank becomesa soul-less commented: ‘The South Bank, with itsconsiderable commercial and parking precinct.” : SLATE 12PAGE P23 The Women And Space’ Conference took place on the weekend of March 10 and 1, attended by 150 women and men. Ina weekend of talks and workshops there was an attempt to define and discuss the ways in which architect- -ure has acted as an oppressive force on women in both anthropological and architectural terms, within a time span ranging from the Ancient Greeks to women shut up in modern tower blocks. It was shown that in most societies women’s lives were far more orientated around the home than the lives of men and therefore the degree to which the home encourages or discourages contact with others has had a far more significant effect on women Housing was shown to beeither a factor restricting women’s lives eg. women leading solitary existances in isolated flats or in isolated huts within an African compound as Julienne Hanson of the Bartlet School discussed,orelseasafactorencouragingcommunality withthepossibilityofhousingco-operativessuch as that described by Claire Cooper in San Francisco at St. Francis Square. It was always a moot point as to whether the housing had caused the oppression or if the oppression within the society was simply reflected in the buildings which it produced. An almost alegorical tale was told by Kate Young, a social anthropologist on the effect on the advance of technology in a Mexican viiiage, riddled with a superstitious belief in witchcraft which prevented women from visiting each other's homes. The one chance for women to meet each other was when| fetching water from the wells, an exhausting and arduous task. Yet when (on Kate Young’s interference) piped water was installed a far more deleterious breakdown occurred in the amount of opportunity for women to meet each other and thus to to lessen the hold of witchcraft on them. While the talks largely catalogued and discussed the effects of architecture on women in different societies, with the exception of Peggy Eagle’s vigorous encouragement of political actions they were very academic unlike unlike many of the workshops which seemed to point the way forward in discussion by women builders and women inyolved in housing co-operatives. There was however some:feeling of frustration among many of the women attending the conference about the presence of men and because of the academic nature of many of the issues; those women fromed a woman’s workshop to continue a discussion on the more immediate issues confronting us in relationship to building and design. Despite some fundamental differences in the ideas of those attending the conferenceand their reasons for being there, it was an event which gave a feeling of encouragement and solidarity to those attending it. because ;we were occupied with similar problems and fighting for a common solution. v Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Andrew Brown/FLeP Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/22035a5079935979cb9778364b482d94.pdf 627dcd9779581fd58a747d29f661865e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE 13 Description An account of the resource nena ener ee EDITORIAL! G2 aa ee ps) p4 velat Siar!) SLATE ISTHE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement’s Publications Group. News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and te the general public are inc- luded to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues anid to bring the Movement’: views and cetivities to the attention ofthe largest possible readership. WORK ON SLATE SLATE needs more workers, more writers .more ideas and more reps in order to produce a better, larger and cheaper newsletter. [f you would like to work for SLATE: become a rep., join the group, sendinarticlesorsuggesttopicsitshould cover then contact us soon. the copy date for the next issue is Friday 27th July. SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT,9PolandSt.,LondonW.1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications Group) Printed by Islington Community Press, 2a St Pauls Rd., London, N1. Trade Distributionby Publications Distribution Cooperative, 27, Clerken- well Court, London, E.C.2 SLATE may bea very slick looking paper but we need money fast! Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE to 9 Poland Street. W1. Dluish or, 2. adj. (Made) oe esp. es roofing; het ao)late f. OF caslates fern, of e. It is not possible to talk about any housing problems these days without referring to the ‘govern- ment or the ‘State’ either as a provider of housing and housing finance or as preventing houses of certain types or in certain places from being built. State intervention in housing is not new, nor is it something that politicians are liklely to be able to will away, however much they protest that they can and will. The role that the State has taken upon itself is one of trying to bridge the gap between the housing people need and the housing that would be provided for them by the free market, officially acknowledging, in the process, that decent housing is a necessity for people if they are to lead sane and healthy lives. Current approaches to housing problems frequently fail to ensure decent housing. General experience bears thisoutandthearticlesinthisSLATE reflectitfrom variouspointsofview.Inordertounderstandwhy housing policy fails we would argue that it is necessary to understand the economic forces that underpin our social system and how they impinge on our housing problem. The economic function of housing is two- fold: firstly asa commodity which can be manufact- ured and traded, either by sale or rent, for profit; secondlyasanenvironmentinwhichpeoplecanlead healthy and sane lives in order to be fit to produce wealth. As early as the middle of the nineteenth cent- ury the contradictions between these two functions became apparent and at first private philanthropists and later the State intervened to ensure that neither one of these functions was eliminated due to excesses of the other. In nineteenth century society it was the ‘capitalists’, the few who owned the vast prop- ortion of the country’s wealth who sought to promote housing asa commodity and working people who campaigned for better housing more appropriate to their needs. The compromises that ensued from this continuing conflict shaped and continues to shape government housing policy. Our explanation is symplistic but hopefully provides a link between the articles which follow and which alillustratethiscontinuingconflict,andthecomp- romisesthatensuefromit. Onethingiscertain,if progress is to be made towards better housing then the emphasis must be less on housing as a commodity and more on houses provided for peoples needs. GOVERNMENT CONTROL OVER PUBLIC HOUSING Government ploicyis effected through aseries of controls which determine the FORM of local authority housing. PRIVATE BUILDERS’ PUBLIC PERFORMANCE — p6 Private builders distort the supply, cost and quality of public housing. Council house sales deny housing opportunities RISINGDAMP Tenants’ campaigns demand housing defects justice. An interview with Seagull women’s housing co-operative, REVIEWp32see 2). THE SLATER —— NEWS NEWS FROM NAM pl4 ear pl9 p22 i221 EI2S Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi- tecture Movement unless stated to be so. SLATE 13 PAGE2 sla’ oN} mefapp.f.preo.} elite’, n., a, & v.t. 1, Minds of grey, grecn, or blulsh-purple rock easilysput HOUSING PEOPLE AND HOUSING PROFITS pate antepEioern Plates; pleco of lato a3 roofing-material sar framedtn wood used forroleectit with~-pencilorsmallSS (ean the ~, rid oneself of or renounce soles: tions); ~-black, -blue, -grey, mi ¥these tints such as occur in~; I~-cluby “valbenefitsocletywithmae suthons; ~-colour(ed), dark vreeniah greys hence Greet o Cover with ~s S "Slaven n. (MB slate’, v.t. (collog.). Critictze wuvereiy~ ea panes in reviews), scold, rate; minate,profporoffsiceeeto,Hence CONTENTS WOMAN|S|PLACE.eeeee po) How design guides reinforce sexism in house design, ALESTOGKSMUSTGOSaez WOMEN'S RIGHT TO HOUSE = pl7 EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775 Douglas Smith is an architect with the London Borough of Camden. Although public sector housing is known as ‘council housing’ local councils have little choice in the sort of houses they build. Central government policies effectively determine the form of council housing. Doiglas Smith describes how the State controls council housing and explains why such controls are necessary The last few years have witnessed a dramatic shift in the forms of housing provided by Local Author- ities. From the high-rise blocks of the '60's, councils are now building 2 storey houses: the grand schemes have given way to infill development and rehabilita tion. This article aims to relate the changes in hous ing policy to the political needs of the State and the economic needs of capital in the more lucrative areas of commercial building, Even as late as 1968 the Government stil believed that tenants were satisfied living in tawer blocks, and it was only after the collapse of Ronan Point in 1968 which halted the policy, when stringent and expensive safety measures were introduced. It was well after the end of the high—rise policy that this form of housing became a target for popular press Each council is now responsible for the manage— ment of funds limited by the Government which are inadequate to meet their own definition of need. Councils wishing to maximise their allowance are obliged to seek the cheapest possible solutions to satisfy their stated policies. Instead of redeveloping they are encouraged to rehabilitate, which is cheaper in the short term, or to buy cheap housing from the market. Where new building is demanded councils will seek to reduce costs by any means permitted including the reduction of space standards or by employing developers and design/build contractors. In one Local Authority the standard council provision is for low—cost semi’s built at 14% below Parker Morris’ standards.(6) After reducing areas, housing layouts are simplified and the quality for external finishes reduced. These Government policies direct and control those councils determined to improve their housing provision, while others are quite happy to reduce their responsibility and sel off their stock. It can be seen that these policies determine not only the less housing development in the cities. In order to simplify procedures and place some responsibility for financial managemerit in the hands of the Local Authority, the Government introduced its Housing Investment Programme (HIP) in 1978.(4) Each council made a ‘bid’ for funds for the next year oased on housing statistics and policy statements projected forward three years. However, on average, the councils received only 70% of the bids made, even though many councils are notoriously un— enthusiastic about building houses. The money allocated can be used flexibly by the authorities within the areas of new build, rehabilitation and acquisition of existing properties.(S) number of houses provided but also affect its form. Low density housing was introduced asasurreptitious way of cutting housing expenditure rather than to improve standards. Housing policy is determined by the needs of finance capital rather than public debate. The form of housing raises many questions concerning allocation of resources, tenants needs, standards and ideological aspects of family life none of which have been discussed here. These questions should continue to form part of NAM’s development of an alternative determination of the environment and the forms it should take. References 1. DOE. ‘Residential density in development bricfs HMSO 1976 Development advice note Z DOE Housing: needs and action HMSO 1975 DOE Circular 24/75, 14p 2, AJ 18.5.74 p1009 AJ 28,1.76 p169 AJ 11.8.76 p242 3. Figures from DOE White Paper on Public Expenditure 1976, quoted in ‘Upagainst a brick wall 'by NUPE & SCAT 4. AJ 13,7.77 pp55—56 5. Crofton Bernard, ‘Housey housey New Society 23.2.78 p428 6. AJ 31.5.78 pl0s4 SLATE13 PAGE4 SLATE13 PAGES Public housing is not only a service essential for the reproduction of labour but-also plays an active part in the reproduction of capital. As well as being Government used a system of subsidy introduced a hard -won benetit for the working class (though constantly under threat), it also provides for builders, high density development within a low—rise form. bankers, who finance projects and developers who provide the lind. Government policy and controls intervene to ensure that these contradictory forces are resolved to provide maximum profits as social and economic needs develop. Government policy is effected through a series of controls which collectively determine the form that Local Authority housing should take, i The first set of controls outline the basic social requirements for housing. Building regulations attempt to ensure that simple health and safety requirements are met, and Parker Morris standards ensure that enough spaceis allowed within the dwelling for tenants tosleep, eat and watch the telly. It embodies the need to maintain discreet family units and it is the next level of controls, However it was not long before the economic recession demanded severe cut backs in public expenditure. In 1975 regulations were introduced which prohibited the provision of family dwellings off the ground and limited the permitted density of development.(1) The main effects of thispolicy were the reduction of building volume and therefore overall costs and delays imposed by having to redesign existing schemes to conform with the new policy, thereby making immediate cuts in spending. The housing minister, Reg Freeson, introduced these policies by acclaiming the improvement of housing standards, but he was taking advantage of public criticism of tower blocks to impose drastic cuts in housing provision. Most councils accepted these intentions.(2) This policy continues today to limit the extent of new housing provision and the essential result has been a massive cut in capital expenditure of 40% from 1974/5.(3) Current low—density policy also has several secondary effects. Councils are encouraged to sel difficult or expensive sites, or to consider subsidiary commercial development to pay for them. The small number of units permitted on these sites especially in inner city areas, do not justify the costs of acquisition or redevelopment. Secondly, councils are encouraged to rehabilitate rather than redevelop wherever possible because more units are allowed at existing densities on a particular site than if the site isdemolished and new housing provided. Finally councils are encouraged to provide more non—family Units (mainly for old people) because slightly higher densities are permitted than for family units. The net result is fewer new houses, less family units and abuse. Even though high—rise policy was abandoned, the in 1967 (the Housing Cost Yard Stick) to encourage This kept the building industry profitably employed by building fully on available sites and allowing a more flexible approach to construction, though prefabricated systems were still often used. GOVERNMENT CONTROL OVER PUBLIC HOUSING mainly financial .which determine how units relate to each other, additional amenities, and what form the housing must take Government housing Policy iseffected through a system of subsidies and ‘circulars’ which determine new stundards. The strength of these controls is illustrated by the fact that during the °60"s every council was compelled to build tower blocks and now fo build little houses. The changes over the last 20 years represent housing solutions to new economic, political and social demands Just before the economic €xpansion of the “60's the building industry was undercapitalised and threatened with labour shortages. Itwanted to encourage investment in new machinery, plant and building systems, thereby reducing theinputby skilled workers. The Government responded by demanding that Local Authorities build high—rise blocks by industrialised methods. The architects Provided an image of the benefits of the “modern world’ which politicians accepted as a demonstration of the strength of their Policies. The anticipated reduction in cost never materialised 4s contractors later sought to apply their newly acquired methods Andy Brown isa member of the SLATE Hditorial Committee. Most new local authority housing isbuilt by private contractors. The remainder isbuilt by local authorities’ own building workforces (Direct Labour Organisations) whose mode of operation is modelled on, and determined by, the private contritcting systen). Private contractors claim that an efficient building industry is dependent on competition between firms and that any contin- uation or extension of public ownership will reduce efficiency ae Over the past fifteen years there have been two main responses to the need for public sector house building by the private sector. Firstly there was the widespread use of industrialised systems by large contractors during the 1960s. Secondly, in more recent years there has been a return to trad- itional methods of construction applicd to low rise housing on smaller sites by small- to meduim- sized contrictors, Both responses have risen and declined without giving satisfactory results. FAILURE OF INDUSTRIALISED BUILDING The idea of industrialised building methods, of which tower blocks are a product, was to reduce to public sector housing. Andy Brown describes some of these effects and shows how the contract. ing system distorts the supply, cost and quality of new council houses. building costs by lowering the amount of work required on site through the mass production of large standardised components in factories. Favourable adjustments were made to the council house subsidy system by central government in order to promote the use of industrialised sytems by local authorities. The use of industrialised building methods i1 new local authority housing rocketted during the 1960s reaching a peak in 1967 when tenders for over 70,000 industrialised dwellings in England and Wales were approved (see chart). In their eagerness to exploit the new technique, hastily designed and unresearched systems were drawn up by large contractors with little or no regard for quality or users’ needs Predictably the idea did not work .Large numbers of firms each developed their own system with the result that only a few of them were applied on a large enoughscalefor the potential economies of mass production to be realised. A monopoly situation quickly arose which lasted throughout the industrialised dwelling ‘boom’. In London alone, three contractors shared 374% of the market in 1967, 20% of which were contracts won by Laings and 12% by Wates. In 1969, 62% of industrialised dwellings in England and Wales were built by only four contractors, namely, Wimpey, Concrete Ltd., Wates and Laing. Tenants and local authorities are still living out the legacy of this failure. Repair and maintenance costs on industrialised dwellings are about three times as high as for traditional housing, and continue to increase. Media coverage of conden- sation problems, structural collapse and defects, vandalism,expensive heatingsystemsandinadequate inadequate facilities has been extensive. It is interesting to note, however, that the social unacceptability of industrialised dwellings was not the major reason for their decline. The special subsidy for industrialised high-rise dwellings was scrapped before the infamous progressive collapse of Ronan Point in 1968. In reality they were simply ho cheaper to build than dwellings of traditional construction. During 1969-1970 demand fell by over a third and, as new industrialised council housing diminished as a growth area, so the large contractors interest in the market tailed off. SMALLER FIRMS TAKE OVER Council house building in more recent years has occured in a different form with a marked change of contractors. In the early 1970s large contractors dropped out of the public housing market altogether prefering to concentrate on more profitable forms of construction, suchas offices and overseas work. Public housing construction was was taken over by small- to medium-size contractors. Emphasis was placed by ‘cal authorities on building low rise dwellings on smaller sites using traditional methods of construction. Many of the smaller firms expanded veryquickly with the new found source ofwork and stestched their rescources too far. Local authorities were awarding large contracts worth over £1million to firms with capital assets well below that level. If contracts went wrong, severe consequences occured. The number of bankruptcies and liquidations in 1976 for example, totalled over 1500. Contractors were, and stil are, no longer effective risk bearers for local. Others soon learned the necessary tricks of econ- omic survival and profit maximisationTh.e practice of subcontracting large portions ofa contract by building firms who are not equipped to undertake the ergi required variety of work has become common place. Asa result local authorities exercise little or no control over those firms who actually do the work. Virtually al building firms employ experts whose job itis to read the small print of the building contract in order to identify areas where claims for more money cannot be legoly resisted, irrespective of whether the additional costs have actually been incurred. There is evidence to suggest that many firms, particularly medium sized firms who are also 4 involved in other more profitable work, use local authority housebuilding to regulate their workflow. Such firms frequently switch their rescources in mid- contract to the more lucrative work, as, and when it siuts them. Excessive and bogus contractual delays and claims are then used to ensure that no losses are incurred. Cost and time overruns for housing contracts completed for the London Borough of Islington in 1977-1978 were at a staggering level of 40% and 52% respectively (Islington Gutter Press, September 1978). The situation has become so bad that poor site performance is the accepted norm for local authorities. COMPETITIVE INDUSTRY MYTH Contractors claim that competition within the private sector of the building industry keeps down prices and ensures good standards and efficiency. But the way in which contractors tender for local authority work brings none of the advantages claimed for open-market competition. Until the 1960s local authorities were required to publically advertise every building job and chose the lowest submitted tender that is, work was con- tracted through open competition. The Banwell _ Report (1964) published by the Ministry of Public Building and Works was very critical of this method of tendering. It argued that too much competition allowed large reputable firms to be undercut by new and less established firms and, thereby reduced the level of quality and profitability. It claimed that open competition had a harmful effect on local authorities who, by accepting the lowest tenderer had become involved in additional costs above the tender price through time delays, defects, u1com- pleted work and unsettled claims. By reducingthe level of competition it was believed that the large, reputable contractors would increase qualitywith MF Nae otna Sevres Mourn andConstrvetionstanatey weaeeSereee enSeaia aisigeast SLATE13 PAGE6 SLATE13 PAGE7 PRIVATE BUILDERS’ PUBLIC PERFORMANCE The majority of council houses are built by private builders under contracts with local authorities. The contracting system is biased towards private sector operations and has perverse effects when applied SAAQy Old Boiley prosecutor alleges thot Architect's career ‘ruined'—judge eer inNorth-East Bryant jurytold Frenchhelpspolicewith of £100 drinking motorway contract probe sessions Police allege fraud on road improvement jobs greater profitability .Local authorities were required to distinguish between good and bad builders by drawing up alist of approved contractors based on past performance and financial stability and to limit the number of firms invited to tender for each job through selective competition. The building industry isnot made up of ‘reputable firms’ and ‘cowboys’. In reality, building firms are al very similar because of the way in which they make profit under the contracting system, namely by skimping, excessive sub-contracting, denying local authorities effective control over costs and deliberately switching their rescources away from local authority work to other more profitable work. Selective tendering assists the operation of build- ing monopolies in local authority work. In the London Borough of Hilligndon for example 40% of all contracts for several years were won by only three firms. In the London Boroughof Islington six firms, from 1975 to 1976 won 75% of the value of large building contracts. The limited number of builders used by local authorities makes it easy for exchange of information and ‘informal arrangements’ to be set up between firms. Collu- sion between contractors on the same tender list can lead to'pricerings’ where, by mutual agree- ment, one firm is designated to win the contract by the others who deliberately submit a high price. The practice of price-ringing reduces competition, raises prices, protects less profitable contractors and stops building industry from rationalising itself, all at the expense of local authorities and tenants. AWOMAN'S PLACE ‘A woman's place is in the home’: this concept, firmly established in Victorian Britain, isstil perpetuatedtoday.Houseworkandchildcareare sex-stereotyped activities: the privatisation of women’s work is reflected in many typical house- cauad4 Before the Industrial Revolution, the tamily constituted the basic productive unit in the economy. The privatisation of the child-centred nuclear family developed with the separation of home and work, reproduction and production. Wife battering and child delinquency are con- sequences of the tensions created by stressing emotional relationships within this privatised family unit. The role of housewife, as Ann Oakley? says, developed ‘to reconcile the two opposed structures in modern society: home and work. Industrialisation which calls for the concentration of economically Glasgow hospital jontrials corruptio) TENANTS PAY THE PRICE ence within any one building firm will vary from job _ Both the large contractors with their industrialised between the private economically should be away from the kitchen equipment not under her feet’.> and There is no evidence to suggest that a distinction between good and bad building firms can be made. More often than not the level of technical compet- and salary-earning work’. Feminists have consistently questioned conventional assumptions about the role of women in the home and family in two main ways: those demanding wages for housework, and those encouraging men to assume an equal shareof house- work and child rearing. The convergencoef these to job just as much as the difference in technical competence between firms. Also, financial vetting isineffectve because annual accounts are not an accurateindicationofafirm'sfinancesandare invariably out of date when published. CONTRACTORMAY FACE £200,000REPAIR BILL systems and the smaller contractors with thei insubstantial means and excessive ubscontactin exhibit the worst traits of the contracting s ca Inthecaseofindustrialisedbuildingseats 2 the government sought to increase efficiency in local authority house building through technical innovation without changing the contracting system. As a result, any genuine benefits from innovation, such as higher standards, lower building costs and reduced rents were not possible. The need of the contractor for a quick turnover of capital in order to make profits prevented a thoroughly researched and considered approach to using this technique from taking place. Competition between the large contractors ended in the creation of monopolies and the loss of control of the product by local authorities. At the end of the day the tenant is left to pay the price of this failed venture in higher rents and the problems of living in an unsatisfactory and ,often, technically unsound environment. _ Similarly, the unacceptably high cost and time overruns, high tender prices and work-switch- ingwhich have resulted from new council house building by the smaller contractors in recent years 1S,eventually, transfered to the tenant in higher rents.The inefficiencies of private builders operating under the contracting system continue eel the already long council house waiting Ss. £1m repairs on omeTaneseeee Thenatureofthebuildingindustryandgovern- Theseparationofthesculleryfromlivingroom, teheeSSeaae sae ment policy have ensured that public demand for council housing has not been realisable. and provision of separate bedrooms resulted, with a reliance on the woman as an economically SLATE13 PAGES SLATEI3 PAGES out- side the family is the primary agent in this opposition andwherehewilnotdisturb sleepingchildren’; productive effort in large-scale organisations mother needs to be able to see them from the kitchen, but they hh 6m The separation of the house into rooms with particular functions isarecent innovation. In pre-industrial Britain, in farm and town houses activities such as eating, sleeping, cooking and tasks associated with farm or trade, took place in a single space — “the home’. Separate kitchens first appeared in aristocratic houses in the late 16th century, and in middle class Victorian houses became the realm of the domestic servants, predominantly women. As the number of domestic servants decreased, so the kitchen became identified with the housewife. The ‘Model Dwellings’ movement was an influential force in the application of these ideas to working class housing. The concem of the housing reformists to improve the quality of life and educate the poor to a ‘socially accepted’ standardof living was seen as improvement through health and sanitary reform. non-productive life of the home, and the public world of the wage a fit) differences in housetypes relate to the physical categorisation of space, (narrow/wide frontages etc) or the numbers of groups (such as one, two or three person dwellings). Designed for recognised groups, primarily the nuclear family, single people and the elderly, they do not reflect alternative patterns of living such as communal organisations or single parent families. The text reinforces sex-stereotyping of tasks and division of the house into men’s and women’s realms, e.g. ‘when father makes or repairs something he needs to be out of mother’s way in the kitchen, Sue Francis is doing research at the Royal’ College of Art and isa member of the NAM Feminist Group. and ‘when the children play indoors ‘Years of corruption gave Bryant £100m jobs’ through the roof | ~of questions isheavily influenced by 19th century Rates gloom as eae plans, whether of tower blocks or detached houses. Even the most radical architects continue uncon- sciously to maintain this stereotyping. (Could it be you?) two campaigns, through collective action, could lead to a change in attitude towards women’s work, and demands for different kinds of environments in which domestic work takes place. The baby needs aplace where itisquiet to sleep. The toddler needs a place for play, where toys and other playthings can be concentrated, so the housewife does not have to be for ever tidying up. Meanwhile, design guides produced for architects and builders continue to reinforce these sexist notions about domestic work and the design of the home. ‘Housing the Family’? isastandard text, reprinted in 1974, which is in current use for both public and private housing. It is the result of more detailed research of the sort that ‘Homes for today and tomorrow’ made fashionable. The family is portrayed as leading a typical white middleclass life not dissimilar to thatof ‘Janet and John reading books. There is an air of unreality about the way they live reminiscent of the glossy images printed in the Sunday colour supplements. User research isso detailed, and the comprehensiveness of design guides, means thatif al their requirements are met, the designer prescribes astandardised solution. The selection buildingcostsgoea morality (can you hear the toilet flushing in the hall), and 20th century notions about efficiency in its most banal sense. The nature of design guides in thestandardisation of user needs and requirements reflects broader issues in the control and provision ofhousing: notably the structural separation within the building process between designers and users. The only SLATE13 PAGE10 “There are no true walls or doors; The woman in the beautiful electronic kitchen isnever separated from her children’ In what is basically one free- flowing room, instead of many rooms separated by walls and stairs continual messes need continually picking up." SLATEI3 PAGEI1 The assumption that the drudgery of housework can be eliminated by the provision of efficient, easy to clean surfaces and easy to reach storage permeates design guides. Underlying this, however, is the notion that the kitchen is controlled by the woman alone: food preparation is not a sociable activity in which every one can participate. Give us a big kitchen table we can al work at, and not a laboratory bench where we stand, isolated, facing a blank wall. ; Mechanisation of housework has led to the decrease of certain tasks, but at the same time, the development of new ones (e.g. cleaning and sweeping fitted carpets). The nature of housework asalabour-intensiveactivitymeansthatitexpands to fil the time available. Although technology and careful planning have removed to some extent the exhausting physical labour of much housework, basically the job remains the same. The average number of hours spent on housework was recorded inasurveyundertakenin1975,asseventy-seven per week., Acknowledgement in contemporary society of theneedofeachindividualforprivacyisnot reflected in the woman’s selfless position in the family. Whilst thought to be tied to the house more than any other member of the family, itisassumed that she spends her time in spaces which service the family, whether it be the kitchen or the ‘master bedroom’. Virginia Woolf's slogan “A Room of One’s Own’ applies equally to any person, whatever sex, if they are to establish some independent identity within the nuclear family.° Betty Friedan comments on the contemporary trend for open-plan living giving the illusion of visible space, freedom and non-segregation of activities, thus: “There are no true walls or doors; the woman in the beautiful electronic kitchen is in this country, re—emerging with experiments of squatting groups and students in the 1960's, where the relationship of home and work within the context of organisation of society were fundamentally questioned. Socialist housing policies of the post war years glorified the nuclear family, ignoring the criticism of capitalism which regards it as an integral part of that system. The provision of day—care facilities for children in socialist countries has enabled women to spend more hours in the factory but has not altered their role in the home. “I'm not your little woman, your sweet heart or your dear, I'm a wage slave without wages, I’m amaintenance engineer!’ never separated from her children. In what is basically one free-flowing room, instead of many rooms separated by walls and stairs, continual messes continually need picking up. A man, of course, leaves the house for most of the day. But the feminine mystique forbids the woman this.”© Acknowledgement in design guides of the relationship between the inside of the house and the world immediately outside is reduced to watching children’s play, adequacy of car parking, and accessibility of house for frequent and occasional visitors. The importance of social relationships and communal activities,particularly for women at home, are ignored. Domestication ofpreviouslypublicactivitiessuchasbaking, washing, bathing, are truly enforced in the privatised child-centred nuclear family. Experiments in the collectivisation of domestic work and childcare enable us to imagine some- thing different. It was an essential part of the organisationofmany utopiansocialistcommunities Co-operative housekeeping was promoted by Raymond Unwin in ‘The Art of Building a Home’, published in 1901.(7) These ideas were put into practiseinEbenezerHoward’sschemesinLetchworth 1.Oakley,Ann,Housewife,PelicanBooks,1974p.10 and Welwyn Garden City with the provision of communal dining and kitchen facilities. Accommo— dation provided by various ‘Female Planning Improvement Corporations offered shared facilities in housing designed specifically for working women.(8) The continuity of this utopian vision was then lost 2. Housing the Family, Design Bulletins. MTP Construction, 1974 3. Homes for today and tomorrow, HMSO 4. See :Cowan: Industrial Revolution and the home Technology& Culture : 17 (Jan 1976) p.1- 26 and Oakley, Ann op cit . Wolfe, Virginia ‘A Room of Ones Own, Penguin . Friedan, Betty, The Feminine Mystique. Penguin . Unwin R, The Art of Building a Home, Longmans Green & Co, 1901, 2nd Ed . Hayden, Dolores, Collectivising the Domestic Workplace, Lotus, No 12, 1976. Sept, p 72 89 Women are demanding radical changes both structurally and in attitude, towards the definition of their role in society. Architects can respond to these demands by refusing to design spaces which idealise theprivatisationanddomesticationofwomen in the home. References IDM o “Only ‘he’needs aroom ofhisown. Why deesdhe woman need space to herself less than the others though she is expected to be at home more?” Mark Lipson isa member of the Battersea Redevelopment Action Group. SLATE13 PAGE12 need. anyway. Perhaps more important stil is the fact that Council houses are, or have been on the market in Wandsworth for sale not just to sitting tenants with money, but to Housing Associations and private individuals too. Now, under aThatcher Government, propety speculators will be given an opportunity to enter this market. The result of al this is tnat the most desirable houses and flats with gardens will be creamed off the top of the Council’s housing stock, which, when combined with the total stoppage of new building and the acquisition of houses, begun in earnest by the previous Labour administration, spells out disaster for those that are “stuck” in Council flats in unsiutable, substandard or simply miserable conditions. In Wandsworth the average price ofa 3-bedroomed house isabout £35,000. The Council offered up to 20% discount on this price, but must now be about to adopt Thatcher's 50% where necessary — “all stocks must go” will be the new attitude. Even so, there are very few families in the Borough who want to move into the owner-occupation sector, and who have noy already done so, who could afford even a £17;500 house. The household income necessary to repay 4 100% mortgage on such a house would be at least £8,000 per annum, and that doesn’t take into account the £2500 in cash needed to put down a deposit, pay solicitors’ and surveyors’ fees, and insurance. Yet, in December 1978, 88% of male workers in Wandsworth earned less than £6,000 per annum. Of the 12% or less that SLATE13 PAGE13 ‘DEFEND! |HousinG OPte!‘HIGH Re RISE § TRANSFERSN —_——— aNowe of ‘distress’ (where Council bailiffs remove possessions in lieu of rent arrears). There will soon be no housing Stock left in the control of the Council other than in the ghettoes of misery that no one wants and no one can get out of. Mrs, Thatcher and.sher colleagues will soon claim that Britain isonce again a free country, andthat everyone has equal opportunity. This is as clearly untrue as the idea that there isno housing problem. might have been able to sign acontract of sale, mostwould probably already be owner occupiers. The much-heralded ‘homesteading and ‘equity sharing’ sohemes, both of which Wandsworth Council has been attempting in addition to outright sales, snffer from the same problems ‘At the time of writing, a house needing £11,000 of work is being offered for homesteading at £14,000. Who can afford that, who couldn’t afford an outright purchase? Certainly not the working class handyman that the scheme scheme was supposed to be aimed at! Before the General Election, Wandsworth Council was not doing too well on its sales policy. In February 1979, 535 properties were being processed for sale, with only 48 to sitting tenants actually completed. 220 homes had been lying empty for over 9 months as a direct result of the sales policy. No homesteading sales had been completed, although 62 were in the pipeline. Importantly, no flats or maisonettes in acquired properties had been sold, but 4 newly built Council houses with gardens had. The Tory Couneil has just broken al records for the number of vacant homes in the Borough; they achieved this scandalous state by pulling out al the stops to sel off homes before Peter Shore’s last significant act of curbing sales came into force. During the last few days before Shore’s curb there were queues outside the Housing Department of people who had been told that this was their last chance. No evidence has emerged that any of those in the queue were actually in housing need. Whilst the charade goes on, and presumably gains momentum with its new-found Central Government support, thousands of families in Wandsworth’s high rise flats of which there are 51 blocks of over ten storeys — will suffer. Many of them already have to put up with severe condensation, unworkable expensive heating systems, lack of playspace, lift breakdowns, mental braekdowns and now even the use of the ancient law ALL STOCKS MUST GO The new Tory government is committed to selling council houses on an unprecedented scale. Many of the policies to be implemented nationally have been tried in the London Borough of Wand sworth ata Since the General Election the issue of Council local level. Martin Lipson looks at the experiences of tenants and prospectice buyers in Wandsworth and explains how Tory policies will fail to satisfy housing house sales has come once again into the limelight It is not an issue about which one can be unequivocal because it raises questions that the Left cannot always satisfactorily answer indeed in many areas Council house sales have been proceeding for years with no resistance from Labour parties. To understand why wholesale freedom tosell, now being put forward by Environment Minister Micheal Hesletine, is wrong, it is necessary fo look at the problems of housing need ona broad basis. It is policies begun last year. A third of the Borough’s households are tenants of either Wandsworth Council or theGLC, or Housing Associations. Of the Borough Council tenants, over a third receive rent and rate rebates, or have their reat paid by the DHSS, and it is these people who are at the blunt end of the policies designed to “offer tenants choices they have never had”. in such areas as the London Borough of Wandsworth, where a local sales policy has been in force since May 1978 when the Council was won by the Tories, that the damage is being seen to be done. Wandsworth is a working proloiype for many inner city aregs that will NOt start to be hit by Thatcherite policies regardless of local needs, and so it may be useful to place the argument against blanket sales in this context being cut off entirely. There is no doubt that many people aspire to owner-occupation as the form of tenure that offers most. It offers security, freedom of action, very generous mortgage tax relief, freedom from Capital Transfer Tax and attracts improvement grants. However, access to this coverted status is restricted to people with cash in hand for a deposit and good stable incomes. Property values in Wandsworth are high and income levels are relatively low. So it is clear that the few Council tenants who can avail themselves of the Tories generous offer of homes for sale are the ones who have money The waiting list for Wandsworth in 1978 was about 21.000 people (7500 families). Of these. the vast majority live in overcrowded conditions or without proper amenities. 5,500 families living in private housing approached the Council’s Housing Aid Centre in the previous year: for half of them the only solution was rehousing. A further 5,500 families who are already Council tenonts are registered on the Council's transfer list, because the conditions they have to tolerate are little better thanthe slums from which they were rchoused. Nearly half of Wandsworth Council’s housing stock is in blocks of four or more storeys (now accepted as the definition of high-rise flats) and 6.000 of its flats are in unmodernised very high density estates with room sizes well below Parker-Morris satndards. 3,500 single people sought assistance from one housing organisation in the Borough last year. This then is the human side’ of the problem — an enormous a:d growing need for decent housing. It causesa crisis because there is a massive shortage of siutable housing accommo- dation — an estimated 10,500 homes short in July 1978. It causes a crisis also because the physical condition of much of the housing stock is poor (16,000 dwellings substandard in 1978) Sut, most important of all, it causes a crisis because of restricted access to decent housing. It is on this question of access that the policies of the local authority can perhaps make most impact. In Wandsworth the attitude towards the private and public housing sectors has shifted suddenly and catastrophically as a result of Tory What isreally happening isthat for thesepeoplethe choiees-are FOR != Rise ALL as Tom Woolley is a member ofSupport and the NAM Alternative Practices Group The problems of defects in Couricil and housing association housing are rapidly growing to enorm- ous dimensions. One article in a weekly trade paper listed examples of housing estates with serious def- ects and talked of £200million to be spent on remedial works and it seems likely that in national terms the costs will be much greater. The reasons for these problems should be well understood by most architects but the profession has failed to take any serious steps to stem the tide of complaints from tenants. Problems include structural inadequacies that sre are usually revealed to tenants through water penet- ration, drafts ‘or alarming cracks. Even more wide- spread are problems of dampness and condensation. Tenants also complain about high heating bills, faul- ty refuse systems, cladding dropping off windows that won’t work and so on. The list is endless. Bad design ad defects are also linked in many caseswith social problems where unpopular, particularly high- density estates become unpopular and heavily stigmatised (with abad name) are causing meny managemenet headaches. Those local authorities who are demoloshing estates are doing so because of a combination of physical and social problems: the Piggeries in Liverpool; Noble Street in Newcatle; Oak and Eldon Gardens in Birkenhead. Demolition is also being talked about for Hulme in Manchester, Tower Hill in Kirby, Red Road in Glasgow and so on. Many more recently built housing estates are being includede in modemisation and improvement pro - rammes only a few years after their completion. There are many more estates where conditions for tenants often seem worse than the slums they used to live in because of dampness. Recently about 75 tenants met from all over Britain (from Aberdeen to Portsmouth) at a conference of anti-damp action groups in Birmingham. They plan to launch a special national campaign to get government recognition of the problem. One group represented at the conference from Hutchestown in the Gorbals, Glasgow also featured in ‘Grapevine’ on BBC television recently. Their estate ,a deck-access system-built job (developed SLATE13 PAGE 14 Rountree House. Oldham. The scaffolding and platform are a permanent feature of this tower block to prevent picces of concrete from falling on passers-by. Picture: Oldham Chronicte. SLATE13 PAGEIS eesEl “Condensation problems vary between dwellings of the same design and construction and with quite similar locations. This suggests that the role of the householder can be crucial in influencing the extent of condensation problems. ..But itdoes; not mean that itis always the householder who is to blame or who shoulders most of the responsibitity.” Domestic Energy Note No.4 DoE Feb ‘79 The myth that condensation isn’t really dampness continues to be fostered by landlords, ably abbetted by architects and other experts. While tenants call in their own experts to survey their houses and prepare counter reports, these advocates areoften at a disadvantage. With no right of access to drawings and specifications and the obyious impracticality of dismantling bits of the building itisoftendifficult to give a definite statement of the causes of many defects. Groups like Support, which advise Law Centres, tenants associations and so on on technical problems are in danger of being overwhelmed with requests for surveys and advice. Increasingly groups are taking igal action under the Public Health or Housing Acts and there ida growing demand for experts who can give technical advice to support the tenants cause. But even if legal action is successful there is no guarantee that adequate remedial work will be done. The local authority may have to sue architects or builders or it may have to find the money from rates or rents. The local authority itself may have been negligent in approving poor designs or passing poor work. The council’s own architects, building inspectors or direct labour force may have been at fault. Often this leads to a refusal on the part of local authority officials admit that seriuos problems exist or to co-operate with tenants. lenants on the recently completed Church End estate in Brent have been complaining about high heating bills for their all-electric ceiling heating in poorly insulated, system built mais - onattes, for three years. After a year of inaction by the council the tenants, through the Law Cente and Support brought in an expert who produced a report. Asa result of bus loads of tenants arriving at the Town Hall to back up the report the council agreed to install new heating systems and double glazing (costing £%million) Yet bt March this year the local paper was stil carrying reports of tenants unable to pay quaterly electricity bills of £291 because the improvements had not been carried out. The tenants were further angered by the vice-chairman of the local housing committee claiming that “the great bulk of the tenants are delighted with their houses.”” The same councillor went ona couple of weeks later to claim that “For many years it used to be thought that damp conditions in which people lived was the fault of jerry built housing or poor landlords. Our modern exper- ience isthat itisoften 4direct consequence of the way people live.” Yet, incredibly, in the same letter (to a local paper) he admitted that design and structural faults were often to blam e giving the example of Church End where there were gaps in the roofs and problems of ‘cold bridges’ in north walls How have these design and building faults come about and who is to blame? The key can be found in the relationship between the privately RISING DAMP originally for the Coted’Azur!) was opened by the Queen in 1975, but complaints about dampness, mould mildew and extortionate heating bills have Jead to an imaginative and vigorous campaign by tenants, including rent strikes, which so far has lead to over 200 tenants being evacuated to houses all over Glasgow. Another group in Sandwell in the Midlands has linked up with workers from the local direct works departmer.t to set up a council workers/tenants’ liaison committee which has been active in anti- dampness campaigns — including preparinga tech- nical report about the report about the problems on estates. The tenants have been supporting the workers in an attempt to stop remedial work being given out to private contractors. While pressure of this kind might prove to be the most effective political pressure, many tenants groups have to call in technical experts or take legal action because their complaints are ignored by housing managers. The most common area of cont- roversy is over condensation. Despite the fact that the governments own documents make it clear that condensation results from inadequate heating, in- sulation and ventilation, usually as a result of poor and low cost construction, many housing managers stil continue to blame the tenants for the problem: Recent reports have quoted a figure of £200 million as the cost of putting right defective design and construction in council housing . This figure only goes some way [0 reflecting the inadequate housing : conditions in which a vast number of council tenants are forced to live’ Tom Woolley catalogues the defects and the campaigns that the tenants are mounting in an effort to have them rectified. He goes on to suggest why the defects arose in the first place. Le SLATE13 PAGEL6 particular single bedsits and similar restrictive accomodation. Both in the private and the public sector of hous- ing we are descriminated against as single women. Barbara How did you start? Helen Ann Three months ago we got a short-life, 4 bedroom maisonette. In a fortnight we shall get a con- verted house with Sone bedroomed flats on a proper management agreement. Denise EAT {excerpt from another draft statement to the Housing Corporation.) Ann Also, communal houses are notoriously dil- icult to manage. A DOE circular for communal houses has already been withdrawn because of this. For instance, there is the problem of mobility . ‘Vith co-ops of different interests, there is not the structure of transfers that there iswith local authorities. There is the bias in favour of small fats in the grant system .and the assumption about nuclear family structure in Parker Morris standards. After the nuclear couple, every- one else is supposed to be a child. There is the waste of space with corridor planning, problems of self containment of flats and how fair rents are allocated. Barbara Denise Arnold and Barabara McFarlane are members of the NAM Feminist Group. HING of How differently would you us a standard house conversion as a group of women? How far have you persued communal housing? Ann There are many constraints andthe problem of standards’. None of the flats so far have been planned for two women sharing, as bedsits for example. The rooms are too small. You need at least two bedsits and a kitchen you can sit and eat in. Yet we have two bathrooms and two small kitchens between three of us. We can use one bathroom as a communal utility room with awashing machine, but all the tidy driers in the Ann Because of shortages, we have become really conservative, because we have to live some- where emotionally aswell as everything else for sometime. Our battle for communal AW ak its. Barbara If you were funded as a self-help co-op or funded for design services rather than asa managem nt co-op, would you have greater freedom? Helen We are funded through Housing Association Grants (HAG) through the Housing Corpor- ation which will come directly to us when we are registered but goes to NHHT as our second- ary co-op until that time, and we have a management agreement with them. All the limits are with HAG restrictions. out of the whole government funded market and to get houses with private money. Helen . ind even then ,improvement grants are directed towards Parker Morris standards and values. Ann Ann pees havealreadygonebecauseofcost Theonlywaywecangetrealcontrolistogo In Council housing, priority isgiven to families. As women we earn considerably less than men and are therefore condemned to less adequate hous- ing than men can afford. The Equal Opportunities Commission notwithstanding, womens earnings are 0 g currently falling in ratio to mens. Obviously more than legislation is needed to effect real change in womens status.’ y of types of housing in a local area for women at a drive for a mixtuze different stages in their lives with different needs. housing isnow rather Marion We would of course like utility rooms, work- rooms, playrooms for children, but how are these to be funded? SLATE13 PAGE17 womens right to house site operitives: Bye | technical expertise and community groups in tackling the problem. hard to understand; a complete lack of knowledge of maintainance requirements of modern buildings; graft and corruption and so on Architects should take their share though by no means al of the blame. Often when investigat- ing defectize buildings it is hard to understand how certain details were thought up. Organisations like the National Building Agency and the Building Research Establishment are now employed by local authorities to investigate defects in buildings whose technology they were once involved on promoting. They uncover many common faults: condensation, ‘cold Sridges, rain penetration, curious asphalt work, attempts to seal everything with mastic, porous brick-on-edge copings and cills and so on Such mistakes are not confined to ‘systemTM building but more recent so-called traditionally constructed 2-story terraces also suffer. It is not unusual to pick up a trade, daily or local paper and read reports of tenants complaining of damp or of hundreds of thousands of pounds being spent on remedial works, However, it is not safe to assume that the problems are being overcome and that recent demands are being met. So far only the tip of the iceberg is being dealt with. There isagreat need for an alliance between architects and others with owned construction industry and the State. The greater proporticn of current defects are to be found in system built and low standard housing built during the 60s and ‘70s. Untried and The Seagull Co-op started meeting in May 1976. Squatting was no longera viable source of cheap housing for poor single people in London . During the early 70's several women squctting clusters had developed and a support network had grown up. This way of living gave people the flexibility to experiment with different life styles and many felt distressed at having to return to the isolation and expense of compteing for There are also fire and public health regulations which reinforce corridor planning. unproved techniges were welcomed by governments anxisus to Increase production and satisfy quantit- ative housing need. This was accompanied by graeter greutcr monopolisation in the building industry and a reorganisation of the labour force (de-skilling craftspeople for instance): At the same time architects offices were also being restructured in the name of good management, greater division of labour between the bosses and the pe ple responsible for the the technical details. The whole process combined to produce very poor buildings 10 situations where no one was Jy concemed about standards and quality. The fact that good quality building continued in a traditional way during this period only reinforces the bad deal that council tenants got. 5 Many mistakes were made. The technology of heavy systems and prefabricated components was poorly developed and not understood by architects. Supervision was often lacking on site both by architects and building inspectors. fn Building Disasters and Failures Goet identifiesa number of key reasons for these problems declone in siteskills (Specially with lump labour; kick of site training: the demise of the Clerk of Works; the gap between design and ‘aws and Codes of Practice to DAMPWALLS, FLAKING PAINT, PEELING WALLPAPER, MUSTY SMELL Itstarted with ashortlife house from Notting Hill Housing Trust (NHHT) where a group of women were living communally. Ann had had some experience of Housing Associations and we asked for NHHT's support if we started a housing co-op. Other women who had been squatting in insecure accomodation, or in mixed houses ,joined us. wae The hous: and work split is fundamental. For instance, Iwould like to have a type- setter on the ground floor. it would make such a difference for women to be able to have children around anda small buisness on the premises. But housing legilation completely Rising Damp SLATE13 PAGEI8 Helen It seems better at present fo get unconverted houses and to adjust them ourselves. With conversion they are cut up into bits — its Tragic Denise Helen as a co-op Denise Helen Marion: We have subcommittees for special topics — a rules group, an education group,a design group, a finance group, etc. Every so often, we have educationals where the groups report to each other what they are doing. There are occasional confrontations, espec- ially about practical things, getting to know the jargon and so on. for these exciting and rewarding posts. Applicants to join the eight-person group needn't necessarily be able to spel or t ype but a keen interest in the sort of questions that Slate’s about and adesire to take a full part in deciding the policy and future of this leading alternative magazine are essential qualifications. The work involves a weekly meeting and one weekend every two months. Please write to Slate, 9, Poland St.,W1 or telephone 01-703 7775 ifyou're interested. Barbara How have you dealt with problems of power and control amongst yourselves? Helen: But those who have been here the longest, and know the most, are forevever attempting to devolve power, rather than others applying to do the work. The subgroups have been very usefull in sharing of work and learnirig factual information. General meetings are held every fortnight, and subgroups when necessary. Barbara What stage isyour application for registration at present? What problems have there been? Marion: Most of the problems have come from being ‘women only’, and whether we contravene the Sex Discrimination Act. We have had to pre- pare a case based on discrimination against women in housing jobs, etc., why we need to support each other, share childcare and so on. We have had to make a political stand. A Pakistani co-op is starting, and al the members are men, because that is how their sociaty and family structure is organised. Because they are not making a political statement about being ‘patriarchal’ they are all right, they are the norm... Ann: If we were privately financed, there would <ot be so many moral judgements about us, or political statements made. We would only be questioned about our financial viability and our ability to pay rents. We would not be accountable to the public and there would not be worry about newspaper headlines. Most of the early womens housing co- operatives were financed privately, even by Suffragette money .. .but we are past the days of housing for ‘fallen gentlewomen’. activities they grudgingly concluded that things can’t go on like this much longer. Two Advertisements are to be placed in all leading daily newspapers for TWO new committee members but Slate readers are to be given an early opportunity to apply review On the face ofit it is a good idea to own your own home.Popular mythology has itthat home owner- ship means the power to control your own housing circumstances and statistics show that the great majority of people want to be owner occupiers. At Westminster the Conservative government is pursuing policies aimed at wholesale transfer of houses into owner-occupation while the last Labour government’s Housing Policy Review leant significantly in the direction of the promotion of home ownership. Market research and Westminster rhetoric aside, the rapid growth of owner occupation and and its financial institutions, the building societies, over the last twenty years isamost significant trend at the heart of our society’s eco- nomic and political life. In his new book Owner Occupation Martin Pawley shoulders the task of accounting for the current predominance of home ownership and its concomitant ideology over other forms of housing tenure. To unlock his problem Pawley turns to the familiar twir. keys of govern- ment policy and common-sense economics. The strength of Pawley’s book lies in its fascinating account of the motivation for home SLATE13 PAGE19 Ann: Thankyou. So workrooms are an essential requirement. Decisions are made by thegeneralmeeting. This is a problem for registration negotiations as we don’t have a committee and they have to to deal with ten of us at a time! We want to stay small enough rof too need a committee. 18 is a manageable number. About ten people attend each meeting. Weexpect each other to be involved. We can’t cope with people who are never around. We don’t want to expand over 30 people. subs shocker rules this out. Its difficult legally for Housing Associations to let shops, so they do not buy them, even though there are many in this area that have been empty for year at Single person housing is so often seen as an extension of transient student residencies. You sleep ,wash and study in a tiny space. The home in Parker Morris is seen in the same way. There is no space to do other things than prescribed activities. You do those other things outside the home and women with children cannot get out to do them. Outstanding subscription renew- als are causing headaches at NAM HQ.IfyouareaNAM member and you hayen't paid your NAM subscription please do sowithout delay so that the LiaisonGroup can continue to support the valuable work of the NAM groups. Ashen-faced Slate committee members at last decided at their meeting today that they must have more PEOPLE on the committee.With numbers savidgely cut by College commitments and other revolutionary opportunities Would you have more opportunity to decide what you want if you were an ownership co-op? There would be the same costs limits andstan- dards if it was done through the Housing Co ‘ poration. We have started to investigate Bui ding Societiestoseeifilspossibletoget mortgage How did you set up your management agreement and what sort of problems arose for you as femin- ists? We studied many forms of managment agree- mants from different co-ops, then the one trom Notting Hill Housing Trust. There were many things that we changed. and the Trust accepted the changes. Wechanged all references to “workmen? to ‘workpeople’, We set up a liaison group between NHHT and Seagull rather than allowing staff members of NHTT to have automatic rights to join the co-op. All ‘hes. were changed to ‘shes’ in the tanancy agreement, the management agree- ment and the Constitution .Children may live in the co-op under their mothers tenancy until they are 18 years old. When children reach 18, mothers have the option of keeping them under their tenancy. Girl children may apply for membership of the co-op. We have discussed the possibility of developing an exchange system with mixed co-opsfor women who wish to marry. OWNING YOUR OWN ownership: in the mid-nineteenth century it was a Martin Pawley: Owner“ way of imposing sobriety and thrift on the ‘artisin Occupation: Architectural classes;nowitsisameansforplayingthehousing dd eeeDoe marketforpersonalgain.Inparallelrunsa Sa description of the building societies’ transformation Birmingham Community from the local and often corrupt organisations of earlier periods into the preeminent financial insti- tutions of today, supported with numerous anec- dotesandawelterofstatisticsandpercentages. — pie Scen All this is quite absorbing but readers hoping for juserated: £1..00, athorough-goinganalysisoftheroleofthispart- —_paperback icular form of tenure in our social structure will (Ounthanks to Birmingham bedisappionted.Forastartsasearchofthebook COS Coe for an attempt at establishing why as opposed to factions a how home ownership is so widespread reveals that Pawley puts forward no better answer than the Reviewed for SLATE by words he quotes from Richard Crossman: “...the GilesPebody. provision of houses for sale to the potential owner occupier is a response to a deep call of human nature ”. Human nature establishesa demand which democratic government aids enlightened s*lf-help to satisfy. This reasoning might account for the activities of the building societies in the nineteenth century but is scarcely adequate now, at a time when, as Pawley points out, governments of both political complexions are committed in some Development Project Final Report No. 5. Leretoe Leo SLATE13 PAGE20 Under- leaseholder iD f a week a safety committee was set up and publisher and Micheline Wandor reinforced His jVaiuer) Direct Labour — Rebuilding SC’ out— lining the proposed reduction of SC to a quarterofitsturnoverby1980,explaining theworkforce issuedwithaseriesofChics hisviewthattheharshrealitiesoflifeoften the consequences of extensive subcontrac— ting which Bovis management introduced suchaspoorsiteorganisationandthe hamperingofbuildingduetosubcontractors withthecounciltoappealagainstSC's ialdistributionandalargerfeeorwitha claimsandcounter—claims. Theyargue that there isno real basis on which to cut sc since the borough stil has 8,000 people on its waiting list, the current stock of housing is deteriorating and figures produced by the Housing Department predict that there wil be an increase of Buyi e300 in the number of households in pouty overthenext5years.Apart aoe the new housing that is required ; could also be included in the large ousebuilding programme at Surrey Docks, our Freeho SLATE13 PAGE21 JSNEWSNIEWSNE NSNIEUS strike left in print The ‘blue spring’ of 1979 saw Thatcher cruising to power onatide of public opinion eased to the right by a national press that was largely owned and controlled by the Tories. The struggle for survival as a Direct Labour Organisation still continues . Since the controversial leak to the press in August of details of an overall labour could not do this work. but itisbeing excluded onthe grounds that the work isunsuitable. There isno substantial evidence to prove that direct ;The broadsheet was sold on SC’s3sites indanuaty and on the 21st there wasa | The established newpapers and publishers in Britain operate an ideological monopoly reduction of Southwark’s workload over the next 2 years to a quarter of itspresent size, 180 redundancy noticeshavebeenissuedand4 pee onyeeio Na verylimitedtotaleiatiodindcanty aePence aeSe isbrokeninafew ara t ont placesby ahandful of publicati a ji :ao53 maderedundantinOctoberlastyear. panese eaeWorksea (RPG)FascasCSalbersigeltatif plasterers and 10 carpenters were lo thisarguing that to backed by the Transport and General transfer arecognised steward without Workers Union was called and isstill priornegotiationwith theunion wasin loose s , ishing z CTE pee teeth acute tothebougeois information machine. RPG ismade pu from publications suchas ‘the A Leveller’,‘RadicalScienceJournal’,‘Spare Asa result of this an official strike redundant inspite of the fact that other workers had been employed in their place, and would not con— not agree and his case was sent to the DisciplinaryAppeals Committee which consists of3 councillors. Bob argued The morning session opened with perspec- tives from RPG’s constituent publications Charles Langley of the “Publications Distribution Coo ive’ ke of pee sabotaging unionorganisation. He ayiges outthatinhistermsof inprogress. Management reaction was adamant. They refused to re— instateworkerswhohadbeenmade. agreementtotransfer.Managementdid entitled‘TheLeftinPrint’ meee ployment there was no contractual Rib’ etc. and last February held a conferenc Constructioncouldfunctionasaviableforgrossmisconducton6April.Heintendslimitationson ane aeie publications: the large distributors, apart from any political misgivings they might have, are sceptical of themarket potential of left materials. David Wells of the Cénference of Socialist Economists -Books MP’s and local tenants association.In resolved, but nothing was done. Asa result discussing their work. Bob Young of the Januarytheypublishedabroadsheetcalled theofficialsafetystewardwrotetothe_ RadicalScienceJournalbroughtintofocus organisation in its present form. In response to this situation a committee was formed by trade unionists at SC as well as representatives from other industries in the borough and members of Southwark Trades Council to try and prevent SC being run down. They have been publicising events, trying to activate the labour force, to take his case to an industrial tribunal andappeal under the Employment Protection Act. ne Efforts to better safety conditions at the NewingtonButts site and introduce safety committees in accordance with the —_ explain=d the policies of his group in tryin, Health andSafety at Work Act, asaresult to breach the gap between the writerand afte ofa factory inspector's visit in December _ readership through the creation of inter— have been no less fraught. The inspector —_related publications around aspecific theme negotiatingwiththecouncilandcontacting listedanumberofpointshewishedtosee andbysendingouttaperecordingsofwriters inspector explaining the situation. Within the dilemma faced by the writer in choosing for meetings forseveral months ahead! —_forced the left writer to approach non-left Southwark Construction Trades Council —_yblishers — ‘whether to go out under i Committeearenowtryingtoget4hearing traditionalpublisherwithalargepotent- rundownbuttheyrealisethatSouthwark radicalpublisherwithasmallerdistribution isnot an isolated case and that their support and hence ahigher cover price (or no paper- is also needed for other DLO’s which are back edition)’. Spare Rib seemed to ns ee only group represented that was distributed by one of the ‘giants’ — Smiths. likely to be attacked under the new Tory government. The next session looked back at radical publishing in the nineteenth century. This had flourished prolifically, as James Curry explained,buthadbeencrushedbythenew technologies transforming the printing industry with their high capital costs. The CC degree to giving people the choice to be owner- occupiers but nor the choice to adopt any other form of tenure. At least the book provides some of the information necessary for an enquiry into the reality that underpins its own assumptions about housing and “human ‘ature’: firstly it charts the extent of government intervention to prop up the house market through a series of financial deals with the building societies; secondly it points out how home ownership in the 1970s has become a form of speculation ;thirdly it touches on a more fundamental political issue in describing how, in 1917, the chairman of the Building Societies Asso- ciation declared that the societies “*. . must not prejudice the high position in which they stood among the financial institutions of this country ” by mixing themselves up in the provision of houses for lower paid workers. As an arm of finance capital searching to extend its market the societies have found themselves needing to do just that aided and of interest to speculating property companies who stand to make vast profits if redevelopment becomes possible. abetted by a series of governments who at frsst underwrote their financial respectability through guarantees and subsidies and are now tending to offer them a virtual monopoly of the housing finance market by ensuring that through the run down of council housing that more and more people will tum to owner-occupation in the search for a decent house According to the books authors there is nothing unique about the situation described in *Leasehold Loopholes’. Many late Victorian houses in our inner city areas were built on land leased for 99 years from large landowners and bought singly by owner- -occupiers or in small numbers by small landlords, often with building scciety finance. Today, almost all privately devloped new hoases, but not flats, are sold as freehold property so, like the private land- Leasehold Loopholes, a recent pamphilet by the stall of the Birmingham Community Development Project (CDP) also fooks at the question of owner- occupation but from quite a different point of view They have written a microcosmic study of the problems facing the people living in Saltley, an inner-Birmingham neighbourhood, whio live in Ieaschold houses the leases of which are about to expire. The phy sical and social decay of the area 1s the result of the leasehold system itself which, as leases near expiry, has the effect of reducing the assets of the leascholder (the right to repair the house and the duty to repair it)in favour of the increasing value of the asset of the freeholder (the ultimate ownership of the land itself and the right to exploit it as he or she will once the lease has expired). In these circumstances leasehold prices fall and leasehold owner-occupiets are reluctant to invest in repairs or modernisation of their homes. In the meantime large freeholds, some inSaltley comprising up to 40 acres of housing land, become > lord the iniquitous leasehold system has been effect- ively banished. This does not help the residentsof Saltley and people like them but it will prevent situations such as these arising in the future. But leaseholding is only one facet of the direct depen- dence of householders on the large institutions of Capital. Their dependence in increasing numbers on the building societies, with their need to protect their their * ...high position ... among the financial institutions of this country ”, is another. It is Legislation, in the form of the Leasehold Reform Act has been enacted in reponse to the plight of leaseholders, but, as Saltley residents and the Birmingham CDP discovered the right contained in the Act for a leaseholder to convert his asset to a freehold is not the key to security that it appears to be. Ni the first place the comparative economic strength of the freeholder enables him or her to exact a high and sometimes unreasonable price for a freehold. Also, the several layers of lease interest in any property al have to be purchased by the would be freeholder and this process involves extensive and costly legal work. TheSaltley residents responded by organising a collective » campaign to support individual attempts to buy freeholds which the authors of ‘Leasehold Loop- holes’ go on to describe in detail. often argued that owner-occupation offershousing rights that other forms of tenure cannot in terms of security and individual control of housing. While owner-occupiers’ rights are achieved by entering into an individual relationship with major financial institutions, the extent and price of those rights will be determined by the market and the supervailing strengthofthe institution rather than the needs of the householder, and the price may well be too high for many to afford. southwark construction template the arguement that Southwark his case but was rejected and dismissed SLATE13 PAGE22 the SLATER johnson epitaph ig F> The Cambridge University Architecture faculty Two NAM members made unusual guests England may have gone to the Tories but not so Scotland reports Mick Broad. A new NAM group has been formed in Edinburgh. which has never been without its elitist tendencies has now got truely entrenched into its ‘oh-so-academic -approach ’, entirely disreguarding the few mangled students who got squashed on route. Until this year the approach to the diploma years was that a student could retum automatically unless he or she was a third. If this was the case the student would have to resubmit some new work before being allowed back. This year, however, more than a third was reintervieyed while those with low I 2s were reinterviewed but most were not taken back. This is a policy which isobviously short-sighted since two people who gained Is in the fifth year had been readmittedwithlowII2sorllIs. Nor should the situation be seen purely intermsofacademicexcellence,orthe lack of it. Often those who got alow mark in exams were the people who at a Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) branch meeting.in Nottingham last month. They had been invited to debate whether the RIBA represents the views and aspirations of British architects. Also on the platform were RIBA stalwarts BobGiles,SalariedArchitectsGroup(SAG) architecturalworkerstojointheUnion leader, and Nottinghamshire County were not prepared to conform to the often restrictive demands of Cambridge. In terms of the ammount of notice which thestudentsweregiven,Cambridgeacted offeringa‘newdeal”tosociety,basedon irresponsibley towards the students, who had only six months in which to find an alternative diploma course. Cambridge also seems to have chosen a time during the term when the workload was high to minimise the student protests. The only justification that the the Cambridge faculty could present on this subject was that they had written in Nov. Good Luck, Edinburgh! asanexcuseisdemonstratedbythefact that there has been no response to a letter addressed to Professor Wilson from 2nd year-out students. Our Sandy mayhaveafinger onthepulseofthe British Library but does he care a **** about what happens to Cambridge. theRIBA should,letalonecouldordoes, represent the views and aspirations of British architects, and indeedwhether such a body should offer or attempt to Pp thei group as architects. futurestrategies. They alsopropose the introduction of a public debate and more visual material about NAM. New Architecture movement, a 9,PolandStreet,London, W1 4 ee) Pe toreturncontrolovertheirenvironmenttoordinarypeople,andsocial responsibility and accountability to the work of architects....... to fund- -amentally change the existing system of patronage . to return a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use its products. nottingham edinburgh showdown new group Architect Henry Swain standing in for RIBA President Gordon Graham. NAM member David Robuck opened the discussion by suggesting that the interests that the RIBA represents are those of the owners of private architect- -ural practice in both the services it provides and in its attitude to architects" position in society. Typical of this was the RIBA’s case for the intention of a mandatory feescaleforarchitects’ services which had been shown to be basedona“hollowbargain”. Bob and get to know NAM. Numbers were limited becuase, according to Mick Broad, most of the circulars sent out to Edinburgh practices ended up in partners’ waste bins! However, a small NAM group is now meeting monthly, making fresh contacts and becomin gnvolved in local housing issues the city’s Trades Council. Plans are being made for a series of open discussionmeetingsintheautumn. NAM members and other pepple interestedinNAM activitiesinthe Edinburgh area should contact Mick Broad (tel: Ford 320564) or Alan Edwards (tel: 031-447 9650) congress79 Plans put forward by NAM Liaison Group members for the 1979 NAM Congress are for a very different type of Congress from those of previous years. The proposals, for discussion at Giles prefaced his talk with a cal for unity among architects behind the RIBA and forms of practice which allow ful professional responsibility to al architects, through the RIBA, should seek to rehabilitate their public image by the concept of individual professionalism. Taking up this point Giles Pebody, also from NAM, reviewed the history of the RIBA and showed that, each time it had sought to reform the profession's intemal arrangements and consolidate its collective power, the RIBAitself had been stripped of the Liaison Group meeting in July, would part of its authority. The way that the Registration of architects had been made make for a Congress more understandable and accessible to non-members by centring ona discussion of the Movement’s fundamental aims. Such an emphasis would, the proposers say, also help NAM the responsibility of a body seperate from ,the RIBA was a case in point. X 1976 to college tutors saying that the faculty had no obligation to take students back after their year out. However this wasnever-publicised.Theweaknessofthis discussion,thatitwasquestionablewhether toassessitsachievementsandestablish A substantial consensus seemed to emerge from the two hours of energetic tsofsuchadisp Aproposed Congress Agenda has been irculatedtoLiaisonGrouprepresentatives The Congress is to be held in London in mid-November. Local TASS officials provided the backing for a first meeting which was held on 11th March to encourage _SLATE13 PAGE23 NEWSNEWSNIEW: ARCHITECTS at the London Borough of Haringey recently gained approval for reorganisation proposals that will establish a more direst working relationship between the architect, the client and the com- munity. This reflects the Council’s committment to a greater involvement and consultation in the community, especially in relation to housing. The development of ideas for more direct and co-operative working in alocal authority office coincided at Haringey with an enquiry into the management of the Borough Architect’s Ervice by the Cheif Executive. Proposals were made by him but were rejected by the staff as arbitrary and unrelated to project orcliat client needs. Counter proposals presented by staff representatives to the Public Works Committee were agreed in prin ciple. The final scheme emerged following a period of discussion and negotiation in- volving the Chairman of the Public Works Committee, the Borough Architect and staff representatives. The Service reorganisation iscentred around the concept of ‘area teams’, each consisting of about seven persons, inclu- ding an administrator, and a team leader. The team leader, who works as a project architect has an additional coordinating role within the team. However, each project architect has a direct respon- sibility to the service committees, the Client committee and the building users in the community. Each team has a nodal point of working but within losely def- ined geographical limits and will carry out al building projects in the area wherever possible. The management of the Service is considered to be a collective respons- ibility and members of staff are to be elected to a management team. This aspect of the proposal isstil under dis- cussion with the local branch of NALGO. haringey shake-up cambridge sacks students The latest ‘ism’ to hit architecture as the panacea for al social ils appears to be ‘paternalism’. Philip Johnson, famous establishment American architect, has had various ‘isms’ attached to him by architectural pundits. A list would be as long as his buildings are tall, but to name buta few: internationalism, modernism, pluralism smonumentalism, post- -modernism, neo plagiarism (!), eclecettcisim,cetciissm,m, etcism. ..- His latest utterism, delivered at a recent discourse at the RIBA, isthat unemployed workers could find happiness carving ornaments and mouldings on rich men’s buildings (his sexism)! Not surprising from onewhowashanded abundleofstocks by his father, a rich Cleveland lawyer, enabling him to trayel the world freely, buy his way through Harvard and attempt, in 1936 ( imbued with fervour for German Nazism )to set up a_ splinter fascist party in America. Its time to bury this old man inaChippendale coffin under the foundations of his latest monum2nt, a 200 metre high ‘Chipendale’ skyscraper inNew York. growth of advertising revenue as a lynch- pin in print economics also meant that advertisers ayoided publications with a low income readership because they were not ideal consumers. He gave the French paper ‘Liberation’ as an example of the successful social ownership of a section of the press. Mike Kearney of the ‘Federation of Workers Collectives’ stressed that the working class had been left outof history and he supported the writing by, and about ordinary working people. After lunch the conference split into workshops and SLATE attended two of them. The first of these was ‘The Labour Process in Publishing’. Here it was felt that the RPG’s members should offer an altern- ative to the straight press both in process as well <s product. Tight production schedules tended to militate against collective working and truncated discussion on content. The new technologies on the printing horizon were extensively discussed and experience from the Nottingham Post confirmed that capital intensive processes tended to place more power in the hands of the editors. Apart from reducing employment these processes also robbed the print workers of their skills and therefore of their labour bargaining power. An interesting characterisation of the dif- ferent arms of the radical publishing scene emerged; on the one hand the (mostly) voluntary labour involved in writing/pub- lishing meant greater independence but irregular work flow whilst the typesetting/ printing end of the process tended to be operated by people dependent on the work for their income. The political contradiction of a left publisher using badly paid typesetters and printers was acknowledged although it was held that most left journals would cease to exist if obliged to use commercial printers. Some concrete proposals came out at the end of this workshop: —to set up a National Printiag Board to support non-commercial printers —to create anational distribution network —to set up an advertising deficit board to compensate publishers who suffered from a policy of not accepting advertising. SLATE concentrates on the social and economic factors that shape our environment and determine the w ay that buildings are commissioned, designed, built, and used SLATE 6 SLATI full of useful information and opinion from workers in building construction and design, tenants, Women who are builders. Training architects community groups and others interested in ensuring that the construction industry and its products are more attuned to their needs SLATE isan independent magazine published by agroup within the New Architecture Movement, which aims to promote effective control by ordinary people over their environment SLATE 9— The fight for control of the building industry: nationalisation or private enterprise? SLATE 10/11 People talk about the buildings they use SUBSCRIBE! | NAME cSeeersrecteete |ADDRESS SLATE ; = a bi-monthly magazine about building and buildings SLATE ? Can architects help the ‘Community’? SLATE 5 — Monopoly in the architectural profession SLATE 7 — Making public building respond to people’s needs SLATE 8 Feminism and architecture SLATE 13— An issue on housing you're employed) or £3.00( if you're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at 9, Poland Street | London W.1. If you would like to receive SLATE without joining NAM fil in the form below and send ittogether SLATE aims to bring together ideas and experiences from people who design buildings, people who build them and people who live and work in them : . , SLATE 3— Myth and ideology in the architectural Profession SLATE 4— Crisis in the construction industry AND SLATE 12 — Commercial development, the tommunity and the building industry If you would like to be a member of the New Architecture Movement fil in the form below aad send | | itCogether with acheque/postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5.00 (if withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNew ArchitectureMovement )for£2.50toNAM at9, Poland Street, London W.1. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/27236971ee842226bdd1646541678f3a.pdf 48c45a71ca7a227217907d1b48db2323 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE 14 Subject The topic of the resource Building Quality, Skills, Education, Ideology, Materials, Production, Design Description An account of the resource es |oa 7a A iso:ae a i Bai ve BUILDING MATERIALS: Se TTea 35D BUILDING QUJALITY? NEVER MIND THE QUALITY _______________ Page 7 Monopoly fe scales operated by architectural selat Srarty SLATE IS THE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement’s Publications Group. News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are included to stimulate general debate ona wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s views and activities to the attentionof the largest possible readership. WORK ON SLATE SLATE needs more workers, more writers, more ideas and more reps. on order to producea better, larger and cheaper newsletter. If you would like to work for SLATE, becomea rep., join the group, send in articles or suggest topics it should cover then contact us soon. The copy date for the next issue is: 6th December 1979 SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland St., London, W1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publication Publications Group). Printed by Islington Community Press, 2A St. Paul’s Rd., London, N1. Trade distribution by Publications Distribution Co-operative, 27 Clerken- well Court, London, EC2. SLATE may beavery slick looking paper but we need money fast! Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE” 9 Poland St., W1. There are those who think that the ‘quality’ of a building can only be evaluated in a subjective way. In recent years, however, attention has been focused by the media on several| notorious cases of a lack of quality in biulding: the collapse of Ronan Point multi-storey flats, the fatal fire at Summerland leisure centre, the social problems of blocks of flats in the Wirral which were recently dynamited and everywhere problems of condensation dampness and structural decay in system-built dwellings. Each case picked up by the media has been treated as an isolated scandal and little attempt has been made to uncover the underlying causes of these failures to provide even basic quality. Above all little or no attention has been paid to the nature ofa construction industry that creates such low standards. Processes of building design and construction can only be understood against the background of the economic realities that shape them: simply put, the search for ever increasing profit from the building process on site leads to the speeding up of work, corners are cut, standards of training are depressed andthesupervisionofworkisminimalised.Fallingstandards of workmanship could be compensated for to some degree by building materials of higher quality, but the production of building materials takes place under the same economic circumstances as construction itself. The building materials industry is more rationalised than the construction industry which has enabled attempts to be made to control the quality ofbuildingmaterials butthemonopolisticpositionofthe building materials aglomerates has enabled them to exert adequate pressure to ensure that standards of product quality remain minimal. In architectural education and design the operation of market forces are less obvious, although their effect in speeding up production of design work in architects’ offices cannot but reduce the amount of care that can be given to either technical or aesthetic matters. Beyond that, the function of architectural training and work in creating designs whose ultimate role is to support the conditions under which other sections of Capital can flourish inevitably distances building designers from ordinary people who must be the final judges of buildingquality. _ We have not been able to. explore all these questions in this issue of Slate but hope that we have pointed oft some ways in which quality in buildings can be viewed from a material as well as subjective viewpoint.and indicated some of the ways in which the current economic and social structure militates against good building. A radical redistribution of econamic and political powerinsocietycannotguaranteebuildingqualitybutitmay well prove to be a precondition for any improvement. firms discourage care and quality in building design TRAINED TO MAKE A KILLING Architectural training and ideology enforce thedistancingofbuildingdesignersfrom building users NEWS Coin Street — The battle for an inner London housing site Page 9 Page 12 NEWS:EROMNAMss sn age14) LETTERS Page 15 Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi tectureMovement unlessstatedtobeso. sh or plate’, n., a, & v.t. 1, Minds of grey, green, oF blulsh-purple rock caaily aplit, into flat smooth plates; plece of such plate used es roofing-material; ploceofIt ‘usu. framed in wood used for writing on with ~-pencil orsmall rod of soft ~ (clean, the ~, rid oneself of or renounce obliga. tions); ~-black, -blue, prey, modifications *these tints such as occur in~; ~-club, BUILDING UALITY? O ~al benefit soclety with small “utions; ~-colour(ed), (of) darie reenish grey; hence slat’y? a, *~. 3. y.t. Cover with ~a oo slit’er‘ n, (ME o ne a 2. adj.(Made) OL esp. 88 roofing; heri aic)late£.OFesclate,fem.of> mut. l ui slite*, v.t. (collog.). Criticlze severe” (esp. author in reviews), scold, rates *ocminate, propose for office eto. slat’inc'(1) n. (app. f.prec.] SLATE14 PAGE3 S S ST ue CONTENTS EDITORIAL Page 3 BUILDING SKILLS, Page 4 How the contracting system for building construction forces a decline in the standards of building workers’ training EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775 SLATE14 PAGE2 John Keene is a building worker who has recently completed a6 months full time TOPS course in bricklaying at one of the Skill Centres run by the Government and is now employed as a bricklayer. and controlled and more stable union organisation _ determination overides not only the financial SLATE14 PAGES Building skills In this article John Keene loks at the variuos ways in which building operatives are trained and employed by the contracting industry during their apprentice- ships. He argues that conditions in the building industry training and hence quality. militate against proper training and hence reduce the Any discussion on the quality of the built environ— ment must take into consideration the standard and quality of building industry itself. Iwould like therefore in this article to attempt a look at the quality of that training based on my own experiences which the reader should bear in mind are limited. This is not therefore a scholarly report but rather a review of mine and others experiences in the industry and an attempt to draw from them an overall view of the situation. The most obvious way of learning a skill is to do ted toimprove an apprenticeship. Apprentices Another more basic method of learning a trade is to merely purchase a kit of tools and go with a friend who is a trades person already. Under his/her guidance and protection you try and pick up the essentials of the craft until you feel confident to strike out on your own. Theoretical study if are indentured with 7 any is usually aquestion of purchasing the odd book is possible whose vigilance ensures proper training facilities, Some exceptional firms exist who believe they have an obligation regarding apprentices and some lucky people get with them. Other firms under pressure from strong on site union organisation can be reminded of their obligations and fortunate apprentices receive their due instruction. On one such site that I was on, the Stewards Committee ensured that apprentices were instructed in and carried out allshe craft operations, and were not used as teaboys, semi—labourers and the like. Anothermeansoflearningabuildingtradeisby _ofthecasualstructureoftheindustrythatsuch taking a TOPS course. These are six month a method exists and is pursued by reasonable numbers fultimecoursesrunbytheGovernmentwhichhave ofpeople. become increasingly used in the last ten years or so. They stick very closely to the City & Guilds syllabus giving a good grounding in the theory but with a stronger emphasis on the practise. The TOPS course Iattended in bricklaying Ienjoyed very much and found the standard of instruction very high. However that being so it is impossible in six months to learn a trade: the skill centre I attended certainly tried its best but the time limitation is too great. Also the skill centre, try as it may, cannot capture the reality of site work and ex—trainees like myself have a real struggle surviving on sites afterwards. In fact officially you are not regarded as a trades person for another 18 months and your rate is supposed to be set lower accordingly, but few firms take people on on this basis and you are left to make your own way. Although aTOPS course will come nowhere near ahalf decent apprenticeship, agood TOPS course is far better than a bad apprenticeship. Quality in terms of appearance and technical correctness are stressed before speed (although the shortage of time puts pressure on this attitude and is one of the courses contradictions) and the theoretical grounding isquite wide and ful. Youactually get to perform most craft operations. In brickwork Icovered from a manhole to a Florentine arch, but again the problem is that you only usually have time to do each job once whereas craft knowledge and skill require repetition. Therefore although TOPS courses can’t and shouldn’t be allowed to replace apprenticeships they do provide a service for peoplelike myself who missed the opportunity of an apprenticeshipand who now wish to learn a trade. The best TOPS trainees in my opinion are usually ex—labourers whose self difficulties (you only receive an allowance — far below normal site earnings)but also the pressure of the course and the army type running of the skill centres themselves. on the craft. That this method of learning a trade is totally inadequate is obvious but it is a function SLATE14 PAGES that only by changine the structure Of the buildi industry will the opportunity be crea a building firm for three years under an approved scheme, with certain regulations concerning the apprentices Position and general wellbeing. There is a board regulating the scheme,consisting of both union and employer's representatives, The apprentice is expected to receive the necessary craft training usually under the wingof an older tradesperson or foreperson. He/she is also expected to receive day or block release at a technical college where craft theory is brushed up on and a check made on his/her progress. This sounds and would be fine if this situation was true for al apprentices, however it is not and experience shows in fact that it is only true fora possibility of producing quality work, Heconcludes small proportion. This isbasically because apprentices are and have always been in this industry and others, a supply of cheap labour. They are viewed by employers Iwas on, the main contractor M JGleeson hadsub- let al the brickwork toa subby whilst also having two bricklayer apprentices. The subby wouldn't allow the two lads near any brickwork at al, other than making good and Cutting away, Iwas on that site for 15 months and whenI left there was nothing to suggest that this would change in the next 15 months. not as the necessary new blood for the industry whose training costs are an essential investment but rather as another group to be exploited, Employers profits on site are often tied to completion dates which makes speed the key factor. Time for on site training istherefore greatly reduced. ; The exceptional apprentice who can keep up with high production gangs is welcomed — doing a craft job for les than the craft rate, But the average apprenticeis put on nonproductive work because of hislack of speed and Knowledge and spends his day doing work that is useful to the employer but not to the apprentice. For a young carpenter this means that his/her apprenticeship might consist solely of cutting down scaffold boards, Precuttin, timber for production Bangs, erecting huts etc The widespread use ofsubcontractors by : employers also aggravates this Situation not only in that they very rarely take on apprentices and thus don’ t put anything at al back into the industry, but also In some situations being so piecework : orientated refusing to have anything to do with even directly employed apprentices. Thus one site As one can see from al this the apprentices lot is not generally a happy one, poor pay and debilitating work result in a high number of apprentices leaving completely or going straight on the tools — in- experienced though they may be. However there are exceptions to this general picture. The largest being in the public sector. Here in the Direct Labour departments the Department of the Environment , it is commonly accepted by all sides of industry that a good apprenticeship is the norm. The reason for thi is due to the difference in set up and organisation within the public sector. Here work ismore regulated SLATE14 PAGE6 have had it all their own way and chaos and anarchy rulealongsidetheprofitmotiveinthejunglewe y cal the building industry. The only real threat to this state of affairs being trade union organisation which has fought long and hard battles against employers that make the likes of Grunwicks and Garners management look like benevolent societies, In their struggle they won many things but the lar, a battle is stil going on and that is for control. Fer the only solution to the problem of apprentices, poor quality work is the same solution to al the ils that beset the industry and that is nationalization, Only under acontrolled building programme carried é out by registered building workers, stongly unionised can true regulation and improvement occur in craft training. On sites with no subbies with continuity of work good pay and conditions one might see designers ; willing the sort of buildings we now no longer take for granted but regard as works of art, once again springin, up in this country. But be that whimsical or not it is : a fact that only under direct state intervention wil any real improvement be made in training. Failing that we can only look forward to more of the same —tory destruction of the DLO’s, destruction of the one section where good apprenticeships are the norm, companies dropping back on their numbers of apprentices, and the constant growth of subbies with their shoddy work and even shoddier employment methods. Never mind the quality.. The architectural profession is controlled and minipulated by the Royal Institute of.British Architects (RIBA). They claim that, in return for employing a private architect, a proper regard for the interests of the client. isguaranteed. In the following article, however, John Murray demonstrates how the RIBA’s system for charging fees (Conditions of Engagement) encourages the architect to reduce building quality. publicarchitectshaveneverproposedanalternative JohnMurrayisa method of programming and costing which would reflect the different form of service carried out by in-house architects, Chief architects seem to be firmly wedded to the idea of their departments being similar to those of independent and private practitioners, but with some extra unquantifiable practice stil provides the norm. It defines the context in which public architecture is practised. In niether case does quality of service feature, except as an exhortation, in the discussions on programming and productivity. Yet there isaclose representative of ‘unattached’ archuects on the Architects Registration Council of the UK and has been active in the NAM Profession..." Issues Group. Some firms occasionally take on improvers and this is another way of learning a trade. They are usually people who have been with the firm as labourers and who have shown an interest in acraft. Paid more than labourers but less than the craft rate they are open to exploitation and the employer has not real obligation to proper traingin no real obligation to proper training and day release. Other courses exist for learning a trade under the Construction Industry Board (CITB) but I’m afraid Iknow litle or nothing about them. Also another very important fact when talking about training and quality is that labourers receive no training whatsoever. Anybody who believes they are only performing unskilled work anyway should try it sometime. Labourers are expected, with no training other than years of experience (sometimes the wrong experience) to perform operations as different as trench digging, cutting Both private and public offices use the RIBA fee scale as a device for programming and for measuring productivity. As successive NAM reports (1) have pointed out, this method of payment, which is based on apercentage of final construction costs gives rise to excessive profits and is a barrier to the achievement of quality in building. away with machine tools, kerb and pipe laying. Bad habits learnt when young remain forever. Thus the building industry has a whole section of the workforce who are instrumental to the building process who receive no proper instruction at al. The only conclusion one can make from al this is that craft training in the industry is generally in a sorry state. The reasons for this are to be found in the system itself. With so litle direct state intervention in the industry the employers and mysterious qualities surrounding the fee scale. It is rare either the percentage or the basis of the scale to be questioned in the offices. One might think that when enough. The available fee is divided up into a proportitportion of the fee will be twice as great. Yet labour Salaried architects will be familiar with the awesome and irksome additional tasks thrown in (4). Private arm and the RIBA Conditions of Engagement under the link between productivity and quality. And it is the Moses came down from the mountain he carried the tablets containing the ten commandments under one other. Yet it seems reasonable to speculate thatthe present fee scale emerged when a small number of partners in private practice sat down in Portland Place one afternoon and figured out how much profit they could get away with based on the amount and type of work a medium sized practice could produce in a year. They would also have had to assume a relation- ship between staff salaries and final construction cost. ‘As NAM’s original report to the Monopolies Commission (2) has shown medium and largepractices (over six staff), while accounting for some 36% of practices, nevertheless handle just over 80% of work by value and employ 80% of salaried architects in the private sector. An analysis of the make up of the RIBA Council and ARCUK will show that these bodies are dominated by partners from thosepractices practices (3). As far as the way the fee is to be distributed is concerned al architects will know of the famous three thirds ideal - one third salaries, one third over- heads, one third partners profit. While the definition of each of those may vary, the concept -of unknown origin -exercises apowerful hold on the minds of partners and staff alike. A sample survey of different offices suggests that this is rarely achieved in practice. Yet each office will have its own norm for different types of work which is applied to every project in the office. It is simple proportion for salaries, for overheads and for partners expended could have remained constant. This profit. Staff salaries are divided into the portion allotted for salaries and the amount of hours tobe spent on the job appears as if by magic. distortion will also occur if twice the quantity of material is specified. For chief officers in the public sector the fee scale is the yardstick by which they can provethat they are just as efficient as the consultants or that they can provide a cheaper service. As far as is known, As far as the client is concerned, the existing fee arrangement gives no direct incentive to the architect to reduce either the quantity or the cost of the work because this would reduce the fee income. Thus the RIBA fee scale may be summarised as SLATE14 PAGE7 promise of quality, in aesthetic, technical and social performance which is the claimed basis of the architects’ bargain with society (5). Quality is a social concept. It varies in place and time. Its definition is elusive and the subject of debate, yet its achievement has been the central concern of architectural practice for centuries. Ifquality asaconcept isproblematic, less arguable is the proposition that the quality of the end product isclosely related to the labour spent on it. While the quantity of time taken to achieve quality in a given piece of work wil vary from individual to individual, what is beyond doubt is the fact that therwillexistaminimum time.Iflessthanthisis expended, loss of quality follows. This si not to say that time spent guarrantees quality, but that quality can only be achieved when a certain amount of labour has been expended on the product. Time spent may be said to be the only reasonable means whereby the conditions under which quality can be achieved can be quantified. Time therefore represents the quality element in any pricing system. In the case of the’present RIBA fee scale this quality element is concealed. In addition the architects’ reward from the fees varies not in relation to quality but in relation to quantity and cost of building materials. Thus if an architect specifies a material of twice the unit cost of an alternative that SLATE14 PAGE8 SLATE14 PAGE9 livlihood itwould seem that they devalue itattheir peril. References (1) (a) ‘The Case Against Mandatory Minimum Fees’. NAM Report of the Monopolies Commission 14th May, 1976. (b) ‘Do not pass go.......do not collect 6%: AdoubleNAM reportNovember,1977. (c) ‘Way Ahead’: NAM/Unattached Architects report July, 1978. (2) As I(a) & (b) above. (3) Unpublished NAM report 1979. (4) May, 1978 Public Design Group’s Conference Report. (5) The argument that follows was first published in ‘Way Ahead’ July, 1978, Architecture students are force-fed on the notion that the design of buildings is an arcane knowledge with the power to solve all our problems, a notion that they find hard to shed once they start work. This is no accident, argues Rob Thompson, as the architectural profession exploitsthismythtodefenditsprivi- ledged position, to excuse itselffor itsfailure to design good buildings and to diffuse crticism None of this is good for the rest of us. the ultimate judges of building quality. Iasked my wife to briefly define ‘an architect’. ‘Someone who designs buildings’ was the reply. I asked the man in the off-license the same question and received the same reply. My next door neighbour (a teacher) also considered an architect to be ‘one who designs buildings’. Requiring further confirm- ation, Ilooked up ‘architect’ in the dictionary, and once again was confronted with the same words; ‘a designer of buildings.......’ (1). Four sources, four almost identical definitions. The same unity of definition does not exist, however, for the word ‘architecture’. The people mentioned above produced answers that varied from “buildings designed by architects’ to “everything that is built’, and the dictionary definition was -......the art of designing buildings; style of building......’ (2) I find it significant that society has a clear picture of the architects’ ‘job description” but not of the extent of his or her field of work. Significant because sustaining the situation requires the ‘expert’ to exist whilst allowing the result of his or her “expertise’ to be difficult to question. The definition of ‘architecture’ appears to be as vague within the architectural profession as it is with the lay-puplic. When approximately 80 students of the Architectural Association were asked, prior to a debate on ‘architecture’, ifanyone would like to define the field of their chosen profession, there was silence (3) Whethearn architect iders thephysical realmof architecture to be wide or narrow by executing the design of any building type s/he is contributing to the ‘backcloth’ over which s/he has no control. The built environment is not the product or the architectural profession’s decisions but is determined by market-forces, seemingly democrat- ised by political backing and presented ‘gift-wrapped’ by ademocratic planning process. Ifone uses an analogy of the ‘backcloth’ in theatrical terms the role of the architect is one of colouring in, rather than forming the scene. That the public should be confused about the architects’ field of work is an important protection for the profession against direct questioning about where their responsibilities lie. That the public should be unaware-of architects’ similar confusion is essential for the architects’ self- respect. The uncertainty of both sides regarding the field of operation of the architect is a relatively contemp- orary state and appears to coincide with the strength of voice of ‘the people’. Historically related to aprivileyed sector of society: architectural history, as we know it.....amounts architect, recently to little more than a who's who of architects who qualifie.1. This article commemorated power and wealth; an anthology _ isan edited version architecture is of buildings of, by and for the prvileged - the houses of true and false gods, of merchant princes and princes of the blood -with nevera word about the houses of lesser people’. (4) The growth of socialism in the latter half of the 19th century saw a change in attitude (of some of the powerful sectors of society) towards the ‘lesser people’, from total indifference to liberal paternalism and with this change in ‘client attitude’ came the alteration of focus of the architect. The paternalistic attitude of the architect deciding what was best for society continued through our century, until the late 1960's when the voice of public opinion was strong enough to openly question the ‘right’ of the architect to impose his or her product upon the user. With the growth of public questioning the scope of ‘architecture’ and of architects’ responsibilities has appeared to become (conveniently?) vaguer. The public questioning of the role of the architect in the late 1960's placed the architectural profession’s official body (the RIBA) in a dilemma. To deny responsibility for the built environment by passing the buck to the professional Planners, Engineers or Government Legislation etc. would be to lessen the importance of the ‘architect’ within society. ly the RIBA decided to put its head and try to weather the storm, which it suceeded in doing. Public questioning of the social responsibility of the architect inevitably lead to soul-searching within the profession. This in turn has resulted in an increased need by the majority of the architectural profession (the salaried architects) for a pair of blinkers to direct their attention from clashes between conscience and the realities of working as asalaried architect. As has already been shown the lay-public con- sider the architect to be a designer of buildings, an artist rather than abusinessman. As the RIBA isthe mouthpiece of the profession it can only be con- cluded that such an image is put about by the RIBA. The public might become concerned if it were informed that the environment was determined by the callousness of business efficiency rather than a concern for beauty. Ibelieve that not only is the above image of the architect sold to the public, it is also sold to the d of archi and impl dso deeply of part of his final thesis. Rob Thorson isan one which does not contain an incentive to reduce building costs, but which does contain an incentive to reduce building quality. It is questionable 2 whether this is a suitable basis for society’s bargain with the architectural profession. Ifindeed quality is the cornerstone of the professional service it would seem to be at least logical to establish as the basis of any pricing and programming system the only quantifiable element to which quality can berelated. Therefore itissuggested that the elementoftime should be brought to the forefront and costed, and an indice established for different types of work, so that the salaried architect as well as the client may compare and monitor the amount of time spent on the job. In the argument about quality v productivity, there is more than service to the client at stake. By agreeing to the continual reduction inquality, salaried architects devalue their own skill and the skills of building workers. In so far as both parties are dependent on the scale as their sole means of Trained to make a killing It is probably only within the last 15 years that the architectural establishment has had to concen- trate on the selling of an image to the general public ments. To concentrate on the production of in order to protect itself from the threat of extern- ally enforced change. are presented to students depends to a large extent on the interest of their tutors, who are encouraged by the RIBA through the educational establishments to actively practise architecture therefore ensuring that they are an integral part of the existing architect— establishment is never going to stress the moral ural establishment. The tutor’s interests generally lie in the smaller scale ‘design’ orientated schemes rather than the commercial or industrial corporate image/cost—effective projects. The majority of schools clients. in the country present their students with a variety of size and type of projects likely to be experienced in practise, in fact failure to do so would be failingintheirtasktoproduce‘architects’thatfitted into the existing system. They do not however, present an accurate picture to the student of his/her future role in bringing such projects to fruition, concentrating on the ‘design’ aspect rather than the co—ordinator/administrator role of the architect, nor do they attempt to develop any kindof ‘social conscience’ regarding the trust placed inthe architect by society for its environment. This last point can hardly come as a surprise if one turns to page 4 of the ARCUK Code of Professional Conduct. (ARCUK also being a body with a RIBA majority on its _ Council) Principle 1 states that: An architect shall faithfully carry out the duties which he undertakes. He shall also have a proper regard for the interests both of those who < commission and of those who may be expected touseorenjoytheproductofhiswork.(5) re ThereappearstobenoregardinthisPrinciplefor fxs, yi those who object to an imposed change in their The ‘community action’ movement (which seems to have been the result of the increase in confidence of the public voice) focussed attention on the fact that the architect/client bond was considerably stronger than the architect/public-need relationship. Architecture was beginning to be seen by the public as nothing more than a business. Allegations of corruptioncombinedwithdis-satisfactionof buildings by their users, together with the overall environment spawned by the building boom of the 1960's left only one course open to the architectural profession if it were to maintain any public respect; self-flagellation. The RIBA were not slow to realise that architect’ public credibility, and through this their stability, depended upon being seen to serve public rather than private interests. Almost like a gift from above a virtually unknown architect named Rod Hackney began to be talked about. A small urban renewal scheme had been carried out under his supervision and designed with the participation of the local residents. This scheme, known as Black Road, Macclesfield, appeared to have everything the RIBA needed to promote the image of architects being ‘socially aware’. However one considers the resulting design, for the RIBA it was perfect for the task in hand i.e. to show obligation of its members in preference to their obligation to design, as by so doing it would be working against the interests of its traditional the public that the architect was there to respond to the RIBA continues to ‘approve’ education courses their needs and wishes, and had the specialised by maintaining its control over the ARCUK Council. . “- discipline, bring under control Little Oxford Dictionary A man has no ears for that to which experience has given him no access. Nietzsche ‘Ecce Homo’ (1888) translation by Anthony M Ludovice. Istated in the Introduction that Ibelieved the image existing, and perhaps loved, environment, but who are not wealthy enough to purchase land, buildings or professional aid to block such a change. The way schools of architecture present an un— realistic view of professional, practise can best be summed up by the following: They are playing (most of) the right notes but notnecessarilyintherightorder. (6) If you don’t know what something sounds like you are unable to question the authenticity of your first hearing of it. For a few students however Suspicions begin to creep in that there might be certain omissions or bias within the ‘score’. For its continued survival in its present form, and at its existing level within society the architectural profession needs to be viewed as ‘special’. The intangibility of an‘ability’ to design ensures this. The image that is sold to the public is surviving, and it seems unlikely that the establishment will have to undergo the pressures on this of the early seventies for some time to come. It is the image that itsells itself that requires the constant attention, because itisupon this that the status quo or the architectural establishment is maintained. The architect is trained to believe that his responsibility is to the God of ‘Design’. As long as this training is continued the architectural ‘status quo’ will be maintained.Everyman’sresponsibilitymustbe in whatever way he can, to work tawards freedom and justice for the members of his own society. I of ‘designer’ is planted so deeply into the minds of ae students of architecture that even after registration as There is no ‘national syllabus’ followed by the schools of architecture. There is however, a gerera generalpatternwhichincreasesthescaleofthe projects undertaken by the students as they progress through the school in order that on completion of the five years of study they will be ‘competent’ (?) to handle the size of schemes required by theprofession over this task. If‘design’ isthe weapon chosen to Practice;v.t........imposeupon.LittleOxfordDictionary.chitectsthisimage itsvividenoughtoover—ride clashes between conscience and working reality, conflicts, that, if not pacified might lead to a demand for radical change of architectural practise from within the profession. There is however, a second fundamental requirement of the schools of architecture,namelytotrainstudentstofitintothe existing fields of architectural practise, comfortably. There is then an immediate contradiction of require— believe there should be nothing that takes precedence ‘designers’ is contrary to the requirements of the majority of the larger clients that the profession serves. As Charles Jencks stated in Building Design: The architects who get the most work provide the most unidentifiable buildings (4) And yet the belief in ‘design’ is the architectural establishment’ssafeguardagainstforcedchange. Design is the basis of the architect’s public and self—respect, it makes him ‘special’ and provides him witha‘skill’ that is undefinable, making arguments against the results of his skill (buildings, environments) extremely difficult even for other architects let alone lay—people. 1am now going to concentrate on the relationship between RIBA and the schools of architecture and the way in whichI believe ‘correct stability’ within the schools, regarding students’ attitudes to their profession, is maintained. The following section of the text will focus on the way in which ‘design’ is developed and marketed without contradicting the require— ments of the professions clients. The foundation upon which the future retention of the ‘status quo’ rests, for the architectural establishment, must be the ‘correct’ training of its student architects. Fourty one years later, despite having lost its majority on the ARCUK Education Committee, There is a quotation: “The Status Quo does not abdicate in the face of logic’. The architectural This delegated right of ‘approval’ is one of con— siderable power. The whole basis of *statutory grant’ funding to enable students to undertake advanced educational courses in this country requires that these courses are ‘approved’ by a ‘recognised’ body. The withdrawal of approval of a course automatically removes the right of a student to a‘statutary grant’ and consequently reduces the number of students financially able to attend such a course, even if it were to remain open. A further guarantee that, for example, an architecture school would have to close with the withdrawal of RIBA approval is that, no matter how long a student studied there he would be unable to register as an architect. The one possible exception to the statement above regarding guaranteed closure is the Architectural Associatiotn is the Architectural Association, and the reasons for this will be explained later. There is an irony within the situation of statutory funding for advanced architectural education. The general policy of Socialist—controlled Education Authorities (which, despite the recent change to a Conservative Government, have increased in number) _to award grants to students for ‘public—sector’ education dictates that architectural education can only be gained at schools approved by the RIBA. _ traditional clients, i.e. commerce, industry, local, be used by the architect towards these ends then care regionalandnationalGovernment.Thewayprojects mustbetakenthatitremainspointedintheright direction and that it stays ‘a means to an end’ rather than becoming an end in itself. = Ee “oyoom olin wledge and capabilities to protect their eaeThecoverageofthisschemeinthe public media was extensive and notonly got into| ‘Good Housekeeping’ and ‘Ideal Home’ but was given peak—viewing time on both ITV’s ‘Today’ and BBC’s ‘Nationwide’ programmes. Itwas awinner from every establishment view point, even the self—help/indepen— dence aspect was present. The ‘community architecture’ image promoted by the Royal Institute has not only quietened public concern but has thad the added advantage of making attacks upon the RIBA from within the profession less credible with regard to criticism of lack of public accountability. School; v that, after qualification, the belief inbeing a designer over-rides any other contraryexperience. : The questions that were taught to be important: form, function balance, etc. take second place to ‘timescale’, ‘price per square meter’, “units per hectare’, etc. The words that were used to show one’s knowledge of architecture (eg. constructivism, post-modernism) mean nothing to either client or user. An entire terminology; upon which five years of acedemic training has been based is found to be totally useless, that is, until one is with other architects, when (once more) the phrasescan be uttered, the names dropped andone’s “true knowledge of architecture be appreciated by others. Rarely are leading architects, past orpresent, associatedwithpoliticalorsocialbeliefs.Their , aesthetics are of prime importance, their motivations secondary or never mentioned, unless they happen to be complimentary to the fashion within aplace 4 of learning, What must be remembered is the “design It is this that is pushed forward and it is this that is analysed. And yet for many of the traditional ‘greats’ of architectural design their aesthetics were the result of their strong social beliefs, which also provided their prime motivation for design. Architect; n.......One who drafts a plan of your house and plans a draft of your money. The Devil's Diction ary by Ambrose Bierce 1881-1911. clei |iz V eyvifecsLnS ATTEMPTS to build Britain’s largest office block near Waterloo in London have reached fever pitch, with the arrival of new proposals from developers Greycoat London Estates on the table of the Coin Street planning enquiry. If this initiative is successful the last link,in a chain of large scale commercial and institutional developmentswi,ll be in place stretching along the South Bank of the Thames from Southwark Bridge to Vauxhall. Standing between the developers and their goal are two obstacles: Lambeth that this unusual step was taken at the behest of the Tory GLC, who favour office development on the site but were anxious that the commercial proposals under consideration at the start of the Enquiry were so appalling that they stood little chance of success. Greycoats’ intervention has come in the form of proposals for an integrated development of offices with attendant restaurants, pubs, shops, some housing and a small industrial unit all designed by architects Richard Rogers and Partners. Greycoats wona place at the Public Enquiry the Coin St. Enquiry could benefit the formal battleground between the commercial developers as a whole! so the developers and the local people, when their development lobby must be content that the »4 /\ _, View from the North Bank of 4 _Y,Greycouts’ proposals Industry: Totalling 30,000 sq ft Rogers’ role as Greycoats’ architect is to arrange this floorspace in a way which is at once viable commercially and acceptable to the public in the forn: of the Enquiry, although no designs were submitted with the outline application. As Simon Jenkins pointed out, this paper exercise is within . the now discredited traditionoflarge scale modern town planning and architecture?: a new ‘pedestrian spine’ links Waterloo Station with the river wall where anew pedestrian bridge leads over the river to an inappropriate joint next to a multi-level the sites can be used if the local community is to survive and the loss of an important part of London to a commercial ghetto is to be avoided. GREYCOATS INTERVENE warehouses in Cutler St to yield 800,000 square feet of offices and a £20m. office development about to start construction on the controversial Tolmers Square site. Both schemes have been the object of bitter struggles with conservationists and local communities. Greycoats’ tactics for the Coin St. Enquiry rely on a mixture of ‘public participation’ directed at the local community and, to defuse criticism from professionals, the employment? ofa young but respected architectural Greycoats hope that Rogers’ design will be judged by the general public and the Enquiry in the light of the success of the Centre Beaubourg, as‘... a place where al classes and al ages can participate’, rather than on itsown merits. The bald facts of the apportionment of space in Greycoats’ outline planning application are less attractive to Public Opinion: WSUS THE DEVELOPERS Planning precedents which may arise from Council's propesals for the Waterloo area embodiedinastatutoryDistrictPlan newoutlineplanningapplicationwas lotofpromotingtheprincipalcommercial practicetoplanthedevelopment. mies1,317,670sqft(equivalent trafficjunctiononthenorthbank.Oneither approved in mid-1978, and the local people. represented by their Neighbour- hood Council, the Association of Waterloo Groups (AWG). The District Plan sets aside the Coin Street sites for housing for families and that, argue the local people. is the only way that ‘calledin’byEnvironment Secretary Hesletine, during the course of the Enquiry. Already under consideration were housing schemes from AWG and Lambeth Council and office proposals from the Heron Corporation and Commercial Properties. AWG iscertain schemes has fallen to Greycoats, who have builtupareputationforexpertiseinhand- ling opposition from local groups and conservationists. They are leaders in a new wave of sophisticated commercial developers who have successfully evolved new approaches, inaclimateofpublicopinionandaplanning THEIR ARCHITECTS Richard Rogers and Partners’reputation rests not on commercial buildings but on theirdesignfortheCentrePompidou ay toaboutnineCentrePoinPointsisi:zeoffice Housing: Not exceeding 300,000 sq ft Leiesure/restaurant/shopping/ Recreation: Notexceeding250,000sqft side of the walkway are ten to thirteen storey office blocks with a small area of housing to the south, and the other ‘uses’ strung out along the walkway. The gap between the reality of the proposals and Rogers’ description of them, which has been accepted without question by the architectural press4, gives the lie to the KEY TO COIN STREET AREA LT 1Lendan askend Television IC +Intarnatienal Publishing the "kings: NT +National Theatre want tte site, moved out of Londen Plan of the Coin Street sites showing current uses SLATE14 PAGE12 Larecty sitesi 163 6CarParke SOUTMMAAK SITES 647 4Dereitet 2+Printing werkt 9 5Bark, pub, ofices, incvetey, works! yrelopes te Te oF Elevation from the Thames View of the scheme for family housing submitted to the enquiry by the Association of WaterlooGroups Model of Greycoats’ proposals SLATE14 PAGE13 Offices: Totalling 1,317.670 SqFT CNEWSNEWSNE Heads you win, tails Ilose # NEWS) EWSNEWSMIEWSN systemhardenedagainstcommercial culturalcentreinPlaceBeaubourg, Paris, pour bytheeventsoftheearly70s.widelyconsideredtobeanexcitinganf woof their Successes’ in London are the successful building ina revitalised central progressive demolition of a group of historic area of the city. In employing them. Plan of Greycoats’ proposals suymitted to theEnquiry Head S you win (cont.) New Architecture movement, &s _toreturncontrolovertheirenvironmenttoordinarypeople,andsocial -amentally change the existing system of patronage to return a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use it We were pleased to see Tom Woolley’s article “Rising Damp’ in Slate No. 13. But we do have a complaint about the way you edited out some of the information we know Tom included in his copy. Tom mentioned the anti-dampness meeting (the first of its kind ever held) in Birmingham,andsomeinformationabout the worker/tenant committee in Sandwell. As he said, a national campaign against dampness is to be launched, and SCAT is helping the Working Party set up in Birm- ingham to do this. To this end, we are aiming to contact every anti-dampness (ortenantsassociationtakingupdampness, article‘RisingDamp’bySLATEan’ technique that the developer's architect adopts to mystify the real nature of his client’s proposals: the ‘social magnet’, the provision of facilities for the whole city, the ‘multi-pupose enclosed framewor! for working, living, recreation, shopping and bultural activities’, but most of all the idea that the ‘scheme’ hasalife of its own, and ismuch more than aresponse to a developer's brief{ acknowledging, almost with regret that it is ‘offices that are paying for this scheme’. The designitself has been the subject of ‘WORKING IN ARCHITECTURE’ is to be the theme of a conference and exhibition to be mounted in Venice next year. Planned for March the five day conference will form part of the Architectural Section of dampness ANTI—DAMPNESS PACKAGE A set of papers about all aspects of dampnessandcampaigningagainstit has been published by Services to Community Action and Tenants (SCAT) ‘The papers cover such issues as: Canpaignstrategies,demandsand victories; causes of and remedies for dampness; how repairs are paid for; direct works and the private contracting Please send me: others. cases) in the country, and to obtain basic information on every estate with damp houses or flats. Unfortunately your articlehadnomentionofeitherthe contact address for the Working Party, or the set of papers we produced for system; health and housing; joint action by tenants and building workers in can only assume you must have seer: earlier draft we did not possess. Thanks for providing the additicn- informationwhichispr. «uelow: Slate committee. Dampness meeting held in April 1979 will be also sent to tenants associations, anti-damp paigns, law or centres,tradeunionsandotherlabour movement organisations. (Only available while stocks last). SEND FOR YOUR COPIES NOW‘ AND TELLOTHERCAMPAIGNS,RESOURCE CENTRES AND LAW CENTRES ABOUT THIS UNIQUE CAMPAIGNING PACKAGE’ Venice _ Biennale NAM Congress 1979 NAM’s fifth annual congress, to be held in London on the 9th, 10th and 11th November, will be of special interest to people who want to find out more about the views of the movement and to new members as well as to long standing membets. The Agenda has been framed té enable a thoroughgoing assessment of NAM’s aims andprogressinthelightofexperiences from outside as well as inside the Move- ment. The congress opens on the Friday night with a dicussion with leading critics and architectural practitioners and Nothing was left out of 7om Wooll. context with participants drawn from the building industry people involved Boaction over housing, industrial and planning issues as well as from the architecturalfield. In al the debate surrounding the social and aesthetic merits of the various schemes it is easy to forget the issue at stake at Coin Street isnot which of the various schemes will get built, for it is unlikely that any of the proposals will be realised in its present form., The real issue is to what use the land will be put, land most of which was acquired very cheaply many years ago for the building of public housing. Society’ followed on Saturday by work- shop sessions grouped under the headings “Accountability to Building Users’ and ‘Democracy in the Building Design and Construction Industry’. The Sunday sessions are devoted to planning NAM’s future role. Food, a bar and entertainment complete the bill. Conference registration including meals is £8 for earners and £5 for non-earners. Day registration isavail- able for the Saturday sessions for £4 including meals. Entrance to the Friday discussion is free. Further details and registration forms from NAM 9Poland St., London, W.1. Two more papers have now been added to the Package and are available separately to people who already have the other eightpapers—Paper9onobtainingand using technical help, and Paper 10 which is a list of useful publications. A full report of the National Anti- to this tendency in the form of a serrated skyline on otherwise sheer blocks does nothing to accomodate ithe needs of people for intimate. as well as large seale spaces. The design\has been likened to a twelve-storey high Berlin Wall and the Royal 4" international exhibition of radical Fine Arts Commission which advises planning @Pproaches to architecture’and urban authoritiesontheaestheticaspectsofmajor issues.Alsoformingpartofthecircuit projects is said to have serious reservations about the scheme. section of the Biennale is an exhibition mounted by feminist architects It is hoped to organise a package-deal €XCursion to Venice for the Conference details of which will be available later. NOTES 1. Slate 12 ‘Planning System on Trial’ 2. Greycoats’ pamphlet: ‘South Bank Development — Proposals for an “Area in Crisis"’’ 3. Architects Journal, 15th August 1979 4. ‘Bright Future for the South Bank’ Architects Journal, 8¢ hAugust 1979 SLATE14 PAGE14 SLATE14 PAGEIS Venice Biennale. Preliminary dicussions among the considerable criticism, failing, as it does, to acknowledge what progress has been made in Italian organising group also attended by inofficedesigninrecentyears.Thesuccess French,GermanandBritisharchitects of recent designs has been the abandonning envisaged the event as an international of the gaunt, sheer walled slabs of the early >xchange of ideas and experiencesof ; 70s in favour of lower buildings with stepped those concerned with the social, political facades creating spaces of more human scale. and cultural role of the architect's work. courtyardsandterraces.Rogers’concession Thequestionistobeexaminedinawide theoristsonthetopic“TheArchitectin Sandwell; and the limits and p legalactionondampness. ial of Concurrent with the conference will be to return control over their environment to ordinary people ,and social responsibility and accountability to the work of architects. to fund- amentally change the existing system of patronage to return a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use it a NTS, Peta Sissons, Services to Community Action & Tenan‘s EWS SfNW aka |] 9, Poland Street, London, W1. Praca) From: Services to Community Action & Tenants, 31 Clerkenwell Close, London EC] anti-dampness campaigns (and which include a description of the Sandwell committee). Dear Slate, Would you like to help us to reach more anti-dampness campaigns through NAM members who may be giving tenants some help, or working in local authorities with dampness problems. You could do this by including the information cut out of Tom Woolley’s article, and by mentioning the Dossier on Dampness form which isbeing distributed to tenants organisations. responsibility and accountability to the work of architects....... to fund- Campaigning against copies of the Anti-Dampness Package at 60p per copy to tenants associations and anti-dampness campaigns nd at £1 per copy to all copies of Papers 9& 10 at 20p for the two. Please make cheques and postal orders payable to Services to Community Action and Tenants. Bulk rates are available for individual papers. I/we wish to be included on the ‘Dossier on Dampness’, please send details. (Delete ifnot applicable) Gut out and sendto SCAT,31 Clerkenwell Clase, London EC1 RIBE [iryoyuouwouldliketboe amember oftheNewArchitectureMovementfililnthfeormbelowanndsond it together with a cheque/postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5.00( if you're employed) or £3.00( ifyou're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at9, Poland Street || London W.1. || NAME... || | |ADDRESS | |If you would like to receive SLATE without joining NAM fill in the form below and send it together | |withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNew ArchitectureMovement )for£2.50toNAM at9, Poland Street, London W.1. | | i SLATE abi-monthly magazine about building and buildings SLATE aims to bring together ideas and experiences from people who design buildings, people who build them and people who live and work in them. SLATE concentrates on the social and economic factors that shape our environment and determine the way that ‘buildings are commissioned, designed, built, and used SLATE full of useful information and opinion from workers in building construction and design, tenants, community groups and others interested in ensuring that the construction industry and its products are more attuned to their needs SLATE is an independent magazine published by a group within the New Architecture Movement, which aims to promote effective control by ordinary people over their environment ~ SLATE 2— Can architects help the ‘Community’? SLATE 3 — Myth and ideology in the architectural Profession SLATE 4— Crisis in the construction industry AND Women who are builders. SLATE 5 — Monopoly in the architectural profession SLATE 6— Training architects SLATE 7 — Making public building respond to people’s needs SLATE 8 — Feminism and architecture SLATE 9 — The fight for control of the building industry: nationalisation or private enterprise? SLATE 10/11 People talk about the buildings they use SLATE 12 — Commercial developmenth,e tommunity and the building industry SLATE 13 - An issue on housing Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/8e871306fcab770f26305efa280aba78.pdf 4431b1759b869b6fa89c35f683cb63dd Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE 15 Subject The topic of the resource Includes Hellman cartoon on RIBA control of ARCUK Description An account of the resource I THINK THE TROUBLE WITH ARCHITECTS ISTHEVRE ALWAYS DESIGNING MONUMENTS i \ SCKCLZ apotqies 10 WHOSE PROFESSION IS IT ANYWAY?_____ page 3 People think that the letters RIBA signify ‘architect’ — this isn't the case SLATE ISTHE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement’s Publications Group. News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are included to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement's views and activities to the attention of the largest possible readership. WORK ON SLATE SLATE needs more workers, more writers, more ideas and more reps. on order to produce a better, larger and cheaper newsletter. If you would like to work for SLATE, becomea rep., join the group, send in articles or suggest topics itshouldcoverthencontactussoon. The copy date for the next issue is: SLATE is published by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland St., London, WI. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications PublicationsGroup). Printed by Islington Community Press, 2A St. Paul's Rd., London, N1. Trade distribution by Publications Distribution Co-operative, 27 Clerken- well Court, London, EC2. SLATE may beavery slick looking paper but we need money fast! Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE 9 Poland St., W1. Many people think that the initials ‘“RIBA’ signify a qualification in architecture and that only those who wear them after their name are professional architects. This is far from the case, as the ‘unattached’ councillors on the Architects *Registration Council of the UK explain What raelly distinguishes ‘unattached °architects is that they alone have the right each year to nominate and electtheir own representatives to "ARCUK’. You've probably heard little of ARCUK — the Architects Reegistration Council of the U.K. — because ever since it was established by the Arch- itects Registration act of 1931 to regulate the architectural professionin the public interest, the RIBA (whose would-be monopoly of ‘architecture was rejected by Parliament) has stopped at nothing in its attempt to suppress public knowledge of ARCUK and to prevent it from effectively carrying out its role. The RIBA controls ARCUK at present by packing it with owners of architectural firms pledged to follow the orders of a small clique of fanatics associated with the RIBAs ruling council. Although anyone can practice architecture, only people whose names are on the register of Architects maintained by ARCUK may legally call themselvesarchitects.Insomerelatedprofessions hip ofthe rel ,charteredinstitution functions as the as the recognised professional qualification, but the professional qualification for corporate’ membership of the RIBA are no higher than those of registration with ARCUK. Of course no RIBA member can use the title ‘architect’ unless he or she isregistered with ARCUK. UNATTACHED NEWS RIBA railroading of Registration Council revealed NEWS Whose (SAC) Conference was It Anyway Vote for the Public Interest RIBA Snubbed inSurvey THE SLATER NAM CONGRESS “79 Full Report on this Year's New Architecture Movement Congress SUMMER SCHOOL STUDIES URBAN QUESTIONS Report of the Bartlett Summer School which investigated the ‘production of the city’ REVIEWS Two books on Housing LETTERS NAM-—A Way Foward; SAC Conference; NewYorkContacts page 5 page 6 page 9 page 10 page16 page 21 page 22 place. Socalled‘unattached’architectsarethosewho Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi tecture Movement unless stated to be so. afite, ee (colloq.).Gece,wovereyy” (erp.authortareviews),scold Hed over the last few years. ‘Unattached architects work in al sectors and include young and old, employer, employee and self -emlpoyed architects( though like the profession as a whole, 80% are employees). Some ‘unattached are strongly opposed to the RIBAs relentless persuit of the self- interest of the few architects who are employers in private practice,its hypocritical contempt for the public interest, its undue influence over architectural education or its reactionary political position. Others simply find it bad value for money. In 1980 architect members of the RIBA will be asked to pay an annual subsciption of£64. For what? For,a mere £12 ayear anybody can receive the RIBA journal and al unattached can receive the Buiding Design free each week. At the same time fewer architects are interested in having theinitialsRIBAaftertheirnamewhichforanarch- itectsignifiesnomorethanRACafteranameofa licensed driver. responsibility. Some architectural firms or public authorities try to force the architects they employ to join the RIBA. Such undemocratic employer imposed *closed-shop” contravene the provisions of the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act of 1975. Any architect facing dismissal, or victimisation short of dismissal ( such as refusal of promotion otherwise justified ), for refusing to join the RIBA( or maintain RIBA membership )should appeal to an Industrial Tribunal. An architect faced with similar discrimination in applying for ajob should enlist the support of his or her Trade union. At present, unattached architects have nine etected elected representatives on ARCUK. Any of the architects listed below, all of whom have represented unattached architects on ARCUK, willbehappytotrytoansweryouequestions concerningtheroleofARCUKandoftheRIBA ‘nominate,proposeforoffietcc,eHi aiueise'd ae Tapp. f.preo.} WHOSE PROFESSION IS IT ANYWAY arenotmembersofthefive ions(includi theRIBA) listed in the schedule 1 of theArchitects! Registration Act of 1931, which specifically recog- nises the right of architects to remain ‘unattached’. Of course ‘unattached’ architects may well be mambers of a trade union, such as NALGO 4x IPCS in the public sector or TASS in the private sector. Many feel that being amember ofa union isamore effective way of defending their livlihood and gain- ingcontroloftheconditionsunderwhichtheywork +responsibilityforrecognisingcoursesinSchoolsof and the quality of the work they do. Architecture as qualifying for admission to the Nearly 5000, or 1inS architects are now Register.For many years however. the RIBA has ‘unattached and the number has dramatically increased prevented it from effectively carrying out that Because itmust decide who will be admitted to the Register of Architects ,ARCUK has by law the me (CIL: CONTENTS Some architects, employers of architects, archi- tectural students and users of architectural services stil believe that a qualified architect must be a member of the Royal Institute of British Archi- tects (and, conversely, that a member of the RIBA is necessarily an architect). In fact an architect need not be a member of the RIBA (and thousands of RIBA members are not architects). More and more architects are choosing to be ‘unattached’, either resigning from the RIBA ornot joining it in the first EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775 registering as an architect and being or becoming ‘unattached’. They would equally be pleased to talk on those subjecte to groups of architects , Students, trade unionists and others interested. John Allan,67 Romily Rd, London, N4 (01-734 8577) Anne Delaney, 196 Albany Rd, Roath, Cardiff. (0222 492047) Susan Jackson, 4 highshore Rd, SE15. (01-703 C911) Alan Lipman, UWIST, Cardiff. (0222 24732) Bob Maltz, 14 Holmdale Rd, London ,NW6. (01-340 3288 x281) IT'SRUMOUTRHAETDTHEMUPPARETMEASLY MAMPULATEO DOLLS . John Murray, 37 Landrock Rd, London N8. (01 340 8031 x280) Marion Roberts, Stephen George and Ptnrs, 5 Drvden ST., London WC2 , (01-240 2430) David Roebuck, 25 ST. George’s Ave., London N7, (01-267 5604 x34) Ken Thorpe, 109 Cadogan T., London, E9. (01-985 2676) lan Tod, 19 Wellington Chambers Aire St., Leeds |. (0532 635274) Eddie Walker, Leeds (0532 635274) Tom Woolley, 27 Clerkenwell Close London EC1. (01- 251 0274) RIBA application of any independent criteria to the Register entry qualifications. Alas ho progress in reforming this state of affairs can be reported for the 1979-80 session, thou he Unattached have tabled a question as hether ARCUK appointees to the visiting boards have ever included a non-RIBA memeber. No awards for guessing the answer SPERM BANK IS A LOAD OF PRAP Talking of awards. itn recalled that the 1969 Registration Act established an ARCUK Education Fund for ‘the provision of scholarships and grants ... the furtherence of education and research ... and the disemination of teaching.” (Section! , subscction4) Responsibility for the sdministration of this fund falls mainly on the Projects and Research Awards Panel, Known as PRAP — an unfortunate abbreviation which, in the indifferent accoustics of the Council Chamber can occasionally be misheard. On PRAP’s advice ARCUK has allocated funds to the tune of £56 000 since 1975 to the York Centre for continuing professional aducation (contributions from other institutions such as the RIBA, RICS, 1OB, CIBS efc., have averaged about £200 p.a.) The results of investment in this agency, in effect an RIBA sperm bank* lave been modest, if not invisible, considering the input. Unattached Councillors have been vocal in arguing that funding of the York Centre must be discontinued and putto better use, and were apparently vindicated when, at the October Council meeting it was confirmed that no further grant was expected. With deft footwork however the December Council approved a new BAE proposal to fund the York Institute the sum of £15, 000. An Unattached amendment to reduce this contribution was, of course, defeated. 5 SLATE aims to provide an effective means of communication for the “unattached ” members of ARCUK through these columns and letters page. So if you feel strongly about these issues, don’t hesitate to write to us. For the lay reader of SLATE “ ARCUK ”is the Architects Registration Council of the U.K. It was set up by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 to control the entry of people into the profession and itor their conduct once registered. It is posed of S main constit- uent bodies; The RIBA (Royal Institute of British Architects), the [AAS (The Incorp- arated Association of Architects and Surveyors), the FAS (The Faculty of Architects and Surveyors )and the AA (Architectural Association ). any part of Council sessions. Quite what would constitute a ‘special occasion’, is not clear but the majority ensured ample license by voting that the Council could resolve itself into committee and place the Press on trust whenever it might fecl reporting to be undesirable. Included was the provision for committee members RAILROAD Following his impressionistic picture of the December 1978 Council Meeting, Hawser Trunnion brings you this round up of ARCUK news over the past year. Councillors representing the Unattached Architects in the 1979-80 session have, as usual, been well exercised in monitoring difficulty that was partly alleviated by andwherepossiblechallenging,the activities of those intent on preserving the status-quo behind ARCUK’S flickering illusion of change. This well trained house poodle of the RIBA now enters the 1980s al st-t to carry off yet again’ the top award for obedience and decorum in the Cruft’s contest for professional dressage. A yariety of issues have predominated in the session from March to December 1980, of which the following are perbaps of most interest. ARCUK SECRETS — THE BLUNT TRUTH The old chestnut of Council Con- fidentiality isalways readilily available for further roasting. Following ‘leaks to the Press’ in 1978 in connection with the Summerland case, the Council has made several attempts to limit Press reporting and the freedom of disclosure of Council business by members. The complexion of the more devout blimps, however, moderated from deep purple to blushing pink when it was realised thet an initial proposal to administer oaths of secrecy on Councillors was too |fatuous to be taken seriously. In the event Council voted 27 to 9. at its June meeting to adopt the following measures for a trial one year period: that except when in its quasi-judicial role (eg considering removals from the Register for crime or disgraceful conduct), or other ‘special occasions’, Council would not exclude the Press from meansoftheannualquestionnaire which has more recently been included in the election mailing. At the October Council meeting a sinister event occurred. With to discuss Council business with their nominating body — no mention being made of those wishing to obtain feedback from their electorate — (ie., the Unattached) This relates closely to the wider issue of communication between Unnattached Councillors and their electors — an ongoing a degree of vulgarity which until recently might have seemed untypical a squadron of RIBA voting fodder — defying Standing Orders with the Chairman’s consent— introduced a motion to prevent the Unattached obtaining their electorates views by means of this questionnaire. The motion was, of course, carried thus closing even this rudimentary channel. In contrast the Council, in June, generously sanctioned Press photography — though as one Unattached Councillor observed, the prominent RIBA insignia that embelishes the throne on which the chairman isinstalled could mislead the uniniated into believing that the panorama represented a sub-committee of the Institute! EDUCATION — DUTY FREE It may not be well Known that the 1931 Registration Act placed a “duty” upon the Board of Architecural Education (BAE — Schedule 2) to recognise siutable examinations for qualification, to recomend the holding of any examinations it considered suitable and, indeed, to hold examinations itself (Section’ 5). An exotic metamorphosis has transformed this stat- utory duty into the chummy excursions of-the RIBA visiting boards, effectively removing from ARCUK itself the The application of ARCUK’s con- siderable rescourcesjto assist prospective students in need of financial help was another important power conferred by the 1969 Act. Unattached Councillors have been concerned at the low take up of such grants, amd at the December Council asked what steps outside actual schools af architecture ARCUK took to publicise their availability, Clearly there must be many a bright school leaver unable to obtain a suitable grant who remains quite ignorant of the possibility of ARCUK funding as wil his career advisors - if the Council does not widely advertise among schools and 6th form colleges. The Regis rar however confirmed that no such information was made available CONDUCT UNBECOMING The accusation that RIBA in ARCUK fthe tail wagging the dog, is ed ‘in disciplinary matters by the observation that its bark is worse than its bite. Feeling itself powerless und angry” at the outcome of the Discipline Committes investigation into Summerldnd , the Council at its June meeting ordered a review of the ‘tasks and obligations of the Discipline Committee”, and of how” ARCUK’s procedures compared with those of other such statutory committees under the aegis of the Privy Council. However, when the report was presented at its Octiber meeting the Council was evidently reconciledito its powerlessness and anger, as an Unattached recommendation to improve the Discipline Committee demonstranly the poorest constituted amongthefourcompared(doctors,DentistselectionofUnattachedRepresentativesto permitarchitectstopracticeas A NEW WAVE of national activity among student architects took a tentative but short step forward at a recent student conference in Sheffield. Challengingly entitled ‘Whose Education is It Anyway?’, the con- ference was organised by the Schools of Architecture Council (SAC) whose chairman since last spring has been prominent radical lecturer Brian Anson. Scen as SAC’s response to the call for greater student involyement in decision making implicit in Anson’s election ,the conference was aptly subtitled “A Wood- stockofArchitecturalEducation’ embracing, as it did, a wide variety of alternatives in Architecture. Events were only loosely tied together and ranged from a seminar with architect, Derek Walker, member ofa newly founded international design consultancy, to workshops put formity across the country and discourage free inquiry und any questioning of the nature and social role of their subject. This view was supported by many of the students at the conference in private conversation: some deplored the narrowness of the ‘training’ that they were given; others complained of a lack of scope tr learn about the building industry, work directly with community groups or simply to learn about the aspects of architecture that particularly interested them. What was to be the solution? Inspite of the conference structure, which was stated and restated as relying on participation for achievement, only the most elementary steps towards progress were put forward in the open sessions. Among the ideas to gain the widest assent was a call for better communication nication between the students in different schools, appealing as it did to both those who felt that salvation could be found by changing to a “better” school. if they could find one, and those who feltitaprerequisite toaconcerted Student campaign for a better deal. In contrast some maintained, atter the example of students from Hull, that Students in cach schoul should deal with their own problems rather than be side tracked in activity at a national level Only two measures were put to the Conference forashow-of-hands vote Anson won support for his proposal to reform the constitution of SAC which currently gives students, staff and the head of cach school one seat cach. I the Sheffield resolution is ratified hy SAC’s AGM, each school would, in future, send three students, two stall and the head of school, giving students an cqual voice, The resolution of support for the staff andstudentsoftheCheltenham School of Architecture, which has recently been instructed to shut its doors to new students with # view to complete closure in about two years, fitted well with the feeling running right through the confer- ence in favour of diversity in architec- tural education. In the discussions preceeding the vote the complexity of the forces that control the schools became eveident as the machinations between the DES, Gloucestershire County Council, the CNAA and the School's parent college were explained. Several speakers deplored the RIBA’s unwillingness to unconditionally Support the School, inspite of the fact that they formally recognise the standard of its courses. In the end most of the participants seemedtotakeawaywiththemmanyofthe frustrations they had brought to the conference venue at the top of Sheffield University’s 19-storey Arts Tower, and to a degree that was inevitable. The organisers it and Vets) — received no support whatever. ARCUK Council. The size of the electorate and the nember of councillors is of course governed by the provisions of the Ofthetwentyorsodifferentevents \ie only a handful dealt directly with questions of architectural education: Anson debated with Architectural Mono- graphs editor Davil Dunster whether courses should include material on the social implications of design or con- centrate solely on developing design ability in an abstract, formal sense; Jane -Darke, a student activist during the 1960s outlined the achievements of the now defunct British Architectural Students Association; NAM members lead a popular seminar aimed at identifying the problems facing architectural education as seen by the students themselves. In his opening talk Anson recalled how, during his first six months in the chair of SAC,hehadvisitedoveraquaterofthe UK schoolsofarchitecture. His impres- sions Were ofa student body cowed by staff who promulgate a formalistic app- roach to design with a remarkable uni- Meanwhile expensive prosecution of architects committing trivial or merely technical Code offenses continues unabated. Thus. while an attitude to fier precautions described as casual in the ex- treme and involving the deaths of 50 persons equitable, however, isthe method of falls short of “disgraceful conduct *being Yes No Undecided 65% 24% 11% engaged as the director and secretary of a company developing abuilding site, although “in fact ho client or other person suffered damage’ therefrom, does not. In the latter case, by a nice irony of timing, it appears that the ‘guilty’ architect may be struck of by the same[ Council meeting at which the RIBA lobby will vote to allow directorships. THEARCUK MACHINE —WELL OILED OR OILY? This necessarily breif resume would be incomplete without noting the hazards of the procedural thicket the Unattached 6 determining how many members exist in each constituency. Every year on the 31st October an ARCUK computer print out provides the names of al those on the Register. The number of Unattached, the seeimd kargest constituency, is, inpractice determined by means of the RIBA vetting a 2. Should ARCUK follow the recommen- dations of the Monoplolies Commission by changing its Code to permit architects the option of not using the RIBA Conditions of Engagement? BAD AT FIGURES 1931 Registration Act and adjoining Regulations. The rule of“one repreesentative per 500 members or fraction thereof would seem sensible sn¢ simple enough. Less -The opinion survey was carried out with the assistance of ‘Building Design’ magazine. We publish the results below: In conclusion, the phrase “casual in the extreme. could, with some justification, be applied to the administration of the annual ST SAG USAC TOS a jeage o eeftheunattachedlistsand a copy deleting Yes No Undecided 64% 30% 6% al those that it claims eee 2 ames, depriving reduce diby theconstituencyofafurtherplace Council and on nominees, adding one extra to the RIBA’s Unfortunately no counter-check is Yes No 2% Undecided 2% carried out, nor are any Bodies RIBAUAAUE 96% ee as its Own members. 3. Should ARCUK take stronger measures to help end descrimination in employmentagainstarchitectswhoare not members of the RIBA? oftheieconstituent AS, etc., obliged to provide the registrar with an updated copy of their membership list. It is obvious that it is disadvantageous to inform the Regis. trar of membership decline — as the Pre SS “ informs us is happening in the case of the RIBA. Equally no strict criteria is applied todetermine when anon- -subscriber actually ceases to be a member of such a body, thus enabling the Institute to carry any number of passengers for the ARCUK count. Disparities between the Institute's own names and subscription income apparently indicate a passenger list of several thousands. CALL TO ARMS — MORE LEG WORK NEEDED Notwithstanding their modest achievemen| the NAM Unattached Representatives — as listed elsewhere in this SLATE — brace themselves for another year of opposition and hostility and in doing so invite the good will and support and interest of al unattached architects in this endeayour. RIBA SNUB IN SURVEY THE UNATTACHED Councillors on ARCUK have recently canvassed their constituency on some important issues facing architects at present. 1.ShouldARCUK changeitsCodeto limited liability companies? on by Glasgow based community archi- tectsgroupAssist,withrepresentativesof U TEAT~ECTA.| TOATT” almost every shade of theory and practice inbetween. EE , must perforce negotiate to register their views. It is well understood in most democ- ~ racies that Standing Orders exist to protect the minority who would oferwise simply be crushed by a majority claim thet ‘might isright’. In the case of ARCUK, standing orders can dissapear taneously created with conjuror’s ease. Thus the requirement of 24 hours notice for motions in Coi#ncil not arising from committee reports can be waived or overlooked to set asude an Unattached motion submitted in proper order (Mach Council), or to introduce a resolution to suppress the questionnaire that is unre- lated to the Committee report (October Council). In december Council a more ingenious novelty appeared, namely that any resolution to ammend or omit a committee recommendation isout of order, and that Council's only power is to ‘refer back’ the entire report. Moreover the Chairman is well versed in the ‘Nelson touch’ when it comes to Unattached Councillors endeavouring to catch his eye. The solubility of democracy iscompleted by the Chairman’s now freq -uent practice of resigning his role of impartial arbiter altogether and asking Council asawhole whether itwishes to hear the Unattached contribution — such enquiry invariably being answered by bovine roars of "NOY By way of explanation the Chairman has often declared himself the ‘servant of this Council’ Unfortunately he is only prepared to be servant when the RIBA is master. —_orbe spon- KEEPING THE NEEDY IN THE DARK ONE WSIDAASNEWSI Whose (SAC) conference was it anyway ? t good intentions to bring together the maximum number of students lead them to rely on an invited galaxy (albeit small) of architectural *stars’, leading personalities in the profession, to attract the crowds. As a result the experience of the conference tended to replicate the experience of the educational process itself, with the students’ role unconsciuosly classified as that of receiving the wisdom of the design ideologies February 7th. annual ARCUK retention feehas just been raised to £7 50) to pay the bills for the RIBA’s pet projects and slow the decline in the Institutes membership. To continue the struggle for a demo- cratic and open ARCUK anda publically accountable profession, unattached architects are urged to VOTE FOR Bearing the burden of the architectural professions’ conscience seems to be getting too much for the RIBA’s Salaried Architects Group, whose increasingly appropriate acronym is SAG. The Group, which purports to represent the interests of employe, as oposed to employ architects on the RIBA’s Council, has always held that the way to liberate their constituency from the iniquities to ditch two of the three main planks of the Code of Conduct which effectively prohibit advertising by architects and their taking of directorships in building firms. As the owners of private architects firms go about restructuring the rules of their game so that they can make more profit the SAGs are stuck in the position of being in dispute with their patrons. Architectural punters who had failed to notice until then the cracking facade of their ‘united profession’ had it rubbed in their faces Foster Imposter There isan old joke about public participation which runs something like this: ‘The Council is seeking the views of local residents about the route ofa new motorway. Please indicate which of the following three routes you prefer: through your front garden, through your back garden, or through your and professional mores of practitioners and academics. Under these circumstances it would have been an immense step for the studentstohavecollectivelyshedtheeffects ofseveralyearscachinthesortof environment that Anson described at the openingoftheconferenceandtohave madeaconcertedchallengetothe NAM members presently hold eight of these nine seats representing ‘unattached’ architects, i.e. those architectswhochoosenottobe membersoftheRIBA,theAA,orone of the other minor bodies cited in the ArchitectsRegistrationActof1931. Theunattachedaretheonly MarionROBERTS professionalresponsibilityasdefined architects entitled to elct their own representatives to ARCUK. controllers| of their education. Some questioned whether SAC, even “balanced” under its proposed new constitution, could be a vehicle for student-centred campaigns for reform and Jane Darke was among several speakers who argued for a national architectural students organisation with no staff membership. Nevertheless the conference did provide the “marketplace” of alternative ideas that had been promised and known to be incraesing in numbers. David ROEBUCK Dave SUTTON Eddie WALKER by his or her Code of Conduct. If this results inaconflict between professional obligations and doing what the boss tells you then the salaried architects’ interpretation of the Code would have to rule. Until recently this policy has been popular with the RIBA’s controlling group, the owners of private architectural firms, who have favoured several SAGs with appointments to high places in the Institute's hierarchy, in return for their support for the Code and hence their reinforcement of the myth of a ‘united profession’. Times change, however, and a 1980's wind of commercialism is blowing through the upper echelons of pennydreadful Building Design, that the proposedchangesare* lusivelythe concernofprincipalsinprivatepractice and the reported opposition of a few salaried architects in public employment isirrelevent and impertinent’. There is little doubt that Bryan Jefferson, fellow private practice boss and current RIBA President, would support this view. Small wonder that SAG leader, Bob Giles, has recently been seen wandering the corridors of the GLC with his head in his hands. The Slater's advice to Bob and thousands of other salaried architects is to get out of the RIBA and show it up for what it always will be and when you need to protect yourselves from the iniquities of employment do it through your union, like the rest of us. Transport site in central Hammersmith is fullocalpeoplecouldwellbe faced with asimilar participation excercise over who should design the scheme. In this case the wording might be ‘The Council intends to permit the building of several hundred thousand square feet of offices. Please indicate which of these two architects you prefer: Foster Associates or Elsom Pack and Roberts’. The campaign lead by RIBA Journal editor. Peter Murray, was sparked off by the dismissal of Foster as architect for the redevelopment of the island site around Hammersmith underground station in the Summer. At the time Foster had little work and the move resulted in extensive redundancies in his office. However, it appears that the people of Hammersmith are not being fooled by the pro-Foster campaigners and are not letting any fuss about who designs the redevelopment to confuse their opposition to the scheme in principle. At a ‘packed’ public meeting called by the campaign, abstentions were the rule of the day; 43 people voted for Foster and 12 actually voted against his reinstatement. Not that Foster himself islikely to be that worried now: his appointment as architect for a multi- million pound bank development in the seeds of questioning ,sowed and nurtured According to ARCUK the RIBA in individual minds may flourish. One accounts for 78% of al people on Sheffield student has been reported as saying the Register. The reality is probably that his school will never be the same again. under 70%. Although around 80% of architects are salaried employees, nearly 80% of architects on the Registration Council are bosses. This We would like to add that, as the question of is because the RIBA Council, which communication betweeh students in yariuos is free to nemniate anyone — laymen schools was one of the themes of the conference, we should remind everyone involved in architectural education that Slate only because of the: presence of NAM is in the libraries ofa good few schools of architecture. Ifnothing grander isforth- coming then Slate would be happy to carry articles from students and perhaps help take the first steps to improving the communication that was called fro so widely at Sheffield 8 ee members representing the unattached that there are even 20% employee architects on Council. During the past year these NAM members have continued to struggle against stepped up harassment, abuse, bullying and obstruction from RIBA’s ARCUKmafia(seereportinthisi to ensure that ARCUK acts in the public interest and not asarubber stamp for the RIBA’s dubious policies and as a means of getting al architects (whose TK HongKonghasjustbeenconfirmed. {Raab Vote for the public interest ‘UNATTACHED’ architects have nominated nine NAM members as candidates for all nine ARCUK seats up for election Ballot papers are being sent out to al ‘unattached’ architects by the Architects Registration Council and are due back by Sagsing |The Slater the RIBA and preparations are underway Although the RIBA publically acknowledges that its membership is in decline and at the rate of at least 2% per year, the RIBA-controlled ARCUK has decided to give the RIBA Council one more place on ARCUK this year and no more to the unattached, who are and to get the freinds and colleagues who are ‘unattached’ to vote for them also. Every vote counts this year as ther is again some reason to believe that some of the nore fanatical membersof the RIBA may be trying to putup @ puppet slate of RIBA supporters to contest this election, despite the total failure of such an effort two years ago. included — to its seats on ARCUK this year appointed 90% bosses. It is John ALLAN NormanARNOLD MickBROAD David BURNEY JohnMURRAY of salaried employment and, at a stroke, thepublicfrom of archi 1 thoughtlessness,istoreform architectural practice so that each architect,bossorminion,hasfull when respectedpastp ofthe frontroom’.Ifanewcampaignover RIBA,EricLyons,wroteinthearchitects theredevelopmentoftheLondon () Ofje p C- NEWSSNEWSNIEWESN Told enc _.RIBA Council member Archie Tekt guns down theSAGs inSLATE 9(Summer 1978) Slates’ address is 9, Poland St., London, W1 Articles and helpers welcome! 10 & aN These are some of the more important campaings and activi ties NAM has mounted or been involved in over the past four years: — The . = - — ~ — — - Reflected in this list is the diversity of interests embraced by NAM. At the time of NAM’s found- ation many of these issues were as relevant as they are today. NAM’s achievement has been to draw together the individuals and groups cncerned into an organisation which can debate and refine understanding of the questions by linking them together, and provide support and a base for widening individual campaigns. This diversity means that a cemtralised organisation with an ‘executive committe’ isinappropriate. NAM has developed a federal structure, for which the only decision making event as far as NAM as a whole is concernedistheAnnualCongress.BetweenCongresses the non-policy affairs of the Movement are co-ordinated by an elected ‘Liaison Group’. Policy and campaigns are the prerogative of separate local- and issue- based groups whose only duty isto report and stand accountable to the Annual Congress. NAM provides for its member groups and indivicuals an opportunity for broader discussion at local and special national meetings and through Slate, financial support for particular campaigns and acchance to win the support of a wider body through resolutions at the Annual Congress. Continuing debate and a widening of spheres of action are essential to NAM’s future. It is currently involved in a process of reviewing and refining its policies and startegies which has become the more vital in the face of recent political clanges. Member- ship is open to al. FORWARD with thought was the message from the 1979 New Architecture Movement Congress held in November last. Speedy react- ions to the grim prospects facing architectural workers and the users of the buildings they design could prove counter-productive. Instead NAM committed itself to a short period of consolidation followed by a a major meeting early this year to launch thought out alternative approaches asa basis for a campaign agianst the feffects of Westminster policies on architects and Architecture. Already one NAM group has started the process. The Public Design Service Group recongnised in their motion to Congress, the importance of demonstrating that Public Sector design is capable of greater sensitivity to people’s needs if staff in public architects offices are to win the popular support they need to ward off redundancies. On architectural education NAM expressed unanimous support for the students snd staff of Cheltenham School of Architecture in a motion opposing any attempts to close the school. NAM members who represent the ‘unattached’ architects on the Architects Regis- tration Council of the UK also won ful support for their efforts to ensure that Council acts in the publis ir public interest. But proposals for action must always be made from from a thourough understanding ofthe nature of the ‘problem’, and, in the informal sessions of the Congress, NAM set in train theoretical work on the relation of enconomic and social factors to the design of housing. Contributions from the NAM Feminist Group demonstrated how design standards tend to reinforce the role of women as housewives and hinder progress towards equality. Others. pointed p out that th motive of the State in financing council house building wasto secure a healthy and compliant workforce for industry rather than any altruism. A stude group to look further into the question was The ‘Green Ban’ campaign between trade unionists and environmentalists to save Birmingham Post Office building. Trade Union organisation within the hitherto largely unorganised field of private sector buildingdesign. Nomination and susequent election of councillors on the Architects Registration Council of the UK and subsequent campaigning: within the Council to ensure that itacts in the public interest. Preparing and campaigning for the reform of Local Authority architects offices and ,more more recently their defence. Working towards a feminist perspective on building design and setting up a cooperative practice to design for women’s groups. Publishing the magazine Slate. Submitting evidence to the Monoplies Commission against the mandatory minimum fee scale promulgated by the RIBA and ARCUK. Working towards an understanding of the relations between architects and building users, particularly in the practice of ‘community architecture’. CONGRESS REPORT set up and will meet throughout this year. Other group discussions considered the effects of design decisions on the health and safety of working people, the problem of defects in housing, the principles of direct labour and the need to strengthen architectural practice through increasing democracy within offices. NAM CONGRESS 79 INTRODUCTION TO NAM People are often mystified by initials. Many readers of Slate will bave been wondering what NAM stands for. The initials stand tor New Architecture Movement. NAM stands for real control by ordinary people over the processes that form their environment, but also believes that changes are necessary in the way that architecture is practised and the building industry organised, These two ideas are interdependent. ‘At the moment the majority of new buildings and other changes in the fabric of our cities and towns work against the interests of the majority of people. NAM sets out to understand why this isthe caseand particularly in what way building design and construct- ion are responsible for this situation. As we see it, in broad terms, building projects are initiated, designed and then constructed and managed exclusively by a tiny minority in society, managers of corporate private enterprises, local authority bureaucracies, private architects firms and building contractors. Quite naturally they work in their own interests, so wider social considerations are neglected. NAM members, most of whom work in the field of building design are no longer prepared to remain uncritical and inactive. And not only because they object in principle but also because they find the conditions of their work implicit in the current set up are unacceptable. Itisagainst this background that NAM emerged spontaneously ataconference inHarrogate in 1975. NAM isprincipally about the process that gives us buildings. Because the majority of its members are involved in architecture NAM’s work has tended to concentrate on that part of the process calledbuildingdesign. ThisisnottosaythatNAM feels that building design is of paramount importance but the last four years have proved how difficult it is to make links through the walls of our social pigeon holes. Things are changing slowly and NAM is beginning at least to talk to builders, housing workers, economists and others. The morning plenary was reported by Sarah Gillam and covered workshops on planning and people, housing form, housing standards and industrial buildings and health and safety. The afternoon plenary was reported by Tony Brohn and covered workshops on housing form, design and build and direct labour, and trade unions and architecture/democracy in architects’ offices cannot be spent on areas other than those stated, so Ee a)thattenant’spreferencesmaybeignored.Itwould tend to see it as a worker's problem, while architects see it as an obstacle to design. He felt that these attitudes desperately needed to be altered so that users could participate at the design stage to eliminate resks. To do this trade unions and architects architects need to co—operate_more fully with one another. One way of achieving this might be to try and demystify the architect's job by producing pamphlets which explain technical building and design terms, the type of problems which architects face and the design process. He wanted to locate someone in an architecture schoo! who might like to do a project along these lines. So if you're interested contact David Gee via Slate. Housing form R E e e ee Jos Boys introduced the workshop and discussed housing form asatypeofsocial control —through housing tenure and the layout of estates, but also questioned whether form is a result of the social structure or vice versa. The group looked at the design process and discussed to what extent class—based stereotypes are transferred from middle class homes to working Classones The second part of the workshop was introduced by Su Francis and based on a slide presentation of women’s quarters through the ages. Su showed how sex stereotyping exists in design guides and housing layout. Although the pre—capitalist economy was house centred, the woman's role was slightly less defined than later periods. In middle class Victorian homes there wasa strict division between domestic servants (mostly female) and the master and mistress. The servant’s role of cooking, cleaning and making the beds was replaced in the 20th century by the wife/mother, whose role it is to rear children, run the home and replenish her husband's needs. The kitchen is now the main spatial area allocated to the wife — previously the servant's domain and this space segregation has tended to accentuate women’s oppressive containment. The third part of the workshop was given by Doug Smith. He explained how housing form is being designed and built around the stereotype of the nuclear family in an inflexible permanent way and criticised the pseudo—scientific approach of Parker— Morris standards which tries to justify a series of minimums. He also described how building form can be used for general social control and gaye Haussman’s radial street design in Paris as an example. Similar radial designs exist in some prisons. Ultimate— ly, the group agreed that a part from design problems there just isn’t enough housing available — state provision is inadequate while private housing is beyond the reach of many people. NRAeaeSCSIGERILCR an SES Housing standards eeeee) Marion Roberts gave the workshop on housing be better if legislation ensured that buildings are wind and weather tight so that tenants may decide their amenities for themselves. Examples were given to show how some legislation isinadequate. Thermal heating standards don’t allow for different weather conditions in the UK, so that money which should go on additional heating has to be spent elsewhere. In new build housing spatial standards are minimised to those of Parker Morris, whilst the cost limits in rehabilitation tend to result in high maintenance expenditure — somethingwhichcouldbereducedbyinvestingmore some initially in building materials and design. The trend ienesw) purchase by the state, and by trade unions through pension funds. While state purchase was seen as a potential area it was felt not to be feasible for the next few years! Trade unions. however, possessed a substantial amount of money which could be used Positively whilst still providing a return on income. Nobody knew quite how this could be achieved but il is certainly an area for exploration. Housing is already being provided by trade unions in Germany and Sweden, so it was thought that thes examples would be good to look at Trade union involvement in local CUM paigns. throughthelocaltradescouncilwasrecommended by several people in the group to widen the issues and gain more support Many felt that architects and planners were still working on amenity/conservation issues either than for the services of a community and questioned why this was happening. A suggestion to include architeet’s fees in Urban Aid Grants might be one way of solving this problem. Some people felt that if social need was to be met at al architects should organise in amuch more radical way, and put themselves at the disposal of those who needed their services rather than continuing alor the lines of existing Structures. standards. She said that Marion said that with rigid statutory legislation, money prevailing attitudes in industry. The establishment towards rehabs has sometimes gone too far, with local authorities preserving the unpreservable. It was suggested that architects should be allowed to conduct comparative feasibility studies of new build and rehabs instead of simply one or the other. Most people thought that large scale redevelopment projects should be planned in phases so that commun— ities aren't destroyed. An example was given where one community was relocated in tact, so that people stil lived next door to one another. The group felt that there was a need for a resource centre which published information on faulty design and standards. This could act as an information service for joint discussion between tneant’s assoc— iations and building workers examining proposed building designs. Planning and people a ) Industrial buildings and health and safety EAE David Gee, ahealth and safety officer, began the workshop byconsidering some of the problems of implementing health and safety regulations. He standards can be used as a represented moral rectitude.explained that part of the problem stems from 5 Martin Lipson from the ‘Planning and People’ workshop outlined the problems of redevelopment on privately owned sites, discussed the possible ways that the state and trade unions could remedy such situations and proposed alternative ways of meeting social need for the future. He illustrated the problems by first giving an acoount of the Battersea Redevelopment Action Group’s efforts to oppose the construction of luxury flats and offices on a site occupied by a disused warehouse. He explained that the area surrounding the site was dominated by 31 high- rise flats, had little open space and was mainly populated by low income industrial workers, who, owing to the lack of industry in the area were forced to work elsewhere. Objections to the scheme grew and an alternative plan for the whole area was devised by local people together with some architecture students. The plan covered a 30 acre site which included 3 or 4 other redevelopment projects and incorporated badly needed oped space They made two planning applications on the grounc of social need but these were both rejected. When a public enquiry was held, people chose to give evidence rather than be represented by a lawyer, feeling that their views should be expressed directly. At one point they staged a mock enquiry as part of their evidence to illustrate the way in which the wholeprocessworkedlikeagameandwouldhave a determined conclusion. Opinion in the workshop diverged at this point. Some people felt that professional help should be enlisted to begin with, and that total participation by the community was only possible once some victories had been gained. Others argued that by participating fully those involved would be far more ‘ware of the whole political process. Martin pointed WORKSHOP REPORTS out that while they had lost the site in Battersea they had gained the involvement of people in the locality as a result of their participation. Others Suggested that this was insufficient and that people’ awareness and strength would evaporate without tangible success. Another area of discussion was the way in which property developers cab bide their time since their Property is ever increasing in value whilst the reverse is true for communities. In Battersea the Project was stalled for 7 years whilst Proceeding were carried out. But during that time both the local council and Government turned to Conservative and the climate for private speculation became far more amenable. The building programme isnow underway. Everyone agreed that ownership of land wasa vital area and discussed the possibilities of and Trade unions and architecture/democracy in architects’ offices There were 3 workshops in the afternoon session: ‘Democracy in the Workplace/Trade Union organis- -ation”, ‘Design and Build/Direct Labour anda continuation of the moming’s workshop on ‘Housing Form’ added to the afternoon programme y popular demand. _rene Murray from N.A.M.’s “Public Design Service’ group introduced workshop one with a 13 political weapon to restrict or enhance and showed how in the 19th century they 14 Having failed to determine a clear course for the future, the Congress resolved that the discussion be continued at greater length at a special meeting to be called in the Spring. All NAM groups were asked to submit papers and proposals to the Liaison Group in preparation for the special meeting. Such a debate on NAM’s future must clearly be fuly informed and the Liaison Group would welcome contributions from al interested parties 4s soon as possible. Written material should be sent to 9 Poland St., London, W.1. that besetts al state spenders: that of fitting a rolling programme of work into the local authority financial year. This Congress supports the efforts of NAM representing unnattached architects on the Architects Registration Council of the UK in their efforts to An interesting question was posed in the workshop: what limits would be i dupona left-ori d department ideologically committed to expansion? The answer given was that the Borough Architect could block the expansion beyond ‘establishment’ size (a scale determined in conjunction with the DOE). At present quite a high proportion of state-funded work is dominated by capitalism and patriarchy as was crisply farmed out to private architects. Considering the policies demonstrated by Su Francis in the morning workshop. expose RIBA abuses of ARCUK. This Congress requests Sltac to publicise the NAM Mate for the forthcoming election in 1980 in carly January of some local authorities this is not an altogether a bad thing but at a time when local authority building is seriously threatened by cuts it provides an easy way for those in favour of privatisation of the State by the private sector without attracting too much attention. The theory is that the private sector mops up the excess that the public sector can’t handle. It was suggested that a local authority department should be able to work for another local authority in order to match shortfalls of work in one with excesses in another. It was proposed that a joint “Fighting the Cuts” conference sponsored by both the public and private sector unions be called to link action on this crucial issue. Cost limits, design guides and their own prejedices confirm their political role. . c. Discussion of building form is dogged by ip terminology used by architects and their commentators. This severely limits public debate to a fairly elitist plane. The professional institutes do little to improve this situation. Public response should be encouraged a great deal more by the use of the popular media. There have been three further open discussions that have developed themes from the workshop. A third is planned for 10th January 1980 at 5, Dryden Street, at 7.00. All are very welcome. It is intended to to publish material to represent these discussions in the form ofa NAM booklet. di the future to be held in the Spring. ies of NAM in The morning’s ‘Housing Form’ workshop had raised so many important issues that an afternoon slot was hurriedly organised. The-interest gener- -ated by this workshop could be partly due to the fact that NAM had up to then consciously avoided entering into debates about building form, principally because the world of architectural journalism dwells extensively on “what buildings look like” to the virtual exclusion of “whether buildings work” or “whose needs do buildings satisfy”. NAM has avoided repeating the obsession and instead has concentrated on the political and social conditions that produce buildings. The‘Housing Form’ workshops established that enough grass-roots interest existed for nettletobeformallygraspedatlast. The afternoon workshop asked firstly in what proportion housing form was determined by architects or economic constraints. Three fundamental problems were rounded upon: a) Archi fi ly fail at the job they are supposed to do, at the level of basic competance e.g. leaks, bad damp-proof course detailing, specification errors like Sumerland, etc. private practice to help the public sector unions in resitsting attempts to cut the public sector. 2. UNIONISATION This Congress urges al workers in al sectors of building design work to join and organise within their appropriate trade union. In the cise of private sector building design, yhis Congress endorses the conclusions of the May 14th b) They cannot opt out of their ideological context The final session of this year’s NAM Congress was devoted to a discussion ambitiously titled ‘Future ' Strategies’. Its purpose was to review the current strength of NAM and initiate discussion on the future direction of NAM sponsored action. In the event discussion remained fragmented and unfocussed but it is clear that such a self examination is now crucial to the development of any future programme. Throughout the last four years NAM has consist- ently developed its ideas on a range of issuesand established its authority as an alternative voice in the profession. Yet its membership remains small and its resources limited. Debate centred on how NAM should seek wider popular support and, in particular, whether it remained realistic to expect it to grow into a mass movement in membership terms. It was proposed that NAM might broaden its appeal by embracing less purely ‘professional political’ issues but it was questioned whether it possessedthemanpower todoso.NAM shouldlook outside of itself, it was suggested, both by addressing itself more directly to those unattached architects who regularly voted NAM-affiliated candidates onto ARCUK Council, and by seeking to make alliances with other organised groups of working people.Inthiscontextthequestionofwhetherand 4.ARCUK members how NAM should respond to the changed political context was discussed and in particular the need to oppose the proposed public expenditure cuts was raised as a potential centrepiece for action. IMPORTANT MESSAGE TO ALL NAM MEMBERS AND GROUPS Don’t forget to send your papers and proposals to the Liaison Group as soon as possible for the Special Meeting to NAM’s 1979 Annual Congress passed the following resolutions: 1. PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE This Congress endorses the work carried out by the PDS Group in the last year In addition, this Congres« a) supports the the PDS Groujys proposed conference to be held in Spring 1980 to which al appropriate unions will be invited to send delegates, to asses the progress made in the democratisation of publis design offices, and the relation of democratisation to the defence of public architectural practice, b) recognises, (i) the unique potential of publis design offices to provide a democratic design service, (i) the ideological and economic attacks on these offices by the present government, largely supported by the RIBA, and, c) supports appropriate action taken in the defence of these offices by public sector unions and calls on salaried building design staff in Conference that al workers in that sectorshould organise in AUEW/TASS. Tis Congress urges cooperation at al levels between public and private sector trade unions with building design staff in membership to defend and enhance the quality of the workinglives of building design staff and the quality of the design work they produce. 3.CHELTENHAM SCHOOL O1 ARCHUITECTURI NAM Congress opposes any attempt to close Cheltenham School of Architecture, Dbelicving: option that this action would eliminate a progressive in architectural cducation. It expresses its support for the staff andstudents in the school in their fight against closure. description of the reorganisation of the architects’ department.at the London Borough of Haringey where he is employed. The basic idea behind the reorganisation was to create an area-based set of design teams that can develope a good understanding of their locality and a sense of responsibility to the people who live within it. In addition each ‘team Design and build and direct labour leader’ actually partisipates in the designitself. This arrangement isaconsiderable improvement over the conventional pattern of local authority architects’ departments where jobs are allocated to designers on a fairly random basis with the result that there is little continuity over a period of time between designers and users. By making the team leader an active member of the design team they avoid team and group leaders becoming petty bureaucrats dealing mainly with council committees and in the process losing touch with the problems faced by the team. At Haringey each team is offered each new council-funded job in its area and decided which ones to farm out. Inter-team liaison exists although this is not allowed to take on too much power. John Murray touched briefly on a problem workers can come together to discuss projects. They had also elected delegates on an area basis to represent users’ views. A planned building programme gives them the opportunity to work closely and constructively together. (Apologies for the brevity of coverage of this workshop please see SLATE 9 fora fuller description of events at Hackney.) The Design and Build Collective’s Dick Watson introduced workshop two. He saw their work as a genuine alternative to the conventional designer separated from builder set up. It is organised as a non-hierarchical cooperative rotating jobs such as book-keeping, job-running, trade skills, etc. Asa result there is little specialisation and each person gets to know something about every aspect of the job. Gross turnover is in the region of £60,000 to £70,000. They carry out mainly community- based projects such as play groups, day carecentres, craft and trade centres, ahandicapped building centre and private conversions of.which “there is an almost unlimited supply in London.” They encourage people they’re working for to learn building skills and participate as far as possible. Tom Bulley from Hackney’s architects department described the DLO’s predicament there. They are trying to restructure it along the lines proposed by the NAM PDS group. They have ajoint shop stewards’ structure where architectural and building Other matters dealt with during Congress were: SUBSCRIPTIONS NAM subscritions are now as follows: £8,.00 for working members and £3..00 for unwaged members, both annually. Both classes of subscription include copies of Slate. This isthe first increase since theintroduction of subscriptions folllowing the Ist Congress NAM GROUPS The following Groups received endorsements from Congress as required by Working Rule 2: Professional Issues Group, Alternative Practices Group, Feminist Group, Public Design Service Group, Slate/Publications Group. Any other se groups should inform the Liaison Group of their existence immediately to aid communication. Frok each of these groups a delegate is to beapp- ointed to form the quaterly Liaison Group meeting. LIAISON GROUP OFFICERS The following officers were elected by Congress: Mick Broad (Edinburgh), Teck Ong, Ken Pearce, Barry Shaw (al London), and Dave Sutton (Bristol). FUTURE STRATEGIES RESOLUTIONS Freemnmemesrncessoneaca Housing form continued A TWO WEEK summer school was held at the Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning, Uni- versity College London, during the first twoo weeks of September. Called ‘The Production of the Built Environment’, it took a novel and importantly distin- ctive approach to urban issues. Its nove?ty was an attempt to xeplore the possibilities of an ex- planatory framework for questions of urban change and development which related a historical analysis of the construction industry -that isthe changing conditions in which buildings and the physical structure of cities are produced. The schoolwas jointly organised by taeching and research staff from different departments within the Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning, together with help from and co-operation of others outside the Bartlett. architects, planners teachers, researchers students, etc.. Participants thus together represented the many separate disciplines and occupations related to urban issues, both theoretically and practically. More than thirty people from the UK and abroad attended, hearing nearly the same number of people give papers, and taking part in discussion and study groups. The programme of the School presented material that allowed the possibility of analysing the production of the built environment in terms of the changing relations between land, capital and construction in cities. The physical formof the city could be viewed asa an account of the Bartlett The first week covered three areas: firstly the process of capital accumulation in the construction industry; secondly the relevence of history and of theories of scientific knowledge to environmental studies, and thirdly a critical appraisal of methods and techniques used in the field, drawing on examples at the level of implementation. It was intended to draw up in a tentative way a theoret- ical framework and possible methods of analysis, identifying the levels at which they operate. The second week was more concerned with identifying ways in which this framework might be applied in practice. This was seen in in terms of the organisation of prod- uction in construction, and in terms of State intervention and policies. Throughout the two weeks project groups held working seessions and helped to make the School part od a process through which some of the directions adopted were criticised and clarified, and new lines formulated. It is hoped that the Summer School, together with the publication of its proceedings in January, will be the first step towards developing a coordinated body of work in this diraction. The progress that has been made can be evaluated at next years Summer School. The first has been concemed with processes of distribution and re- distribution of resources within the urban physical structure. Whilst rejecting the explicit functionalism of earlier work it contains inherent assumptions which maintain a dichotomy between social and physical elements as a non-social variable in patterns of access and inequality. The second is an approach to urban studies which has emphasised the relation between social infrastructure and urban development. Harvey’s re-assessment of the relevance and assumptions of previous studies rejected the notion that spatial forms and social processes are in contin- uous interaction. He nevertheless adopted an approach that maintained their conceptual separation, mapping onto the urban landscape the distribution networks arising from the overall process of capital accumulation. His work importantly explored the use of new categories capable of explaining urban change, particularly Marxist thinking, and intro- duced a historical dimension lacking in earlier work and in subsequent work by the French school. Harvey saw ‘urbanism’ as originating in the transformation of economic integration from one based on reciprocity (exclusively associated with egalitarian social structures) to one based on redistribution (existing in rank or strati- fied social structures). This transform- ation was identified as crucial to con- centrating surplus into a few hands and a few places. Processes of redistribution and reciprocity were however in many senses seen as synchronic, since these categories were not taken as historically specific, and the actual process of change was not theorised. That the categories of reciprocity and redistribution were selected as being critical to the emergence of ‘urbanism’ followed from his original starting point of explaining relations of distribution as distinct from relations of production. The same focus led Harvey to stress the role of finance rather than productive capital, in other words the ways in which surplus is realised rather than the means by which itisgenerated. Conflicts based on finance capital in property speculation and land were thus attributed a force dominating the city and supplanting the importance of conflicts in the work- place. The circulation of commodities, including buildings, and particularly housing, together with the finance necessary was regarded not only as primary to, but separate from their actual production. The third approach was associated with the French School and in particular Castells, and viewed urban problems as a phenomena of collective consumption. By this it suggested that the economies of the advanced capitalist countries rest more and more on the process of con- sumption. By this it suggested that the economies of the advanced capitalist countries rest more and more on the process of consumption; that this is increasingly organised ona collective basis controlled by a financial super- structure; and that the purpose of such organisation is to ensure the repro- duction of labour power. Like Harvey, the realisation of surplus value and the consumption ofcommodities issingled out as the main focus for an explanation of urban problems. More explicitly than Harvey though, Castells adopts an ‘underconsumptionist’ view. Suburban development for example, is seen as a deliberate capitalist creation in order to combat under consumption and as an aid to political control. The present crisis of capitalism isinterpreted not intermsof the long term inadequacy of the rate of profit to fal, but as the result of the inability to sel goods and insufficient demand. A growing social, economic and political crisis isseen to surround the financial superstructure — the mechanism of controlling under consumption — which iscontrolled by state expenditure and unproductive consumption. This kind of analysis centres on the concept of the reproduction of labour power, and unlike the approaches typified by Harvey or Pahl appears to incorporate the process of both production and exchange of commodities ratherthan being solely confined to consumption. The process of actually producing Urban studies has too often been a field that has been integrated in name alone; Summer ita disciplines often remain separate. The Summer School was an attempt to change this It was an experimental form of teaching within the Bartlett which, hopefully to be repeated, demonstrated the potentials of much current research work at present without a teaching out- let. It also served as a pilot project fora possible post-graduate course at the Bartlett. The School tried to integrate the the work of individual specialists in a way that went beyond the format of a conference. As a School, the aim was to put the individual contributions in a framework which could give theoretical continuity while at the same time relate to practical issues. Many participants found it a useful form of overcoming academic and professional isolation. The Summer School was taught by people who together represented a wide range of specialised interests: eceonomics, planning, sociology, architecture, geogra- phy and more. It was attended by a complimentary variety of people, 16 product of the construction industry and of the different ways the buikding process is organised in relation to the State. This was not a purely technical view, but one which saw urban change as a social process manifested at the local levek in the physical and social changes that transform urban localities. The construction industry was seen ,as a mediator of the social processes, to be the key to understanding the way cities change. The physical elements of the city, land and buildings, were thus taken together. Thier organisation could then be seen as a reflection of historical changes occuring, for example, between landowners and builders,between building workers and contractors, etc.. The rationale which the summer school has begun to develop although it is not claimed to be a comprehensive theoretical approach to urban questions, can be seen as distinct in the context of existing work. The revival of academic interest in urban studies that has School nt {developed in the 1960's and particularly lin the 1970's has produceda diversity of approaches. To some extent the activities ‘ofstate planning has determined the ‘need for a theoretical framework through which urban processes might be examined, and policies formulated and implemented. Yet the realities of compounding ‘urban problems’, the UK property boom of the early 70’s, continually rising land values, housing and redevelopment issues, etc., demonstrate that there are long standing problems of applicability for those areas of knowledge that deal with urban issues. On one hand there are those practical, instrumental knowledges which daily inform al levels of environmental action ranging from the production of individual buildings to the structuring of large urban localities. Without aconceptual basis these tend however to be of limited use for explaining why cities come to be as they are, and thereby lack an essential precondition for generating effective change. On the other hand, analytical approaches which attempt to conceptual- ise the processes through which cities are transformed, have often in practice generated normative frameworks for environmental action, or functional descriptions too generalised to find application at the level of production. The field of urban studies that developed in the 1920's and 1930's had aperspective that explained changes in cities in terms of a ‘natural’ evolution analogous to biological change. Social processes were empirically observed, described and ‘mapped’ onto urban space. Urbanism became an autonomous object defined through itsobservable spatial characteristics of size, density and heterogenity. Within asimple function- alist framework the Chicago school developed a theory of the city which conferred ideal ecological forms on to the physical products of historically specific social processes. Social relations were often seen to be largely determined by the physical characteristics of cities. In more recent years, urban studies have shared anegative consensus critical of the Chicago School legacy. Emphasis has turned towards developing abetter understanding of the social relations operating beneath observable physical appearances. The view that urban socio- spatial relationships constitute an onto- logically distinct object of study has been challenged from within the field best described as urban sociology. Urban studies isnot atheoretically homogenous discipline. As Ray Pahl has observed, itisnoted more for the cogency of its internal criticism than for its capacity to generate significant con- cepts. It is however possible to identify three distinct critical trends which are typified by the work of Ray Pahl, David Harvey and Manuel Castells respectively. HE PRODUCTION OF THE CITY buildings is not however an integral part of the framework adopted, since by reproduction of labour power is meant the consumption of such necessary commoditiesashousing,togetherwith theconflictsorurban socialmovements which arise from their distribution. At the root of these approaches is a search for an explanation of the way in which cities are transformed so that present urban issues can be better under- stood and means of making effective change developed. But in the form of an implicit quest for a general theory of the city they can often become simply an exercise in classification. Categories are deployed from outside their relation to history and remain unrelated to definite stages of social development. However if the focus of new work, aiming to avoid this difficulty, becomes the historical transformation of the urban rather than the conceptual deployment of given categories, the same problems need to be confronted. As Eric Hobsbawm has noted, the subject of urban history is a container with ildefined, heterogenous, and sometimes indiscriminate contents. It does not have a given unity, nor is it a ready-made paradigm for examining social change. The reason for pulling together a diverse array of urban studies in the programme of the Summer School was to begin to search for explanations of the way in which cities change. As outlined above there have been a number of. attempts to analyse the way in which cities are transformed. These have pre- supposed a particular identification of the source of problems as concerned, for example, with the distribution and redistribution of resources within the urban-territorial structure, with the construction of social infrastructure, with the phenomena of collective consumption. The School, on the other hand, was concerned with overcoming through a production-oriented framework some of theproblemsinvolvedinconfining analysis solely to an examination of the distribution of built form seen as isolated from the process of actually producing buildings. The first problem with confining analysis of the city to particular relations whether these be of distribution, exchange, or consumption —is that social classes, as defined through their relation to the production process, cannot be explained. A social class, for instance, cannot be defined according to its distribution within alocality or by a Particular object of consumption such as housing. Secondly, itisnot possible, by restricting analysis, to explain the relation vecn urbanisation and the general + sess of accumulation of capital. The latter entails an understanding of the multiple determinants of the cycle of 18 reproduction of capital in which the production process, as a generator of. surplus, acts as mediator. With a production-oriented approach itwasseenasnecessarytoviewthe processofurbanisationasahistorical process of generating, realising, distri- buting and consuming surplus. Viewed in this way, urban change is given a material form and is part and parcel of the overall process of accumulation and its different stages. For the city consists of a conglomeration of buildings which are ascribed to a variety of different uses; these buildings are not simply distributed and consumed, before this they must be produced and are therefore basically a product of the construction industry. Historical change in urban development could thus be seen to reflect changes in the construction industry and to be related to the overall process of accumulation. 1. The Process of Accumulation and the Peculiarities of Land What are the peculiarities of accumulation in construction, what barriersdoeslandpresenttothisand whatmechanismshavebeendeveloped by the state in response? This first area consisted of a critique of neoclassical economic methods in the light of a detailed examination of the process of accumulation within the construction industry, and the peculiar part which land plays in this. As an illustration of this, Michael Ball looked at the relation between production and exchange in construction. Complement- ary to the theoretical arguments presented, John Sugden succeeded in demystifying the traditional neoclassical approach by showing empirically that the construction industry does not act in passive response to demand, but that its organisation is oriented towards an active engagement in determining the structure of its market. This active involvement does mean that the industry itself is fundamental to changes in the formation of different localities, to their deployment, to the provision of housing and other social amenities. With the approach to the process of accumulation presented, the construction industry was seen to be a prime determ- inant in the different stages of urban development. This does, of course, raise the question of the part which land plays in development, and Michael Ball pointed out that an explanation of urbanisation which includes the process of accumu- lation in construction is necessarily contrasted to explanations which place emphasis on the importance of land rent in determining the nature of building. Only within speculative development as opposed to building to contract does land rent present a major problem for the building capitalist. History and Theories of Scientific Knowledge Whatbodyofknowledge is tobuildupaframeworkforarationale of production to explain change in the built environment? This part of the course situated theories concerning change to the built environ- ment within the development of scientific knowledge, it outlined a particular approach to historical method and examined examples of change in the construction industry and land in relation to this. John Musgrove began by examining how the concept of change has developed in different theories of knowledge, and the classificatory ideas applied to the environment which have stemmed from these. He argued that, in order to give a temporal dimension, the process of material change must be taken into account in studies of environmental development and that this could not be achieved through a synchronic view. Linda Clarke then followed from this theme by outlining the importance of a particular historical approach in over- coming the opposition between synchronic and diachronic analysis. She pointed out and demonstrated with examples the historical approach necessary to explain why the con- struction industry has developed — through an emphasis on change in the organisation of production not on static description within a uniform path of development. Michael Ball carried this further by examining the impact of changed pro- ductive relations (accompanying the early development of capitalism in housebuilding) on exchange relations. He pointed out that if housing provision is seen only as an issue at the level of reducing practical problems to subsidiary technical ones. James Gough continued thisthemeintermsoflarge-scaleurban modelsappliedbylocalauthoritiesand the ideological apparatus erected to support the relationships which these are used to express, These contrast with the simple less operational optimisation models based on a neo-classical economics. Jenny Thornley, Nick Sharman and Terry Hargraves explored the relation of practical local problems of employment and housing to intervention at different levels of political involvement, thereby re-examining the context in which such models are applied. Jenny Thornley described attempts by the state to merge public and private interests thereby evading the practical problems of the development functions within local authorities. Nick Sharman similarly illustrated the impotence of the state and local authorities to deal with the problems of high unemployment and physical dereliction of Docklands. Terry Hargrave then showed how change can be effected when practical problems are mediated by political involvement, giving examples of the techniques successfully employed by Central Camden Tenants Association. 4. The Organisation of Production in Construction What are the specific contradictions within the organisation of the production process in contruction; between organised labour, the concentration of capital and technological change? And how is the organisation of production acting as a barrier to technical change? This section of the course examined how the organisation of production, Following this general unifying objective a number of questions are raised concerning analysis of urban change. The subject areas of the Summer School were chosen to help answer some of them in the light of the contributions made by speakers. They are set out below. This part of the course was concerned with unravelling the links and differences between the technical and political solutions posed to practical problems at a concrete local level. This included critically exploring a variety of quant- itative methods and then re-examining the local situations in which these are implemented. The subject was first tackled through a discussion by Colin Thunhurst of the relation between practice and technique using the example of operations research (OR). He explained (following upon a theme of Jonathan Rosenhead’s) how the application of OR to planning and build- ing and the approach to it often involves Doreen Massey examined further the questionoflandanditsrelationtothe PROCEEDIN general process of accumulation of capital, suggesting barriers which the private ownership of land could present for capital. Mike Edwards then explained how the immediate needs of capital are reflected in the planning activities of the State, pointing out that the planning and local government system are ofgreat importance in determining the total scale ofpubliccontractsandtheallocationof work. Zoning mechanisms, for example, can benefit the profits on building capital and speculative gains on land. . Methods, Techniques and Forms of Practical Intervention What is the relationship between practical, technical and political problems and their levels of resolution in effecting change to the built environment? “Urban Studies has too often beena field integrated in name alone .the Bartlett Summer School was an attempt to change this. It was an experimental form of teaching.whichcouldgivetheoretical Pleasesendme.CopiesofthePROCEEDINGSOF continuity while at the same time relate to practical issues.” The proceedings of this important event are to be published in January — they will contain al the papers given during the two weeks of the Bartlett Summer School, plus records of discussion and study group material. Name «-sesesnensecones Order now ORDER FORM To: Bartlett Summer School (Proceedings), Schob! of Architecture and Planning, University College London, 22, Gordon St., London, WC1 THE BARTLETT SUMMER SCHOOL 19 exchange then its relation to the accumulation of capital isprimarily idered asa problem of‘finance capital’ and an overemphasis isgiven to tenures. Through examining exchange relations, the paper linked thisearly development of the building industry to changes in the form of land purchase. The speculative builder, instead of a portfolio of contracts (as with the contractor), had a portfolio of sites for steady accumulation so that no necessary correlation existed between land purchases and output of building. This mismatch between output and gains on land was also seen in the early 1970s property boom and the changing nature of land use and ownership which accompanied this boom were described by Alex Catalano. w y 1enclose acheque/postal order, value £......... payable to University College London. Price: £3 00 per single copy ; £2.50 per copy for orders of two or more copies Plus post and packing to UK address £0 30p per copy stemming from the process of accum- ulation, acts as a barrier to: 1. Labour organisation, the reproduction and development of skills, and to healthy and safe working conditions; and 2. technological advance and the co-ordin- ation of construction in terms of the concentration of fixed capital were exemplified both by the levels of development of fixed capital and the results of mergers by construction companies. Janet Drucker’s paper on the history of Trade Union organisation in contruc- tion showed how the different craft traditions in the face of technical re- structuring have influenced the present framework of organised labour in the industry, although the craft/non-craft tradition is now blurred. The case of the ‘lump’, the problems it raises for centra- lised trade union organisation and for standards of training in the industry ~ were discussed by Terry Austrin. Stewart Burchall described the state of training in the industry. Tim Lobstein’s paper on health and saftey on construction sites demonstrated the potential import- ance of this issue for organised labour’s fight to reverse the consequences of casual employment. The poor record of construction in this respect in comparison with other industries was demonstrated with detailed statistical material. Mike Cooley showed the contradic- tions that now existed between the productive potentials of the engineering industry and what it actually produces when serving the interests of capital. Ftr The technological potential of the industry's skills and machinary was not fully used, or used for the best skilled workers were unemployed and plant closed down in the face of pressing needs, for high technology medical equipment; for example many forms of automation mis-applied the potentials of new technology and degraded skills and work; the anti-social use of science and technology had given science itselfa bad name in the eyes of the public. He showed how at Lucas Aerospace the workforce haddemonstrated its potential to overcome these contradic- tions and produce socially useful pro- ducts. A vital issue was shown to be one of the workforce’s control over what is produced, In Mark Swenerton’s case study of the decline in housing standards between 1918 and 1921, the demonstrated poten- tial of the construction industry to produce housing of high quality was shown to be subject to the political calcu- lations of a government which saw that ‘homes fit for heroes’ were no longer a necessity. Graeme Geddes raised the question of design and the control of production in the construction industry, 20 andtothekindsoftheoryandknowledge that informed building design? How might the experience of the engineering industry be related to the contruction industry? Graham Ive showed that contruction is unique within British industry in terms of its relatively low levels of fixed capital. He argued that this sectorial backward- ness could be related to (although not necessarily explained by) the contracting system within the industry, Andy Cullen described the takeovers, aquisitions and joint ventures within building capital during the 1970's. And the industrialisa- tion of housebuilding was used by Richard Hill as a case study to examine the pecularities of construction, in relation to the accumulation process. State Intervention and Policies for Land and Construction What are the differences between political intervention in land and construction at the local and national- levels? And how have local authorities contributed historically to transform- ing the structure of land ownership and use, the organisation of the construction process and the built product itself? The final subject area initiated a discus- sionofthe policies towards public owner- ship as these are manifested and imple- mented, in order to understand the conflicts between public and private ownership of land and construction. John Foster using historical examples discussed the idea of the local state —it was he thought, a weak concept. He argued that the history of local state institutions showed that their emergence was intemately related to class struggles over local ‘environmental’ issues. But that these institutions have at all times been cohesive with national state institutions, iulthough not necessarily in complete political alignment with the latter. Steve Merrett presented a detailed account of the state’s longstanding policies of financial intervention in both the production and realisation of owner occupiedhousingaswellaslocalautho- rity housing, pointing therefore to the complexity of the situation that socialist policies for further intervention in housing must face. Drawing on her earlier paper, Doreen Massey showed on the basis of an analysis of post war state interventions in land ownership, and particularly the Community Land Act, that the specific contradictions between forms of land ownership needed to be understood if successful policies were to be implement- ed. Full nationalisation of land could overcome the problems posed by the private ownership of land by capital, but that political struggle over use would remain although in fundimentally new conditions. Bob Colenutt’s account oftheconflicts surrounding the development proposals for London’s Coin Street Site illustrated the importance of the local level for raising issues of principal over the opera- tion of the land market and the role of local authorities in this process. Paul Lowenberge’s earlier paper also related to this issue. The contradictions within state policies for regional development were analysed by Ray Hudson through the example of Washington New Town. And Graham Ive in a contribution which examined urban and industrial spatial restructuring in Mersyside argued for an understanding of the locational aspects of urban and industrial change which took account of a variable relationship between industrial capital. Both papers raised issues for the development of political policies to tackle uneven regional development. Steve Drewer's criticisms of the tradi- tional approach to analysis of the cons- truction industry were based on their in- adequacy to analyse the range and variety of its operations. What sort of analysis of the industry would show how its often unsatisfactory performance could be improved? A discussion was opened up in which it was suggested that the Labour Party’s proposals for building industry nationalisation — “Building Britain’s Future’ —in justifying social ownership on groundsof efficiency in the industry, neglected the social and political desirability of social ownership. Caroline Bedale, Mike Paddon and Peter Carter argued the case for making Direct Labour Departments a central part of the campain to effect socially desirable change within the construction industry. Against the background of these subject areas there were study groups which met to work on a number of distinct topics which could relate parti- cular interests to the more general framework of the course. The topics were: Land Rent and Development; The Organisation of Production—Design ind Construction; the State and Housing; The Historical Pecularities of Construction and the Position of Labour. The work that thestudygroupshaddonewerepresented at the end of the two weeks, raising more questions than theys olved but suggesting useful directions for future work. It is hoped that the ultimate success of the course will be measured through the theory and practice that it helps to develop. ofEasternEurope,Politicalinesencethis criticism has no substance in fact. Monotony can be alleviated by variations in surface treatment, articulation and landscaping. The authors at times seem to be looking for non-existent problems rather than realizable solutions. Would anyone object to the abolition of al makes of ‘standard’ car ifcheap and economical variations of the Rolls Royce were the only vehicles Challon available? The authors also miss the point that alot of so-called Architecture was, and is, being done by non-architects. These include employees of Local Authorities, engineers, surveyors, estate agents, builders and amateurs of al kinds. The authors flirtation with theories of professionalism and the effects of society upon them is, in the case of the architects, aslightly irrelevant exercise in which the architects apparently are accused of being out of step. Of course itsuits Capitalist society to have ‘professionals in straight-jackets, self made though these garments may be. One might as well blame a mad man for wearing a real one! What the authors don’t seem to have realised is that because of this Straight-jacket -sometimes refered to as the Code of Professional Conduct -they are in an unenviable and humiliating situation. With touting for work ,forbidden, they must and do resort to al kinds of dubious methods of getting clients. Its no wonder that corruption is rife -with onle occaisional exposure. Some alternatives may be worse, of course, but what justification ,for instance. can there be for rules which forbid and architect to do building, or dealin property or building materials? Only that he may be dishonest. The RIBA appears always to hey been in the position of throwing the first stone -ahighly questionable activity. The authors show that, in addition, the Code prevents an architect from publicspirited activity in the community. Ofcourse al professions have Codes of Conduct - but it has always seemed to me that the architects’ Code is the most punitive of al, effectively segregating him within an industry in which co-operation is a paramount necessity and putting him at the top ofa dung heap from which descent could be very mucky. As an architect and planner, |have rushed in where others might fear to tread, since the authors themselves are architects and planners. The status of architect sislow and has been for some years now, not because of questions of design -which, in my opinion are a distraction -but because ofgeneraltechnicalincompetence,alleviated “only by a new ‘low grade’ architect, refered to as an architectutal technician -a vocation which was created by the RIBA after the War and which has effectively weakened and has added nothing to the status of architects, This will be corrected (one day) when Schools of Architecture ,(if they exist) insist ona first degree in Building Technology for all entrants’ The Schools would then become post-graduate establishments -whereatalent for design in the Heavy Crudist Style would be no substitute for expertise in building. - It would then be reasonable for non-archite cts and amateurs to be forbidden to design building -work above a certain cost. The authors point out that -try hard though REVIEW OF ‘WHO NEEDS HOUSING?’ If you are a reformer, rebel or revolutionary, or merely a member of the Conservative Party this book will give you a cbmpendious view of housing problems in Britain. The authors investigate alt aspects of the housing crisis -relevant and some irrelevant. They consider the advantages and disadvantages of the major forms of housing tenure -owner-occupation and council housing - and consider the situation of those on the fringes of the housing market — the squatters, the gypsies and people in institutions. They look at the building industry and explain why building workers are not more militant and . why the large construction firms are so alarmed by the prospect of nationalisation. Planners, architects. housing managers and pressure groups are all-criticised for their limited understanding of the real roots of the housing crisis, The authors, justifiably in my opinion, criticise the unrealistic and unsympathetic Architecture of Heavy Crudism in housing by contemporary architects. They say, ‘‘In the face of the rather marginal contribution that architectural design can make to net human happiness, architects maintain a collective self-image which stresses their social value to society, their role in creating ‘communities’ by design and their desire to serve their clients. In practice, however, most architects are more concerned to impress their fellow architects than to satisfy the users of their buildings.”"It is possible here that the authors have mistaken the dictates of fashion in architecture, the desire of the individual architectto justify his or her existence, to make his or her personal mark in the townscape and a concern to impress alandsundryfortheverylimitedobjectiveof pandering to fellow architects. By hitting out in al directions rather like the proverbial bull in the china shop the authors tend to invalidate their criticism of architects, much of which isjustified. Architecture and Planning could make a substantial contribution to human happiness. Architects coul d antl should be concerned to serve and know the -wishes of the community and of the occupants of public housing. In any event there are those who are of the opinion that the fact sof housing could best be gathered by social workers for inter- Pretation of the drawing board. The authors’ criticism of the ‘standard house Plan’ is similar to the anti-socialist accusations= of ‘monotony’ levelled against the housing estates 21 JaneDarkeandRoy Darke : ‘Who Needs Housing?’ :Macmillan Press :£2.95 :Paper Reviwed by Ivor it wn Socialist Housing Activists Workshop: ‘Socialism and Housing Action: The Red Paper on Housing”: published by the authors at arrogant bastard should be exposed!” So the passions were there al right, but our stage-managed debate wasn’t going to bring them out. have offered to co-operate. Then there was the workshop offered by Portsmouth, and the collection of alternative prospectuses they may -the planners cannot avoid the political implications and influences al around them. I should say, in addition, that though, with hands on hearts, they may be planning for the public good, capitalists and capitalism are planning for private profit and until Socialism arrives to revive them the planners are being counted out of the ring. What is to be done about the housing crisis? The authors, in an excellent final chapter, show how existing organisations, pressure groups and even legislation can be used in the fightfor better housing. The deepening energy crisis is, however, hardly mentioned and it may come to exert the greatest influence on questions of housing and town planning. Altogether Ifound this book to be ful of information which isboth fascinating and useful. A book not to be missed by anyone interested in housing,oneoftoday’smajorpolittval issues. It has always been with us and will not go away and is likely to remain with us for many years hence. To quote the authors: “Homelessness and inadequate housing are endemic in Capitalist society.” REVIEW OF “SOCIALISM AND HOUSING ACTION: THE RED PAPER ON HOUSING” At the end of the Red Paper the collective of authors say: “we offer (this paper) in an attempt to start the debate. We welcome criticism and comment. We welcome anybody who wished to join us to further NAM - a way forward FROM: Mick Broad Dear Slate The fifth congress asked “which way is N.A.M. going?” but where was the member- -ship to give their reply? The answer is of course, onwards, but how. Here isjust one suggestion. N.A.M. has members in Liverpool, Bristol, Sheffield and elsewhere supporting the Movement but relying on Slate for contact. It is now time for the membership to invite further contact and generate new activity by forming local groups throughout the country. No great leaders are required, merely contact with thelocalAUEWTASSandNALGObranches Hellman, Thompson and al the other ‘stars’gatheredtomakeSheffieldlikean possiblyadvocatethatwithoutfirst architectural Woodstock. The audiance was having made bloody sure about his social everywhere, hanging over the balcony, responsibilities. There was enough being entwined in the spiral stair, getting up the microphone and generally oozing the question'“when exactly does the revolution begin? ” When itwas my turn Ileaned forward and began........ “Comrades! me and saying “If Dunster was in my school it has expanded and other worthy people vue’ (Well, if this isn’t a struggle what on we wouldn’t allow him to teach”; “That earth is?) Iread aquote of Cedric’s Ihad discovered that morning whenI was eating my cornflakes, It was from an old Archigram of 1970, the one that gave a free packet of seeds. He had written: There isno reason to suppose that itis best to receive between the ages of 17and 25 and to dispense at any time beyond that breathing down each others’ necks, perched participant left with that tingling lecling age, The receiving/dispensing equation is one should never be written, CLASSIFIC- c/o Tyne-Wear Rescource Centre, 13, Swinburn St., the work that has been started here.” It is in the Then there was the big N.A.M. meeting held upstairs in the most wonderfully cramped corner of the studio. We were al ideas born at Sheffield that have every chance of being realised. Well, the Festival is over. In my mind its success was obvious: apart from the heroic scheines I've just mentioned (and there are others), every Gateshead: £1 00 inc. P & P: paperback Spirit of these remarks that Iwish to congratulate the authors on producing a comprehensive, well-researched and gripping document. Itisaclear account of the many issues that confront socialists and housing activists;issuesofgreatcomplexityinvolving economicandsocialtheoryandtheevidenceofour schoolsofarchitecture,aroominapub,and bloodyconvenientforlazyadministrators havetheSameparentageastherevitalised answer: WHERE INIIELL’SNAME WAS Review by Marion Roberts ATION OF PEOPLE RELATED TO PARTICULAR OPERATIONAL MENTAL PATTERNINGISFALSE. However,itis on the edges of drawing boards.... aha! here is the germ! It was clear to me theat the New Architecture Movement should, by the end of the Festival, have an initiativeoneducation.Itdoes,afteral, that something was happening in architect- -ural education that might help to solve some of their very deeply rooted frustrations. One question remains, and as amember Iwouldbeverygratefulforan own eyes and experience. The authors state who they are and why they wrote it. The document is written by socialists and housing activists who wish to bring housing back intothearenaofsocialistdebateandaction. In doing so they meet the issues head on — chapters are devoted to current housing policy, a history of publichousing,capitalism,thehousingmarket whichincludesthebuildingindustry,tenantsand owners, and the family and personal life. The penultimate chapter is a courageous attempt to describe a vision of housing under socialism — an attempt which isnormally sidestepped by the more abstract theoreticians. The final chapter is the one which aroused most sympathy however, and which confirmed some of the doubts and reservations I felt| towards the rest of the pamphlet. The final chapter deals with the way forward for community action. It examines the short comings of community action — the brevity of campaigns, their localised base, and the lack of coherent political perspective. It also considers the lack of interaction between the labour move- -mentandcommunityactiongroups,andthe necessity for and complexity of such an interaction. In doing so, I feel the chapter raises issues which had been simplified out of the earlier chapters S.A.C. in the figure of Brian Anson, and NAM? Slate did carry Rob Thompson’s article “Trained to make a killing” in its 14th notice ofyour first meeting in B.D. or A.J. After that the new group exists and continues to seek further contact while developing both local and national issues. If the answer to the first question is North, thentheEdinburghgroupispleasedto have been chosen to host the sixth annual congress and will be glad for any Suggestiononcongressformorcontent frombothexistingandpotentialgroups during the coming months. See you in Edinburgh witha friend, there’s no better place to take one!’ SAC conference FROM: Thom Gorst REFLECTIONS ON SHEFFIELD, or WHERE WAS NAM? TheSheffieldS.A.C.Conferencewasthe first time in my embryonic architectural career that I had shared a platform with anyone, let alone Anson, Cullinan, Price, and cowardly academics. Here we were, nearly ten years later, grapp- -ling with exactly the same problems. Somehow Sheffield was going to solve them, issue. The notint of radicalism in education New York andIwasn'tkeentoleaveuntilithad. hadbeengivenagoodairingbeforethe That afternoon Igave my little sideshow — Festival began, with advance publicity in the distasteful inner secrets of a particular Building Design and the Architectural Press. internationalmagasineIhadbeenincontact Thequestion“Whoseeducationisitanyway? with,butwealknewthattherealbusiness would be achieved the following day, when we gathered around’ the rostrum again to Pass resolutions, set up organisations, leave the world with our mark. Before this could happen there should be some groundwork: EDUCATION, INCREASED SOCIAL meetings and heated discussions about AWARENESS AND RESPONSIBILITY IN SCHOOLS, UPROOTING US FROM OUR OWN EXCLUSIVENESS and so on. What happened? The mecting started at square one; no assumptions and no direct- -ion. Here was the one mass alternative architectural organisation saying “come on Dear Friends education; Brian wondered how he could our own plans? Ihad found, early in the Festival,thatIwasexchangingalotofideas with Rob Thompson of the Architects Revolutionary Council, and by the middle of Thursday we were together in the Festival office toying with the idea of forming a new school of architecture - a “school without walls’. The idea survives: offered to start the debate of debates, yet only a few members of the audience came forward, timidly. It wasn’t until it was over that Ifound people coming up to wasringingineveryone’smind,theproblems were well known to us al. FAIR REPRE- -SENTATION ON THE SCHOOLS OF ARCHITECTURE COUNCIL, FREEDOM 20 Brokaw Lane, Great Neck, N.Y. 11023 FROM THE RIBA’s MONOPOLY IN FROM: Eugene and Toby Glickman U.S.A. architectural education. apparent when we gathered into our Broupstogetonwiththegroundwork. Was that nothing was going to be achieved. "chaired adebate early on the second Morning between Brian Anson and David Dunster.Wesatinthemiddleofthemarke telN.A.M.we'reinterested!,insteadof Placesurroundedbyaboutfiftyenthusiasts puttingforwarditsowninitiativesand andthetwospeakersworkedovertimeto offeringstrongsupporttoS.A.C.whichso Betthediscussionontotheflocr.Brian badlyneededit.Isitanysurprisethatthosearchitecture,weareturningtoyou. me David a“shallow intellectual”; i Vid didn’t rise to it. David advocated of us who came to Sheffield to achieve samething should find ourselves sitting in tiny offices with like-minded souls making Do you know of any individuals or journals in the United States that we could get in touch with? Ormalism as a useful tool in architectural What became My wife and Iare writing a tourist guide to Manhattan which will have a radical, class- conscious perspective. We know of no architects who have any sort of left politics in our part of the world; yet we believe that the architectural dimension of a city ought to be an important part of our book. Because we ourselves are ignorant of contact Poland Street, London W.1. SLATI to bring together ideas and experiences from ople who design buildings, people who build them ind people who live and work in them SLATE yneentrates on the social and economic factors that hape our environment and determine the way that suildines are commissioned, designed. built and used SLATE : full of useful information and opinion from workers in building construction and design, tenants, ommunity groups and others interested in ensuring that the construction industry and its products are re attuned to their needs SLATE in independent magazine published by a group within the New Architecture Movement, which aims to promote effective control by ordinary people over their environment SLATE 2— Can architects help the ‘Community? SLATE 3 Myth and ideology in the architectural Profession SLATE 4— Crisis in the construction industry AND Women who are builders SLATE 5— Monopoly in the architectural profession on capitalism and the housing market, The chapter on capitalism presents the contradiction of capital in a rigorous and forceful way. However at the end of it one is left with the feeling that the economic system under which we now live came about in an arbitrary fashion and was not the result of an historical dialectic. The progressive elements of early capitalism, the increasing of the productive forces and the increase in the nature and number of commodities isneither recognised nor drawn out. There is no feeling of history as a process, that within the womb of capitalist development the institutions are formed which may become subject to conscious democratic direction and control. Asa consequence the authors offer a somewhat utopian vision of ‘community control’ of housing without reference to the existing structures of local and national government. Council housing isseen by the authors as a coercive means of ensuring the reproduction of the labour force — the progressive elements of council housing are not expounded nor are further aspects of those progressions explored, A similar blank spot occurts in the papers attitude to the Labour Party. The Labour Party has grown up as the political wing of the labour movement. It seems contradictory to me to recommend on the one hand increased links with the ‘labour movement’ (ie trade unions) and at the same time to reject the Labour Party because it is seen as:— “managing and strengthening capitalism rather than dismantling it’. The role of the Labour Party and the labour movement over the last fifty years has been tortuous.and raises contradictions for activists However the Labour Party is the only embodiment of the mass interests of the entire working class a that exists in this country at the moment: it is the party of local if not national government, and the party to which trade unions are affiliated. To dismiss it as ‘strengthening capital’ seems to me (as a member of that party) not only theoretically incorrect but tactically dangerous. Itiswith these reservations that Iwould urge Slate reader to buy a copy of the Red Paper and read it, extend and refine the argument, discussion and above al the action. SLATE 6 SLATE SLATE 8 Training architects Making public building respond to people's needs Feminism and architecture SLATE 9— The fight for control of the building industry: nationalisation or private enterprise? SLATE 10/11 People talk about the buildings they use - SLATE 12 — Commercial development, the tommunity and the building industry SLATE 13 — An issue on housing you'reemployed)or£3.00(ifyou'rearestudent,claimantorOAP)toNAM at9,PolandStreet London W.1. NAME ADDRESS. If you would like to receive SLATE without joining NAM fill in the form below and send it together withacheque/ontpero(spatyaableltotheNewArchMoivemetnte)focr£2t.50utorNAMeat9, mete Pee ger SLATI fy monthly mastzine about building and buildings Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/347ae90e019ecdd0c63048c4b235ecc8.pdf 79cdb6de72db32a6876899ac43eeb00b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE 16 Description An account of the resource ain aaIN: SY Z the TE en d of ide 35p S paghts;ee Pepeoe Sa pe oad: | CONTENTS PUBLIC HOUSING— THE POLITICS OF AESTHETICS a.discussion of the design of council housing HOUSING CRISIS DEEPENED the real effects of the State’s further retreat from housing UNATTACHED NEWS ith, a ~, rid oneself of or renounce obit This is the last issue of Slate to be put together by the original Editorial Collective and, we regret, it shows. After three years and sixteen issues Slate needs new ideas and people to take it to the next stage in its development. At a meeting in March the first steps were taken to bring together a new collective and we have had several discussions about editorial policy and the mechanics of producing the itself then there will be a future for Slate but so far the new collective would be best described as only embryonic.It is in need of several more people who would like to join and take part in editing and producing the magazine and in laying down its future direction, still very open to discussion. The point of this item isto appeal to.any of our readers who want to get involved in any ori every aspect of running the magazine to contact the new collective and come to their open meeting at 9, Poland St., London, W1 on June 18th at 6 30 pm. To contact the new collective ring Nick Coulson 01-607 6061 (evenings) Good luck and goodbye The old editors. Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi tecture Movement unless stated to be so. SLATE ISTHE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement'’s Publications Group. News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are included to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s views and activities to the attention of the largest possible readership. WORK ON SLATE SLATE needs more workers, more writers, more ideas and more reps. on order to producea better, larger and cheaper newsletter. Ifyou would like to work for SLATE, becomea rep., join the group, send in.articles or suggest topics it should cover then contact us soon. SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland St., London, W1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications Group). Printed by Islington Community Press, 2A St. Paul’s Rd., London, N1. Trade distribution by Publications Distribution Co-operative, 27 Clerken- well Court, London, EC2. SLATE may beavery slick looking paper but we need money fast! Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE* 9 Poland St., W1. Oo mul. contriu Dluish or, 2. adj. (Made) or - esp.a8roofing;eae { EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775 SLATE 16 PAGE 2 SLATE 16 PAGE 3 ions); ~-black, -blue,-grey, modificati cethesetintssachasoocurin~; f~-cl val benefit soclety with small utions; ~-colour(ed), (of) dark vreenishh Brey: hanes slit’y? a, ~3. v.t. Cover with ~= “"sikt'ent n. (MB sola atat') f. esclale, fe: ut. (colloq.). TOrticize Ptvereiy~ vies in reviews), scold,ere Propose for offiectec, Hence slat’mo) n.(app.f.preo.} If the new collective ds in establishi he New Architecture Movement fill In the form below and send | ifyou wouldlike tobe amembeofr¢ If you would like to receive SLATE without joining NAM fill in the form below and send it together withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNew ArchitectureMovement )for£2.to5N0AM at+ SUBSCRIBE! hi Poland Street, London W.1. Jane Darke is a lecturer atSheffieldUniversity Department of Archi- tecture, She is co- author of the recent book, Who Needs Housing? This paper attempts to broaden the narrow frame- SLATE 16 PAGE 4 SLATE 16 PAGE 5 PUBLIC HOUSING: POLITICS OF AESTHETICS to be said because of the neglect of any thorough discussion of architecture in recent thoeries of aesthetics. Unlike the situation in literature and fine art we would maintain that a building which fails to please its public cannot be regarded as admirable. Yet to rely purely on the opinions of the public could lead to a populist position where we endorse the most gratuitously dressed-up kitsch product of the speculative builder. Instead, we should try to understand the meanings these preferences carry, in the context in which they occur, as social constiucts connecting in a comprehensible way with other values. This is an undeveloped area of analysis: most recent Marxist work on art and media has concentrated on the producers rather than the users (4). Such an analysis might go as follows. Since paid work under capitalism is characteristically limited, monotonous and unsatisfying, the worker seeks an escape in his or her home life. For the wife and/or mother, of course, the home is also at least one of her work- places (5) and the image the home presents to onlookers will be taken to reflect in part her competence at this work. Both sexes we suggest, willwantthehometoexpressanalternative reality to their actual social situation of power- lessness. It is hardly surprising if this home has applied to it escapist symbols such as Mediterranean details recalling the hedonism of the brief fort- night free of work, coach lamps supplying an instant sense of history and referring to the conviviality of the Christmas card scene, or cottagey elements speaking about an imagined organic community in an arcadian past. Of course, the tastes of other sections of society could be analysed in a like manner: their expressive intentions can be expected to differ according to their particular social and occupational position. Architects, we suggest, address their buildings not to the public in general or-the users in particular, but to fellow architects. We maintain that, whatever their stated intentions, architects typically aim at achieving a “discussable aesthetic’ in t! eir buildings, aim in some way to respond to a self-conscious line of development (or perhaps-several different strands) that form the main subject matter of various specialist magazines. This discourse is remote from the aesthetic evaluations of the general public, as shown in the following contrasted quotations on the subject of the Smithson’s public housing scheme at Robin Hood Lane,inLondon’sdockland.Thefirstisashort sample from a lengthy review of the scheme in AD: “Theiconographyofabuilding’ssurfacehasbeen a continuing preoccupation for the Smithsons. It is manifested in their search for a ‘generalising aesthetic’ for ordinariness as a norm. It is seen in the concern to resolve ‘a sort of anonymity of styling. depends for its iconography upon a high degree of resolution in the facade; a resolution of the demands for both a generalising aesthetic and a high degree of internal flexibility. The Smithsons attempt this resolution through the useof a ‘skin’. A ‘skin’ as opposed to a facade should most properly be conceived of as a taut membrane without apparent depth, which seems stretched over the internal frame. The idea of a ‘skin’ is clearly closer to Mies’ aesthetic than to Golden Lane and Le Corbusier's idea conveyed by the image of the wine rack asa cage.....But unlike Mies, where the ‘skin’ is often a complex screen which remains neutral, Robin Hood Gardens Tepresents a search for a ‘skin’ which is at once seen as generalising and at the same time functionally and iconically expressive of the disposition of the internal elements’(6). issocially permitted, for example in the furnishing workwithinwhichpublichousingisusuallydiscussed ofhomesinapersonalappearance. in the architectural journals. It presents the beginnings of an analysis which includes a discussion of the relationship between aesthetics and other aspects of form, the aesthetic attitudes of users andarchitects,andtheexternalpoliticalandecon- omic influenceso’n form which limit the architect's freedom of action. Since these topics have received very litle discussion, the paper is more a sketch of a possible approach thanafinished product, and I hope itwill serve to provoke criticisms and rejoinders that will help to establish a frame of discourse in which such topics can be more adequately analysed. ‘Aesthetics’ as a category We should analyse the notion of ‘aesthetics’ as an aspect of artefacts which can be discussed independ- ently of other aspects. Itis’significant that the discussion of ‘aesthetics’ in this way emerged at the heydayofcapitalistexpansioninthemid-nineteenth century. The polarisation of‘aesthetics’ and ‘utility’ took place at a time of increasing differentiation of many aspects of life: the division of labour, the polarisation of gender roles, the separation of different human needs and their satisfaction in different places (home, workplace, art gallery, school, etc.) the multiplication of building types to meetthesedemands,thedifferentiationofcityspace in zones each catering for a single type of use, the evolution of various academic disciplines with distinctivesubjectmatter,andmanyotherexamples. It was opponents of capitalism who perceived that theextension of _ capitalist economic relations into al spheres of life was depriving the people of creative potentialities. Marx believed that man possessed innate creative capacities which were atrophied by the capitalist system. For Morris, the increasingly ugly environment is seen as resulting from a production system where people no longer have control over the products of their labour, while increasing scale and specialisation rob them of control over their living and working environments. Creative capacities are evident in those spheres. where the exercise of aesthetic choices Williams notes, however, that the differentiation of aesthetic from other qualities leads to the view that it is peripheral; ‘there is something irresistably displaced and marginal about the now common andlimitingphraseaestheticconsiderations especially when contrasted with practical or utilitarian considerations which are elements of the same basic division’ (2). A similar point is made by Berger, who questioned the specialised nature of art criticism by noting that it can mystify rather than explicate the relevance of a work of art to lived experience. “The emotion provoked by the image... (is reduced)... to that of disinterested ‘art appreciation’. All conflict disappears. One is left with the unchanging ‘human condition’ and the painting considered as a marvelously made object’ (3). This elevation of formal qualities above matters of content or the historical context surrounding the artist, his work and its production or the relevance of the artefact to lay observers is symptomaticofanapproachtocreativitywhich corresponds to current notions of ‘great art’. Whose aesthetic preferencies? There are clear examples of the contradiction betweenspecialistappreciationandlivedexperience in the field of architecture.and urban design. A tradition of formal architectural criticism exists moreorlessindependentlyfromutilitarian considerations, social research or public reaction. Although the synthesised nature of architecture is recognised in aphorisms such as ‘form follows function’ or the appeal té ‘firmness, commodity and delight’ the evaluationof architecture is extremely narrowly based. It is discussed in a mystifying way, with specialised jargon to repel the uninitiated, in a similar manner to other branches of the arts. We propose, by contrast, that architecture should be considered as a special case within any theory of aesthetics. This is not because of some special Status elevated above the other arts but because of the inevitable visibility of the architects work which we experience as passers by and users of buildings. Although this may seem prosaic it needs h me Hany H The second isa selection of comments by occupyers interviewed on the estate: ‘It looks prisonified. Too much concrete -it’s like Alcatraz’. “There’s no brightness. It’s drab and dull’. “The designer made a hash of it’. ‘It looks like something from a communist country’. “People would have more pride in itifthe outside was nice like the inside. What was the designer thinking of?’(7). mm H aT il ALT SLATE 16 PAGE 6 Similarly contrasting examples would be easy enough to to collect for other schemes. The frame- work within which architects and critics make their aesthetic evaluations is separated from the users’ evaluations but, we suggest, does mot separate appearance from other aspects of the building: rather their aesthetic evaluations encompasses the way the design integrates different aspects of the architect’s task (e.g. planning, structure, servicing, access, relation to the site, etc.). Richard Hil has pointed out how coherence in the process | one of the things that determines how architects.....design buildings is that their should be a coherence and a structure in the process of design itself.....This coherence and structure, it must be stressed, is in the process of design, not inthearchitecturalprocess consideredasthe interaction of the user with the building. A coherent and highly structured building in this sense may appear incoherent to the user. at one level it is not a question of there being different aesthetic frameworks of values held by designers and users, but rather that often designer and user have been interested in two utterly different processes.....What this starts to bring into focus is the very deeply set values of consistency and coherence which are at the basis of the professional ideology of architecture (post-modernism, eclecticism, etc., notwith- standing), values which accrue to the designer and not necessarily to the user (8). The determinants of form Architects see themselves as particularly equipped to make this coherent synthesis of the conflicting requirements and regulations that condition the form of buildings, and as having some scope for exercising autonomous choice in determining form. Their own perceptions of their degree of autonomy are not necessarily accurate: they too are products ofa professional ideology inculcated during training. Anearlier version of this paper adopted a vulgarised basefsuperstructure model of capitalist society which was based on imperfectly understood ideas from Althusser. This located art in the cultural/ideological sphere which was seen as part of the superstructure, connected to yet enjoying relative autonomy from an economic base constituted by the systemof material production. We would now regard sucha a model as problematic following several critiques of Althusser (9), but stil find it useful to see-artistic creation as resulting jointly from the decisions of the producer (artist, architect, etc.) who exercises some autonomy, and from economic and political forces. The actual degree of autonomy, the limits of artistic freedom’ and the nature of the other forces involved clearly require a detailed discussion of a sort we can only briefly develop here. Architectural criticism has tended to emphasise the architect’s role and to ignore other forces that that contribute to the determination of form — unless it is to deplore the limitations on the architects scope imposed by cost yardsticks, building regulations or develop- ment control. Yet we believe’ that the various styles of public housing since the War can be ‘read’ for the ideologies and political attitudes they express, as well as embodying particular architectural ideas which have developed in interaction with these other forces, The ideological and political forces a@t through the architect by in- fluencing or limiting his or her decisions through constraints such as housing Standards set centrally and interpreted Postwar housing styles and policies To begin to explore some of these interacting influences, we briefly discuss how they were worked out in public housing since the second world war. We would suggest that the immediate postwar period was marked by asense of common purpose with a closer similarity between the ideologies of the government, the architectural profession and the public than than at any time since. Public housing built when Bevan was the minister responsible was to be to excellent stan- dards (space standards were considerably higher than they had been before or have been since) (12). The Labour govern- ment also removed the stipulation that council housing was for the ‘working classes’; it was to be available to al with parity of esteem with the private sector. The amount of building in the private sector was strictly limited. Council housing of this period does not attempt to look like private housing: the appearance is frankly and proudly thatof an excellent public sector. This does not preclude sensitive acknowledgement of regional formal traditions. (13) For a variety of reasons, however, housing output under the Labour government was low. We have not the scope here to give a detailed account of postwar housing policy’(14) A major reason for the 1951 Conservative victory was their pledge to build 300,000 homes a year; this was achieved by slashing standards. With lower standards in the public sector and a relaxation of controls on the private sector ‘parity ofesteem’ quickly evap- ourated and we see a gradual move by both parties and by the public to the view that owner occupation is the preferred tenure and that the public sector sector is for those who are not competent to provide for themsteves in the ‘normal’ way. Stylistically and formally, there was a trend away from the strong, plain semi-detached houses of the Bevan era to more terraced houses, cheaper materials, and the use of gimmicks such as ‘con temporary” style porches or ofdesign isamong the architect’s objectives: SLATE 16PAGE 7 locally, building regulations, cost of materials, components and methods of construction, subsidy arrangements, skills available in the labour force, preferences of elected politicians on thehousing committee, campaigns in the media, the state of public opinion on councilhousing and so on. Clearly these factors add up to a much stronger constraining influence than do any equivalent influences on the other arts (10) giving the architect less auton- omy than other creative artists. Jones and Hill have discussed some of these deter- minants. They attempt to treat form(to use a well known aphorism) not as a thing but as arelation, and unlike thepresent paper are not concerned with the stylistic appearance but with more functional concepts of form. They show how, as a result of beliefs about users, and, more importantly, particular changes insubsidy arrangements and building regulations, the characteristic form of council housing (particularly, it seems, in inner London) changed from the four to five storey walk up block to the six storey block with one lift, then to the eleven storey block and later to twenty of twenty-two storeys. (11) The present writer would criticise their paper for the fact that changes in subsidy’ patterns or legislation are made to appear out of the air, rather than resulting from political pressure and negotiation between local and central government and other interest groups (the. building industry, the farming lobby, academic experts on housing, professional, etc.,) in a series of varying relationships with each other. Thus they fail to discuss the changing political priority given to housing and the different views taken as to who are the potential recipients of public housing. SLATE 16 PAGE 6 Similarly contrasting examples would be easy enough to to collect for other schemes. The frame- work within which architects and critics make their aesthetic evaluations is separated from the users’ evaluations but, we suggest, does not separate appearance from other aspects of the building: rather their aesthetic evaluations encompasses the way the design integrates different aspects of the architect’s task (e.g. planning, structure, servicing, access, relation to the site, etc.). Richard Hil has pointed out how coherence in the process *..:.0ne of the things that determines how architects.....design buildings isthat their should be a coherence and a structure in the process of design itself. This coherence and structure, it must be stressed, is in the process of design, not inthearchitecturalprocess consideredasthe interaction of the user with the building. A coherent and highly structured building in this sense may appear incoherent to the user.....So at one level it is not a question of there being different aesthetic frameworks of values held by designers and users, but rather that often designer and user have been interested in two utterly different processes.....What this starts to bring into focus is the very deeply set values of consistency and coherence which are at the basis of the professional ideology of architecture (post-modernism, eclecticism, etc., notwith- standing), values which accrue to the designer and not necessarily to the user (8). The determinants of form Architects see themselves as particularly equipped to make this coherent synthesis of the conflicting requirements and regulations that condition the form of buildings, and as having some scope for exercising autonomous choice in determining form. Their own perceptions of their degree of autonomy are not necessarily accurate: they too are products ofa professional ideology inculcated during training. An earlier version of this paper adopted a vulgarised basefsuperstructure model of capitalist society which was based on imperfectly understood ideas from Althusser. This located art in the cultural/ideological sphere which was seen as part of the superstructure, connected to yet enjoying relative autonomy from an economic base constituted by the system of material production. We would now regard sucha a model as problematic following several critiques of Althusser (9), but stil find it useful to see-artistic creation as resulting jointly from the decisions of the producer (artist, architect, etc.) who exercises some autonomy, and from economic and political forces. The actual degree of autonomy, the limits of artistic freedom’ and the nature of the other forces involved clearly require a detailed discussion of a sort we can only briefly develop here. Architectural criticism has tended to emphasise the architect’s role and to ignore other forces that that contribute to the determination of form — unless it is to deplore the limitations on the architects scope imposed by cost yardsticks, building regulations or develop- ment control. Yet we believe’ that the various styles of public housing since the War can be ‘read’ for the ideologies and political attitudes they express, as well as embodying particular architectural ideas which have developed in interaction with these other forces, The ideological and political forces agt through the architect by in- fluencing or limiting his or her decisions through constraints such as housing Standards set centrally and interpreted Postwar housing styles and policies To begin to explore some of these interacting influences, we briefly discuss how they were worked out in public housing since the second world war. We would suggest that the immediate postwar period was marked by asense of common purpose with a closer similarity between the ideologies of the government, the architectural profession and the public than than at any time since. Public housing built when Bevan was the minister responsible was to be to excellent stan- dards (space standards were considerably higher than they had been before or have been since) (12). The Labour govern- ment also removed the stipulation that council housing was for the ‘working classes’; it was to be available to all with parity of esteem with the private sector. The amount of building in the private sector was strictly limited. Council housing of this period does not attempt to look like private housing: the appearance is frankly and proudly thatofan excellent public sector. This does not preclude sensitive acknowledgement of regional formal traditions. (13) For a variety of reasons, however, housing output under the Labour government was low. We have not the scope here to give a detailed account of postwar housing policy’(14) A major reason for the 1951 Conservative victory was their pledge to build 300,000 homes a year; this was achieved by slashing standards. With lower standards in the public sector and a relaxation of controls on the private sector “parity ofesteem’ quickly evap- ourated and we see a gradual move by both parties and by the public to the view that owner occupation is the preferred tenure and that the public sector sector is for those who are not competent to provide for themsteves in the ‘normal’ way. Stylistically and formally, there was a trend away from the strong, plain semi-detached houses of the Bevan era to more terraced houses, cheaper materials, and the use ofgimmicks such as “con temporary’ style porches or of design is among the architect’s objectives: SLATE 16 PAGE 7 ee eapcenanlaces aiminiontir i6c oa locally, building Tegulations, cost of materials, components and methods of construction, subsidy arrangements,skills available in the labour force, preferences of elected politicians on thehousing committee, campaigns in the media, the state of public opinion on council housing and so on. Clearly these factors add up to a much stronger constraining influence than do any equivalent influences on the other arts (10) giving the architect less auton- omy than other creative artists. Jones and Hill have discussed some of these deter- minants, They attempt to treat form(to use a well known aphorism) not as a thing but as a relation, and unlike thepresent paper are not concerned with the stylistic appearance but with more functional concepts of form. They show how, as a result of beliefs about users, and, more importantly, particular changes insubsidy arrangements and building regulations, the characteristic form of councilhousing (particularly, itseems, ininnerLondon) changed from the four to five storey walk up block to the six storey block with one lift, then to the eleven storey block and later to twenty of twenty-two storeys. (11) The present writer would criticise their paper for the fact that changes in subsidy patterns or legislation are made to appear out of the air, rather than resulting from political pressure and negotiation between local and central government and other interest groups (the. building industry, the farming lobby, academic experts on housing, professional, etc.,) in a series of varying relationships with each other. Thus they fail to discuss the changing political priority given to housing and the different views taken as to who are the potential recipients of public housing. SLATE 16 PAGE 8 SLATE 16 PAGE 9 Festival-of-Britain detailing, perhaps to distract attention from the poor quality of the product. Particularly after the restart of slum clearance in the mid 50s there was progressive paring and cheapening’shown in the barrack-like five storey maisonettes found in many cities; agrudgingattempt tolimitprovision to the b are necessities. (15) Architects, meanwhile, had become bored with suburban densities and forms; many were inspired by Le Corbusier or had even been to Marseilles to see a building for the new age rising above the trees. The building industry (the large firms at least) were only too eager to develop skills in high building which were shortly to be put to use in a more profitable sector of construction, With the emergence of ‘Brutalism’ and debased versionsof it, popular and architectural tastes parted company, If suitably manipulated, the people, still desperate for more housing, could almost believe that they would like concrete high rises. On Parkhill flats in Sheffield a resident social worker helped smooth over initial problems successfully enough to get the design a massive endorse- ment from occupiers; of its successor, Hyde Park, she said. “ In ten years time there wil be no question of adjusting. Hyde Park will be accepted. That is really the goal we are working for. ” In reality this estate has become a major problem. Userresearchatthistimewasstil concerned with issues such as the number of dayrooms required, whether families wanted:to eat in the kitchen, and the need for a second WC; feedback from occupiers of flats was totally inadequate. A few academic studies, often in rather inaccessible sources, were published in the early sixties; (16) the Ministry of Housing research team did not start their social study of flats until 1963 and this was not published until 1970(17) when flat building was already declining due to the changes in subsidy arrangements, the swings ofarchitectural fashion and the Ronan Point collapse in 1968. User’s reactions to appearance were similarly ignored until another DoE study eventually showed that, of the factors they studied, the one showing the strongest correlation with tenants’ overall opinions of their estates was attitude to is appedrance.(18) Thus the views of the most important peopleinvolved,actualandpotentialusers, were prevented from taking their place among the other influences on the architects’ decisions. The mean maisonettesof the fifties and the system-built estates of the sixties are monuments first to governments relying on dogma rather than observed needs, and then to a government which assumed that solutions were technical matters. The changes in political and architectural fashion that followed the high rise phase were no more soundly based. The architects of tworof the first notable low-rise high-density schemes appear to have chosed these forms for visual rather than social reasons, to cope with the ugliness of parking provisions around tower blocks and to return to atraditional townscape of streets and squares. (19)'The high density low-rise phase had rather a brief flowering period in the late sixties and was soon attenuated when the 1970 Conservative government switched priorities away from new council housing towards rehabilitation, intending to reduce councils’ spending on housing stil further with the “Fair Rents’ legislation. Soon the DoE set lower density norms and the Design Guide movement idealised an aesthetic :reminiscent ofa traditional unquestioned ideology of community (20) giving rise to the rather quaint neo-vernacular estates currently appearing up and down the country. These appear to reflect architects’ expectations of‘what people want’. The mainstream of the profession has torn itself away from the modern movement and has returned to populism, at a time when both major political parties are treating council housing as a residual tenure for the poor or the incomp- etent. Althaigh the new-vernacular estates bear some slight resemblance to the council houses of the Bevan era ( and the implicit Beyanite paternalism has been commented on by Wier) (21) their ideological basis is very different. The yardstick was progressively squeezed under the Labour government and now the Conservatives have abandon .ed Parker-Morris spacestandardsaltogether,so the hontely appearance belies a skimpy reality. Visually these homes are trying to pretend they are not council houses at al. This is not the aesthetic of a tenure with parity of esteem: it is the aesthetic ofa tenure that has become an embarassment. Concluding remarks We have tried to show that, although the aesthetic preferences of the public are themselves distorted by the relations of production and thus cannot be taken at face value, there is an unnecessaty wide gulf between architect and user. Architectural practice in the design of public housing is the meeting point for a seriesof ideol- ogical and political values; to an extent that the architect is an ‘agent’ through which these values express themselves. We should make it clear that we do not adopt a simplistic view that the main problem with councilestatesisthattheyarevisually unappealing: this would be to ignore more important determinants of popularity such as the status of the sector as a whole in relation to other sectors, and hence the social composition of the public sector. The Bevan estates were popular not only because they were to high standards and looked domestic, but because they were available to al classes rather than beirg only for the socially inadequate. It may be that the only possible course of action for architects at present is, firstly, to refuse to design sub-standard shousing, arguing from the lessons of history when standards were lowered in the past (22), secondly, to see the attack on public sector housing as part of a general attack on the social wage, and, thirdly, to support their local campaign against the cuts. These conclusions are more pessimistic than those of an earlier version of this paper, which was written before the last election, and spoke of examples of new approaches to practice by Erskine, ASSIST and SOLON. While architects can liberate themselves from the incul- cated attitudes of professional aloofness and mystique and become aware ot the liberating and fulfilling potential for both designers and users of creativity and collaboration, there are dangers if this relationship is used to secure consent for levels of provision so low that everyone should refuse to implement them. Perhaps others who respond to this paper are able to extract less pessimistic conclusions so that some more positive suggestions can Be offered to those attempting to resolve these contradictions at the drawing board. (23) NOTES 1. This paper isa completely rewritten version of a paper by Jane and Roy Darke given at a British Society of Aesthetics colloquium in April 1979. The author would like to thank in particular Richard Hill, also Giles Pebody and other members of the ‘November 21st’ group for their constructive criticisms of the earlier version, and Roy Darke for his comments on the present version, Raymond Williams: Keywords; Croom Helm 1976 P. 28 (also in paperback) John Berger: Ways of Seeing; Pelican 1972 plz An exception, and not recent, isRichardHoggart’s The Uses of Literacy, Chatto and Windus 1957 (also in Pelican). Media studies must be cited here because of the attention that has been paid to issues that are also of interest in studies of arts, such as ideology and degreeof autonomy of the producer and the degree of economic determination. See the writings of Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams, also john Clarke, Chas Critcher and Richard Johnson (eds), Working Class Culture, Hutchinson 1979 ( especially Clarke's essay); variuos essays in Carl Gardner (ed), Media ,Politics and Culture, Macmillan 1979; essays in Micheal Barrett, Philip Corrigah, Annette Kuhn and Janet Wolff (eds), Ideology and Cultural Production, Groom Helm 1979 (especially the essay by Golding and Murdock). 5 See Hannah Gavron, The Captive Wife ,Pelican 1968 and Anne Oakley, The Sociology of Housework, Martin Robertson 1974, for accounts of the work of housewives ai Eisenman in Architectural Design, September 1972, p.590. Interviews with a random sample of households on the estate were carried out by the author in 1976, as part of her doctoral research. 8. Richard Hill, personal communication, 9 EP Thompson, The Poverty of Theory Merlin Press 1978 see also the references cited under note 5. above. 10 See however Raymond Williams’ comments on limitations to the length of novels in Politics and Letters New Left Books, 1979. 11 Micheal Jones and Richard Hill, ‘The Political Economy ofHousing Form’, inPoliticalEconomy oftheHousing Question, Conference of Socailist Economists 1975. 12 See appendix 3 in Stephen Merrit‘ State Housing in Britain, Routledge and Keegan Paul, 1979. 13 See pp. 106-117 and many of the other illustrations ih the 1949 Housing Manual (Ministry of Health HMSO). This ought to be compulsory reading for al those who have forgotten what an excellent public sector can be like. 14 Fora popular account of this see Jane Darke and Roy Darke, Who Needs Housing? Papermac 1979, especially pp. 24-34; for a more detailed account see Merrett, op. cit., especially chapter 9. 15 See Benwell Community Development Project, Slums on the Drawing Board 1978. 16 For example Center for Urban Studies ‘Tall Flats in Pimlico’ in, London, Aspects of Change, Mc Gibbon and Key 1964; Willmott,p. and Cooney, E W, The Architect and the Sociologist: a Problem of Collaboration in Architectural Association Journal vol.77 no.859, 1962, pp. 172-186; Maisels, J, Two to Five in High ‘Rise Flats, The Housing Centre 1961; Skone, J F, ‘Health and Welfare Problems in High Flats’ in Proceedings of Public Works and Municipal Services Congress November 1962 pp. 225-51. 17 Ministry of Housingind Local Government Families Living at High Density, HMSO, 1970. 18 Department of the Environment, The Estate Outside the Dwelling, HMSO 1972. 19 The author interviewed John Darbourne and Michael Neylan, among others, in the course of a research study to be presentvd asa doctoral thesis in 1980. What was not fully clear from these interviews was whether the architects had any expectations regarding the aesthetic preferences of users, and, if so, whether and how they took these imputed preferences into account. 20 See Colin Bell andHoward Newby, ‘Community, Communion, Class and Community Action’ in Herbert, D Tand J Johnston, R J (eds), Social Areas in Cities, John Wiley 1978, and Alan Lipman ‘Professional Ideology:‘Community Ne iS BN and‘Total Architecture” in Architectural Research and Teaching, Vol 1 pp. 39-49, 1970. 21 Stuart Wier ‘Part of a Heritage’ in Architects Journal, 17th January 1979 p. 124 te seq. 22 See Community Development Project, Whatever Happened to Council Housing? CDP Information and Intelligence Unit, 1976. . 23 There isan excellent discussion on the contradictory position of socialists working for the State in, mand ‘Against the State, London Edinburgh Reform Group 1979. HOUSING CRISIS DEEPENED WHAT ARE THE POLICIES OF THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT TOWARDS PUBLIC HOUSING? During the coming year, due to cuts in capital spending, work will be started on only about 22,000 new flats and houses. This compares with an equivalent number of about 134,000 ‘starts’ about five years ago. RENT Reductions in revenue grants to Councils and Housing Associations will mean increased costs to tenants either directly through rents or indirectly through rates. In Hackney, for example, council tenants face rent rises of about 20% and rates for the whole community, including Council tenants are rising this year by almost 50%. Housing Association tenants will be even worse off. Even with drastic economies in Associations’ running costs, including house maintenance, the will face even greater rent rises over the next two years on rents that are already higher than those of Council tenants. The sale of the most desirable Council and Housing Association houses will also affect rents by increasing the burden of maintaining the older, less desirable housing to be shared between the remaining tenants. Those tenants who are able to and decide to buy a house or flat as a way out of the declining public housing sector that their mortgage repayments will far exceed the rent that they currently paying and that, as owner occupiers, they do not enjoy the solidarity of organisation which has been used to defend the interests of public sector tenants in the past. Owner occupiers enjoy, or suffer, an individual relationship with market forces in the form of interest rates. CONCLUSION Conservative policies on housing are are aimed at stigmatising Public Sector tenure as a ‘second class’ way of life, offering poor accomodation at high prices. The effect of this will be to weaken tenants’ organisations and rupture the links between them and trade unions. It will also disrupt trade union organisation itself as many of the new home owners will be tied down by massive mortgage repayments and be understandably reluctant to lend their weight to industrial action. WHAT WILL THESE POLICIES MEAN FOR THE COMMUNITY AT LARGE? THE INNER CITY build on scarce agricultural land while land in inner cities falls out of use as dereliction spreads. TRANSPORT AND OTHER SERVICES Accelerating the trend to suburban isation will further accentuate the division of cities into different zones. The extension and consolidation of REDUCTIONS in capital expenditure Meanwhile the existing stocks of by Councils and Housing Associations public housing are being eroded by the Recent years have seen the increas- ingly wide acceptance of an ‘inner city problem’ resulting from the decay an obsolescence of the inner Victorian suburbs of our cities. separate ares for offices, shop and on new housing provided either by new buildings or by conversion and modernisation of old buildings. REDUCTIONS in revenue grants to Councils and Housing Associations which offset the costs of managing and maintaining public housing. PROMOTION of owner occupation as the ‘normal’ form of house tenure and encouraging the sale of public housing. ENDING exemption from Develop- ment Land Tax (currently a60% levy on land deals) for land bought by Councils. ENDING Government insistence on minimum space and heating standards for Council and Housing Association new houses, ENCOURAGING private house building by insisting on hatty approval of structure plans and by’ vetoing Councils’ plans for the extension of Green Belts. AVAILABILITY SLATE 16PAGE 10 deterioration of older buildings and by the sale of houses to the private market. It is likely that Conservative policies will result in a net reduction in public housing stocks and that new tenancies will become virtually unobtainable. STANDARDS Over one million dwellings in England alone are in need of extensive repairs costing £2,000 or more. Of these a substantial proportion belong to Councils and Housing Associations, The costs of carrying out these repairs are paid by both Councils and Housing Associations from ‘revenue’ accounts, which currently receive a subsidy from the Government. In the case of Councils, this subsidy, the Rate Support Grant, has been drastically cut, particularly for inner city Councils which generally have large and expensive to main- tain housing stocks. The equivalent subsidy to Housing Associations, the Revenue Deficit Grant, is to be withdrawn altogether in two years. The money available for repairs will be strictly curtailed while the stocks of more desirable houses in good repair will be depleted by the sales drive the Government plan. The result will be to reduce the already limited chances for public sector tenants to get transferred to better homes. The abolition of minimum standards for Govern- ment financed housing willtempt Councils and Housing Associations to build houses that are smaller and worse equipped in an attempt to nee up the numbers of houses built. Councils and Housing Associations hhave played a major role in revital- ising such communities through the redevelopment or rehabilitation of inner city housing, in many places enabling inner city communi- ties to survive. In al but a few cases of particularly attractive and well situated neighbourhoods, the cost of this work is too great for the private sector to undertake it profitably. The reduction in capital and revenue grants to Councils and Housing Associations working in inner city areas will result in accelerated decay of these areas coupled with a collapse in the morale of communities living in them. The ending of Councils’ right to buy land exempt from Development Land Tax will exacerbate this decline. | LAND Conservatives hope that private housebuilders will solve the problem of the shortage of housing in decent condition. Private housebuilding can only provide cheap housing on land that is both cheap and easy to develop.-This isgenerally virgin agricultural alnd situated on the suburban fringes of our cities. The _ Governmentijhas already declared its intentions to encourage suburban development by vetoing plans for Councils in the South East to extend Green Belt areas where no devlopment is permitted. Private housebuilders will be encouraged to entertainment, industry and housing will place additional strains on buses, trains and roads. Private housebuilding on suburban land also involves other indirect costs to the community as a whole, for example, for the extension of drainage, gas, water and electrical services as well as the provision of schools and other welfare facilities. But these services cannot fall out of use in the inner city and the costs of supporting declining inner city communities in terms of policing and social work will continue to escalate. CONCLUSION up about 20% of the building industry’s workload and accounted for the jobs of about 300,000 of the industry’s total workforce of 1.5 million. Although difficult to assess, current employment in the industry could be at least as The cuts in housing ¢Xpenditure and other moves made by the present Tory government may well result in a housing crisis as severe as any this country hias known this century. Here we print in full a report by the London Building Design Staff branch of the union AUEW-TASS on the likely effects of the new housing policies on every aspect of society. TheLondon BuildingDesignStaffBranchisa specialist branch of AUEW-TASS for all workers in private sector building design offices in London including architects surveyors, engineers, planners, and administrative secretarial and technical staf. Conservatives claim that their policies on housing will reduce costs high as 200,000 before the current to the community as a whole by reducing the barden of taxation. Besides the costs of the services necessary to support private house building, borne from the rates and from taxes, considerable social costs interm of dereliction..and misery are likely to result. WHAT WILL THESE POLICIES MEAN FOR THE CONSTRUCTION TION INDUSTRY? EMPLOYMENT IN CONSTRUCTION In 1976 housebuilding and main- tenance for the public sector made capital cuts take effect. At atime when orders for construction work for the private sector are falling off due to high interest rates, the effects of the reductions in capital spending on Council and Housing Association housing islikelytobeadramatic increase in unemployment among building workers. The situation facing individual building workers will be more severe in the coming months than in previous recessions in construction activity due to the run down of other industries, ship- building, steel and motors for example, which have provided alter- native empoyment for building workers in the past. cont.on p.14 SLATE 16 PAGE 1 WHAT WILL THESE POLICIES MEAN FOR TENANTS OF PUBLIC HOUSING AND THOSE IN NEED OF HOUSING? Currently over one million h - holds afe waiting to rent aflat or house from alocal Council or Housing Association. Of theseover 50,000 are registered as ‘homeless’, THE 1979/80 ‘UNATTACHED’ COUN— CILLORS GO OUT IN A PROCEDURAL MASSACRAET THE LAST COUNCIL MEETING OF THE YEAR — SLATE WAS THERE TO RECORD THE SCENE” Briefed to expect a packed Council Chamber for the 192nd ARCUK Ordinary Meeting on March 12th 1980, the last of the 1979/80 (an RIBA nominee) sits on the high bench his head flanked by the rampant lions of the RIBA crest set into the back of his chair. The Registrar, not a member of MOTION NUMBER ONE session, your reporter arrived in good time at 66, Portland Place to secure a good vantage point from which to record the cutandthrustofdebateonthefivemotions Council,scurriesbusilyonthechairman’s ARCUK CODE CRUMBLES — EXCLUSIVE At the last Ordinary Meeting of the year the chairman of each Committee submits his Annual Report of the Committee’s work for Council approval. The first of Thopmson’s eligibility for admission. Speaking the Code. A recent poll of unattached to the motion councillor Walker called on the architects had shown great division on under which section Mr. Thompsonhad applied themselves were not in agreement on all and whether he was eligible. Mr. Thompson’s of the issues but they felt the time had directorship was notrelevant to that question, come for ARCUK to take the lead in he said, and the Admissions Committee debating these matters. Thus when appearedtobeexceedingtheirpowersby askedbythechairmanifhewould refusingtoconsiderMr.Thompson’s application simply because he was a director. As the Committee vice-chairman (by now a deep red) blustered that the ‘case’ was still ‘under consideration’, the chairman ruledelectedCouncillorWalker’smotion ‘out of order’. Whilst elected Councillor Walker thumbed through his copy of Standing Orders to discover how the chairman could manage this vanishing trick, the vice-chairman pulled out the procedural knuckle-dusters and moved ‘next business’. A chorus of RIBA grunts proved sufficient to the chair and the meeting moved on without avote. 1motion down, 4 to go. FOUR INTOONEWILLGO As the dust settled from this opening fracastherelativelyblandreportsfrom the Board of Architectural Education and Finance and General Purposes Committee received approval without a vote.The Finance and General Purposes Committee reported that the total now on the Register is 27,012. The first sign that a total rout of the elected councillors was planned came curiously enough from the Chairman of the Professional Purposes Committee (no irony intended?). He followed a dull introduction of the Professional PurposesCommitteereportwiththe astonishing proposition that the four motions concerning Code changes (to appear later in the agenda) be included in the Professional Purposes Committee report he had just given, as an item to be considered at the next Professional Purposes Committee meeting. Reports on the Common Market (do they mean the EEC?) and Monopolies Commission chance for the elected councillors to regroup in time to suggest one or two improve- ments to the draft Annual Report, the next item on the agenda. submittedbytheelectedcouncillors. ‘The main event of the day promised to lefthandlikethewhiterabbitatAlice’s trial, whilst the vice-chairman and heads of committees (al RIBA nominees) fil Bythistimemanycouncillorswere withdrawthemotion,thefirstofthefour, growingimpatient—the48thAnnual An air of expectancy had been abroad But the RIBA group would have none from the start as councillors filed into the of it. The man was a director and rules are RIBA Council Chamber where ARCUK also tules. Mr. Webb was removed for 12 months meets, If the nine elected councillors needed — votes for 33, against 9. In any event the any reminders of the RIBA dominance of Registrar had thoughtfully dug a ‘grave’ ARCUK theaides-memoirewerealaround forMr.Webbintheformofablank paragraph in the draft Annual Report — to be put before the Council for approval later in the agenda of just the right size don’t hesitate to write to us. Architects Registration Council of the U.K. The 4 motions proposed deletions and amendments to the Code to permit architects to advertise, to form limited Your reporter, however, might have saved First item on the agenda concerned one I L Webb, Architect, whom theDiscipline Committee chairman moved be removed from the Register for ‘disgraceful conduct? on the grounds that he is a director of a company of the kind proscribed by Principle 2 of the Code, Only the elected councillors spoke against the motion, pointing out that alarge section of the profession are now in favour of changes in the Code to permit architects to become to defer al 4 motions to the Professional Purposes Committee..Elected Councillor Maltz protested that this was in flagrant disregard of Standing Orders. Had not Council recently increased the notice required for motions to 48 hours? Did not a motion have to be voted on unless withdrawn by proposer and seconder? Were the rules not the rules? Well no, old adversaries the vice-chairman rose to give the only reply Councillor Maltz was to receive — a valedictory address in praise of the outgoing chairman —in its way a ‘policy statement’ for the coming year. BLEAK PROSPECTS FOR 1980/81 From ine depths of the 192nd Ordinary Meeting the conduct ot ARCUK Council meetings can surely only go up. But 1980 promises to be a difficult year for the ARCUK iseffectively ahome fixture for the RIBA group. In the walnut-panelled chamber portraits of past RIBA presidents adorn the walls, the chairman of the Council to record confirmation of his demise. case,hehadtabledamotioncallingonthe directorsofbuildingfirmsandthelike, ARCUK ANNUAL REPORT Admissions Committee to report on Mr presently proscribed by Principle 2.1 of be a ‘package’ of motions proposing changestotheARCUKCodeofConductto theremainderofthebench.Arounda allow architects to advertise, form limited square table below and in front of the liabilitycompanies,andbecomedirectors benchsitthestenographerandofficers thesewasfromtheAdmissionsCommittee, elected Councillor Maltz refused. Meeting stil to follow on the heelsof this This threw the RIBA group on the horns one would leave precious little time for of a dilemma for whilst they could shopping. No RIBA members raised any in attendance. On either side of this table sit the councillorosri benches at right angles to the Chair. In the back row of three tiers of benches opposite the chair sit the nine elected councillors. A few sympathetic non-RIBA nominees siton the lower benches, significantly close to willed, or held the majority, to do so would be to defy their instuctions — to keep the matter off Council until the RIBA Council had decided what it wanted ARCUK to do. If the RIBA group abstained wasting’ and ‘nit-picking’ by some RIBA the motions would rest solely on the votes councillors, all the proposed amendments of the elected Councillors (unthinkable). were accepted by Council without a vote. For the RIBA group any kind of vote meant of building firms or building materials firms. These are the issues that have run white hot in the profession in the past year and upon which debate in Council was expected to reflect the doubts and divisions and passions felt throughout the profession. Potentially the most important changes in the profession since the 1931 Act, the elected nine. The two or three members time applying for re-admission to the the shit really hitting the fan, and being stil ANY OTHER BUSINESS in the walnut panelling for the next RIBA Councilmeeting.ButMr.Maltzwouldnot Inalaterallyunder‘anyotherbusiness’ theses proposals had never previously been debated by ARCUK. Instructed to await a ruling by the RIBA Council, the RIBA ‘Gang of Forty’ had constantly postponed debate;buttheelectedcouncillors,anxious to ensure a full debate by ARCUK itself, had tabled the four motions proposing changeinordertobringthequestiononto EMBARASSING? the agenda. withdraw his motion. Aftermuchwhispering(wasthisan elected Councillor Maltz pointed out that5motionsstillayontheagenda awaiting a vote. Was now the best time? Would the chairman call ayote? As Council of the Press huddle on a short bench conveniently near to the door to the chairman’s right — they may be asked to leave. Register (see Building Design 7th March 1980: *ARCUK Code Crumbles’) The RIBA boys want to keep him off, but, under the Act he has only to meet the admission require- ments(whichsaynothingaboutdirectors) to be entered on the Register. Elected councillor Walker, a member of the AdmissionsCommittee,voicinghis dissent from the entire Committee report, asked why Council should be denied a report of this application when it was already public knowledge via the pages of Building Design. Was the vice-chairman trying to suppress news of the committee’s work? Was the committe trying to take on a disciplinary role? By now quite pink with anxiety the committee vice-chairman had nothing to add to his report save to ask the gentleman who leaked the story to Building Design to come forward and own up ‘DISGRACEFUL’ OR JUST adjournment?) the chairman conjured anew motion from the mouth of the ProfessionalPurposesCommitteechairman awaitedthefinal‘highnoon’betweenthe the bus fare for, within the hour, the RIBA nominated chairman had strangled debate on the motions by a brutal travesty of standing orders which did full justice to the so-called procedural ‘guillotine’, In fact no debate or voting took place on any of the five motions submitted by the elected councillors as they were bundled clumsily from the agenda by the chairman even before they had been reached in the orderofbusiness,drawinggaspsandeven directors.WouldtheyfindMr.1LWebb’s (derisorysmiles). not any more itseemed. Any further pretence by the chair toimpartiality had disintegrated as quickly as as the IncredibleHulk’sshirtafteraparticularly electedminorityonaCouncilsoreadyto a fewaabstentions from those nominated councillors who could stil remember democratic procedures. SLATE 16PAGE 12 conduct ‘disgraceful’? Mr Webb might be “Bounder of the Year’ but was Council justified in striking a person off for contravening a principle they might be about to abandon? Would the Council then accept this vice-chairman’s minority report complete with full omission of the one major contro- versy before the committee this year? Vote for:33 votes against:8! provoking attack. He would hear no more debate —votes for: 35, votes against: 9. flaunt democratic procedure when the majority sees fit. If S unattached motions are swept from 'the agenda at every meeting, public pressure must suiely grow to ‘clean- up’ ARCUK. recommended in a nervous summary by its vice-chairman. But where, asked elected councillor Maltz, was the Committee’s report on the case of Ian Thompson, recently shouted from the front page of Building Design? Mr Thompson isanother of those wicked architect/directors, this councillors to prevent many errors and omissions (even misquotes of the Act itself) from finding their way into print. Despite muttered-accusations of ‘time- But councillor Walker was not finished yet. Foreseeing the supression of the Thompson liability companies and to become easily defeat the motions thus deferring comments as the report was covered page anychangeintheCodeforaslongasthey bypageanditwaslefttotheelected SLATE 16PAGE 13 UNATTACHED NEWS SLATE aims to provide an effective means of communication for the “ unattached ” members of ARCUK through these columns and letters page. So if you feel strongly about these issues, For the lay reader of SLATE “ ARCUK ”is the It was set up by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 to control the entry of people into the profession and monitor their conduct once registered. It is composed of 5 main constit- uent bodies; The RIBA (Royal Institute of British Architects), the [AAS (The Incorp- arated Association of Architects and Surveyors), the FAS (The Faculty of Architects and Surveyors )and the AA (Architectural Association ). Committeecairmantocomecleanandreport thesequestionsandtheelectedcouncillors £1,weqofferinglitlethatwasnewsanda (CIL: (CIL: RIBA JACKBOOTS STAMP ON ELECTED COUNCILLORS Thus 5motions submitted by the minority elected councillors, left the order paper without debate or vote. The oligarchy is not subtle but it is effective HOUSING CRISIS cont... NAM SLATE VICTORIOUS NAM MEMBERS haveagain captured seven of the nine elected seats on the Architects Registration Council (ARCUK). In recent elections among nearly 4400 architects whom the RIBA-control- led ARCUK considers eligible to vote — the so called ‘unattached’— the four NAM incumbents standing again (John Allan, John Murray, Marion Roberts and Eddie Walker) were al reelected, former Councillor David Roebuck was elected again after a year’s respite and newcomers Norman Arnold and David Burney join them on the 1980-1981 Council. NAM members have been contesting the ARCUK elections for four years now and have yet to receive anything less than a vote of confidence from the architectural electorate, This vear’s success isparticularly significant for two reasons: Firstly, for the first time, after considerable pressure from the elected councillors, ARCUK sent out ballot papers sufficiently in advance to reduce the number of disenfranchised voters on ARCUK’s ‘voters list’. The result was that the number of voters casting ballots was up 26% on previous years (to 22% of those to whom ARCUK claims itsent ballots). In this relatively heavy polling, and ina field of 15 candidates (up from 13 the previous year), NiMM held its own, itsvictorious candidates obtaining from 400 to 564 votes. Secondly, this year, following a recent change in ARCUK’s Regulations, was the the first in which candidates were permit- ted to include in the information circulated are 907% management, mostly from the to voters a breif statement of views. The NAM candidates, much to the chagrin of thePortlandPlacefanaticswhostil cannotquitecometotermswiththe standing generally on a platform of an open, democratic and publically account- able ARCUK free from the puppet strings Councillors might not so spinelessly follow SKILLSANDMANAGEMENT Building construction still relies extensively on manual skills, esp- ecially in housebuilding and repair, yet, even in times of high unemploy- ment, the industry is dogged by shortages of skilled labour. This problem can be ascribed to two factors, both caused in turn by the unstable nature of demand for building work: firstly, a reluctance by building firms to train appren- tices, particularly true of small and medium size firms, and secondly, the reluctance of men and women to train for skilled jobs which offer little security. Management of building contracts also suffers from the stop-go nature of the unsteady flow of work resulting from the contracting system. Because the demand for housing is regulated by the Govern- ment rather than the market system. Because the demand for Concil and Housing Associations housing isregulated by the Government rather than the market it could offer a steady andplanned workload for the industry and give real incentives for improved training and efficiency. Instead the Conser- vatives are bent on minimising the benefits of a public sector workload for the industry. EMPLOYMENT OF ARCHI- TECTURAL AND ALLIED STAFF sectorofficescombined.In1978 the Government invested about £2,000 million in housebuilding and the repair and conversion of old houses and this work accounted for the work of about 8,000 salaried architects, architectural assistants and surveyors in both sectors. At that time, roughly half this work was carried out by private architects’ and allied offices. If, as expected, the output of Council and Housing Association flats and houses falls to 22,000 units this year that will mean jobs for at most 4,000 architectural and allied staff, a loss of 4,000 jobs in two years or about 10% of al architectural and surveying jobs. Coupled with this will be a corresponding reduction in the number of jobs for secretarial and administrative staff. The effects will be felt worse in local authority architects’ offices where public housing work makes upa large proportion of the workload in many cases. Staff in several local auth- ority architects’ offices have already responded by negotiating, through their unions, a ban on the employ- ment of private architectural or surveying firms on any new projects, This will worsen the plight of private practice which will also be faced with a falling workload due to the effect on private sector clients of high interest rates. CONCLUSION Conservative policies on housing willmean,intheshortterm,a disasterforemployment atall levelsinthebuildingindustry, and, in the long term, a further dispersion of skilled workers from the industry and disincentives for proper training and efficient methods.Thereductionsin spending on public housing are particularly ill conceived DearSLATE, Iwould like to correct two mistakes which appeared in your articles in SLATE 15 concerning ARCUK and ‘unattached’ architects: Firstly, in your introduction to the report on the December meeting of ARCUK you State that ARCUK ‘is composed of 5 main constituent bodies: RIBA, IAAS, FAS and AA’. That you list only 4 is not what concerns me. I am concerned, however, that you should be propagating the RIBA’s totally unfounded ‘model’ of the structure ofARCUK: thatARCUK is‘composed of? architectural ‘constituent bodies’ of which one alone, of course. is of any significance (guess which?). ARCUK issupposed to be constituted in accordance with the First Schedule of the Architects Registration Act 1931 which provides for the appointment of members by various bodies and government ministers as well as for the direct election ofsome members by those architects (mostly ‘unattached’) which it entitles to vote. In fact, 12 not 5 bodies appoint members of ARCUK, the Act gives no greater importance to any nicmber as opposed to any other, and the term ‘constituent body’ appears nowhere in the Registration Acts or ARCUK’s own Regulations. Itisworth noting that when ARCUK was first constituted in March 1932, only 23 ot 42 members were appointees of the four bodies to which you referred and in 1940, shortly after the 1938 Act had made registration mandatory, only 27 of 49 were. Perhaps in those days seats on ARCUK were apportioned in accordance withtheAct. Secondly,inyourreportonthereSults ofthesurveycarriedoutbytheelected ARCUK councillors you stated that itwas carried out with the assistance of Building Design magazine. Although BD had indeed published the results of a previousquestionnaire,itwasinfact of no assistance whatsoever in carrying out or publicising the survey to which you referred. FROM: BobMaltz Four NAM members who had teen representing unattached architects on ARCUK did not stand again: Bob Maltz and Ian Tod after serving for three years, Tomm Woolley after serving two and Sue Jackson/afterone- phe mu non-NAM candidates elected this year were incumbent Peter Cutmore and newcomer Peter Howe, both of whom are unlikely to fal into line behind the RIBA Council-appointed majority which stil rules ARCUK. Thisyeartheannualretentionfeewhich every architect must, by law, pay to the Architects registration Council (ARCUK) goes up to £7-50. How much o, that is being chanelled by the RIBA- controlled Council, through investments, into right-wing political organisations? As reported at its December meeting, half of ARCUK’s £63,000 worth of investments are in 16 private-sector companies. The list of companies bears astriking resemblance to the list of major company cotributors to the Tory Party and right-wing bodies like the Economic League, Aims of Industry and British United Industrialists which, in turn, channel funds to the Tories. Topping the list of ARCUK investments was Commercial Union, 15th on the list (topped by construction giant Taylor Woodrow) of company donors to the political right. Second on the list was Marks and Spencer, 13th on the list of donors Imperial Tobacco was third on both ARCUK” ARCUK’s list and the list of donors to SLATE 16PAGE 14 at a time when interest rates are at record two NAM candidates who failed to get elected were Dave Sutton ,who didn’t mention his NAM affiliation, and Mick Broad,whofailedtosubmitastatement of views. high priests of Portland Place, who have conspired for'fifty years to subvert the Architects Registration Acts. Portland Place isthe street inwhich the RIBA headquaters are situated. levels. i WSONEWSINIEWSON oftheRIBA’sarchitecturalemployers.The thepartylinehanded downbythe While the ‘unattached’ architects are obliged by the Architects Registration Act 1931, which establisehed ARCUK, to nominate only ‘registered persons’ (¢.g., ‘architects’), the RIBACouncil isfree to appoint anyone, lay or professional, RIBA member or not to the 41 seatsthatARCUK apportioned it this year. Once again, however organisations. But, whether a statutory however, the RIBA Council has appointed exclusively RIBA members and again these body such as ARCUK should similarly private sector, despite the fact that over support the right wing through its investment of the annual retention fes isa more dubious matter. Slate readers will recall that, two years 495,pressurefromNAMmemberselected toARCUKforcedtheCounciltodivest itsofeslhafresinConsolidatedGoldfields. apillar of apartheid in South Africa. Consolidated Goldfields, which also operates in the British construction industry (ARC Conbloc etc.,), isnow 11th onthelistofcompanydonorstothe political right-wing, contributing heavily not only to the Tories but also to the infamous National Association for Freedom. Is now the time for ARCUK to further limitits‘undesirable’ investments? 70% of the RIBA’s members are staff, with halfthesefromthepublicsector.Ofcourse theRIBACouncilcouldallowitsUK these seats but, no surprise, has never chosen to do so. Perhaps elected the Economic League, known for its blacklists of trade union activists. Shell, which tops the list of Economic League contributors, isalso amajor ARCUK investment. Other major Economic League contributors among ARCUK’s investments include Legal and General 'Insurance, GKN (7th among the contri- butors to the Tory Party) and National WwestiitasfenBanie The RIBA, as a private club, has every right to support right-wing political SLATE 16PAGE 15 IWS SUBS. FUND RIGHT WING INTERESTS widespread support for the NAM candidates members freely to elect people, lay or let alone the idea of an independent ARCUK professional, RIBA members or not, to The reductions in capital spending on Council and Housing Association housebuilding are likely to hav an early effect on employment in architects’ and allied offices. Statistics are not readily available for the workload of these offices but it is likely that, in 1976, public sector housing accounted for about 20% by value of the workload of public and private THE NINE architects elected to the Architects Registration Council to represent their colleagues who do not belong to any of the professional institutes have won a masssive vote of confidence in their policies in a recent opinion finding questionnaire. O rganised by several of the councillors the questionnaire was circulated in the Architecs Journal and elicited over 500 responses. Most forceful of all the trends underlying al the responses were the differences of opinion on professional matters between employee architects and their bosses. The elected councillors and NAM continuously argue that ARCUK is unrepresentative of the majority of architects, let alone lay people, who also have a crucial interest in the standards of architectural work. The Council is currently’ in the pocket of architectural bosses who, through nomination arran- gements, fil the vast bulk of the 41 seats allotted to the main professional body, the Royal Institue of British Architects (RIBA). Employee architects are clearly not happy with this situation: 91% of them responding to the Questionnaire were in favour of direct elections among architects for al the seats allocated to architects and 80% were for proportional representation on the Council for employee architects. Architectural bosses were more cagey about direct elections (64% in favour) and opposed to proportional representation (36% in favour). Attitudes to the policies of the ruling group on ARCUK showed up the results of this lack of representation: 93% of employee architects wanted the circ- ualtion of annual reports and surveys from the elected councillors to continue, a practice recently ruled out by the RIBA group. A substantial majority of The chairperson should be neutral. Council business should be conducted in an impartial manner. The chair of all committees should be rotated among their respective members on a meeting by meeting basis. All Council meetings should be held at a neutral venue, not at RIBA headquaters. All ARCUK committees, visiting boards, selection panels, delegations and other bodies should be so constituted that their representation reflects accurately the composition of the Council, that is, elected architect members, nominees of professional associations, Government nominees and non-architect members from other professions, and other bodies. The Council should strictly observe its standing orders and its Regulations, for example those governing the apportioning of seats. Votes taken in Council and committees should be properly conducted, with the names of those voting for, against and abstaining accurately recorded. Full minutes of the preceeding committee meetings should form part of the committee reports to the Council. ARCUK should provide elected councillors the facility to report back to and obtain the views of their electorate in order properly to discharge their responsibilities. The Council’s Annual Report should include a minority report when necessary. Past reports have not accurately reflected diversity of opinion within the Council. The misuse of ARCUK funds to subsidize RIBA activities should end. ARCUK should ensure that it takes the leading role in all activities that it sponsors and for which it has statutory responsibility. All Council meetings, committees, boards and panels should be open to the public. SLATE 16 PAGE 16 S\WSNEWSNIEWSN NEWS| ARCHITECTS CONDEMN ABUSE OF REGISTRATION COUNCIL them were in favour of changes in the ARCUK Code of Conduct to permit architects to become directors of building and allied firms, an issue the RIBA group is not even willing to debate at at present. But the most swingeing indictment of RIBA group policies came in two questions concerning whether their continuing domination is in the interests of the public and the prof- ession. An astonishing 87% of employee architects said no in the first case and an even more astonishing 83% said no in the second. On both counts boss arshitects held the opposite view. In the long term the majority of the elected councillors aim for reform of the Architects Registration Acts so that the spirit of the original legislation which set up ARCUK can be put into practice :the regulation of theprof- ession in the public interest. In the interim the domination of the Council by the RIBA effectively ensures that the main interest that isserved isthat of private sector architect-bosses, argue the elected councillors. Only since the election of the first NAM members in 1977 has the extent of RIBA manipulation become fully apparent through the unravelling of the Council’s Byzantine procedures by the elected councillors .Matters came to a head at the March meeting of ARCUK, reported elsewhere in this issue. In repsonse to what can only be seen as sharneful abuse through the undemocratic administration of a public body, the majority of the elcted councillors have now put their weight behind a ten- point programme for immediate reform of'the Council’s procedures. What they wantisforARCUK tofollowaccepted fundamental democratic practices and to carry on its affairs in an independent and open manner. This is their Ten Point Plan: Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f6b1c8aea67361c5316074820e0aac11.pdf 6976000df5a72cf0a21ac85fc825d74d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE 17 Description An account of the resource SLALE THE RADICAL PAPER ON ARCHITECTURE AND THE BUILDING INDUSTRY ISSUE No17 TS BETVER From Edinburgh Liateon Group Member, Mick Broad, Dave Jenkine and Dave Lookhead Dear Slate This year's NAM Congress marked the start of the movement's sixth year, in itself evidence that NAM is here to stay and to continue its radical opposition to the minority interest of the established professional bodies, and to actively seek and promote alternative design services. The Edinburgh members of this year's Liaison Group feel that the policies being pursued by this government threaten the quality of life for many of our population. We in Edinburgh, who are incidentally representative of architecture, planning and landscape architecture, wish to build an organisation which can actively campaign against these destructive policies. We trust that such a campaign will help consolid- ate NAM, clarify our aims and objectives, and encourage new members. To this end the Liaison Group will give its full support to all indiv- idual members wishing to promote the establishment of new groups. We call on existing members to use the pages of Slate to campaign against lower- ing standards of provision and to bring to the attention of the Liaison Group issues on which NAM can make national representation in the fight against cuts in quality.In addition we urge all readers to fight the cuts in quantity through the appropriate trade unions, and in conjunction with construction unions, councillors, tenants and ratepayers associations and other pressure groups, in a broad alliance. Finally we wish to hear from the Liaison Group representative of each Issue and Local Group,and from all those interested in the formation of a@ new broad based Edinburgh Group. Mick Broad, Dave Jenkine and Dave Lockhead PI Grou Eight of the councillors elected (on.a 24% turnout) onto ARCUK by "unattached architects’ are NAM members - one more than last year. They are : JOHN ALLAN, NORMAN ARNOLD, MICHAEL BROAD, DAVID BURNEY, PETER CUTMORE, GILES PEBODY, DAVID ROEBUCK, EDDIE WALKER. The other two unattached members are Peter Howe and John Gibb. There has been some questioning by NAM members of whether or not John Gibb, who is a member of the RIAS should be standing as an unattached candidate. The annual meeting of the ProfessionalIssuesGrouptook inrelationtoNAM'sbroad andbybuildingallianceswith slate Slate has been going through a period of transition as a, new editorial collective has taken over fromthe old. ‘the first ixteen issues of Slate which the previous collective produced have provided us, by example, a magazine’ to follow. However, achange of editorial collective will inevitably have implicat- ions for the content and style of Slate, and continual discuss- ions about its future has delayed the appearance of this issue to such an extent that it perhaps is only of historical importance. After all, it's better late than never. The struggle to produce this issue has enabled each member of the collective to reformilate degrees of commitment to Slate and to its deadlines. It must be obvious by the delay of this issue - 'the 1980 NAM Congress issue’ = that the necessary self- discip ine to meet production deadlines has yet to be developed. Now, however, the future is ass- ured and subscribers can sleep happily in the knowledge that future issues will be produced regularly and frequently. Future Slates will, we hope, stimulate dialogue and radical political and asthetic theory,” generating new creative energies amongst building workers, design- ers and users. ‘That may be a tall order, but we can begin by broadening our definition and understanding of the function of architectureandtodothisa (apmeemrbearttheoe collective with varied interests is necessary. The new collective's members share an interest in architecture and society, and individually are socialists, marxists, feminists and any offers of distribution. code. The fundamental institutional ARCUK. changes resulting from this have revuer..... and anarchists working in the fields of architecture, design and build, landscape architecture, architectural education, community radio and development, and comm unity architecture. : Slate will tend to reflect the anterests of the collective and so, to counter this, editorial/ evaluation meetings will be held regularly on the first and third Monday of every month(starting in October), at the Islington Bus Company, Palmer Place; London, N.7., to which all inter— ested persons will be welcome. Already agreed areregular columns on hazardous materials and dangerous work practice, defective detailing and bad work- manship(invaluable for both the installer and specifier) - issues over which we would welcome close liaison with building workers, trade unions, Direct Labour Organ- isations and tenants federations. Slate will develop an alternative trade bibliography and directory of radical organisations within the building industry, eg. design Co-ops, building co-ops, design and build, unionised rTJaS bys in practices etc. We will continue with the News from the Unattached(ARCUK) to work within ARCUK was the most profitable way to achieve NAM's aims. The Group took the opportunity of restating its objectives : that ARCUK should be a public interest body and not a front for the RIBA; that lay representation should be strenghened to ensure public accountability of the profession. In the long term this would NAM councillors aimed to bring the consequences of these changes out. Some argued that they were beginning to do this and to drive a wedge between ARCUK and the RIBA. The result is that ARCUK has now recognized 'de facto’ the unattached constituency as the second largest and most powerful group. Consequently NAM councillors incorporation and support was needed for any substantial changes. and News from NAM. With architectural education there is mich to be said and Slate intends to cover the debate and be educational features of historical and theo- retical relevance to us today. wet all, "those who do not itself, with Other PIG members argued that the work as ARCUK councillors tied up NAM's more senior members at the expense of the development of NAM. The emphasis on working within ARCUK and on ARCUK's terms tended are condemned But for now, think about attend- place at the Islington Bus Company on St. Valentine's Day. The background to the meeting was one of a significant ARCUK year but a rather uneventful NAM year. The question that was central to most of the day's debate and left unresolved was whether the resources and committment devoted objectives. Discussion focussed on associated bodies, this argumentbe ARCUK's close involvement in the continues. ARCUK status should status, form and content of its used to pursue objectives new to ing the editorial ing in October, send subscriptions meetings start- 5 require a reconstituted ARCUK (and one where architectural representation more accurately reflected the composition of the profession as a whole). In the short term we should be attempting to strengthen lay representation of to distort councillor's overall the Board of architectural perspective, some argued. The ARCUK education, one third of whom are objectives should be pursued nominated by lay organisations. Other initiatives must be assessed through the press, privy council by arguments over the rights and wrongs of and been camoflaged advertising, directorships limiting liability. UR The group would welcome the views of NAM members in order to set out priorities and objectives for the coming year. OMY LOGE sketches out a for sadical architects a9 nun 1 ie i or are economic argunents enough. The role that oth factors such as our environment play ae not neutral. They are an’ essential sSuprport totonethe edo!nonic notivesiof the But the major'contradictions can only be resolved by a transfer of power to the blocks with cottage-type housing may reduce Buildings profit 3. Nor is there anything italist in propo alternative produc ily raise of'market economic >ffects the producti It effects the way of the systen to respond to us. The envizonrent as a whole is planned in a way that doesn't respond to our needs. Instead it reinforces divisions and helps to contro] isolate and segregate people. Often they a act to define and restrain the sort of ~ activities that can happen in a particular space.MostrecenthousinginBelfasthas been planned 2o as to breakdown the close links necessary for retaliation against — the state; almost all housing is designed are used inherent anti-cap- For people working in architecture this means examining ip to the people priorities and initi & major shift in our We are all designers We are led to believe that design is a skill learnt only through years in college WE ARE ALL DESIGNERS. The planning and use of technical knowledge in the production of a neal follows, to use an example everyone masters, the same process as any other design activity. One difference lies in the raterials and tecniques used. Whereas "meal designers’ rely on direct experience of the ingredients, mst building designers feel quite confident atout selecting naterials for their buildings without any 4rst hand experience ( and without consulting material specialists ). he contradict ent in the builc one hand and ina tation; they ifuse tobeclearstoutthepoliticalrole roposals in making us more avare of + impossibility in a talist society unded by demoralization and insecuri Aty what can people in architecture do ? Obviously we must organize against 1: offs and threats to our employnent. We have to organize for better conditions of work. Aid at the same time we have to remenber the implications of our struggle for other workers in the industry. How can ve extend our denands and breakdown ‘visions which isolate us from each nitiatives which bring together d eraups : tenants, housing S, design and building workers like COUNCIL HOUSE SALES a dity of the contradictions Detxeen the needs for work and decent for the British Standard fanily. Bosses rule Is Hi nthe other. nce with Council or landlord. There are good reasons for not letting experts have the sole prerogative of desi- ging. Deaigning is intriguing, creative, and fun. It is away of making alot of ante on these issues the importance of good ©of us with technical The planned fragmentation of our surround- ings leolates women in the hone. We should be thinking of ways of organizing our hones to support ideas atout sharing donestic work and childcare - we should challenge the view that this is the blolog: ical mother's role by including men, women low tech dreamlands or foisted on us their work collectively. llect the necessary adirect it atthe right clear to ourselves and others. It gives forced to working class. There sltematives for running capitalisn. Only a creche and somewhere to meet and chat. ....and at home panacesas avoid and obscure the political assumptions which they toth incorporate. It is easy to fall into the trap of consun- erisn which concentrates on the product and not on the alienating nature of production. Overemphasis on the product can lead to a sort of architectural opportunien ( in a socialist countries as well ). There is to change society through the preducts of designing and planning. Self-appointed ex- aged, to make decisions and plans and to perts have given us their visions of hi tain their fight for are no socialist for decent living Ort At work.. usefulwecan esoate put our misplacedsentimentalitybyrevvingthe B On and use the letters ; If we can learn to share Alls, we too can lear with "geod old days’. By pretending to know consciousness ts far ganize together. politics 5 z stock of housing. It works to legitinise who gp®s on the housing list, who gets a mortgage, and who ts rejected by both. It makes collective housing almost inpossible When wo ng forced back into the dathe @overnnent's solution to ation is used to ration the nt is to tell us tomve our home to where the work is, then we cannot ignore fousing as an urgent yolitical question. socialien the changes we want. But, unless we rehearse and make plans which will become the basis for change, the only precedents can provide the opportunity for ARCHITECTURE are just as appresive if we impose then on others. The only solution is to radically change the product and the production proc- ess and the way we design buildings. : reinforce status. It could probably be smaller and closer to hone. It could include the synptoms of high-rise living. But these andchildreninourplans. While we decorate our homes we ne glect the environment of collective activity - accept- own class interests. ing fourth rate surroundings. We neet in the back roons of pubs or in institutions acce- pting a totally inadequate environment for important political initiatives. iiding ‘aestetically interesting’ factories surrounded by gardens, may give the people inside a better view. Replacing tower what For those who have spent years learning divine right and all the answers, it means rejecting this individualism and seeing our own exploitation as it really is. Our fidelity to the system 1s tought with promises of professional status which If we throw out the iies, then we can see behaviour or alleviate social problems. Bu- Alternatives are only viable politically if that we have interests in common with But good or bad buildings do not deternine they develop fron the pressure of working other working people, toth blue and white people and are under their control. However collar. If we can climb dow off our well meaning socialiat designer's ideas, they shaky pedestals we have a lot to gain. opportunities which are usually discour- conflict. ‘ARCHITECT’ The title impresses asvailabnle) to us are capitalisstt and reflect long history of architectural utopias aiming our ideas concrete, and making then more 4s good for others they are protecting their to be ‘professionals’ with some sort of Options under capitalism st0winneverseniors. British Standard (B.S) nuclear family “nen putting demands to theauthorities we ought to bebe clear aboutt the limitation SEEEE The places where we work reflect the interests of the bosses and it follows that Been ace nunea to maxinise productivity. xeeacties are provided for our well- Hs ng, it is ir version of what is good or us. In other words: an indirect invest~ maa to prevent absenteesisn or reduce job puro ery ete. Space is also used to rein- Pee hetrachies and on a larger scale to Mer erseely, )cut us off from our conn- rate ive should extend our notions of ae ves to work to include the work “vironment. It doesn't have to be dirty, Foisy, dangerous and inhunan. It doesn't have to cut us off fron one another and DIRECTLABOUR neal pownalll of the direct ai. yon readers labour of slate construction becomes a possibility. The existence of a seperate architects’ department is only needed under the contracting system. Design and production can be integ- rated within the building department." As long as the Tories are in power the prospects for planned building programmes are remote. But there are a number of steps which involve local authority architects which should be taken now, both to prepare for the possible election of a Labour Government committed to expanding public housing and to minimise the harmful effects of the Act. I. Joint Trade Union Committees number o oca jority trade unionists have found that the best way to discuss defending local auth- ority services is to form joint trade union committees involving representatives from all trade unions organising local authority workers. These are usually completely independent of the joint consultation structure, and do not place a high priority on discussions of wages and conditions. 2. Joint Tenant-Worker Groups n increasing number 0 oca authorities now have groups consist- ing of representatives from tenants’ organisations and trade unions where a wide range of problems are discussed without the intervention of bureaucrats or councillors. arts andsociety Scruton and Watkins are histerians who have come out of the bach current revival of consery tismUntil recently there has been 1 way of analysis and criticism of their work.On mayy29th over 5! ple heard 6 critiques of their position at the Bartlet School of Architecture. Tim Benton explained their links with Geoffry Scott through some of the buildings conveniently le:ft out o Rodney Mace attempted to undermine the technocratic education,but Richard Hill pleaded for chnology to agenda,arguing that the right deliberate], The day was organised by the Art: been going for 3 years,‘and the links between art and society from hoping to organise an exhibition at the Fift. at Brighton Polytechnic in November. The theme for this will be the way in which B tish Inper its ceremonial space, comparing Lend on with Calcutta,Del the way the Brit interested in the workshop get in touch with Hannah Mitchell Ae ana government servi see Meals on Wheels to make as much money as Trust House Forte, and even architects’ departments having to all their work in open come and make profits Of direc oncern to local authority departments is the way ch the Act will affect their tionships with DLOs. Until now, most DLOs have rarely pursued claims against architects' department because the only result would been a book entry in the authority's accounts, transfering costs from one department to another. June 1976: Camden DLO workers’ dty ofxction egeinst the Lump, altewnative ARCAID Of the organisations making architectural skills available to community and tenants groups ARCAID is the foremost in the York- shire/Lancashire area. It is the one most closely and regularly involved in giving advice to tenants groups campaigning to get repairs done. author- a and authority: a) have a safety policy approved by the council; bd) train at least the same proport- ion of apprentices to tradesmen as the DLO; c) do not use labour-only sub- contractors; d) submit tenders based on the design-and-build principle. receive'all source "funding, grants from charitable sources, itwild with DLOs under threat of re by the Secretary of State th consistently make profi expected to pursue architects’ depart- _vigourous sly, because ; lues based on tender plus agreed claims will make nue side of the profit THE! WAY FORWARD utiding with Direct Labour argued r planned local authorit TOgraianes such a system "the rch= genuine community groups and (sometimes) individual Activity is mainly directed towards those initially lacking finance and/or organisat- probably be necessary to constitute two don and whose fall outside the scope of aspects of ARCAID : advice and service. services provided by the local authority or The advice agency will be registered as 4 the conventional form of private architects Charity. A service company could be establ- practise. ished as a wholly owned subsidiary ( trad- IS ARCAID AN ADVICE AGENCY OR AN ARCHITECTS ing arm ) of the advice agency, but with ical Separation t of design andnd prod- There is at present no national joint union campaign to defend direct a: Provision of free advice in an area not labour. If such a campaign does come funded by public authorities or private into existence it will have to be built up from local groups, and b: Provision of full conventional architect ARCAID CONTACTS : Norman Arnold, Eddy uction (with architects having.pro *inai say) is no the architects committed to the provision ural service, funded by payment of fees of public housing designed and built (probably by a grant or trust fund). by local authority workers will be essential members of these groups. ‘THE NEED FCR ARCAID +: This is widespread. Walker, Tan Tod at 4 Corn Exchange, Leeds LSI 7BP. Tel. © 0532 445795. longer necessary. integration of design and their standing orders to defent the ona voluntary,basis; the |DoE having with- Employees will be architects and associated people who will be exployed by the manage- ment committee. STRUCTURE AND FINANCE : ‘The arthitectural advice aspect of ARCAID will be dependant on external support .Therefore gains made by DLOs in health and safety, training, and the eliminat- ion of sub-contracting. This would involve insisting that any contractors doing work for the local to work with ( rather than for ) local WHAT IS ARCAID : Areaid is an organ- dzation that has evolved over the past four years in response to the need for community MANAGEMENT : Management will buildings in Leeds. We aim to provide prof- essional, managerial and technical skills, enabling groups to build or buy accommodat- don and to maintain it, together with the be by committee ( a steering group having already been established ) incorporating substantial representation from build: user-clients acting together with relevant 3. Using Standing Orders Either or both of these types of groups are now in a position to put pressure on their councils to change surrounding landscape. We operate largely professional andpublic interest bodies. drawn ‘Inner City finance’ awarded to us by the City Council in 1979. WHO DOES ARCAID AIM TO SERVE : Arcaid aim SERVICE ? There are two distinct as- peots of practice, both of which ARCAID has been asked to fulfill by community groups and to which it has responded. These are = practice. Separate management, possibly co-operative. ARCAID LATEST : Arcaid has again been awarded an Inner City Grant by Leeds City Council ( Septenber 1980 ). This time of £2000 Capital costs and £12000 revenue. But the DoE has yet to approve this. far more than we can cope with while ing adequate finance. We ave asking for letters of support from those with whom we have already worked and others who could use ARCAID if 4t was fully operational. An organization active in Liverpool under the name COMPECHSA Ltd ( ty Technical Services Agency )is funded by Liverpool's Inner City programme. lack- SIXTH CONGRESS ‘80 EDINBURGH "NAM seeks through the collective action of architectural workers and other concerned people,to play an active role in radically altering the system of patronage and power in architecture.It seeks an architectural practice directly accountable to ail who use tts products and democratica-— tly controtled by the workers within it, thereby to promote effective control by ordinary people over their envtronment and by architectural workers over thetr working lives." QUESTIONS Now that we in a period of economic recesSion,practical proposals for the restructurir oS the system of patron- age are nec y and these need to I presse dec herently in order to ritiate action to build a democratic environment.The question then for NAM waS;is NAM to be a movement or is it to remain a pressure group.If NAM was a movement ,what issues would it’ order for the future to be discussed the several points to in common with other confronting the present and unity need to draw us together and build a socialist movement. What attempts have their been at co- e exercised operation between socialists and what can we learn from them. What immediate tasks can be undertaken locally and nationally. etal quicker ion.Sinc of ironment eds and asp- belief in grass roots democracy and that by involving the users the disasters of the past would be avoided This stuned potential critics into questio 1g whether the Labour party able to respond to this type of democracy and could parliamentary institutions respond to democratic grass roots socialism.This argument for a radical approach ue housing and the environment was taken up by Jim Stocks UCAT Edinburgh Regional Organiser who declared that"extra Parliamentary politics will undoubt- } getting back to wh government left off. WORKSHOPS The Workshops were arranged into broard areas to try and av limiting discussion to narrow fields of int ich may be of concern to NAM activists but at large. buildings The opening key debate of the Congress edly looked at the state of the nation and count in particular the state of the building opposed industry ending up with possible to build senarios for the future.George Roberton There M.P.Opposi n Spokesperson on Housing it in Scotland began by the cuts will hit Scotland.When questioned on housing provision,remote housing management SRAiReE It was could > government. After and hostile housing types(a legacy of the boom and high rise)he reafirmed his point in expendir which did not at first sigh which face today.The Congre was yided into three areas;The relevent the problems building industry OPENING DEBATE s= ) The Building Industr Action.It became orientate building quanitiy D1¥ of producers with such groups were seen as an was a congenital handicap to work architectural designers who found they had to acquire skills and know- ledge as best they could from practice, having failed to find them in the schools. sive dsolation of the schools from the community and th constuct- ustry.It was agreed that part group. T a t be for,and if carried out will be a‘giant ste; to the workers of life which had their working lives', adop the following cognises that we have now ectural _practice- wholly out of touch with the realities of architec- tural workers in the construction process.Democratic change within the schools was blocked by the hierarchic Aneueerys and the Trade Union movement EDUCATION MOTIONS has no eon maaice in tructure of and calls of the nee solely ° i is been struggled ull entered a period where the welfare structure of control lead by a despo- ate is under the greatest attack ds its inception. Cuts in public tic "head of school'.The schools were BSS oE, programmes for the provis- insulated from outside influence and healt h and education freed from public accountability by ing the qual- the system of'self certification’ of workers whereby the RIBA-who effecti ives of ‘unattached ARCUK and the ard of Architectural Education to work for a return recognition procedure to the of Architectural Edu ation, and for all vi ng boards to be fully representative of the membership of the board in Architects Re, The existing schools of architecture students should be acively ‘en- CUTS werecriticisedaspurveyingrestri- Ae heduce MOTION In order to further NAM's ote effective democ ected and inadequate knowledge - especially lacking in the areas of community needs and the construction process. Whilst many students and staff were aware of the deficiencies, the schools resisted change, Debate on architectu has been contained wi Alliances reward movement. and by all de 1and construction é gst educationalists,staff and students and it was felt that NAM the conference Slate. This congres system whereby given to archi on the basis of the recommendat siting boards. T congress calls upon the MOTIONS DEFENCE y &11 people over their environment enforcing a model of the profession = the RIBA ideal of private archit- hould in future widen its for. nto lude practice he ‘construction EDUCATION UNATTACHED ded are worth resisting att in the i further ed together of CNAA degr certification bandoned in favour of aStudy be Education related both involved in vision of public services nd with the people ent provision of rvices he appropriate a union olitical and commun- ity groups with all those who produce ma ind use housing and public buildings WORKSHOP The "Educ tion workshop discussion at the Edinburgh Congress found congress ca on the whole ership, indi idually and through This Congress Supports the efforts t with most aspects of the i structure of architectural Cups to; Encourage far greater career guidance in girls' education towards careers in the building industr. To prom with the building unions to fac- ate more opportunities for tical training for women and 2 on site. _encourage more mid-career ing and flexible working eon architects who are NAM members represen’ unatta ched L ects on the Archit Regi stra~ tion Council of the U.K.in their efforts to expose RIBA abuses of ARCUK and to promote the public fuction of Tl but seanee there hele lenty of energy ive to be tapped within the and sufficient of both within NAM to demand the re-forming of a NAM education group to work towards an alternative policy for architectural education. Thé education workshop arose spont- aneously from the ‘official’ Building Industry workshop which began the day. The estrangement of design education from the construct- ion process was so often referred to by the participants in the general discussion of the Building Industry that education was chosen as a topic for more detailed discussion in the afternoon session. The ‘profession- alisation' of architects as a monopoly group with supposed mystic abilities unconnected with methods of construction or community needs greater communication control the their dards y idea of an enti new indepenc i d popular,and at lingered on- ri Tuc funding. Tt was concluded that y Bartlett as of knowled evance of a 5year full-time tectural education was questio- ned, being seen largely as a social- ising process responsible for the a ing the following pprinciples That the present artif ictal limits of architectural nqu ni commendation i dents provi ce with the on Act. ywas “De gn to the requests the Liaisor Group to encourage a broad education 8 @ way ‘to the Con: y Training Board w This AGM requests the incoming Liason This Congress supports the work of the Group.te@ report back to the members: Professional Issues Group to explore sufficiently in advance of the next aang upon men students, arch- the professional issues ra by the Congress on; ts and builders to support unattached representativ n ARC women colleagues in peveks and specifically requires it to promote an ARCUK code of conduct independant of the R The Congress mandat a further year co'opt nd to take in furtheran the proper preparation of motions £ the AGM and their re on tothe Congres the ques of whether NAM ution ought to be altered to to affiliate to other organisa r m and pleasant land. insupport and special inter Scene RCP ENENReemeentansnecseemeen women 1s vit that presented an alternative educational environment for. women to the largely capit- alist patriarchal schools of planning, architecture and the building trades in the U.S.It is not a typical year round School in a set location rather it meets for two weeks anually in differerit parts of the country,networking throughout the rest of the year. Previously the majority of the participants have been from the U.S and Canada.However this year two of its past co-ordinators attended the Mid-Decade Forum on Women and Development(U.N. International Womens Decade) 4n Copenhagen Julyl4-24,1980 and began an international network of women involved in the built environment field.Such a network will help WSPA to better carry on the dialogue that it began at its 1979 session on personal and professional ressorces to (98,400) were 30 per cent down o 1979. This compares closely itheeL 33 per cent drop starts (53,600). in public sect mann ee and no ess,” obs in China, ’ the rive: r bi Proposal and a number of gehaee developments getting approval recently. He's even been awarded We are working mostly with womens groups a crumb in the shape of the vast of muted groups and especially of women. The ways we work are defined by our under- ‘The reason we became involved with particular standing of socialism and feminism and the groups is never straightforward.Each project relations between.then.They are not based on is an experiment in some way or another wld I should watch closely to see readers they try getting into continues in this downward if he the last NAM Congress,the feminist to tap available resources,to enable them to offer our experience to help other women. acql the power to change their own circum- stances.We are working on two fronts-offering AG Bashing is not a favoured NAM pursuit. But its members do sometimes get up to things that set in the Guardian mentioned "The the morals a-quiver. Ms.Frankl was Jarvis Lecture Hall, 66 Portland elected on the SAG ticket,to the RIBA Place". Now why wouldn't they {ficient professional service capable ~gthe bureaucracy on the client's ed on our experience in conventional Baltinore,Maryland 21218. BUILDING DESIGN STAFF The Building Design Staffs section of TASS/AUEW London branch have rejected a motion which called for the branch to cease and amalgamate with STAMP,the white collar section of UCAT.In rejecting this winding up motion the branch passed an amendment which opened the way for investigation and co-operation with other groups of Building Design workers.The reasons behind this motion of dissolution lay more with the dissappointingly lowmenbership- within the union,of building design workers dispite the years of campaigning within the NOT FOR REA council. +hen was appointed the SAG us it was the RIBA. Surely theytell practice,and nlso as a responsive team which involves the clients and users in the implic- ations of decision making. architectural scene is fairly abysmal for a so called radical magazine. First of all we had the puff for Bofill ( Thanks to Hellman aoe chewing their ear off in their letter page ). The latest issue contains this comment on the RIBA's Current exhibition of a few British eens ‘Thiscountryhasalarge SAGgers?Inaword....yes.TheSAG REPORT WSPA As with all the groups we work with,we ere architects. Now Daddy has tossed him wo believe that the way in which buildings very aware of the impact of cuts on building the global transitions which need to be Docklands new Press) scheme on Surrey Docks. production.However it is essential not to are planned and their appearance,reflects stop thinking how buildings can and should made if the world is to survive and truly ‘develop’ for all hunan kind. A proposal has been put forward to fund an 4nternational WSPA session in 1982-probably 4n Germany .Since many of the current devel- opments in the built environment-in both urban and rural areas,in both industrialised as well as underdeveloped countries-have a photos showed him sinking mud came up round-his neatly as and reinforces patriachal social organisation being Polished black shoes.Slate notions on offering proffessional services to community groups.Beyond struggles for equal particularly negative impact on women as a rights for women lies the opportunity to define class,there 1s a need for women.who share a feminist world which is radically different in the ways we organise and how we relate to ‘a concern about those developments to define direction. HELTER FR STORM especially in discovering sympathetic ways of working with groups-of using drawings, of talking about buildings and of making collective decisions. MITRA Both groups are now engaged in seperate grou] hes changed its emphasis from an open projects.Mitra is holding small dis who now both wish to consolidate their our energies in the development of our own to an expansion of theissues,the is We wish to develop an architectural service group,and at next years Congress we hope to and the strategies.For further information on which will give women's groups the expertise report on our successes and failures,and maybe the session write to:WSPAs;250lErdnan Ave,B u sbbtuilding, would seerm to be each other. and analyse them and develop counteracting strategies.Anyone interested in shaping the agenda for such a session in a socialist feminist direction should contact Mary Vogelc/oMary Sell;223eKalmia Ave, Boulder, Colorado80302,U.3.A. For those wishing to sake more immediate contact,the next session of WSPA will take place in Weshington,D.C.in co-operation with the National Congress of Neighborhood Wornen (a ner Pp a working class,neighborhood activists).Topics will inolude;Commnities:housing and women; Transportation:impact on woren;Influencing Acaderia:towards a feminist perspectives Alternative TechnologysAccess to Moneytecon— omic development.While this session will 11 wongoube the first step will be to bgarionresstiacAscquiescen. ce of the buiilding ITELLA YA Q. Oh I see, private sch Wonen's: Project in Brixton to find premises the property- We hope to involve the client intimately in projects.The two groups are now called Watrx and Mitra.Our group,Mitra,is concered with the developing and understanding of our- the design and also involve as many women selves as women, a8 socialists and as archit- as possible in the building process. ects,and being small enough to establish a We want to maintain our links with NAM alth- many of our problems under a declining working group based on trust and mutual ough we have little fully formilated to offer capitalist system are similar.International support. at present.Over the next year,we will employ participation will be welcomed and could lead In the summer, the Clapham Battered Wives Project has been completed and 4s running successfully.The Lambeth Womens Project has been completed,and there have been proposals for the Stockwell and Vauxhall Neighbourhood HealthCentreinwhichbothgroupswereinvo- industry.Itwasrecognisedthatsuccesslaywithorganisingdesignstaffin lved. Fellow SAGger Mike Moxley next moved in to work with Frankl, forming a partnership, and they are now working on “a number of projects” as a private firm. Are they still These projects,in which we worked as a larger group,changed our attitudes to methods of working.Problens arising from our working together and communicating as a large group made us rethink the feasibility of trying to change our attitudes to the client,users and ourselves in sugh a large group. ome union and dispite an active BDS/TASS branch this has not happened. The branch will meet with design workers in other unions within the private sector offices to push for a union for the private sector. - ‘Ser of unusually imaginative architects like Richard Rogers ppeaubourg and Lloyds= to be its eendon equivalent), their main ane Foster Associates, Farrell The Voren's School of Planning and Archit— ecture(WSPA)is a feminist network of women dealing with built environment issues.It originatedintheU.S.in1974asaschool Privatesectorstartsin19800S likely focus on U.S.institutions and policies Recent DOE figusurres haheve Smashed the mpybtihaintheat cuts in co)council house SONOF SEIFERT couslaughing would be made up b increases in private } - i drast cally reduce building e to standards HESELTINE'S WORK EXPERIENCE architecture A. Well sort of. NORTH OF WATFORD ime out‘s awareness of the old guard might be forgiven a bleat at the way they have so blatantly been used to gain an entrée into the gentleman's club of the RIBA council for the furtherance of their careers. Perhaps someone should put a black ball into the sagbag next time such opportunists court it. can't be ashamed of Opening their doors to the nuclear shelter lobby. et srinshaw, now split into two ch Hopkins and Neave Brown’. 3Se Midlands rep.However while this was happening she applied to and got a job with Hackney, and resigned her Birmingham job. Did she resign her post as SAG's midlands rep. In a word... no. ioddy's imprimatur in the Guardian 5 @ second Robert Adam. But age prongs the question of a successor © pass the empire on to. As Dadd: retires to his home and gar D attractively illustrated re the colour magazines) cently in pondering the he ma wisdo; mo: e fy? o Son of Seifert ieee eer rish, narrow minded at the Bartlett. He Kapbalccercee his fellow students, bringing his Own sandwiches so that he didn't have to mix at lunchtime with other The RIBA was very coy about of its facilities. The ad. fonts Brains Trust" on nuclear shelters FEMINIST GROUPS MATRIX the ideas of the Womens Movement means real- ising how we can make our skills useful as un-arrogantly as possible.It 4s easier on us because we do not stand to loose much= but harder for the groups we work with. So it is important to go carefully but it {is also important to discuss and make known ‘womens 'experiances of buildings.That woren think differently about buildings comes from our own experiance-but it 1s being continually strengthened by working with other womens We are currently working on a touring exhi- bition sponsored by the Arts Council on Women and Housing.It is partly analysis- looking at conventional housing design and the muclear fanilyjand partly trying to form- ulate alternatives by working with four very aifferent womens groups and seeing what they need in their situation.Working with these groups is leading us beyond the exhibition and into practice. Matrix de a collective of women all active rent ways in the women's movement ernea with buildings.We three work ther women working on part- ‘This support from other to our idea of what Matrix Looking for ne? ways of working which reflect We have made a definite choice to support ourselves mainly from work outside Matrix mudlding,tenching and research)rather than take op conventional 'private'architectural work.We feel good about this because these commitments,together with involvement in other ns,political and community eroups are essential to the evolution of our work as feninist designers and builders.This also reflects one of our basic aims is to breakdown the division of labour between those who think and make,and between those ‘oduce and consume buildings. oppressing and obscuring the needs and demands be changed. nUnG) q Pe,duri et se FROM THE TORIES that P-R. blurb about Lioyds London's Beaubourg again — co: Suggest that the building Be Heseltine axe again..... P+aHcowisdoarchitects withOutwork A. By their employees...ur..1 by their students. ae cussion group to two smaller working groups groups and fs involved in helping the Asian positions by immersing themselves in practical and mobilise Inner City Funds to renovate For a Government dedicated to when it's finisshed. I bet it'll have e s o us ap W e e e r e m p l o n n y 5 oc c ep tme o ing publ e i n “than“there arg eo ease p r i p ( i y ol i t e Eue a Si t o c a l l en,e t nor s yees heee i f e r t 's: o f f i cie. g it Sei u ar d Oh for lateral thinking. archi will never beinempl aed if tee think laterally. Isn't it wonderful the way we're all génning up about nuclear shelters. There have been pal ee dozen seminars in so many acnatchsi.a..at Leed S school,C and CA Eds. note: Oh Michael, don't for. to tell the RIBA so that they ora recognise these courses. (B.A.Seifert ?). Readers interested to know which practice offers educational facilities’ should write to Slate enclosing S.a.e. SHE FRANKLY RANKLES NEWS It appears as if the g ent! calculations that a raigiareenneis house building would increase dena d in,and therefore stimulate the private sector, are completely failing. "The private sector,” explains Valerie Karn from the Centre for Urban and Regional Studies, "will not Provide housin; if a profit cannot be made- no . matter how adversely affected the public rented sector becomes F matter how numerous the honed overnment shoul a ali that to attack the Rue reece itis pEesens form may be as counter- presuats for capital as it is for reducing public expenditure and to The Heseltine axe works cutti buildingwork,-andsetentteoes left for architectural competition. The military library competition, the second of these, is pulling in unemployed architects by the ane Oe Over 450 architects visited fe site on the two permitted days and hundreds more are expected to enter. We offer them our commiserations. Can nobody f more worthwhile activity eae : architects than designing a library (events officers in the arts 8. of war, and then seei drawings With a 99.8% cerca consigned to the SCrapheap. Ass 4sstillpresentinthousandsof Councdl flats warns Shelter's housing magazine. All forms of asbestos - blue, brown and white- can cause cancers if they are disturbed and the dust breathed in. The suthér of the article, Alan Dalton, 48 a lecturer in industrial health and safety. He explains how easily asbestos fibres can unknowingly be released into the air with some case histories. One tenant didn't mich like the corrugated surface of the fire- place panel in his sitting room. Bit by bit he sanded it down, releasing deadly asbest- 96 fibres into the air. Yet no evidence was for at the time to connect this with uent death from cancer. tells how workmen arriving at y 1979 to install central holes in asbestos panels der her windows in orde: fix radiators e didn't know that the dust left on the know the US government were making a study of PCP let alone that it would conclude that the chemical can cause cancer. They are now going to examine the US study. PCP is extensively as a wood preser- ¢ in Britain. Nobody manufact- 5 it here but over 400 tonnes were imported in 1979. Its most common use in the home is for the treatment of timber for dry rot and woodworm. PCP is the main ingredient ain consistuent in such’ well S as Rentokil, Protim and most worrying feature of the spread use of PCP is its entry © the human foodchain. In 1977 an international symposium discussed the environmental effects of PCP. The participants agreed 'Contaminat- ion of human populations with PCP at a level of 10 to 20 parts per lion is quite general in industr- ised countries.' The most likely rce of this contamination appears to be foodchain exposure to PCP treated wood products. Monsanto manufactured PCP in Britain until 1978 when production was disc- ontinued for health and commercial reasons. The company agrees that PCP is contaminated with hexachlorodiox- in to a level of 10 parts per million and with octochlorodioxin to the much greater level of 5 ta 10 thousand parts per million. Other countries have acted on PCP. As early as 1970 Sweden became alerted to its hazard when its use @s a control agent in paper manufac- turing was shown to be upsetting the ecological balance of nearby rivers and lakes. Its use for this purpose was banned. Later Swedish studies revealed that timber workers were being affected by PCP while dipping wood and inhaling PCP in sawdust. Since the beginning of 1980 PCP has been banned in Sweden as a wood preservative. W © through site ve feirly well understood, and i es not appear to be display © environmental effects.! Yet less than two weeks later the American government announced that the ingredient, pentachlorophenol CP), causes cancer. The US Envir- ital Protection Agency are now vely considering withdrawing PCP's licence for use. The tests undertaken by the National Toxicology Program of the US Depart- ment ‘of Health and Human Services, released on 9 December, revealed the contaminants found in ail commercial PCP caused liver cancers in male and female mice and female rats. Comp- es found to be carcinogenic in @ are generally regarded by the overnment a8 causing cancer in humans. ADDRESS TELEPHONE H W IN ADDITION TO OR IN PLACE OF BECOMING A NAM MEMBER I WOULD LIKE TO CONTRIBUTE s WORK.I ENCLOSE A CONTRIBUTION TO NAM I WOULD LIKE TO SUBSCRIBE TO SLA SIX ISSUES.I ENCLOSE £3.00). tog, and along with the had the same work done the mess taking no special estos is a costly operation ls find difficult to afford now pudget has been slashed. housing work. ghborough Estate with asbestos. it by the L.C.C. in ties end early sixties were built to fons. The work of remov- " y beginning. Fox, then Secretary for esked whether had any plans to use of an active ingr- Rentokil to treat dry rm. Fox said no. The sehaviour, he replied WE NEED YOUR SUPPORT IN SELLING PROMOTING AND CONTRIBUTING ACL? The contaminants are various forms of hexachlorodibenzo-p-dioxin (HCDD) a close relative of textrachlorodio- in. In Britain DoE officials admit when they answered the parlia- mentary question they did not even NAME ADDRESS TELEPHONE H OVERSEAS SUBSCRIBERS PLEASE ADD POSTAGE FOR SIX ISSUES. CONTACTS NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT 9,POLAND STREET,LONDON WIV 3DG. LIASON GROUP 4,COCKBURN SQUARE,PATHHEAD,MID-LOTHIAN,SCOTLAND. EDINBURGH ditto LEEDS 2,StMARTINS TERRACE,CHAPPLETOWN ROAD,LEEDS 6. LONDON 127,FAIRBRIDGE ROAD,HOLLOWAY,LONDON,N19. BRISTOL 149,LOWER CHELTENHAM PLACE,BRISTOL BS65ZB HULL 238a,SPRINGBANK,HULL,E.YORKS. PROFFESSIONAL INTEREST GROUP 9,POLAND STREET,LONDON W1V EDUCATION 175 ,HEMMINGFORD ROAD,LONDON N1. NOVEMBER GROUP 54,SOUTHWOOD LANE,LONDON N656B. MITRA 6/7b,LANGFORD ROAD,LONDON SW 6. MATRIX 33,DAVENANT ROAD,LONDON N19. SLATE 57,CARLETON ROAD,LONDON7N. future issues REGULAR COLUMNS IN FUTURE ISSUES WILL DEAL WITH HEALTH AND SAFTY MATERIALS SPECIFICATION,A DIRECTORY OF RADICAL ORGANISATIONS IN THE BUILDING INDUSTRY. WE INVITE CONTRIBUTIONS FOR INCLUSION IN THE DIRECTORY FORM ALL GROUPS INVOLVED IN RADICAL ACTIVITY FOR EXAMPLE DESIGN CO-OP's, BUILDING CO-OP's etc. WE ALSO INVITE PUBLISHERS TO SEND PUBLICATIONS FOR REVIEW. THE FORTH COMING SLATE WILL FEATURE ARTICALS ON,LUBETKIN WRITTEN BY JOHN ALLEN, FINANCIALLY TO NAM Pat" i iiia scm ameaancrteiaaanataeian, | i AL HOW TO JOIN NAM Th uilding Industry is one of the ats ; ee ways to earn a living. e common due to poor ions and the daredevil ion workers T WOULD LIKE TO BE A MEMBER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT AND ENCLOSE THE SUM OF £8.00) or £3.00 FOR CLAIMANTS sSTUDENTS ,OAP' s. ONE YEARS SUBSCRIPTION INCLUDES SLATE FREE FOR THAT YEAR. NAME SUBSCRIBE TO SLATE TE.A SUBSCRIPTION ENTITLES ME TO SUBSCRIPTION TO OFFICES ,LIBRARIES ,AND ORGANISATIONS etc £6.00 FOR SIX ISSUES BACK COPIES 2-16 £1.00p EACH COPY To eo AND ARCHITECTUROEF THE SPANISH REVOLUTION COMPILED BY THE SLATE COLLECTIVE. SUBSCRIBE NOW TO AVOID DISSAPOINTMENT ing Industry is one of the us ways to earn a living. due to poor recautions and the daredevil Yet less than two weeks later the American government announced that the ingredient, pentachlorophenol (pcP), causes cancer. The US Envir~ ntal Protection Agency are now ely considering withdrawing licence for use. The tests undertaken by the National Toxicology Program of the US Depart- ment ‘of Health and Human Services, BOOK «SQUATTING REVIEW A review by Marian Biernat. s of construct the imp y building workers OWN» at. the architect is sDBES Tes: Asbestos ig still present in thousands of Sounc4} flats warns ROG elter's housing magazine. All forms of asbestos - blue, t and white- can cause cancers if they are disturbed and the dust breathed in. ce and female rats. Comp- ound to be carcinogenic in : Jou whie, Sauat The suth article, Alan Dalton, 18 lecturer in viustrial health and safety. He explains horm easily asbestos fibres can inknowingly be released into the air with some ease histories. One tenant didn't mich like the corrugated surface of the fire- place panel in his sitting room. Bit by bit stells how worknen arriving at flat in July 1979 to install central drilled holes in asbestos panels er windows in order to fix radiators read use of PCP is its entry human foodchain. In 1977 an asbestos is a costly operation eils find difficult to afford now ~ housing budget has been slashed. be foodchain exposure to PCP reated wood products. it doesn't treat squatting simply as housing politics and economics. Squatting wos and is about much more than waiting Squatters, this book should nevertheless be essential reading for anyone contemplating direct action action in housing. For the rest of us, it will make an excellent addition to the bookshelf- between the VW manual and the vegetarian cookery books. —— money has been found work has held up by the ban on housing work. Monsanto manufactured PCP in Britain until 1978 when production was disc- ontinued for health and commercial The company agrees that PCP edwithhexachlorodiox- evel of 10 parts per million and with octochlorodioxin to the much greater level of 5 to 10 thousand parts per million. Other countries have acted on PCP. y as 1970 Sweden became erted to its hazard when its use control agent in paper manufac- turing was shown to be upsetting the ecological balance of nearby rivers and lakes. Its use for this purpose was banned. Later Swedish studies revealed that timber workers were ng affected by PCP while dipping d and inhaling PCP in sawdust. ce the beginning of 1980 PCP has nned in Sweden as a wood preservative. properties, and statistics of housing need and provision. Many people were attracted to squats because they allowed them to develop a lifestyle unrepressed byBuildingSoofeties,privatelandlords, and Councdl Housing Department officials. Mary squats, became the sort of thriving 2 to the Loughbi hEstate is riddled with asbestos. owned by others. Nevertheless, as is made Clear, certain political developments in 1968 combined with the hysterical media reactiontothehippysquatsof1969,set the tone for the events of the last I2 years. It is on these events of the last 72 years that the book concentrates. There and dynamic communities planners and ‘News ON eOfwer tatesbuiltbytheL.C.c.in and early six e seme specifications. The work of remov- asbestos is only beginning. are nevertheless, chapters on the history of squatting, and,a regretably short, chapter on "the rest of the world”. Despite the consistent raw deal that squatters have had from the media, one gets the impression after reading this book, that it would be wrong to see this Sirply as the natural reaction of a right- wing press against the threat to property rights, and against a "dangerous " alternative lifestyle. In fact, some of the most objectionable anti-squatter tactics were perpetrated by solid Labour Councils such as Lambeth and Camien. These included the gutting and demolition of houses specifically for the purpose of keeping out squatters. architects often dream about, yet usually fail to achieve. Yet large sections of the Left fafled to See anything positive in these develop - ments. For them, direct action and self- help, were merely a nuisance which hindered development plans and upset the sanctity of the Council Waiting List. The fact that many squats attracted more than their fair share of drug-pushers and petty criminals, and the atmosphere of tolerance to these people, did nothing of course to improve the squatters’ image. Add to this the reaction, in sone cases, of local residents conditioned to expect squatters to be anti-social bums, ami we can see why yet another natural alliance of the Left never came about. ix weks ago Marcus Fox, then ry Under-Secretary for npent was asked whether d any plans to 2 of an. active ingr- over pecif EDITED BY WATES CHRISTIAN WOLMAR jour Cy home to treat dry id no. The he replied 4 on 9 December, revealed the ts found in ali commercial d liver cancers in male and the real story » ‘Ousy sate\(oe t e are generally regarded by the US government a8 causing cancer in humans. of hexachlorodibenzo=p-dioxin (HCDD) a close relative of textrachlorodio- xin. In Britain DoE officials admit that when they answered the parlia- mtary question they did not even e US government were making a study of PCP let alone that it would conclude that the chemical can cause cer. They are now going to examine the US study. PCP is extensively as a wood preser- in Britain. Nobody manufact- it here but over 400 tonnes e imported in 1979. Its most common use in the home is for the treatment of timber for dry rot and woodworm. PCP is the main ingredient and main consistuent in such’ well prod! as Rentokil, Protim and BANNED SWEDEN ost worrying feature of the Compiled by Nick Wates. Published by Bay Leaf Books. Dec I980. Paperback £4.90. Hardback £11.50. ",..parasitic deviants who steal people's houses and constitute a threat to everything decent in society..." As one might expect, this book tries to question and undermine the popular myth of squatting and squatters Mercifully, {t stops well short of proposing an alternative mythology. Indeed, one of the things I liked about this book was the way it's structure and presentation undermine the lie implicit in the title, that there is a "real story" of squatting. The book is a compilation with contributions from nineteen authors (most of them squatters at one time or another, and therefore mostly sympathetic to the Squatting movement), yet writing from a variety of perspectives, and in a variety of styles. The written contributions are well supported by a lively melange of poems photos, graphics, and newspaper cuttings. We are thus, not presented with a single image, but encouraged to see the “truth” of squatting, as never more than the sum of images which we absorb at any one time, whether these are the images Presented to us by a reactionary and sensationalist press, or by leftish Journalists. ther THE PRESERVER 1€ contaminants are various forms international symposium discussed ronmental effects of PCP. The participants agreed ‘Contaminat- n of human populations with PCP at el of 10 to 20 parts per on is quite general in industr- lised countries." The most likely urce of this contamination appears One of the successes of the book, is that Not intended as a D.I.Y. guide to NICK & you \Maereaway Squatting, we learn, "is the oldest form of tenure in the world", and "We are all descended from squatters". Squatting is certainly nothing new, the essential ingrediants being simply the existence of lists, redevelopment plans, empty homeless people and empty buildings Mette, wipe tickt Het nH nih ¢ ii } eH ithtuey Hk i re ] pal ae i tu ea From Melman ArchitectsFormal NAM holds hisite of any ong architect- meani Pu a er either the condit- nd organise ir appropriate Trade reflects, in its hierarchy, ed by the first 4 n s nico i te then, th are in venent among 980 Annual Congressarchy dominates the Registration economic term: of their work is »such agitation 5;as employ- that all hould join king peo A GUIDE FOR THE PERPLEXED by Giles Pebody Council by a hugh majority and makes just further policy remai the intention -New Relationships their living ~ to urge that ectural work on the me houl round around the concept of pyeunnse service, in s% is practiced. m outside the profession 1 architectural their fellow their's is an society at large. for any camp- reorganisation of working and the re- ms of control and between architect- d people affected by architects These groups aim to resist the process by which professionals exploit their claimed body of specialist knowledge to secure aprivileged social position by being painstakingly open about the reasons benind the advice that they give. The object of architectural func= NAM became compulsory in Britain in ly3d. Many of its political supporters Saw the Bill's arrangements a5 4 form of ‘This last and most complex set of issues under pins the others and embraces the ways in which the attitudes of arch- itectural workers are moulded to ensure their acceptance of the material and intellectual conditions of architectural work.Schools of architecture play an important part in promoting the value systems necessary for the current forms of architectural practice,but they do not train the'technicianswh'o make up a sizeable proportion of the architect— ural workforce;neither do they have an extended relationship with pract- joners in order to influence the contin~ ual reformation of values and attitudes. Activity for these groups is centred on the architectural journals and the so called*learned society'functions of the RIBA through local and national meetings and conferences.NAM recognises the importance of these questions but has found it more difficult to formulate an approace to them,probably because they are more complex thoeretically than the other areas of the movements activity. Conversely the lack of ability to address adequately the question of achitectural ideology has hampered NAM's success in its other campaigns. What work has been done in this area has been by way of providing'alternatives' to established activities,open meetings andthe publishing of a magazine. NAM is currently attempting to Set up an education group.iIt is envisaged that this group would organise around a rejection of the uncritical methods of architectural education practiced in most schools. Giles ir in the issue of work. It ig Practice are, or have been, associat- NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT only way to restore the true of Registration, would be to i a Council in which lay inter- hold a majority, rather than & t n role. Again, such a change will not come through the agitation of architectural workers alone, but it is important for them to work to reorganis— actice in cres a climate for change througn ty expe g the inadequacies and contra- dictions of the workings of the con- temporary professional institutions, and supporting and encouraging lay pressures for change. tat the outcome of the current ©° with NAM. Generally speaking, n architectural work can only they offer services to the users environment and, while the right to carry out such transformations rests almost exclusively with dominant social interests, architectural work carried out for working class groups becomes part of a wider political atruggle for resources and social justice. These new relationships throw into relief the political nature of all architectural work, a reality generally obscured for architects by the fundamental coincidence of their interest with those of building owners,and for working people by the claimed'neutrality'of profess- ional advice. AM'S aims are an interpretation lof socialist principles applied practice of architecture. public control over the profession. ver, 2 ethat i 1 fone This spirit survived into the Act in the camp=- the form of the arrangements for the is more t change pressure by ar composition of the Council(ARCUK), set up to administer it, which, alth- ough somewhat dominated numerically y architects, does have lay members. fessional association among architects,’ the hier- employment in the profession, s. NAM takes the view that the concept of registration of certain groups of professionals is reasonable, provid- ing the process ensures that they pratice with particular skill, com- petence and care. Otherwise registr- ation can, and has been, exploited by architects for protectionist ends. The Royal Institute of British Arch- itects, now the most powerful pro- such exploitative use of it. workpla aries of traditional architectural r architectural workers if i r Y - and, in particular, to tenants in in working class neighbourhoods. In so doing, they are instrumental in beginning the redistribution of ex~ pertise in society, both through the fact that they are serving working class clients and by their way of working. They also frame the problems and issues to be faced by acchitectural workers generally as they move to- wards increased public accountability in their work,and the groups practicing in the new relationship hold out technical and organisational models for wider consideration. Training and Ideology eral architects and groups of be baseaarchitects who work outside the bound- rather than the owners of buildings the public sector and community groups istration of work is the transformation of the NAME ADDRESS TELEPHONE 4H NAME ADDRESS TELEPHONE 4H CONTACTS W W HOW TO JOIN NAM I WOULD LIKE TO SUBSCRIBE TO SLATE.A SUBSCRIPTION ENTITLES ME TO SIX ISSUES.I ENCLOSE £3.00. OVERSEAS SUBSCRIBERS PLEASE ADD POSTAGE FOR SIX ISSUES. SUBSCRIPTION TO OFFICES LIBRARIES AND ORGANISATIONS etc £6.00) FOR SIX ISSUES BACK COPIES 2-16 £1.00p EACH COPY IN ADDITION TO OR IN PLACE OF BECOMING A NAM MEMBER I WOULD LIKE TO CONTRIBUTE FINANCIALLY TO NAM’s WORK.I ENCLOSE A CONTRIBUTION TO NAM SUBSCRIBE TO SLATE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT 9,POLAND STREET,LONDON WIV 3DG. LIASON GROUP 4,COCKBURN SQUARE ,PATHHEAD, MID-LOTHIAN ,SCOTLAND. EDINBURGH ditto LEEDS 2,StMARTINS TERRACE, CHAPPLETOWN ROAD, LEEDS 6. LONDON 127,FAIRBRIDGE ROAD,HOLLOWAY,LONDON,N19. BRISTOL 149,LOWER CHELTENHAM PLACE BRISTOL BS65 ZB HULL 238a,SPRINGBANK,HULL,E.YORKS. PROFFESSIONAL INTEREST GROUP 9,POLAND STREET,LONDON W1V EDUCATION 175 ,HEMMINGFORD ROAD,LONDON NI. NOVEMBER GROUP 54,SOUTHWOOD LANE,LONDON N65EB. MITRA 67b,LANGFORD ROAD,LONDON SW 6. MATRIX 33,DAVENANT ROAD,LONDON N19. SLATE 57,CARLETON ROAD,LONDON7N. I WOULD LIKE TO BE A MEMBER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT AND ENCLOSE THE SUM OF £8.00) or £3.00 FOR CLAIMANTS ,STUDENTS ,OAP's. ONE YEARS SUBSCRIPTION INCLUDES SLATE FREE FOR THAT YEAR. future issues REGULAR COLUMNS IN FUTURE ISSUES WILL DEAL WITH HEALTH AND SAFTY ,MATERIALS SPECIFICATION,A DIRECTORY OF RADICAL ORGANISATIONS IN THE BUILDING INDUSTRY. WE INVITE CONTRIBUTIONS FOR INCLUSION IN THE DIRECTORY FORM ALL GROUPS INVOLVED IN RADICAL ACTIVITY FOR EXAMPLE DESIGN CO-OP's, BUILDING CO-OP's etc. WE ALSO INVITE PUBLISHERS TO SEND PUBLICATIONS FOR REVIEW. THE FORTH COMING SLATE WILL FEATURE ARTICALS ON,LUBETKIN WRITTEN BY JOHN ALLEN, AND ARCHITECTURE OF THE SPANISH REVOLUTION COMPILED BY THE SLATE COLLECTIVE. SUBSCRIBE NOW TO AVOID DISSAPOINTMENT WENEEDYOURSUPPORTINTON PROMOTING AND CONTRIBUTINGSate Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan (2) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1981 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/36d521705c46736a26743636c6d2189f.pdf f3ccab8935bd5a09ba8ea97ea8800060 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Articles about Urban History Subject The topic of the resource 4 SLATE handwritten Articles by John Murray about historical studies incl Urban history Description An account of the resource freer »Ue panastianaef Krbol hyatorieprabled (hipefied by eG Vicia Lnvesd Hand faotles Sopinend Aly °— eddidby Dyes gn tha the laot escay n— hye SeMe? | ann palo strkomod _ “tks alate (4 cospinicalburtory) har been : on(kefrelolenoreitlewHornVoprocera serieshangs @, aint biufly Ade be! 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So ta books Uistid at te oud a Hisunhetuchioncoilnotlereroused.Theseand | Letty wl alley be ua0d portculan asheds af appraces fo urban Mastery. tstaopartuatlageicataere e ar Mefrences fo ibuchate Z roltyis~_ thosepotlatKOAHOWD,LfoTea IS eltbevalely seloctive. On th olley hard an Urban. hijoy beronce Uick tu. did net wclude Those wold be dn complol, y hawovey Fore a | purportantwee (pectrortleobviousone)pleare | [eve Wie. entorpatrnd te use source matinal pmflhin 5om 20nd ann 3® held 0 4Peoreoliistdsay elses Harner Ast jen articles wold in explana, these petted reraow, Liko the WStow2s fhonrcebven ,acly on HE jouer Hoon , df hace Gre explicit we Pnar Utngne re Ae |f iter) perpulvaled . So ta booles Ustad at te Ond af ant nota4 udualh TA ADO actrqpeal Ath nso be teh poole micvaloyprefates wll he Eceartaae GS this mibvedeotion coill ot le morowed. These and eottyn wll parteculan asels a apfyaoclos £ usta Mastery. rallw be uacd a tefore-cesfo_ilbuchate — Isdelabevalely seloctive. On th oltoy hand an Urban Ms for beronce ligt whl. did net wclude These would be én cooblol, y hramrouey Fhore 2 pwaporant emnitsians (apartfrom tle obrrons one) [lerae S. lot us Brow. Bort with bo acded cvev He mmlks cmdofall ist Ulbedrclucted1.Uelastarticle The usm a] otto, od perhaps Lotth, hyo by sfrias wil be refered to frroughaut He eae 0|Tle articles ul! be eairnalal col Confanasd «Ths sulyoct sol] +o cofontd manly but net exclyatuoly 1 te Bytisle exponance Lt will be argued = | he Aomavant ofrerch foBriich urban tystoryisdnpinical,| Hscharvaclomctics,Usforetfe a~dUsmostPomona| —_ txfiaonlscoil!poclescribed+Batol.unbvonhiatofror (sp \ WoRMATIUE } a HL nt fart 1S Nomatwe. That 1s fe say otdoombes [wohat is" vr famas of “that aught fobe’, What euglt fo be 0d a dunchore| thy sensibillloifetse histanauddusAge History.trawsmibsamd.olor Praad.ag — ot wll ho panto Hat toxsoforl eo 1 idorkfos evets a Prebolomfsheempicalafro, | cmhols the maorurgof busty ti elesfojushpy | _| cmdofall histmlbetrchuclid1.Uelastarticle. The osork af oki, od ferbaps Be ac eignes _—__ eftwonts oul! po cleseribed» Butt unan hastory fev | WoRMATIVE 2. lot us but 1 Borty Lidl be added cvev He wuintks wk be refed fo throughout He Seria- »)|Tle arrtclos uyf| be eatnalals col Cpataatid «Tha Stuhapcol sol 40 Conprned dint} Lut net excluswoly foteEwtisl cxpomoica: ft willbearguejedct | Hs ChayahOMHtcs, ukforet foe ad tsA fovews CH mat_fart1sNamatwe.That1stesaydoses ae of“whatcughtfbo euglt fobe voafunchonre) hasten and Aus Ages Hiskeof trawsinuks and meloy> bravtodge +t wlllbo rauntlhaticnsefoavao_| idenkfes overts anproeloonfskempwcadafercl What th sensibilities ofHe cos ThemawrungefLusty aaedfo.juste —a i step and cusfamn preset das soul bol bingo Atdag t amd belies ad uk oagins : Tho articles will sel ar a lonylid nner of Soyees WA RlAan~ 4 ome pened af urban huotey — te ® pweldoutt, Contunny, The frat toe he eSanpp aw djccygo Po natureand evlt- a Unban hi Sfor te Nelabinr chop % Mi fterico b gyuoved, | SUGGESTED READING: (Appar. pees aS Appraches toIS. 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Chango fom “The Aistooan Ba Qe Heaaty"OS (2) hid $227 Handlur+ Burclard P22e. | (2) Ray mont Willians ¢ Rey usevelo é ‘ (4) Evttebshawna Karl Mans cobibutoo Histriepabhy” é “ldeology bSsual Seurce Gl QBackbtin., b279 (6) Sawtateeter itil £ 278 jot sp AMA biting Sfulued nfo 7 Ay frrecal Cvtule Cauce ot LEY hy pettim—te eeh Cvceflby oy falasef eae ZH Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Feb 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f6a1dfc37651ce05b2aa8b00dc02a770.pdf 5684cfc91e1e83bb0b4a2fd2d1635d57 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Calendar 1977 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f9bbbf7fec433193bb547011cc359c73.pdf a40da1cd5c996622767af641d477cf56 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Calendar 1978 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Louis Hellman Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/67bf42b336728d76884def3b6009c8e3.pdf 18efd6224d1c11fd1feea0fd1e8b145b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Calendar 1979 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM SLATE Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1979