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                <text> The (Unionisation) Organising Committee of the New Architecture Movement calls a Special, One-Day&#13;
Is there an answer to...&#13;
..redundancies?&#13;
..-declining standard of living? ...shoddy design and cutting of corners? ++-secretive and arbitrary management?&#13;
YES!&#13;
cS&#13;
\ People in architecture and the ‘_...&#13;
es EAPCHHUSE Bue nr \ ee| AONION FOR ?!!&#13;
related building professions are becoming aware that their EMPLOYMENT SECURITY, their STANDARD OF LIVING, and the WHAT, HOW, and WHY of the work they do, not to mention the quality of the environment they share as members of the commu- nity, are as much at the mercy of the market as those of any other working people.&#13;
IF you work in architecture, surveying, structural or building services engineering, quantity surveying, town planning, etc.,&#13;
AND you want to begin to gain control over your working life by helping to build a strong, active, democratic and unified trade union organisation among your 50,000 colleagues in "private sector" firms and departments,&#13;
THEN join us to collectively decide on ONE UNION for architectural and allied workers in the private sector, to consider priorities for union action and to initiate a serious organising campaign.&#13;
ONE-DAY SPECIAL CONFERENCE ON TRADE UNION ORGANISATION IN ARCHITECTURE AND THE ALLIED BUILDING PROFESSIONS&#13;
Closing date for receipt of application forms for conference credentials is Wednesday, 4th May.&#13;
(Unionisation) Organising Committee, The New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland St., London Wl.&#13;
P.T.0.&#13;
Conference on Trade Union Organisation in Architecture &amp; the Allied Bldg. Professions&#13;
LONDON Saturday, 14 MAY 1977 10am to 6pm&#13;
&#13;
 Why a Special Conference?&#13;
The Organising Committee calls this Special Conference to answer the crucial question, "WHICH UNION?" with a collective, democratic decision, as broadly-based as possible. Those who participate in the decision at the Conference will be expected to support it and join the union.&#13;
The conference will also discuss priorities and policies for union organising and action as well as means for co-ordinating and strengthening trade unionism among architectural workers in both private and public sectors.&#13;
Why now?&#13;
In response to growing concern that the present employment crisis in architecture as well as the more profound crisis of confidence and identity in the profession requires some form of bona-fide trade&#13;
union organisation, the Unionisation Working Group&#13;
of Central London NAM produced its Draft Report, "Architectural Workers and Trade Unionism" after six months of research and discussion.&#13;
The Draft Report was presented to NAM's 2nd National Congress in Blackpool, November 26-28, 1976, where it was enthusiastically received. The Congress set up an enlarged, national Organising Committee to (a) develop a campaign for the organisation of the nearly 50,000 people working in the almost totally unorganised private sector of the building profes- sions, and (b) co-ordinate trade union activities among architectural workers in all sectors.&#13;
Since the Congress, the Organising Committee has been busy investigating all reasonable alter— natives for dealing with the difficult task of or- ganising in the private sector. These include orga- nising within ONE of the unions considered most relevant (with whose officials we have had further, more detailed exploratory talks) or starting from scratch and building a new union especially for workers in the building professions.&#13;
The Draft Report emphasized that unless archi- tectural and allied workers in the private sector are organised into ONE, and only one, union, "The result will be that the inevitable organisation&#13;
will proceed slowly, sporadically and hesitantly, will be unnecessarily protracted; will remain in- complete; and will never be able to contribute to the workers, professions, industry and community what an effective, coherent union could.”&#13;
Costs&#13;
The Revised Report&#13;
The completely revised, enlarged and up-dated "second edition" of the report on trade union organ- isation, essential background for the Conference, will be available by the end of March from the Or—- ganising Committee and...&#13;
..-discusses the reasons for organising, ...-critically examines the history and current&#13;
state of organisation in architecture, in both&#13;
public and private sectors,&#13;
..-evaluates the feasibility of an organising&#13;
drive now,&#13;
...surveys the various types of trade unionism&#13;
Full Conference fee including Briefing and Revised Report is £3.50 for employed people and £2.50 for claimants, accompanied by completed appli- cation form for conference credentials. (Cost of Conference includes buffet lunch.)&#13;
Revised Report only is £0.65, postpaid.&#13;
(N.B.: The Organising Committee may be able to arrange limited overnight accommodation where necessary. Please enquire.)&#13;
All orders, requests for further copies of prospectus or for credentials application forms, enquiries, and completed application forms (before May 4 )to (Unionisation) Organising Committee, The New Archi- tecture Movement, 9 Poland Street, London Wl, enclos-— ing check or postal order payable to The New Archi- tecture Movement.&#13;
possible, and +..cOnsiders how&#13;
The Report&#13;
ment of a "grass-roots" alliance of trade union- ists in architecture, regardless of sector or union (of which there are at least eight which have achieved recognition in ‘the public sector) to aid organisation, encourage active trade unionism, and co-ordinate and strengthen trade union activities and policies among architectural workers. It is expected that this will also be discussed at the Conference.&#13;
Conference Briefing&#13;
A full Briefing package for the Conference, including results of the research into the unions considered relevant and detailed Conference par- ticulars and procedures will be available from the Organising Committee by mid-April.&#13;
organisation could proceed.&#13;
also proposes the establish-&#13;
(3/77)&#13;
&#13;
 Is there an answer to...&#13;
...redundancies?&#13;
...declining standard of living? ...Shoddy design and cutting of corners? ...secretive and arbitrary management?&#13;
YES!&#13;
quantity surveying, town planning, etc.,&#13;
AND you want to begin to gain control over your working life by helping to build&#13;
50,000 colleagues in "private sector” firms and departments,&#13;
to initiate a serious organising campaign.&#13;
LONDON Saturday, 14 MAY 1977 10am to 6pm Wednesday, 4th May.&#13;
People in architecture and the related building professions&#13;
are becoming aware that their EMPLOYMENT SECURITY, their STANDARD OF LIVING, and the WHAT, HOW, and WHY of the work they do, not to mention the quality of the environment they share as members of the commu- nity, are as much at the mercy of the market as those of any other working people.&#13;
P.T.0.&#13;
The (Unionisation) Organising Committee of the New Architecture Movement calls a Special, One-Day&#13;
Conference on Trade Union Organisation in Architecture &amp; the Allied Bldg. Professions&#13;
IF you work in architecture, surveying, structural or building services engineering,&#13;
a strong, active, democratic and unified trade union organisation among your&#13;
THEN join us to collectively decide on ONE UNION for architectural and allied workers in the private sector, to consider priorities for union action and&#13;
ONE-DAY SPECIAL CONFERENCE ON TRADE UNION ORGANISATION IN ARCHITECTURE AND THE ALLIED BUILDING PROFESSIONS&#13;
Closing date for receipt of application forms for conference credentials is&#13;
(Unionisation) Organising Committee, The New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland St., London Wl.&#13;
&#13;
 Why a Special Conference?&#13;
The Revised Report&#13;
The conference will also discuss priorities and policies for union organising and action as well &amp;s means for co-ordinating and strengthening trade unionism among architectural workers in both private&#13;
And public sectors. Why now?&#13;
In response to growing concern that the present employment crisis in architecture as well as the more profound crisis of confidence and identity in the profession requires some form of bona-fide trade union organisation, the Unionisation Working Group&#13;
of Central London NAM produced its Draft Report, "Architectural Workers and Trade Unionism" after six months of research and discussion.&#13;
Costs&#13;
Full Conference fee&#13;
tecture Movement.&#13;
Conference Briefing&#13;
A full Briefing package for the Conference, including results of the research into the unions considered relevant and detailed Conference par- ticulars and procedures will be available from the Organising Committee by mid-April.&#13;
(3/77)&#13;
The completely revised, enlarged and up-dated "second edition" of the report on trade union organ- isation, essential background for the Conference, will be available by the end of March from the Or- ganising Committee and...&#13;
-.-discusses the reasons for organising, +--critically examines the history and current&#13;
state of organisation in architecture, in both&#13;
public and private sectors,&#13;
--.€valuates the feasibility of an organising&#13;
drive now,&#13;
++-Surveys the various types of trade unionism&#13;
possible, and&#13;
++.considers how organisation could proceed.&#13;
The Report also proposes the establish- ment of a "grass-roots" alliance of trade union- ists in architecture, regardless of sector or union (of which there are at least eight which have achieved recognition in ‘the public sector) to aid organisation, encourage active trade unionism, and co-ordinate and strengthen trade union activities and policies among’ architectural workers. It is expected that this will also be discussed at the Conference.&#13;
The Organising Committee calls this Special Conference to answer the crucial question, "WHICH UNION?" with a collective, democratic decision, as broadly-based as possible. Those who participate in the decision at the Conference will be expected to Support it and join the union.&#13;
The Draft Report was presented to NAM's 2nd National Congress in Blackpool, November 26-28, 1976, where it was enthusiastically received. The Congress Set up an enlarged, national Organising Committee to (a) develop a campaign for the organisation of the nearly 50,000 people working in the almost totally unorganised private sector of the building profes- sions, and (b) co-ordinate trade union activities among architectural workers in all sectors.&#13;
Since the Congress, the Organising Committee has been busy investigating all reasonable alter— natives for dealing with the difficult task of or- ganising in the private sector. These include orga- nising within ONE of the unions considered most relevant (with whose officials we have had further, more detailed exploratory talks) or starting from scratch and building a new union especially for workers in the building professions.&#13;
The Draft Report emphasized that unless archi- tectural and allied workers in the private sector are organised into ONE, and only one, union, "The result will be that the inevitable organisation&#13;
will proceed slowly, sporadically and hesitantly; will be unnecessarily protracted; will remain in- complete; and will never be able to contribute to the workers, professions, industry and community what an effective, coherent union could."&#13;
Revised Report is £3.50 for employed people and £2.50 for claimants, accompanied by completed appli- cation form for conference credentials. (Cost of Conference includes buffet lunch.)&#13;
Revised Report only is £0.65, postpaid. necessary. Please enquire.)&#13;
(N.B.: The Organising Committee may be able to arrange limited Overnight accommodation where&#13;
including Briefing and&#13;
All orders, requests for further copies of prospectus or for credentials application forms, enquiries, and completed application forms (before May 4. )to (Unionisation) Organising Committee, The New Archi- tecture Movement, 9 Poland Street, London Wi, enclos- ing check or postal order payable to The New Archi-&#13;
&#13;
 While architectural management ner-&#13;
youlsy awaits the increasinly inevitable&#13;
NAM AFFILIATED ARCHITECTS effort to reduce running costs at Portland Place HAVE BEEN ELECTED to six of&#13;
NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT MARCH 1977&#13;
EXCLUSIVE NAM ALMOST RULE O.K! ARCUK after 40 years in the wilderness&#13;
trade union organisation among architec-&#13;
tural workers, more and more staff at the tions among the army of foot soldiers so meces-&#13;
London headquarters of their own Royal&#13;
Institute of British Architects have been&#13;
joining a union to begin collective negoti-&#13;
ations with the RIBA over pay and condi- tation and no assurance was given that further&#13;
tions and to prevent further redundancies redundancies would not follow.&#13;
without consultation. At that point, a nucleus ofstaff joined the&#13;
Organisation has been accelerated by the un- Association of Scientific, Technical and Mana-&#13;
stripping’ reductions in some RIBA services in an tion and negoiating rights.&#13;
(e.g. AA, IAAS, FAS, ABT). ARCUK is the body set up by&#13;
WOULD YOU PUT IN AN ENTRY TO AN ARCHITECTURAL COMPETITION IN CHILE OR SOUTH AFRICA? Where DO you draw the line between career and conscience? The Iranian Government, described by Amnesty International as&#13;
having the worst human rights record in the world, have recently announced a competition for the design of a 100,000M2 ‘Pahlavi National Library’ to be sited in Tehran.&#13;
If realised, this will be another concrete symbol of the dictatorial power of the Pahlavi dynasty that has ruled Iran since 1925: it will be a formalist gesture in the same vein as&#13;
‘Brasilia’.&#13;
‘The Iranian dictatorship is among the&#13;
most repressive and reactionary regimes in the world. The most blatant and outrageous violations of basic human right are&#13;
becoming the daily practices of thisbarbanc&#13;
regime. Having no popubr support in the country the Shah's dictatorship can only maintain its reactionary rule by terror and repression. There are now more than 40,000 political prisoners in the regime’s jails, the&#13;
vast majority of whom have never been tried publicly, or secretly, nor even charged with any offences. These prisoners are members of political organisations opposed to the dictatorship, workers who have fought for&#13;
the interests of the working class, militant stodents and artists, intellectuals and moslem clergymen who have refused to put themselves at the disposal of the regime’ . from a leaflet published by CARI (Committee against repression in Iran).&#13;
Since the C.I.A. organised coup in&#13;
53 the government have tried, through&#13;
a massive public relations exercise, to cover up the truth about the gross&#13;
denial of human rights and the polarisation of wealth in Iran. Participation in this competition by professionals outside Iran is as much&#13;
a reinforcement of the Shah’s regime as the supply of armaments and information technology by the western countries. So where do you draw the line?&#13;
Parliament under the Architects Registration Acts of 1931 and 1938 to ‘regulate’ the profession, presumably in the public interest, by restricting use of the title ‘architect’ and controlling the standard of architectural education. It has since inception been totally dominated by the architectural&#13;
This year will be the first time since 1941 that there will be no RIBA member representing unattached architects.&#13;
Until 1941, the unattached architects representation was dominated by&#13;
members of the Institute of Registered Architects, a body which avowedly represented the interests of principals&#13;
in private practice and which later&#13;
merged with the Faculty of Architects&#13;
and Surveyors (FAS). [see col3 P.2&#13;
and thus keep the RIBA’s subscription level be- low that which might spark off full-scale deser-&#13;
the seven seats on the Architects Registration Council (ARCUK) which have been allocated to ‘unattached architects’ for 1977-78. Balloting took place in&#13;
sary to the archi-Generals’ public credibility. In August 1976, three members of HQ staff&#13;
were made redundant. There was no prior consul- January and February among the&#13;
gerial Staffs (ASTMS) and by now recruitment&#13;
more than 3,000 registered architects in the U.K. who are not members of the Royal Institute of British Arhcitects&#13;
rest at the Prtland Place HQ setoff by the&#13;
appointment last yearof a ‘chief executive’ for&#13;
the RIBA. It was feared that cuts would be made ten to wait until a majority of HQ workers are ‘constituent bodies’ of ARCUK in some departments and there would be ‘asset- union members before seeking union recogni-&#13;
has reached about 30%. The organised staff in - (RIBA) or of the other, smaller&#13;
employers’ association (RIBA). °&#13;
unattached architects This year, for the first time in ARCUK’s history, only truly unattached architects will be representing the unattached architects. Despite their being incumbents, the two RIBA members who were running for election by unattached architects finished last in the balloting among the eleven candidates.&#13;
ORGANISING PORTLAND PLACE&#13;
WHERE DO YOU DRAW THE LINE?&#13;
&#13;
 slate’, n., n., &amp; y.t. 1, Kinds of grey, green, or blulsh-purple rock casily eplit Jato flat smooth plates; pleco of such&#13;
‘¢used ns roofing-material; pleco of It t&#13;
Ifoforrenounco oblign-&#13;
~dlue, -grey, modifications ssuch ns occur in~; l-~-clud, al benefit soclety with small weekly contributions; ~-colour(ed), (of) dark Dluish or greenish groy; hence slat’x? a,&#13;
2. adj. (Made) . 3.¥.t. Cover with~3 roofing; henco slit‘eR‘ n, (ME .OF esclate, fem. of esclat stat*)&#13;
v.t. (collog.). Criticize severely or in reviews), scold, rate; Propose for office etc, Henco&#13;
n.(app.ft,prec.]&#13;
SLATE IS THE NEWSLETTER&#13;
OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly by the Movement’s Liaison Group and edited on its behalf by an adhoc committee set up in January 1977..&#13;
News and features of broad interest&#13;
to workers in the profession, and the building industry and to the wider&#13;
public are included to stimulate debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s views and activities to the attention of the widest readership.&#13;
-. help build SLATE’s readership . help to build NAM . subscribe to SLATE . show it to your friends&#13;
. become a local rep to distribute SLATE in your office, school or&#13;
town . ask for SLATE in your local bookshop .getyourschooloroffice to subscribe.&#13;
.AND THE FUTURE&#13;
For SLATE to grow asalively reflection of the views of radical Architectural Workersandothersconcernedwiththe Processes which shape our environment, accountability of editorial decisions to the members of the Movement is essential. This year four further issues are planned. Each one will be proceeded by an open meeting with the Editorial Committee. Come and express your views and criticisms at these meetings or through&#13;
the letters column of SLATE. Next&#13;
year it is suggested that the adhoc committee should be disbanded to be replaced by an editorial committee elected by and directly responsible to the annual congress of the Movement.&#13;
The first SLATE open meeting is in London on 4th April 1977.&#13;
WORK ON SLATE&#13;
SLATEneedsmoreworkers,more writers and more ideas. This issue was put together by a committee of seven. A largercommitteewouldmeanabetter newsletter; so would more writers, illustrators, cartoonists and photographers, and simply more Suggestions for stories and features.&#13;
If you would like to work for SLATE,&#13;
join the committee or suggest topics it should cover, then please write in soon. The copy deadline for the next issue is Friday 22nd April.&#13;
OUR HIGH COVER&#13;
PRICE 40p is a lot to pay for a newsletter this&#13;
from page |&#13;
The unattached architects, who make upagrowingproportion(nowaneighth) of all ‘architects’ in the U.K., are the only&#13;
ones allowed to elect their own representativestoARCUK. Allthe others are appointed by the Councils of their respective ‘constituent bodies.’&#13;
While the unattached architects are required by the Architects Registration Acts to elect registered architects as their representatives, the ‘constituent bodies’ are free to appoint whomever they please. While they could, therefore nominate members of the lay public&#13;
or un-registered members of the profession, they al nevertheless consistently appoint only RIBA members. Even the Architectural Association’s Council, now dominated&#13;
by a ‘reform slate’ of A.A. students, has again appointed RIBA members to al four of its seats on ARCUK. All four are members to al four of its seats on&#13;
seatsonARCUK. Actually,from1942 to 1949, one of its seats was occupied by Emo Goldfinger, DPLG (the French equivalent),whodidn’tjointheRIBA until 1948 and has become a well-known principal inprivate practice.&#13;
salaried voice louder&#13;
While the election of six NAM nominees to ARCUK may give a greater voice to grossly under-represented salaried architects, the RIBA main- tains its overall control of ARCUK&#13;
Of the sixty architect members of ARCUK last year, 56 were RIBA members, The six non-architect members of ARCUK were al appoin- -ted by other ‘professional’ or em- ployees’ bodies in the construction industry. None were laymen, let alone ‘workers*.&#13;
Whatisevenmorenoteworthyis that while salaried architectural workers make up at least 76% Of registered architects, they had only about 15%&#13;
of the architects’ representation on ARCUK, Architectural management, hardly aquater of registered architects, had over %4’s of the representation on ARCUK, Nearly 60% of the architects on the Council were in fact bosses in private practice.&#13;
A report presented to NAM’s&#13;
second Congress last November called for the reform of the Architects regis- -tration Acts to make ARCUK more accountable to both those who use the&#13;
SOCIALISM&#13;
environmentaswellasthosewhowork in architecture. It proposed a reconsti-&#13;
tuted Council with a truly ‘lay’ majority andan‘architectual’minoritydirectly from within each of the major interest groups among registered architects (workers, employers,self-employed, and salaried management ), with representation of each group to be based on its numerical strength in the profession. The report isnow available from NAM ( 30p, postpaid ).&#13;
carriesonmostofits business through committees. The&#13;
Board of Education’s task is to recognise architecture schools whose “examination ought to qualify persons for registration’. The admissions Committee considers the applications for registration, while the Discipli Committee considers any allegations against an architect of ‘conduct disgracefultohiminhiscapacityasan architect,” grounds for removing his name from the Register.&#13;
The Professional Purposes Committee also involved in ‘discipline’, deals with the ‘Code of Professional Conduct’, now identical to that of the RIBA which in effect defines what the Council considers disgraceful. The&#13;
Code establishes the principle of control ‘in the public interest’ by ARCUK over what forms of practice are permitted among architects; how architects may get work; how&#13;
architects may relate to one another and&#13;
totheiremployees,inbusinessand professional terms; and the architect’s responsibility to ‘those who may be expectedtouseorenjoytheproductof his work’.&#13;
The ARCUK Code of Professional Conduct includes mandatory adherence to the RIBA Conditions of Engagement and Scale of Fees, now under study by the Monopolies Commission, to which NAM last year submitted evidence.&#13;
The Finance and General Purposes committee ofARCUK dealswith, among other things, the amount of the ‘retention fee’ (currently £5) which architects must pay to stay on the Register.&#13;
The first act of the new Council will be to elect members to al these various&#13;
i for the coming year. Already RIBA and AA members have collaboratedtoputforwardjointslates consisting exclusively of RIBA members, for each committee. Only the NAM - affiliated unattached architects are offering any opposition to it.&#13;
The first meeting of the 1977-78 Council, which meets quarterly, will take place on March 16. Venue:&#13;
66 Portland Place, London W1, by coincidence, HQ of the RIBA. After the meeting, the members have been invited to ‘take wine’ at ARCUK’s office around the comer in Hallam Street,&#13;
in celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee.&#13;
big. The funding of SLATE is connected&#13;
to the funding of NAM as awhole, and&#13;
last year the Movement ran up substantial debts.Thisyear’sliaisongroupdetermined ARCUK, Allfourareownersof that that situation should not arise&#13;
again and fixed the subscription rate accordingly, both to the Movement and the newsletter, in the knowledge that insolvency would never help the Movement to grow, and in the conviction that NAM’s Strength will lie among people who are prepared to support its activities to the ful. The annual subscription to SLATE, for five issues, is £2 00. If circulation rises then the choice is open for SLATE&#13;
to become larger or for the subscription to fal, but for the moment it must not get into debt.&#13;
ADVERTISING&#13;
At an carly meeting the committee&#13;
decide not to take commercial adver-- tisements in SLATE. Advertisements from alternative groups and personal small ads are, however, welcome. A small charge wouldbemadebutthecommittee reserves the right to turn down any advertisement&#13;
COPYRIGHT&#13;
Any article or part of an article or part of an article in SLATE may be freely but accurately reproduced, providing that SLATE is credited as the origin of any material used.&#13;
LASTLY...&#13;
AsubscriptionformforSLATE anda membership form for NAM are included on the last page. Please indicate also if you would like to distribute SLATE in your office, school or town. SLATE is free to all members of NAM&#13;
SLATE is published by the LIAISON GROUP of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9, Poland St., London. W1.&#13;
Typesetting by Julia Wilson-Jones&#13;
Printed by WOMEN IN PRINT, 16a, Iliffe Yard, London, SE17.&#13;
private practices.&#13;
The Association of Building&#13;
Technicians, recently absorbed into STAMP, the non-manual section of UCATT, is the only trade union directly represented on ARCUK, haying collaborated with the RIBA in the passage of the Architects Registration Acts. The ABT Council has also appointed RIBA members for the last 35 years.&#13;
While the ABT now represents hardly 200 architects, form 1942 to 1954 it represented over 500 and thus had two&#13;
PLANNERS FOR&#13;
i&#13;
SOME 250 PLANNERS GATHERED&#13;
recently in London to set up an&#13;
organisationtospreadsocialistideals Discussionsonastructureforthe committees&#13;
in the planning field. This first meeting of the Conference of Socialist Planners bore out the view thatthereis,inplanning,‘avacuum which hopefully can be filled by a socialist analysis of the problems which beset our society’. Participants came from Local Government, the academic&#13;
world and priyate practice.&#13;
Urged on by the morning’s speakers, inclydingPeterAmbrose(co-authorof “The Property Machine”) and economist&#13;
Stuart Holland who stressed the political nature of planning decisions and the need&#13;
for a politicisation of the planning process&#13;
the meeting settled down to the difficult&#13;
task of swallowing sectarian differences&#13;
and constituting an organisation which&#13;
would enadle ‘a hundred flowers to&#13;
bloom’. i&#13;
Emphasis was laid on the need for a | broad-based organisation to combat&#13;
the divisive effect on those concerned with | planning of a social and economic system&#13;
in which the “totality of social relationships are truncated and depoliticised’, The Conference would&#13;
Conference lead to a view of the Conference itself as an ‘umbrella’ group embracing groups working on national issuesaswellasgeographically-based regional workshops, aconcept that gave the meeting an opportunity to carve up the country with an almost unhealthy planner’s zeal. Relations would be established with fraternal groups but the idea of formal affiliation to particular political parties was rejected.&#13;
Participants who waited patiently throughthemeetingforadiscussionof just the issues that the Conference was set up to treat were frustrated by the overbearing need to consolidate the vehicle through which ideas would be disseminated and campaigns mounted. Hopefully their patience will soon be rewarded as the CSP at national and regional level builds its strength and&#13;
tums its attention towards the politisation politisation of the planning process.&#13;
Not easy, but their first meeting was a good start.&#13;
Further information about the&#13;
Conference of Socialist Planners&#13;
and regional workshops from +&#13;
CSP, 54, Addison Gardens, London WiI4.&#13;
address itself to lay people and politicians as well as planning professionals.&#13;
STOP PRESS!...STOP PRESS!...STOP PRESS...STOP PRESS&#13;
Souvenir from NAM's first ARCUK meeting: The letter was sent to all RIBA members on ARCUK in a blatant attempt to prevent NAM members from getting on*-&#13;
page 2&#13;
€ eZed&#13;
&#13;
 =“TRESPASSER—S adopting law and order for their main the Law Commission returned to the 4. ‘trespass on embassies’ of the work they do and increasingly as&#13;
I RENT, YOU BUY,&#13;
WE LOSE, THEY PROFIT! A review of ‘Profits Against Houses’&#13;
If you have ever wondered why an anvanced industrial country such as Britain remains incap- able of providing adequate housing for a large pro- portionofitspopulationthislitlebookwillsup- plyatleastsomeoftheanswersasitguidesyou through the forest of myth and mystificstio&#13;
that is the world of housing finance. Through&#13;
the mist of estate agents’ sales talk and govern- ment propaganda the real forces that shape the housing we buy /rent or wait for are scarcely visible.&#13;
Inspite of the highly political nature of the ‘housing question’ and the struggles of workers and tenants for better conditions, housing in the mixed economy is still dominated, in the public as well as in the private sector, by the search for profit and the forces of the market. Coalitions of interest between property deve- lopers house builders, solicitors, surveyors, estate agents and housing architects form a powerful lobby to resist change.&#13;
Research for the book was done by workers in several of the Community Development Pro- jects set up by the Government in deprived areas throughout the country. The Home Office, the department in charge of the pro- jects, decided to close them down in mid 1976. Profit Against House. CDP Information and Intel- ligence Unit, S6pp, Sept.1976.&#13;
(SOp from CDP, Mary Ward House, 5, Tavistock Place, London WCI H 955)&#13;
institute. Such rules obviously limit the role that staff associations could play in the reform of the professions and an architect interested in broadening the class base of his profession would not want to be compromised in this way.&#13;
Half aloaf isbetter than no worker organisation at al but the question remains as to whether staff associations will hasten or delay the emergence of real organisation among professional workers and the integration of these workers with the labour movement asawhole.&#13;
theme in 1970, the Tories were - WILL BE influenced by Nixon’s successful&#13;
Lord Chancellor (who was at that time guess who? -yes, Lord Hailsham again) for a rebriefing to “consider in what circumstances entering and Temaining on property (ie trespass) should constitute a criminal offence.&#13;
This then is the background of the billgoingthroughparliamentatthe moment. Thefiveelementsofpart11 of the bill (the section dealing with criminal trespass) are :&#13;
1. the ‘forcible entry’ law would be repealed and anew offence -&#13;
trespass on already occupied premises- would replace it. This element has been proposed as a direct response to the tiny and grossly exaggerated proportion of th recent squatting cases over the last couple of years -largely contrived by the newspapers and local authorities as a softening up campaign to artificially create a need for C.T.L. The practical import of this offence revolves around the wide open interpretation of “occupied eg.&#13;
‘occupied’ (e.g. a landlords bed could be claimed to constitute ‘occupation’.&#13;
2. it would be an offence to committ ‘violent entry’ with the exception of the displaced residential occupier.&#13;
3. to trespass with an offensive weapon “the precise nature of an offensive weapon is left sufficiently open as to provide a carte blance for the swelling fraternity of overzealous policemen.&#13;
5. it would be an ‘offence to resist a county court bailiff and bailiffs vested with the power of arrest.&#13;
CA.CT.L.&#13;
An attempt has been made to use the recession and the cracks in the fabric of Britainssocialdemocracy thateconomic&#13;
members of the labour movement, should act jointly with fellow trade unionists students and squatters in opposing this legislation. C.A.C.T.L. has been supported by 30 trades councils, by&#13;
trade union branches, 21 constituency labour parties and many community groupsandatnationallevel,byNUPE ACTS,NUS,LPYSandtheannual Trades Councils Conference of 1976 have opposed the C.T.L.&#13;
campaign in 1969 and student militancy —— CRIMINALS _ in the late 60’s. In the face of&#13;
PAUSEFORAMOMENT AND REFLECT upontheamountof time you spend on someone&#13;
elses property -a very large proportion you'll find, even ifyou are a home owner. For the first time for 900 years there is now a bill before parliament which will advance the principle that certain acts of tresspass are criminal offences. This bill, the ‘Conspiracy and Law Reform&#13;
Bill’ was given its second reading in the House of Lords on December 14 last year.&#13;
Should the bill become an Act of Parliament it will affect squatting and the occupations of factories, colleges and hospitals alike. It will greatly extend the power of the police and bailiffs to carry out evictions and enable them to prosecute people who resist them.&#13;
law and order Criminal Trespass Legislation&#13;
started life as a twinkle in the (right) eye of the Tory Party as it put together its platform for the 1970 elections. In&#13;
and top party officials decided to adopt therecommendationofQuintinHogg andmakecriminaltrespasslegislation one of the main planks in their election platform. But they baulked at a ful frontal attact and decided in the end to ask the Law Commission to ‘update’ the the statute of forcible entry.&#13;
Meanwhile a group of Sierra Leone students, who had occupied their country’s embassy in protest at their government’s treatment of dissidents,&#13;
had been charged by Sir Peter Rawlinson the Attorney General, with the new crime of ‘conspiracy to tresspass’ -a crime which even the legal establishment could not find on the statute books at the time&#13;
lords appeal&#13;
Their case was taken to appeal in the House of Lords where the conviction&#13;
was upheld, principally through the judgement of Lord Hailsham (formerly . Quintin Hogg.) This put the Law Commission in a quandary :their recommendations were to have been made on the assumption that tresspass neither was, nor should be, a crime -&#13;
a fatuous task once Lord Hailsham had conjured a criminal tresspass offence out&#13;
of the common law of conspiracy. So&#13;
stringencyhashighlighted,todivert&#13;
peoples attention from the course of&#13;
the bil through parliament. The&#13;
attempt has not succeeded; a&#13;
campaign has been set up to oppose the CONTACT ADDRESSES FOR LOCAL GROUPS proposed legislation, the Campaign&#13;
|opposition from the mainstream of |} Tory legal opinion the shadow cabinet&#13;
Against the Criminal Trespass&#13;
Legislation (CACTL), which has found support in many areas of society.&#13;
Trade unions: the T.U.C. general&#13;
council yoted on 26 January to oppose the introduction of al of the offences except that of threspassing on embassy properties. Students: 30 student unions and the NUS are opposing the legislation and the National Executive of the Labour Party is likely to oppose part I of the bil.&#13;
legal punch Architects must see that the&#13;
individuals and groups within society who often act as their clients want greater legal punch for their claim to the exclusive right of determining the way in which their buildings will be used. Architects, as individuals, by virtue&#13;
JOIN THE PROFESSIONALS&#13;
TIMES ARE SLOWLY&#13;
CHANGING FOR ARCHITECTS, who have traditionally remained&#13;
on the fringe of the labour moyement. Architects at Sir William Halcrow and Partners, a large international engineering consultancy, are setting up a branch of the newly formed staff association for workers in their department. A similar staff association has recently been set up in the office of the Edinburgh practive of Robert Matthew, Johnson-Marshall and Partners.&#13;
Staff Associations recruit members only from among the employees of the firm to which they are attached. The Halcrow’s Association’s constitution lays down its aims as the ‘enhancement’&#13;
of its members’ position in respect of salaries and conditions and provides a procedure for the resolution of grievances. So far the association&#13;
has recruited 600 out of a total of 1800 workers throughout Halcrows.&#13;
collective choice&#13;
For architectural workers in the&#13;
private sector who want to go beyond a staff association, the choice is between the white collar trades unions (ASTMS, TASS etc.) and industrial unions (UCATT T&amp;GWU etc.)althoughitmay&#13;
ultimately be more effective to collectively decide upon one union. The prospect of nationally organised unions becoming involved with their practice will not be welcomed by many of the employers in the profession: it is likely that the partners at Halcrows are relieved that ‘workers organisation” has come in such a palatable and ‘familiar’ form.&#13;
code takes precedence Further, the staff association’s rules are written in such a way that a member&#13;
may decline to take industrial action if he feels that he would, by doing so, contraven the code of his professional&#13;
|USEFUL WORK versus USELESS TOIL |&#13;
;by William Morris&#13;
Fascimile edition of a Hammersmith Socialist Society pamphlet originally printed by William Morris&#13;
in 1893.&#13;
William Morris was born on 24th March 1832, Take the day off work and celebrate William Morris Day by purchasing a copy of this limited reprint.&#13;
Fill in the form below and send it together with a cheque/PO (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for 60p to NAM 9, Poland St., London, W1.&#13;
NAME,&#13;
ADDRESS.&#13;
,c/o 108 Bookshop, 108 Salisbury Road. LIVERPOOL: c/o 39/41 Manesty’s Lane, Liverpool 1.&#13;
N.LONDON: 161 Hornsey Rd., N7.&#13;
For details of contacts in other areas contact London CACTL at&#13;
BRIGHTON: c/o Open Cafe, 7 Victoria Road, Brighton Sussex.&#13;
Cavendish Street, Manchester 15.&#13;
NOTTINGHAM: c/o 15 Scotholme Avenue, Nottingham.&#13;
CANTERBURY: c/o 7 York Road, Canterbury, Kent&#13;
LONDON:&#13;
c/o 1 Elgin Ave., W9.&#13;
MANCHESTER: c/o SCA, Students Union, Manchester Poly,&#13;
OXFORD: c/o 38 Hurst Street, Oxford.&#13;
c/o 6 Bowden Street, SE11 or phone (01) 289 3877.&#13;
BRISTOL: c/o 6 Westfield Park, Bristol 6.&#13;
S. LONDON: Union Place, 122—4 Vassall Rd., SW9.&#13;
E. LONDON: Dame Colet Hse., Ben Jonson Rd., E14.&#13;
SE LONDON: Deptford HAC, 171 Deptford High St., SES,&#13;
SHEFFIELD: c/o 1 Portsea Road, Sheffield 6. SWANSEA: c/o 79 Brokesby Road, Bon-y-maen, Swansea.&#13;
W. LONDON:&#13;
|&#13;
| |&#13;
| Je&#13;
&#13;
 ASPECIAL CONFERENCE to initiate a trade union organising&#13;
drive among the nearly 50,000 people working in the as yet&#13;
unorganised private sector of&#13;
architectureandthenee&#13;
building professions will be held&#13;
in London on Saturday !4 May.&#13;
The Conference has been called by the (Unionisation) Organisin&#13;
nowastrong,militant,democratic&#13;
y 8 Committee of the New Architecture Movement to make acollective&#13;
EOe&#13;
those workers in the building&#13;
8&#13;
NAM’s 2nd Congress late last November,&#13;
emphasized that unless architectural and&#13;
allied workers in the private sector are organised into one, and only one, union, Sha verultenill bethatiheinewtahle&#13;
organisation will proceed slowly, sporadically and hesitantly; will be&#13;
industry and community what an&#13;
1&#13;
Since Blackpool&#13;
The Organising Committee pas seUne by the Congress, which declared trade union&#13;
organisation a major priority of NAM, to develop an organising campaign. Since then&#13;
most relevant.&#13;
Opinion at the Congress was divided&#13;
between those who thought that organisation in the private sector could best be achieved within one of the existing unions and those who thought architectural and allied workers should start from scratch and build their own union. It has been questioned however.&#13;
es&#13;
[ir youwouldliketobeamemberoftthheNew/‘ArchitectureMovement|fillin|theffoormbelow:andsend&#13;
ittogetherwithacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNewArchitectureMovement)for£5.00(if you're employed) or £2.00 ( if you're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at 9, Poland Street&#13;
| whether thelatterisarealisticalternative | given the acknowledged difficulties of&#13;
‘ &gt;,&#13;
Leese" H‘ATRHE2ARAYPERO'UBLRSESMIN HE ora |&#13;
Look,man,eo&#13;
u lorg enough ferlousy&#13;
ARCHIE — foes est HAS ABIG&#13;
Laver&#13;
that management's strategy in trying to prevent effective organisation in architecture will be to encourage a proliferation of unions in the field in order to delay the emergence ofa&#13;
unified organisation among al workers in architecture and the allied building professions (quantity surveying, structural&#13;
andbaltalrgerateesengineering,landscape and unified trade union organisation, _ architecture, surveying, town planning, etc.).&#13;
DO sentnnge (WD} “oe, (Oven |Wanted \...\Now Ive&#13;
professions qo want to help build&#13;
various types of trade unionism possible (opting for what might be termed a ‘workers’ control’ model), and considers how organisation could proceed.&#13;
next step&#13;
Also available from the Organising&#13;
Committee are the prospectus for the forthcoming Special Conference and application forms for it. ( stamped, self- -addressed envelopes appreciated ). The Committeewouldliketohearfromal who are interested in unionisation with ideas, experiences, situations, comments or criticisms of its Draft Report, etc.&#13;
TheSpecialC isalso exp d to discuss the problem of co-ordinating trade union activity among architectural workers in both sectors, regardless of union affiliation. Because of the split&#13;
of the profession into public and private sectors (as well as the presence ofa&#13;
sizable number of architectural workers in industry, commerce, education, and the ‘voluntary sector’), combined with the pattern of trade union development in Britain, there are now at least eight TUC affiliated unions with an architectural membership which have achieved recognition in the public sector.&#13;
In order to aid organisation, encourage active trade unionism, and co-ordinate&#13;
and strengthen trade union activities and policies among architectural workers,the Organising Committee’s Report proposesthe theestablishmentofa‘grassroots’alliance of trade unionists in architecture,&#13;
regardless of sector or union. This is&#13;
of asbestos received encouragement earlier this year when the most populous of the United States, California, banned the use of asbestos in construction, following mul- timilliondollarlawsuitsagainstthe&#13;
giant Johns-Manville asbestos firm. Mean- while, the management of Britian’s major&#13;
scompanies hayesteppedup&#13;
their massive, slick and deceptive adver- tising campaign in both the trade and nat- ional presses.&#13;
In its recent submission of evidence to&#13;
the Government’s Advisory Committee on Asbestos, the TUC emphasized that ‘a number of large trade unions and trades councils&#13;
have expressed serious concern over the inaccu- racies, misrepresentations and misleading advice concerning asbestos hazards contained in a re- cent series of full page advertisements in the national press. These have already attracted a great deal of outside criticism, including that of the Advertising Standards Authority’.&#13;
In its evidence, described as ‘excellent’ by Nancy Tait, author of* Asbestos Kills’ (25p from Exchange Publications, 9 Poland Street London W1), the TUC called for a‘planned programme for the progressive compulsory sub- stitution ofalasbestos applicationsinthe UK.’ Eventheslightexposuretoasbestosdustcan cause slow and painful death not only from as- bestosis (an untreatable form of pneumocon- iosis), but also from lung cancer, mesothelioma&#13;
Up against many of the same problems which face architectural workers (even if not threatened with redundancies on such a massive scale), legal workers in London have quietly begun organising a trade union. Last Novemeber they established abranchoftheTransportandGeneral&#13;
The TUC also emphasized that ‘it and its affiliated unions are highly dissatisfied with the exceedingly low levels of fines imposed by magi- strates for breaches of the existing Asbestos Regu- lationsandtheFactoriesActanditsotherregu- lations. In some cases, employers have been fined £5 and less for breaches of safety laws which have endangered the lives and health of workers.’ Not quite the picture that the propaganda of the as- bestos companies’ “Asbestos Information Commit- tee’ and “Asbestosis Research Council’ would have the public believe. The TUC pointed out, further- more, that the present Asbestos Regulations are "totally inadequate to provide protection against cancer risks’ and do not even provide effective protection against the risk of development of asbestosis.&#13;
Nearly 80% of the asbestos used in the UK&#13;
is used in the construction industry, where ‘pra- ticable and safe’ alternatives are already available. More substitutes, such as various ceramic fibres products, are well along in the r—and—d pipe-line.&#13;
Meanwhile, the Green Ban Action Committee in Birmingham is arranging a seminar in conjunc- tion with the local UCATT office on the subject&#13;
of asbestos. The meeting, Saturday, Apnl16, will involve workers from the construction, heating and ventilating, and car industries; medical wor- kers; environmentalists and people from the con- sumer movement.&#13;
Further details from GBAC, 77School ’ Road, Hall Green, Birmingham B28 8JQ.&#13;
(tel: 021-777-5726).&#13;
tor and for an increased voice for legal workers in the decisions which affect their working lives. Like architecture, the law is characterised by a&#13;
needlessly hierarchical structure and agreat dis- parity between the earnings and work pace of the bosses and the workers. The ultimate goal is to break down the divisions between ‘professional’ and‘non-professional’work.&#13;
strongly based on the ‘shop floor’ (ie. the office).&#13;
Hence the need for solidarity from the start, beginning with a collective, rather than individual, decision as to ‘Which&#13;
‘Architectural Workers and Trade Unionism’,aDraftReportpresentedto union?’&#13;
| withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNewArchitectureMovement)for£2.00toNAMat9, |WorkersandTradeUnionism’.The&#13;
organisationwillcontinuetoclaimto ‘speakfortheprofession’,tothe detriment of architectural workers, the labour movement, and the community.&#13;
The question of trade union organisation in architecture and the&#13;
allied building professions will also be one of the main topics of discussion at a&#13;
NAM seminar being held at the Polytechnic to Central London on Saturday 23 April, beginning at 10.00 am.&#13;
In the meantime, the union will also be seek- WorkersACTS(‘white-collar’)sectionfor ingamongotherdemands,anendtounderstaf-&#13;
Poland Street, London W.1. NAME&#13;
ADDRESS.&#13;
completely revised and expanded ‘Second |Edition’willbeavailablebytheendof | March from the (Unionisation)&#13;
| Organising Committee, N.A.M.&#13;
9 Poland Street, London W1. (65p post- | paid). The Report discusses the reasons&#13;
for organisation, looks into the history | and current state of organisation in&#13;
I the feasibility of anorganising drive now, discusses the&#13;
‘all workers in solicitors’ firms’ (eg. ‘sec- retaries, receptionists, telephonists, gene- ral dogsbodies, articled clerks and assis- tant solicitors’) and arealready close to achieving union recognition in at least one firm.&#13;
fing (and until then overtime pay for overtime worked), the right to strike without Law Society ‘professional’ reprisals, adequate work space and equipment, and ‘open books’ concerning the 0 firm’s finances and management. =&#13;
al&#13;
The TGWU was chosen on the experience of&#13;
The union will be pressing for adoption of its ‘524 Branch’, which has grown rapidly among 2%&#13;
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autonomy and identity within one of the&#13;
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KILLER MATERIAL BAN SPREADS&#13;
Slowly but surely gathering momentum, (‘a painful, untreatable cancer of the membrane the international campaign to end the use lining of the chest or abdomen’) and other&#13;
of al building materials containing any type cancers.&#13;
local government salary levels in the private sec- workers in the ‘voluntary sector’,&#13;
|&#13;
activists. Furthermore, itmay well prove possible to achieve a sufficient degree of&#13;
institute’ istotally dominated bythe&#13;
London W.1 el.&#13;
a veer organising among people working in the building professions and hee&#13;
G meeditare Ro tannch&#13;
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considered particularly necessary in&#13;
|&#13;
| NAME&#13;
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ADDRESS.&#13;
anorganisingdriveaswelastofalback upon incaseofdisputeorofthe inevitable victimisations ofunion&#13;
prcnate ey oe apaththrougha teritory’ofahalf-dozenunionsand&#13;
ARCHITECTURAL WORKERS — “‘wceiinscomitsexecs&#13;
| TELEPHONE (HOME )”.&#13;
(WORK ).&#13;
existing unions.&#13;
small minority of the profession who are employers. Until the 90% of the people&#13;
|IfyouwouldliketoreceiveSLATEwithoutjoiningNAM filintheformbelowand&#13;
send ittogether&#13;
The Organisng Committee has also een updating itsDraftReport, cite :&#13;
speak clearly, and forcefully&#13;
|&#13;
on professional, industrial, environmental and Iissues, the empl&#13;
architecture, where the typical career&#13;
where the existing so-called ‘professional&#13;
ingrchitectute who are workers an&#13;
AS. c&#13;
the Committee has been investigating al&#13;
Gecisionion neprones NEniCS for organisation. The Committee&#13;
unnecessarily protacted; will remain incomplete; and will never be able to&#13;
reasonable alternatives. It has held a series of fruitful exploratory discussions&#13;
hopes for the participation of all&#13;
contribute to the workers, profession&#13;
with officials of the unions considered&#13;
Clericals and Clerks&#13;
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&#13;
 CHANGING HORSES AT THE S.E.S.&#13;
set of skills, they should specialise also in build- ing climatology, building practice, cost-benefit analysis, landscape design and so on. Others would develop managerial skills and learn to&#13;
act as co-ordinators. The intention was that the meaning of ‘architect’ would come as broad as the common understanding of the title ‘engineer’. In short, architects would not al be trained to do the same kind of things in the future, though they would al hold a common interest in the building as the product.&#13;
“The School’s answer to these aims was to establish specialists in different disciplines, and so environmental engineers, a structural engineer, building economists, a psychologist, a historian and a landscape architect were brought into the School. (Previously these subjects, iftaught at al had been taught by architects). The curriculum was changed so that more time was spent by stu- dents on these subjects, and less time on tradi- tional drawing board design work, in the recogni- tion that this would form only one among many architectural specialisms in the future. The&#13;
RIBA accepted these changes, though the inia- tive for them had lain very much with the School. For students at the School, the significant dif- ference was that it was now possible to qualify for exemption from RIBA Part! by taking any, or almost any, of the courses within the School, with only a minimum amount of design work:&#13;
it was accepted that a high level of competence at architectural design need not be the only possible criterion for qualification.&#13;
Bringing back Architecture Astragal’s recent comments suggested that the School is moving away from this pattern. To&#13;
some extent Astragal seems to be right: the amount of architectural design work expected of students has increased over the last few years, and the opportunity for students to pursue other specia- lists subjects has inevitably been reduced as a result. The School is returning closer to the con- cept of the architect as a person with a unitary&#13;
set of skills in architectural design. The Profes- sor of Architecture has been heard to say that he is ‘bringing back Architecture’—but clearly he isbringing back only onekind, and isdiscard- ing the notion that there might be several sorts of architect,&#13;
It is well known that the RIBA (or rather certain parts of it which have become powerful lately) favour this return to a single role for archi- tects. Eric Lyons in his President’s address in 1976 expressed this view strongly. But, is it really necessary for the schools to change be- cause of what certain parts of the RIBA think, particularly since their statements seem to re- present more of a gut reaction than any reasoned or logical view. No good evidence has been given that a multi-specialist profession has or islikely to fail, and the reaction to the educational trend of the 60s seems to be just one manifestation of the general panic response of the profession to the heavy public censure it has received. We have no proof that going back to the old days is going to help architects wriggle outof a tight corner. While itistrue that the conditions of theearly 1960s, when the image of a multi-skilled prof- €ssion was projected, are no longer the same,&#13;
have things changed so much as to make the conceptinvalid? Itisstilthecasethatdemands on the architect are changing, and they are likely to go on changing in the future, and it would seem valid therefore to increase the diyersifi- cation within the profession, which the SES&#13;
in common with other schools has been work- ing towards.&#13;
Why isthe SES tending away froma diversi- fied, multi-disciplinary pattern of education. This is not an easy question to answer, particu- larly as the recent changes in the School have been the result of executive decisions taken without open debate, unlike the original reforms which took place after wide-ranging debate, involving al staff and often students as well. However, itisclear that the causes liewithin&#13;
and outside the School. The tendency towards 4 unitary notion of the architect is not unique to the SES, but is to be found in many other schools, which are also bumping up the quantity&#13;
of architectural design work they expect from theit students. That this is happening in so many different schools must be the result of at least indirect pressure from the RIBA, particularly after its threat two years ago to withdraw recog- nition from several schools. But why then should the RIBA be calling the tune? In the 1960s, as we saw, the Bartlett initiated and the RIBA followed—and presumably this could happen again if the schools chose to take an innovatory linc. In the SES’s case, that this is not happening must be due to some change of heart ‘vithin the School itself.&#13;
The Safety-Net&#13;
The SES has been through a number of changes&#13;
in the last few years, some of which have had im- portant effects on the School’s style of education. Firstly, two years ago the School moved into Wates House (‘the last new university building’), which physically united the previously separate planning department with the rest of the School. Secondly, over the last two years the School has lost by retirement, death and emigration, six of its senior staff, al of whom had been involved in the innovatory experiments at the School. Coinci- dentally, al of those staff, with the exception of Professor LLewelyn Davies (the School’s founder andfather-figure) were non-architectural specia lists. Thirdly, the School has been hit by the cuts in university expenditure, which have meant that only one of those losses has been replaced. (Pro- fessor Smart has succeeded to the Chair of Urban&#13;
Planning and Headship of the School).&#13;
The loss of these professors clearly weakened&#13;
the position of the specialists subjects within the department, and made it that much easier for&#13;
the architectural staff to strengthen their control over the curriculum, and restore the unitary model of the architect. But why should they have wanted to do this? In fact, there had been open disagree- ment about the precise functions of the specia- list subjects within the department from long before the loss of the senior staff. Many of the architectural design teachers, themselves trained in the traditional architectural pattern, have&#13;
never accepted fully that somebody could be an architect without haying a high level of compe- tence at architectural design; while the specia- lists have been reluctant to get interested in the sort of design problems relating to architecture, and have stuck to a rather traditional approach&#13;
to their own subjects, which was hardly approp- riate in the context ofa school concerned with developing the role of technical specialisms as&#13;
a part of the design process. Why the partner- shipfailedtoworkispartlybecauseLLewelyn Davies chose the wrong people, people who were ultimatley more interested in training special- ists of their own mould than in developing new species of architect. The result within the depart- ment was that the specialists dug into entrenched positions, and co-operation between different specialists and architectural design failed to occur beyonda certain point in the undergradu- ate course. The specialists subjects have more and more been treated as ‘service teaching’ an atti- tude for which the specialists themselves are partly responsible through their reluctance to become involved in and initiate the teaching of design from a technological, sociological or psychological point of view. Many of these sub- jects are not regarded by architectural teachers as a valid part of architectural education, but merely a ‘safety-net’ for students who find they do not want to conform to the unitary architec- tural design pattern of architecture.&#13;
Dissension within the School over the propo- sal to change the name suggessthat the limited unitary view of architecture is far from unanim- ously accepted by the staff. In particular, there are many younger staff who joined the School more recently, and joined it precisely because&#13;
of its multi-disciplinary potential. On the whole they are either committed to the original polciy of admitting non-archtitectural design special- isms as a legitimate part of architectural educa- tion within the terms of RIBA Partl, or they would like to see the undergraduate course ex- panded into ageneral environmental degree.&#13;
In practice, the cuts on university expansion haye made the original aimof a diversity of disciplines impossible:two or three specialist lecturers in a subject like landscape design are not enough to mount a full-blown specialist course on its own, and can only act by provid- ing some specialist teaching within another disci- pline. The limitations on university expansion have prevented the appointment of more staff to overcome this problem.&#13;
The second alternative of general undergrad- uate degree makes better sense given.the econo- mic constraints: itisalso an alternative which Teceived asubstantial boost when the former Bartlett School and the University College Town Planning Department merged in 1970 to form&#13;
the SES. Although the planning staff did not want to teach a ful undergraduate course in planning (the M.Phil. is the only course in the SES leading to a degree in planning), some of them wanted to teach planning and related subjects within&#13;
the undergraduate course, with the effect that the scope of the course was widened consider- ably. This has been a continuing trend, with more undergraduate options taught by planning staff. Unfortunately senior architecture staff have refused to accept these courses as a valid part of architectural education. The insularity of the architectural position within the School, which will be further polarised by the proposed change of name to ‘Bartlett School of Architec- ture and Planning’, seems particularly mistaken in view of the fact that planning as a discipline&#13;
isbecoming increasingly inyolved with plan eva- luation and impact analysis; techniques which applied on a small scale would be of great bene- fit to architectural design.&#13;
Hope yet&#13;
Whatever happens, it is time to end the ‘safety- net’ approach to non-architectural specialisms.&#13;
Multi-Disciplinarianism&#13;
rears its head&#13;
Whatever it means, the multi-disciplinary&#13;
approach at the SES has been a major source of the School’s reputation, and has exercised a strong attraction on many applicants to the school. Multi-disciplinarism at the SES has been understood by many people in many different ways, and indeed part of the School’s internal difficulties must be put down to the ambiguties and contradictions contained in the idea. How- ever, out of the confusion one meaning—the one that guided the school in the early 1960s—stands out. The Bartlett School (as it then was), started to change after the appointment of Richard&#13;
LLewelyn Davies as Professor of Architecture in 1960. The central idea that was developed in the School—following the line of thought of the Oxford Conference —was that the role of the architect in society was changing, It was thought that the traditional working-drawings- type skills would no longer be a necessity for alarchitects (though clearly they would con- tinue to be so for some). It was argued that in- stead of al architects needing to have the same&#13;
‘Travelling Backwards’ was how Astragal : in the AJ recently described the changes in training at the School of Environmental Studies (SES) at University College Lon- don. (UCL). Astragal was commenting on the proposal to change the School’s name to the ‘Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning’, and on the effect that the loss in rapid succession of three professors and one senior lecturer, all from non-architectural special subjects, might haye on the School. Is it true, as Astragal suggested, that these changes mark the end of the multi-disci- plinaryapproach? Ifso,doesthatalso mean that the School’s experiments in ar- chitectural education are at an end? These are interesting questions, and they are of more than parochial significance as they raise issues about the state of architectural education in the rest of the country. Are the RIBA and the architectural profession&#13;
dissatisfied with the results of the RIBA Education Conference at Oxford in 1958? The conference proposals, which were&#13;
for a less narrowly vocational approach to architectural education, with more sociology and technology content to courses, received their first and most com- plete testing at UCL. It may be that the profession’s apparent disillusionment with&#13;
the way that architectural education has gone will be reflected in the changes at the School of Environmental Studies. If this is so, and if it is true that the profes- sor of Architecture, Professor Watson, is aiming to establish a form of education closer to the RIBA’s present views, it&#13;
may be that the SES will once again find itself in the van of architectural education, though this time travelling backwards.&#13;
page 8&#13;
6 eded&#13;
&#13;
 It is an attitude which is humilating to students who have decided not to concentrate on archi- tectural design, as it implies they are failures, or have ‘fallen-off’; and itisinsulting to the staff who teach the courses, because it gives them only a second class status within the School. Besides, it seems a bad use of the School's re- sources for its specialist staff to be teaching so- called ‘drop-outs’, particularly at a time when there are many students who are interested in awide range of subjects, and who do not take the narrow view of architectural design at pre- sent being advanced in the School. Ultimately, it is an attitude which will be damaging to the architectural profession, as itwill prevent the profession from developing competence in al&#13;
aspects of the building task. The profession’s panic reaction to unemployment among archi- tects has been to want to cut down entry into the profession, but a more realistic reaction would be to look for ways of making architects&#13;
more employable. One reason why unemploy- ment isso high isthat the present range of skills within the profession would mean that more architects would be able to do useful work in society, and it would actually be possible for MORE peopletobecomearchitectswithout over loading the profession.&#13;
The opportunity exists for the SES to deve- lop an integrated curriculum, of which architec- tural design would be an important part, but which would also concede equal importance to technology, the social sciences and economics as part of an architectural education. The RIBA Visiting Board inspected the School recently and it will be interesting to hear their comments; but let us hope that the School will not give way to demands for purely more architectural design and will square its shoulders to the&#13;
RIBA, and persist with the innovatory line it took in the 1960s when it set out to broaden architectural education.&#13;
NEWS FROM&#13;
CRISPIN AUBREY, A JOURNALIST WITH LONDON’S ‘TIME OUT WEEKLY who has written widely and sympathetically on squatting, property speculation, planning and redevelopment, is one oftwojournalistsrecently&#13;
arrested under the long-discredited Official Secrets Act. Any architectural worker involved&#13;
with a Government project&#13;
is doubtless familiar with this&#13;
Act.&#13;
The move has been widely&#13;
interpreted as part of the Government’s campaign to deport without trial,&#13;
under the equally discredited Immigration Act, the two American writers, CIA critic Philip Agee and ex-‘Time Out’ reporter&#13;
Mark Hosenball, with whose defense Aubrey and his co-defendant, ‘Time Out’ and ‘Undercurrents’ writer Duncan Campbell, have been associated.&#13;
spec connection&#13;
This is perhaps not a very auspicious timetolaunchaprogressive,‘alternative’ architectural newsletter — not only in view of the attack on “Time Out’ but also Jimmy Goldsmith’s attempt to smash “Private Eye’ and Clive Jenkins’ recent ‘success’ in suing ‘The Socialist Worker’&#13;
forasum,includingcosts,ofupto £10,000. Thesuitwasforlibelfollowing satirical article and cartoon of ASTMS&#13;
costa del clive&#13;
cheap Spanish holidays offer made back in February 1975 while Franco was stil alive and in power.&#13;
In the latter case, according to the Guardian, Mr Jenkins’ Lawyer explained that “The Socialist Worker was primarily read by shopfloor workers, men and women of variable intelligence, some of whom might not find iteasy to decide the meaning of workds’. After the trial, defendant and ex-editor of the&#13;
Socialist Worker Paul Foot said, “We don’t have any money. We are asmall socialist paper selling among working people. Satirists&#13;
NAM _GROUP CONTACTS :&#13;
ARCUK Group, NAM, 9, Poland St., London W1.&#13;
Liason Group:&#13;
The Secretary, NAM, 9) Poland St.,&#13;
London,W1&#13;
National Design Service: NDS,NAM,9,PolandSt.,&#13;
London, W1.&#13;
Projects Group:&#13;
Daviv Roebuck, 25, St. George’s&#13;
Ave,, London, WI&#13;
Unionisation Organising Committee,&#13;
NAM, 9, Poland St, London, WI Publications Group:&#13;
Editorial Committee, NAM, 9, Poland&#13;
St., London, W1&#13;
Cardiff Group:&#13;
Anne Delaney, 196, Albany Rd.,&#13;
Roath, Cardiff Edinburgh:&#13;
David Somervall, 22, Penmuir Place, Edinburgh 3&#13;
Hull:&#13;
Tan Tod, Hull School of Architecture,&#13;
be agood idea for members of the NAM EDUCATION GROUP to liase with one another, and contacts for each of these places are listed below.&#13;
Although Membership and Newsletter SUBSCRIPTIONS are coming in steadily, itwould be greatly appreciatedif those who have not returned their forms would do so as soon as possible. Forms are available from The Secretary, NAM, 9, Poland Street, London W.1.&#13;
ED AND THE PROF&#13;
*.ifwewishoureducation tobemore closely related to the need of students and individual people for whom they intend to design, any changes must take into consideration the influence of the educational and professional institutions. They must losentheholdofthetraditionalteaching establishments, so that skills amy be learntfromanyoneandevryonewhohas&#13;
the ability to teach and demonstrate them, and they must loosen the power of the the profession so that the relationship between users and designers is nolonger clouded in the myth of professional expertise and competence.” (&#13;
education Group, November 1976 ) The Education Group has been meeting regularly since last Autumn. At the Blackpool National Congress we presented a short paper on the situation in architectural education which ended witha serues of propo- sals for action. The proposals were necessarily in an imperfect form — some were dubious, some impractical and some downright scurillous. We want to clarify our direction and strategy and for that reason we shall&#13;
PUTTING THE NAMIN NOTTINGHAM&#13;
A new NAM group isnow meeting regularly in the University of Nottingham. In opposition to the policies of the establishment within the school of architecture there, the NAM Group want to break free from from the narrow, sheltered confines of campus life. A public meeting is tobeorganised off-campus inthe city to mobilise a nucleus of interested people in Nottingham&#13;
and to raise pertinent issues. In cooperation with Shelter, the&#13;
Group is carrying out measuring work foraNottinghamtenants’cooperative. Therearealsoplansforthesettingupof an advice, design and building team attached to a community group. A small group of Year-out students, and two or&#13;
three unemployed building workers or school leavers and, possibly aqualified architect to provide continuity, would cooperate in the project which could be extended to include rehabilitation schems schemes for student housing and the provision of workshop space in the Old Lace Market. Funding would come from the Job Creation Programme.&#13;
The Group is also planning a ‘counter course’, aimed at their fellow students and placing architecture in a wider social and political contaxt than the official University lectures.&#13;
Kingston-u-Hull Regional College environmentalissuesforthelastfive andcartoonistseverywherewill ofArt,BrunswickAve.,Hull&#13;
Aubrey has been covering&#13;
anopenmectingorganisedbythenewly bejoiningintheNAMOPENSEMINAR NAMgroupswantingtocontzibuteinformationon&#13;
years and has written features on Tolmers Square, Docklands, and the Hyams/Seifert property speculation/ architecture connection. He has also written a couple of stories for the old “RIBA Journal’ (tenant control of housing).&#13;
defence committee A committee has been set up, to&#13;
defendAubrey,Campbellandco- defendant John Berry, an ex-serviceman who has been refused bail. Contributions should be sent to ABC Defence Ctte., c/o Time Out, 374 Gray’s Inn Road, London WC1. Itisnot known whether the RIBA Journal will be supporting&#13;
the Defence Committee.&#13;
satirists beware ! have to draw in their horns as a result of this case.’ Good luck, Hellman.&#13;
No doubt architectural workers considering whether ASTMS might be the best vehicle for an organising&#13;
drive in the private sector will be impressed by the union‘s legal back-up. Some, however, may be hoping that afterwarmingupontheleftpress,&#13;
ASTMS may turn now to some of&#13;
the right-wing giants of Fleet Street, perhaps a better match and more fitting target ofr the 380,000 strong white-collar union.&#13;
Leeds:&#13;
Pete Forbes, Parkview, Weeton Lane,&#13;
Hoby, Leeds 17&#13;
London Group:&#13;
Douglas Smith, 17, Delancey St.,&#13;
London, NW1&#13;
Nottingham Group:&#13;
Dave Green, 44a, Bramcote Rd.,&#13;
Beeston, Nottingham EducationGroup:&#13;
Edinburgh: David Somervell&#13;
Hull: Jane Bryant, Hull School of Architecture.&#13;
Leeds: Pete Forbes&#13;
Nottingham: Dave Gree&#13;
London: Andrew Fekete, Flat 5, Bentley Court, 72/74, Kensington Gardens Square, London, W2&#13;
formed NOTTINGHAM NAM GROUP on 2nd March. Over 30 people were present and afterwards an introductory talk outlining the work of NAM&#13;
present and after an introductory talk outlining the work of NAM, a general discussion was held and a further meeting arranged at which specific working groups are 10 be set up. Other new NAM groups are hopefully emerging in Manchester, Hull,LeedsandEdinburgh.&#13;
The Green Ban Action Group is spreading its wings by taking on new live projects and as a result now callsitself the PROJECTS GROUP.&#13;
Since there are NAM members in education in Nottingham, Leeds and Hull as well as London and Edinburgh it may&#13;
to be held in London soon. Ther are heavy goins-on in architectural education and we must arm ourselves appropriately before we do battle with the major institutions. Will you bring your ideas and experience to the London Seminar?&#13;
Until April 23rd free copies of the paper *Education and the Profession *are avialable by sending astamped addressed envelopeto:NAMEduactionGroup,&#13;
9, Poland St., London, WI&#13;
CHANGE OF ADDRESS&#13;
theiractivitiesshould fettheircopy toSLATE by 22nd April 1977 for inclusion in the next issuc.&#13;
NAM's 2ND LONDON SEMINAR&#13;
is being held on Saturday April 23rd between 10am and 6pm at the Polytechnic of Central London, Marylebone Road, Wl. (Baker St. tube)&#13;
Topics to be discussed: Unionisation, ARCUK and Education. There will be&#13;
buffet lunch and a party 3 with bar afterwards at a&#13;
NAM&#13;
Jonata dnuerabicanchtecdoe~&#13;
LIAISON&#13;
The present NAM LIAISON GROUP was elected at the second congress held in Blackpool last November.&#13;
In addition to the normal liaison duties of coordinating activities&#13;
and answering correspondence, its six members were asked by congress to collect subscriptions, establish a newsletter, stimulate local seminars and organise a 3rd annual congress.&#13;
So far Newsletter and membership subscriptions have been fixed, a separate PUBLICATIONS GROUP hasbeen co-opted to produce SLATE and alocal seminar to be held by the London Group is provisionally set for Saturday 23rd&#13;
April at the Polytechnic of Central London.&#13;
constitutionforNAM?&#13;
Earlydiscussionsonthe3rdANNUAL CONGRESS have already taken place and any suggestions for a venue, date and agenda are welcome. One item already Suggested is the presentation and sanc- tioning of a NAM constitution. A new group is urgently needed to study the issue of whether or not it is practicable or desirable to continue as a movement without a constitution, in preparation&#13;
for the next congress.&#13;
Another new group is needed to&#13;
produce next year’s CALENDER, and it would be a great advantage financially&#13;
if at least one of its members had-free access to printing facilities. Last year’s calender cost £150 to produce 350 copies and priced at 50p/copy it has made aloss!&#13;
Two Liaison Group members attended&#13;
NAM's Second National Conference, Blackpool, November, 1976.&#13;
NAM's new postal address&#13;
is 9 POLAND ST. LONDON W1 around 8.30pm.&#13;
ENVIRONMENT JOURNALIST HELD&#13;
page 10&#13;
&#13;
 LAMBETH STOWIPS ON!&#13;
social workers, and numerous front page articles in the press and finally a High Court injunction halting the demo- lition, havr forced the Council into&#13;
a serious evaluation of their options.&#13;
singularly homeless&#13;
For London’s single homeless policy has certainly been limping behind: hardly any provision has been made by the Borough for this expanding group in society. The Housing Committee was forced by the Finance Committee in May 1976 to transform the ‘cuts * into a repressive policy towards the homeless in general, and a blanket rejection to the single homeless in particular. The latest claim by the Housing Committee to have reduced the the homeless problem isentirely er- roneous: having redefined ‘homelessness’ and turning away agreater proportion of persons from the Homeless Families Unit than before, the Committe is claiming that the problem isreceding, whereas what isreally happening isthat a larger proportion of the problem has been shelved.&#13;
In the background the professionals -architects and planners -have kept a low profile, with a few exceptions:&#13;
Colin Taylor and Tom Wooley of&#13;
‘Earth Resources Research Limited’ -&#13;
an arm of ‘Friends of the Earth’ have produced a comprehensive report © evaluating the rehabilitation option from a resource debit/credit angle. The Council do not have a democratic consensus to their decision-making at this time: the split among the ruling labour group is a sympton of this absence. Architects and Planners have ademocratic base only in as far as their Local Authority employees secure assent from the constituency. The council isalienated from itsborough; professionals share this alienation and the rumbles of the ‘inner city’ are further muffled by the hegemony of the professionals and the language they use.&#13;
House of Hollamby Edward Hollamby, head of&#13;
Development Services, isapowerful individual on council committees. Although Architecture and Planning have their respective heads he has cultivated atrancendant influence over the presentation of projects to the council. He hasa large budget and even larger ideas; he has been actively&#13;
in favour of the policy of deliberately letting areas of council housing decay in order to support arguments for comprehensive redevelopment. This is&#13;
a typical example of the power that technocrats hold over lay decision makers.&#13;
Negotiations with the Villa Road squatters over rehousing have broken down and the council is hoping that, by evicting, they will be able to offload the problem onto other London boroughs. By supporting the Criminal Tresspass Legislation, currently in the Lords, they hope to provide a bite to match the barks that are ringing out over Lambeth these days.&#13;
Wwe THOUGHT LAaBOURS TO: . ‘WAS SMASHING&#13;
rather than adhering to development plans, particuarly whether the councils in urban areas like Lambeth should make more use of their empty houses as short life rehabilitation projects? Secondly, do local authorities answer the housing need for thessingle homeless -a group that, in the private sector, has been victim to inflated property values and the&#13;
perverse legacyofthe rent act.&#13;
waiting listcon-trick&#13;
More than 17,600 people are on the council’s waiting list 6 3 new tenancies are created each year. At this rate some people will be on the list for years. There have been cuts in the budget of every department and these have been&#13;
accepted totally passively. There will be a small increase in central government subsidies this year but it will inno way cope with the magnitude of the local housing crisis.&#13;
In St Agnes Place a scheme has been presented to the council by Lambeth Self-Help Building Cooperative for the rehabilitation, on a 5-year life basis, of 22 of the houses using money from the central government funded Housing Corporation and Manpower Services Commission’s Job Creation Scheme. It was turned down on the last occasion largely because a reversal of policy was seen as a loss of face.&#13;
There has not, until recently, been&#13;
a serious enquiry into the options open to the Council at St. Agnes. The arguments have been raging during planning and housing committee meetings, quite often in an unin-&#13;
formed and emotive atmosphere. Now petitions from many local groups in- cluding one signed by a 100 of Lambeth’s&#13;
Dave McKay&#13;
THE BARRICADES ARE GOING UP ONCE AGAIN IN VILLA ROAD ROAD-timber posts and&#13;
corrugated iron -a familiar scene&#13;
in Lambeth and many other parts of London these days with so much land in limbo. But this time they are being erected by squatters in anticipation of an eviction attempt by bailiffs and the police. Meanwhile, a half a mile away in&#13;
St Agnes Place, this Georgian terraced street displays the&#13;
battle scars of the recent&#13;
partial demolition by the council of ten roofs on one side of the street.&#13;
As social conditions change in London planning schemes and housing policy seems to limp behind averting their gaze from the real problems; in Villa Road the land isrequired for badly-needed open space: a ‘green finger’ in the planners’ jargon, to run alongside the A23 insulating the new council housing development from the arterial road joining the commuter suburbs of Streatham, Norwood and Croydon to thecentreofLondon. InStAgnes&#13;
Place the land is required to join two&#13;
small parks into one large space, when the G.L.C. has declared itself in favour of small evenly dispersed open spaces. But although the planning issues are there to be questioned and evaluated, especially in the bizarre case of St Agnes, mw they are dwarfed by larger considerations&#13;
TM Firstly, should the choice of planning&#13;
© strategies and priorities in an economic, a recession be flexible enough to cope with . the practical problems ‘on the ground’&#13;
&#13;
 ONE UNION&#13;
conference organisers :Unionisation Organising Committee of the New Architecture Movement,9, Poland St., London, Wi. further information and application forms ( to be returmed by&#13;
lth May 1977 ) from the Committee&#13;
PLEASE DISPLAY THIS HANDBILL&#13;
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A SPECIAL ONE DAY CONFERENCE ON TRADE UNION ORGANISATION FOR EMPLOYEES IN ARCHI TECTURE AND ALLIED BUILDING PROFESSIONS&#13;
WHO WANT TO SE EFFECTIVE UNIONISM LONDON 14th MAY 1977 10tod&#13;
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                <text> &#13;
 News and features of broad interest to ndustry and to the general public are ine-&#13;
jtment of each representative will be to t EDITORIAL&#13;
unattached&#13;
the Architects’ Registration Council of the United Kingdom (ARCUK)&#13;
_“Presentatives have been nominated again along with five others and itishoped to&#13;
fi&#13;
Help fight the RIBA Gang of Forty Oo&#13;
|rae&#13;
wood user&#13;
, y&#13;
This is the first editorial that we've written for SLATE -we thought it was time to say&#13;
standards etc. are only technical problems. But to people who use the buildings its apol-&#13;
Vs ‘ YZ. wy, NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, A network of 30 representatives has been A&#13;
unattached numbers supressed ?&#13;
NINE NAM affiliatedcandidates toallowanopportunityforotherNAM Wy A, SY gSS&#13;
SLATE ISTHENEWSLETTER OFTHE REPRESENTATIVES&#13;
publishedbi-monthlyandeditedbythe setupthroughoutschoolsandlargeprac- Wa Movement’sPublicationsGroup. ticesaloverthecountry.Theonlycomm-&#13;
know- xyTo A seatsupforelectionon penseGUetnelorwerFoumettine CG)aN&#13;
icals concerned with the industry and the environtient&#13;
WORK ON SLATE&#13;
SLATE is published&#13;
Group by the Publicati&#13;
unattached representatives on ARCUK.(One&#13;
per 500 unattached architects or part there of). In view of the much publicised drop&#13;
discriminates against the unattached = . Much ground has been gained via direct&#13;
lan Cooper 3&#13;
Latentone SLATEe&#13;
needs more workers, more&#13;
t year.Amongst&#13;
(Letters should be addressed to the blu ,moWiseations Writers,moreideasandmorerepsinorderPublicationsGroup)&#13;
prise. However, aclose reading of other issues raised in ARCUK theRIBAhavebeenthoseofinvestmentolicy&#13;
CS,&#13;
C&#13;
SS&#13;
old, rate; icoetc, Tenco&#13;
co.)&#13;
Byelaw’s definition of a member of the as&#13;
amember. It appears that, if the RIBA so&#13;
subscription may stil be counted asmem-&#13;
bers for the purposes of determining the strength of the Institute as their removal"&#13;
from membership is at thediscretion ofa special RIBA committee. This directly affects the strength of the unattached as their numbers are calculated on the basis of those left on the register when members of the RIBA and the other minor bodies recognised by the 1931 Architects’ Reg- istration Acts have been accounted for.&#13;
Could it be that the RIBA is deliberately not removing architects, who fall into arr- ears, from their membership list in order&#13;
to suppress the true streiigth of the unatt- ached architects? To resign from the RIBA, it appears it is not just sufficient to stop paying the membership fees as many ‘ex- members’ believe but necessary to actually send in a formal letter of resignation. The means by which the numbers of unattached architects are calculated is a subject that&#13;
it is hoped the unattached representatives will pursue during their next year on the Council.&#13;
The last year has seen agrowth in the influence of the unattached representatives following their first year which was largely, although not entirely, spent ‘learning the ropes’. Four representatives are standing down this year, a deliberate policy in order&#13;
(South African shares) a,nd job ydiscrimin- ation against non RIBA members. These and other issues which arise will be pur-&#13;
47; the NAM affiliated candidates by vot-&#13;
ing for them in the coming election and&#13;
thus help fight for a profession more open © and accountable both to the public and&#13;
withinARCUK.&#13;
aes&#13;
YD&#13;
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2 POLAND STREET LONDON Wi&#13;
: !&#13;
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of the NEW ARCHITECTUTEaT&#13;
nego wilh tte Office of Fair Tradifg&#13;
Eddie&#13;
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/ MOVEMENT,9PolandSt.,LondonW.1,&#13;
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CONTACT:&#13;
b&#13;
is F ary.&#13;
vote for&#13;
Tom Woolley&#13;
John Murray&#13;
i ‘&#13;
haye again been nominated for the affiliated members to gain a working&#13;
this&#13;
February z 5&#13;
During the past year they have called “TY = Bn eae se 3 or ARCUK to allow al architects equal&#13;
Although there was an increase in the i 5&#13;
« (01)-703-7775 totalnumberof4384wasnotenoughtooaofthepresentFicguitableaes,BobMaltz AS£&#13;
last year of 264 unattached architects the&#13;
Opportunity for ‘corporate advertising’ ir&#13;
lan Tod&#13;
5givemorethanthecurre”ntnineplacesforwh:ich-hepafas sa JohnAllan&#13;
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NW ONEWSNEWSNEWS\’&#13;
ARCUK UNATTACHED r ELECTIONS&#13;
what we think we're doing ,so you might itical question. They realise that its their lack feellikewritingbackinlettersoranywhere_ ofcontrolovercommissioninganddesign else in SLATE. which makes those buildings itito failures, We&#13;
Thisissueisaboutpeoplewhousebuildings wantedthisissuetobewrittenbynon-profess. (all of us) not people who commission them, __ionals as much as possible to make that clear, build them or manage them. Designers tend to If this is a central issue for NAM, there are think that building problems of all sorts, damp, lots of ideas and views to be discussed, and questions of safety, sound privacy, low space SLATE is where that discussion can take place.&#13;
workersintheprofession,thebuilding receive5copiesofSLATEeverytwo&#13;
Eeeeugeoete&#13;
u&#13;
luded to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s&#13;
months and to try to sell 4 of them, return- ing £1.00 to SLATE&#13;
All this should help SLATE acheive a far wider circulation and become more truly representative of the views of rad-&#13;
to produce a better, larger and cheaper&#13;
Institute reveals a very loose definition of&#13;
ns On (RIBA) membership this came as a sur- small rodof soft~(clean&#13;
wishes,membersindefaultoftheirannualsuedvigorouslybythoseelected,sosupp-XS ~\&#13;
[ifyouwouldtks£b0e smemboefrtheNewArchitectureMovenieatfilaltheformbelaondw send? | it together with 2 chequo/postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5.00(&#13;
you're employed) or £3,00( if you're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at 9, Poland Street&#13;
| London W,1, |&#13;
SLATE may be a very slick looking paper but we need money fast!&#13;
Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable toSLATE to&#13;
9 Poland Street, W1.&#13;
views and activities to the attention of the possible readership&#13;
| If you would like to recelve SLATE without joining NAM fill inthé form below and sead It togeth:: withachequeo/ndpero(spatyaablletoSLATE )for£2.50SLATE\at9,PolandStrest,|&#13;
newsletter. If you would like to work for _ Printed by Islington Community Press&#13;
SLATE: becomea rep., join the group, send in articles or suggest topics it should cover then contact us soon.&#13;
2a St Pauls Rd., London, NI, ‘&#13;
The copy deadline for the next issue is Friday 23rd February 1979&#13;
Trade Distribution by Publications Distribution Cooperative, 27, Clerken- well Court, London, E.C.2&#13;
&#13;
 PROPOSALS from the Labour Party for the nationalisation of the building industry provided the topic for an evening of furious public debate when private sector mandarins and trade unionists met at London’s Conway Hall last Noyember.&#13;
Partial nationalisation of the industry proposed in Labour’s pamphlet ‘Building Brtitain’s Future’ was enough to rouse cries of ‘iniquity’ from representatives of the employers’ orgariigations, while the trade unionists insistedthat total natignalisation would be the only certain answer to the ils of the construction industry&#13;
The employers claimed that&#13;
— Nationalisation would remove profit&#13;
as an incentive to investors who would withdraw their supportand cause a slump in the industry. Because the Industry has such an important place im our economy, a slump would undermine Britain’s balance of payments and perpetuate the&#13;
inflationary spiral and associated&#13;
economic blight.&#13;
— Nationalisation would impinge upon&#13;
the intrinsic right of Man ,Free Enterprise.&#13;
The trade unionists replied that&#13;
— Nationalisation would benefit the worker by providing stable employment with complementary benefits&#13;
— Nationalisation would aid the creation of a system of building( direct labour Organisations )which would have far greater accountability&#13;
accountability&#13;
Nationalisation, despite its obvious&#13;
advantages over the present system, will not automatically provide an appropriate form ofaccountability whichmustbetowards&#13;
formore plasterers.&#13;
To put this strike in its context the re-&#13;
lationship between SC and Bovis should be made clear.&#13;
In 1968 Southwark building depart- ment was involved in a major financial scandal losing some £2million and called&#13;
in Bovis to act as management consult- ants. It seems possible that it was on the advice of Bovis that SC was set up in 1974 to act asa private entity. At the same time it was felt by the Council that Bovis had worked so well that they should be called in to manage SC. It should be pointed out here that this situation is unique.nowhere else in the country does a Direct Labour Organisationhaveacontractwithapri- vate firm to manage it.&#13;
SC has at present 3 major contracts to build new houses at Newington, Briming- ton and Consort sites. On the 3sites both direct labour and sub-contractors are em- ployed, but sub-contracting ismore exten- sive. On each site there are approximately 140 workers and I1 sub-contractors. This&#13;
VAS, occupier of buildings both in terms of RIVA practice&#13;
to government funding to keep themselves afloat in times of economic&#13;
economics and standards of construction&#13;
is streamlined,&#13;
uncertainty. Economic self-interest,&#13;
While the discussions about the pros and cons of nationalisation Tage on, the evening at Conway Hall was carried by the thetoric of the union speakers who Stirred the emotions of an audience mainly sympathetic tho their cause. Against this union barrage the anti-nationalisation camp, often making weak and ill-prepared statements, were reduced to the level of merely contradicting their Opponents.&#13;
The private sector have, for numerous years, fpund motivation in profit and accountability to share holders Satisfactory criteriaformanagingoneofBritain’s largest and most important industries. The unions’ answer is a system ofpublic bureaucracy called ‘nationalisation’, but, if there is an iuusue to be discussed in the construction industry, it must be one of&#13;
Page 4&#13;
I&#13;
however, is not the only cause.&#13;
Community&#13;
to the user/&#13;
iig a&#13;
ol. RUBBISH&#13;
contractors are attacking direct labour in order to secure public sector work for themselves, so private practice architects are looking&#13;
authority architecture departments and direct labour building organisations. One&#13;
of the problems of this approach was highlighted in a criticism raised by CAWG&#13;
~and one that is also connected with the current debates within NAM between the PDS and Alternative Practice groups. This&#13;
centres on the need for accessible, independ- ent alternatives to local authorities both&#13;
before, during and after the conceived transformation of these bodies. In the short term there isan obvious need for alternatives that can help focus local Struggles and force changes upon local authorities; in the longer term such independant bodies can stil play and important role in countering abuses by or degeneration within the public sector. How this can be achieved without posing one against the other, while stil retaining&#13;
STRUGGLE&#13;
SUPERFICIALLY the strike at the Newington Butts’ site of Southwark&#13;
Construction could be interpreted as a dispute over a small number of re- dundancies; but when the history of Southwark Construction and its ass- ociation with Bovis and Co. is re- vealed these redundancies can be seen tobe just a very small part of an attack on direct labour.&#13;
The strike began on | October this year as a result of a refusal to negotiate over re- dundancy notices that had been issued to 13 carpenters and 5 plasterers on 29 Sept- ember. Although it is Transport and Gen- eral Workers Union and the Union of Con- struction and Allied Technical Trades&#13;
out paying tax or insurance. Because work is done for a set sum usually it is carried&#13;
out in the quickest time possible and dir- ect labour workers at the Newington Butts” site have on occasions had to rebuild walls badly constructed by sub-contracted labour.&#13;
The major formal union organisation&#13;
in SC is UCATT, all deductions are made&#13;
at source by the management but many aren’t even aware that they belong to a union. This is coupled with a hand in glove relationship between the management and union.&#13;
In June UCATT and NALGO were in- formed of the prospective redundancy of 180 direct labour workers and then in August a confidential report from SC sub- committee was leaked to trade unionists. It contained a detailed plan of reducing to zero al direct labour manual workers and running down plant by 1980. It is pres- umed that this plan was made on the ad- viceofBovis.&#13;
The men on strike at the Newington Butts’ site are direct labour workers who feel that because the private company Bovis is managing SC on a fee system, therefore hiring no direct labour them- selves but sub-contracting work out, this has been one of the causes of the weak continued onp 25&#13;
the change of heart?&#13;
The most obvious stimulant behind the&#13;
of our proposals still reflect the professional worse workmanship and less likelihood of ideology so central to al of our educational organised trade union activity. SC have and practical backgrounds. If we ‘take this openly admitted to having a ‘hire and fire opportunity, NAM will be able to develop _ policy with regard to employment. This its growing potential for posing an proctical is contrary to usual practice in a DLO. and democratic alternative.&#13;
R1IB.A.’s renewed interest in “Community Architecture” iseconomic necessity; there haslongbeenaneedforthistypeofservice to community groups, but now this need coincides with a disastrously low work load for private practice. Just as private building&#13;
Due to the contract system lump labour ie. self-employed labour may be taken on. Such workers are never unionised, work&#13;
the problems would be solved ifonly people&#13;
could afford our professional advice. Wouldn't schools then it is to be welcomed.)&#13;
it be niceif it were that easy! Other key problems relate to CAWG’s continued acceptance of the traditional ‘professional’ role of the architect; and in this context democratic accountability outside the construction process and the breaking of the artifical design/build barrier within it are of litle or no significance. These are problems to which NAM must also address itself more fully.&#13;
the central importance of the public sector, policy not to accept redundancies UCATT&#13;
is something which requires urgent thought ifwearetoeffectivelyinterveneingovern-&#13;
ment policy.&#13;
be based is architectural education. A karge number of case studies in CAWG’s report are centred on the schools, and if the R.I.B.A.’s recognition of these projects&#13;
hadinthiscaseagreedtotheactionby management. TGWU and workers had&#13;
ision. They also objected to the fact that while they, direct labour workers were being made redundant, sub-contractors were advertising in the Borough Job Centre&#13;
meansaless restrictive policy on the&#13;
It is in the similarity between the supp-&#13;
osedly ‘radical’ nature of the proposals and&#13;
some of our own policies that we can learn&#13;
most from this report; an examination of&#13;
these similarities can help us to assess which means that there is a high labour turnover,&#13;
In the counter-report mentioned earlier,&#13;
NAM’s Public Design Service Group argue&#13;
that a fully democratic community architecture&#13;
whines. BOVISINDLO.forafixedpriceandaspecificjob,with-&#13;
page 5&#13;
VSONE WSNEWSNEWSNEWSNEWS&#13;
NEWSWE\WONE BUILDING |&#13;
Jan meintosh CIFLD&#13;
not only workers in the industry but also the users of buildings.&#13;
by public service or by private practice and it is unlikely to be met in the future unless radical changes are made.” These ‘radical changes’ take the form of central&#13;
If the debate successfully avoided the&#13;
importance, much as the confidential section remained much more&#13;
to protect CAWG from charges of being out of touch with community activities than to protect the individuals concerned from charges of fee-cutting,&#13;
Despite the report’s lack of substance itapparantly represents aradical departure by a section of the R.I.B.A. from its traditional, hierarchical approach to architectural practice. It “sets out the case for a Community Aid Fund to be established within the framework of the Government’s urban programme”;&#13;
arguing that “there isastrong demand for professional help to community groups which isnot being met adequately, either&#13;
for delivering the right goods at the right time; everyone knows that,&#13;
government funding to small scale private practices based in the locality and offering advice and seryices to individuals and community groups, both for actual building projects and for the development&#13;
of alternative, area-based plans. The proximity of these proposals to these traditionally beloved of the radical left begs several questions. What has produced&#13;
awakened asmall, but significant number of architects, and a far wider public, to the&#13;
just ask any young aspiring architectural!TM44equacies of the profession, many have&#13;
fe not been informed of any pending redund: ( One area in which sucha service could be ancies and opposed the management's dec-&#13;
FREESON GEi: CAWG&#13;
student. Somebody, however, must have forgotten to tell the R.I.B.A.’s Community Architecture Working Group (CAWG).&#13;
With much pleasure, therefore, those of Us connected with the much maligned Public sector, our counter-report on Community Architecture already produced watched CAWG’s inability to meet the deadline they themselves set for submission of their report on the same subject). I&#13;
am tempted to think that thisdelay Tesulted partly from CAWG’s embarrass- ment at having so little of any merit or&#13;
Originality to say on a topic of such&#13;
‘Teal’ issues of the industry’s dillemma, one speaker among the trade unionists at least was able to strike a relevant note. Though he clearly recognised thepresent predicament to be largely the result of&#13;
the private sector’s mismanagement, he went on to lay some blame on the unions for failing to recognise their profound responsibility to struggle to influence and change the course of the industry. Perhaps if they did, the political dogmas of nationalisation would be Te-examined more appropriate avenues opened up.&#13;
ent,wellorganisedandrenowned activistsofthelate’60’sonwardshave&#13;
attempted to come to terms with these inadequacies without confronting either existing economic, social and political relations within society or the role of the professional in maintaining those relations. The proposals of CAWG must be seen asa result of the sometimes contradictory, Sometimes complementary stimulants of economic self-interest and a somewhat naive liberalism.&#13;
Viewed in this light the deficiencies of the report become more obvious. It fails to identify the key problem of “community architecture”, that of access to and control Over resources (finance, land, materials, labour etc.) it gives the impression that al&#13;
&#13;
 unattached news:&#13;
generally dominates the first part of Council spectacular procedural contortions, meetings. Here the Council in exercise of it&#13;
its powers granted under Section 7of the&#13;
Architects Registration Act 1931 considers&#13;
cases of architects who have been convicted ofa criminal offence -the penalty for&#13;
which may be removal from the Register. Except in instances of “disgraceful”, as distinct from criminal, conduct -which are referred to the Discipline Committee (Section 7, (2) &amp; (3)) -such cases are normally dealt with by the Council in ful session.&#13;
On this occasion halfa dozen cases were referred, the first and most substantial of which consisted of hearing representations from Mr F.D. Williamson, an architect from South Wales, who in October 1977 had pleadedguiltytotwochargesofcorruption. The case had involved a “landscape study tour” to Finland in which officials of Swansea Corporation had participated&#13;
at Mr Williamson’s invitation and partly at his expense.&#13;
The Council, who had already been furnished with compendious document- -ation was told by Mr Williamson’s solicitorofhisclient’s“distinguished career” and “deep professional commit- -ment”’ as factors to be weighed in&#13;
judging the severity of the conviction. After an hour of pleading, and a brief retiral of ‘defendant’ and Press during Council’s deliberations, the Chairman&#13;
users -the prime concern in a case where&#13;
50 people died.” Consternation. (The&#13;
RIBA who had formed squares for the&#13;
main battle were beginning to break ranks.) less numerous after several discreet depart- —"Yes, Ithink that Principle One ismore&#13;
Hawser’s Hansard an Inside View&#13;
Court of the Star Chamber or the Mad&#13;
Hatter’s Tea Party? “The Mikado” or&#13;
. Impossible to say.) publication in the Sunday Times of an And so it came to pass, that the RIBA&#13;
“MuchAdoAboutNothing”?Itisdifficult pronouncedthesentence-“Severe&#13;
The next meeting was fixed for 14th March&#13;
to decide exactly which metaphor comes Reprimand” -and agrateful Mr Williamson nearest to capturing the distinctive ambience departed.&#13;
of the 187th Ordinary Meeting of the (Architect readers who have the mis- Architects Registration Council - the first -fortune to fall foul of Section 7 may care such meeting at which SLATE wasrepresented to be reminded that Section 9 provides a&#13;
For the uninitiated it may be of interest right of appeal against removal to the to note that ARCUK meetings are held in High Court of Court of Session, whose&#13;
the RIBA HQ at 66 Portland Place, (a symbolic detail that some have considered unfortunate), in an upper chamber bearing more than an approximate resemblance to 4magistrate’s courtroom -by no means inappropriate in view of the content of much of the proceedings. The honourary officers and Registrar are stationed impressivelyonthehighbench,the Chairman centrally enthroned onasplendid&#13;
chair, which might well be emblazoned with the motto Nemo me impune lacessit, though possibly Tamm arte quam marte could be a more fitting substitution. The clerks’ table&#13;
is placed in a central well, with the councillors&#13;
ranged around in apparently random positions, the press being adjacent to the door to&#13;
permit ready exit to the hot lines of Fleet Street or even elsewhere. As the minute&#13;
hand reached two o'clock (1400 hours) andwithattendanceatalittleunder50,the chairman declared the 187th open -his gavel apparently mislaid.&#13;
THE HOUR OF JUDGMENT&#13;
order is final...)&#13;
sent to the Unattached, when they could&#13;
ITS A MAN’S WORLD&#13;
Conspicous by itsabsence from a shortnoteintheRIBAJournalfor November on the UIFA* exhibition&#13;
of women architects in Paris was any mention of the NAM Feminist Group's exhibit(seeSLATE9).Itismorethan ironic that the article goes on to bewail the small number of British exhibitors (the NAM Group and four individuals in all) whilst it ignores, in the NAM group, the only significant grouping of women architects in the country. Just another example of the way that women who&#13;
\ organisetoexpresstheirideasand aspirations as women are ignored while those who accept patriarchal professional attitudes are lauded. Lncidentally ,of the four individual women exhibitors, two have partner-husbands, Innette Austn- Smith and Heather Hughes-Lomax.&#13;
* Union Internationale des Femmes Architectes&#13;
page6&#13;
important,” said Bil Allen. (A white haired&#13;
man, whose name nobody knew, thought&#13;
So too.)&#13;
—(Sotto voce) — “Tea has been ready for&#13;
three quarters of an hour”, someone&#13;
wispered to the Registrar.&#13;
—“Letusvoteontheammendment”,boome: Theloss,alas,isyoursgentlereader. the Chairperson, voicing the impatience of at The discussion on ARCUK secrecy, and least a two-thirds majority. freedom of information to the Press would —in favour 11. Against 35. certainly have been the most interesting —“The motion before us therefore reads...” and worthwhile part ofthe afternoon, and (The Registrar had nearly finished writing it would most probably have established the down)Thoseinfavour?48.Thoseagainst?Iproundrulesforthisandalsubsequent&#13;
Beneath the delicate clink of unmatched&#13;
the SLATER&#13;
MARXIST POISON&#13;
cups, and the muffled crunchingof soft biscuits, schemes were surely afoot, for when the meeting reconvened -noticeably&#13;
be represented by any registered person, Unattached or otherwise. Ah, but only Unattached were entitled to nominate explained the Chairperson. But how were non-Unattached to Know they could stand shouldn’t everyone get nomination papers persisted the hapless Mr Critchlow&#13;
(apparantly unaware that for the RIBA itsel the equivalent proposal would involve&#13;
advising the entire population of the UK&#13;
that they were eligible to be appointed&#13;
ARCUK councillors). Registeredpersons&#13;
were expected to know the regulations, repeated the Chairperson. who squandered&#13;
his last drop of patience to declare that as&#13;
far as the Unattached Elections were concericd no change of procedure was called for&#13;
for less than two minutes, still. an impress&#13;
gesture. The Registrar reported on the&#13;
-ures — the Chairperson announced that Item 4 on theAgenda, (Architects Disciplinary Proceedings Regulations 1976. Press Rules and confidentiality generally) was to be deferred, and that a paper submitted by the Chairperson for Council’s consideration was withdrawn.&#13;
Wewereintotheendgame. TheR (Three more hands had entered the chamber, reports. Moreover, after some spectacular tabled a list of the deceased. All stood&#13;
apparantly — or perhaps the Press had voted — jublic threats of court martials, following&#13;
quite unintentionally, through the initiative account of ARCUK'‘s position on&#13;
of the Unattached, instructed a review of Summerland, the scratching of Item 4&#13;
J.CA.R. ~ the trans-Atlantic US /ARCUR ARCUK’s discipline procedures. (Christmas seemed all the more surprising. However. link-up. Mr Green, the D.O.L repres:&#13;
doubtless more anon. (“The Ides of March made a brief statement confirming the Bit are come” ...etc.) (Embarassed chuckles Govyernment’s rejection of the EL ¢ dratt&#13;
riddic: Q. Where is the longest distance between two points? A. ARCUK Council.) WhereamIanyway? It’stoohotinhere. It’s Sunday morning, and I’m at the NAM Congress.&#13;
But enough of this reverie...&#13;
The Chairperson had already lifted the bales and players had started for the samovar.&#13;
ONE LUMP, OR TWO?&#13;
panel, Finance &amp; General Purposes, even the Unattached Councillors looked To judge from the 187th, the tea interval Professional Purposes... hungry.&#13;
at ARCUK assumes a tactical significance The single point of interest occurred&#13;
approaching the Final Test at Lords. Batting when an RIBA appointee — conspicuously&#13;
orders are turned upside down, bowlers are silent hithertoo —asked why nomination Hawser Tranmion scratched, the whole field might be replanned _forms for Unattached Elections were only&#13;
here,asChairpersondeclaresStanding Orders unsuspended.)&#13;
DOWNHILL RACER&#13;
directive. The Chairperson reported “no ne on the monopolies issue. and with papers already being pressed into brief cases. Ure last two itenis were carried by the distineti ARCUK affirmative grunt, which signifies that enough is cnough - if not more than&#13;
From now on, the 187th proceeded&#13;
briskly. The Chairperson of ARCUK’s&#13;
variouscommittesrosetopresenttheir 1979—anhourearliertoallowextraiju respective reports... Admissions, Board of time and as we filed from the chambhs Architectural Education, Education Grants Tnoticed that it was dark outside. and that&#13;
Keep your © sopen for this harmless looking little chap, hanging out in college bars and buying evervbody drinks: he’s after your money and, if you give him&#13;
the chance, your mind too. Who is he? George Cameron, the hired recruiting hand of RIBA Headquaters, pledged to implement Gordon Graham's ‘get ‘em young and keep&#13;
page7&#13;
(CIL:&#13;
Trunnion, on his most challenging assignment yet, brings this report direct from the ARCUK Council meeting of 13th December, 1978.&#13;
The quasi-judicial function of ARCUK&#13;
GOING THROUGH THE MOTIONS&#13;
Anyway, after sundry other cases of removal from or reinstatement to the Register had been heard, the courtroom atmosphere gave way to something more akin to the Debating Society of the Lower Remove. Two motions had been tabled by the fearless representatives of Unattached Architects, both referring back to the case of Mr J.P. Lomas, the architect involved&#13;
in the Summerland project, Isle ofMan,&#13;
at which SO people died. The unattached, concerned at Council’s reluctance even to “severely reprimand” Mr Lomas, who had been cleared of “disgraceful conduct” by the Discipline Committee, were proposing 4 motion of censure on theDiscipline Committee and calling on Council publicly&#13;
to reaffirm its faith in Principle 1 of the ARCUK code.&#13;
Caught between the Scyllaof s theUnattached,andtheCunha apparantly condoning innocent deaths, the main body of Council lunged into&#13;
i&#13;
Opposition to the Unattached’smotions crystallised in the person of Mr Philip Groves (ex-ARGUK chairperson) with Nadine Beddington in shrill support. With the ink stil wet, a third ‘composite’ motion was read out “sharing the disquiet regarding Case 122/1/76 (cryptic reference toLomas) and instructing the Honourary Officers to initiate a study into whether the Council’s disciplinary procedures require revision, reporting back to Council at the next&#13;
meeting.” “At the same time”, Mr Groves proffered, “this Council confirms its acceptance of Mr Justice Devlin’s definition of disgraceful conduct (cryptic reference to the Unattached motion and reaffirms (my&#13;
talics) .....(!) its absolute support for al aspects of the Code”.&#13;
But was this hydra-headed proposal really anammendment? Was itnot anew substantive motion? The Chairperson was inclined to think so.&#13;
—Perhaps it could be introduced if the original proposers would withdraw their motions.&#13;
—would they?&#13;
—no they would not.&#13;
—in which case was it not surely out of order, not having been submitted 24 hours prior to the meeting?&#13;
—yes, itwas.&#13;
The Chairperson offered to take the unprecedented step of suspending Standing Orders to allow the new motion to be considered ....(selective treatment?) ....No such accommodation had been offered at the last meeting in similar circumstances apparantly, when the Unattached had sought sought to put a motion from the floor.)&#13;
—But wouldn’t a vote be necessary to&#13;
suspend Standing Orders? (someone found&#13;
4copy)&#13;
—yes, atwo-thirds majority was required. —better vote on the original motions first hadn’t we?&#13;
~O.K. Number One: “This Council... formally censures....” in Favour ? 8 Against? 38. Numbef Two: “This&#13;
Council reaffirms its faith in Principal 1. ” In Favour? 10. Against? 35. (Funny, one person short in the second vote, though nobody had left the chamber. Apparently itisnotthepracticeofARCUK toaskfor abstentions in voting. Never mind -it’ll be tea interval soon.)&#13;
—now, those in favour of suspending Standing Orders? 45. Those against? 1. (The ghost had returned.)&#13;
The Registrar, who was stil endeavour- -ing to write it down, began to read out Mr Groves’ motion...&#13;
—“We propose an ammendment...” (The Unattached weren’t done foryet) (deafening groans)&#13;
—“We must especially emphasise our faith in Principal O;2e, being the only part of the Code giving an undertaking of an architect’s duty of care towards building&#13;
&#13;
 ‘em policy . Cameron's tactics: infiltration and ingratiation. His purpose: getting architecture students into the RIBA.&#13;
Be vigilant! Besides the obvious charms of his expense account, Cameron ofa master of disguises, turns up where and when he is least expected, first in Building Design, where he was pictured in a smart suit and&#13;
nice boy’ haircut, Days later Cameron was spotted spending a suspiciously large sum of money on the bookstall at NAM’s Cheltenham Congress, sporting this time&#13;
@ ‘soft Marxist’ style perm and a pair of faded demins. Questioned during the Congress, Cameron admitted that the RIBA were paying his expenses but&#13;
ed that any report he might give them of the event would be purely on&#13;
@ voluntary basis. He had clearly been sent to observe and get to know the enemy before being despatched into the recruiting field.&#13;
(AM Intelligence say that this man ‘on is not Known to be physically&#13;
erous. If you do come across him the best way to deal with him is to ignore him they say.&#13;
USER SATSFACTION&#13;
Those who are still convinced that architecture has nothing to do with politics should spare a thought for Mario&#13;
Across&#13;
1. Force equal and opposite to N.A.M. ?(8) 5. Long for trendy furniture. (4)&#13;
9. Over&#13;
9. Over-publisize Oroglas? (5)&#13;
10. Deceptive appearances are the archi-&#13;
tect's speciality. (7)&#13;
11. Register the importance of 1931 (3,2,7) 13. Inverted snob. (3,3)&#13;
14, Schools of Architecture Council isa&#13;
failure if muddled about nothing (6) 17. Tedious outdated material lacking&#13;
gravity. (5,3,4,)&#13;
20. Capital !.if they bear fruit (7) 21. Ruling that sounds weak (5)&#13;
22. Beneath aTory resting place (4)&#13;
- Ruling that sounds weak (5)&#13;
23. Professional Purposes with no tone can produce adversary (8)&#13;
Deorsala whose only connection with the recent Red Brigade trials in Italy was that he designed the courtroom. That was close enough for the Red Brigade, however, who clearly appreciated the significance of both the layout of the courtroom and the connections of its architect and shot him. Wonder if Rod Hackney or one of his ‘community architecture’ cronies at the RIBA would have made a better job of&#13;
obscuring the power relations behind the legal system and designed a courtroom less prone to ‘user resistance’?&#13;
SAGS IN THE MIDDLE&#13;
Aficiandos of architectural cartooning cannot fail to have noticed that our very own Archi Tekt now has two rivals: Old Louis Hellman in the Architects Journal and now Murrayball’s new protege, the SAGS in Building Design. The SAGs are a pot-bellied, flat-footed, unadventuruous and unfunny breed who acquiesce in a&#13;
grumbling sort of way to the terrible indignity of having to work for another architect. Inspite of the cartoon’s subtitle “a Saga of the Many who Work for the Few’, it goes without saying that, just as in real life, the Many never get to encounter the Few over any real greivances. In fact, after several weeks of boring jokes about contractors’ claims, professors who are never in college and boring the wife with&#13;
Test your wits in the long winter evenings by trying this puzzle, which has been specially compilde by Hawser Trunnion&#13;
with a distinct architectural bouquet. Completed entries should be sent to SLATE, 9, Poland St., London, W1, by the end of February 1979.&#13;
For the author of the first correct entry to&#13;
be drawn from the sporranalife subscription to SLATE.&#13;
architecture, the Few have yet to put in&#13;
an appearance. Among the SAGS’ few endearing characterisitics is that they are&#13;
scared out of their wits by NAM, whose i headquaters a hapless bunch of the little fellows stumbled across the other week.&#13;
The two NAM members in the cartoon were were portrayed as two Red Brigade Style gangsters, berrets, stubbly chins and al&#13;
We print the frame in question below,&#13;
and the Slater would like to say that he knows who these two people are, but that the sight of large sums of money occaisionally has the effect of blurring his memory. Cheques payable to SLATE&#13;
WE ARCHITECTS HAVE A DUTY To HELP THESE...&#13;
4. Way of quarryihg slate, possibly? (6)&#13;
6. Fallow deerin official surroundings (2,1,1,1)&#13;
Q1,1,)&#13;
7. Royal rate of progress is simply&#13;
revolutionary (4,4)&#13;
8. Bread strike sounds like a problem in&#13;
Portland Place. Ugh! (8,2,2) 12, Type of President that is always&#13;
brooked (1,7)&#13;
15. It’s professional if disinterested, we're&#13;
Art Supermarket&#13;
Design role for Unions?&#13;
quatting Workers Collective&#13;
assured (7)&#13;
as&#13;
TRUNNION S TEASER&#13;
Origin of much of 1. across (1,1,1,1) 2. Freedom without the law . almost&#13;
arcane! (7)&#13;
3. One Monday it'lcome perhaps (3,9)&#13;
w&#13;
19. Confuse trial to be reinstated (4)&#13;
Designing for Co-ops&#13;
&#13;
 Stephen&#13;
Hayward is a&#13;
post-graduate&#13;
student and a&#13;
Part-time lecturer&#13;
in Art History. at&#13;
East Anglia University's Sainsbury Centre&#13;
for the Visuial Arts in one of last years most highly aclaimed buildings, at least among&#13;
arch \itects. What architectural critics seem not to notice, however, beside the intriguing form&#13;
and the perfect construction, is that the&#13;
building houses a working community of&#13;
students and teachers. For these people&#13;
the architectural masterpiece is less than Satisfactory, as Stephen Hayward explains.&#13;
the University of i&#13;
The Sainsbury Centre for Visus&#13;
b e for Visual Arts consists&#13;
East Anglia&#13;
ists in vlan of a simple rectangle. The exterior of the&#13;
ART SUPERMARKET&#13;
Perhaps the most serious inadaquacies are to be found in the offices and seminar rooms which are built entirely of grey stove-enamelled metal except for the entrance face which isglazed. Despite the assurancesofthearchitectitisimpossibletowork intheseroomswithout theassistanceofartificial lighting. Furthermore, there isno soundproofing&#13;
so that one is destracted even by the most gentle conversations of your neighbours -and as for lively discussions, the flimsy sheets of the partitions literally vibrate! The ventilation and temperature control are so inadequate that the University has had to issue fans in the middle of Winter. As regards the furniture in the rooms only the chairs and the pinboards work satisfactorily: the tables rattle&#13;
and vibrate when one is using a typewriter, the filing cabinets tip up when the drawer is opened and even the anglepoise lamps cannot be clamped onto the tables properly. The bookshelves were originally intended to be attached to the walls by magnets, but these proved to be too weak to prevent the shelves crashing dangerously to the ground when laden with books.&#13;
The potential absoluteness ofthis building&#13;
There are several more minor disabilities, but in order to remain within the limits of this short article it is necessary to examine the intentions of the architect towards the Art History Sector and to show how he has failed to meet, or just misunderstood, the basic requirements. The architect’s principal&#13;
aim was to create an impression of openess which he has gloriously achieved to the detriment of two of the&#13;
most important needs of any academic community —&#13;
privacy and tranquility. The Sector is overlooked on&#13;
one side by the Senior Common Room and on the&#13;
other by a part of the gallery, which is distracting for&#13;
both students trying to work in the central area and&#13;
for people in the glass-fronted rooms, the secretaries&#13;
who occupy the elevated podium are particularly&#13;
distressed by their exposed position. As regards&#13;
tranquility, the lack of soundproofing in the rooms&#13;
has already been mentioned; in addition noise invades&#13;
the sector from many angles, especially from the AS Senior Common Room and people going to and fro” x between the restaurant and the living area. The so- iN called white noise which issupposed to deaden A&#13;
irregular sounds isnot only ineffective, but isa ZN particularly unpleasant distraction in itself. aN&#13;
IGNORES USERS&#13;
building is covered with oblong corrugated metal&#13;
panels except for the two ends which are entirely&#13;
glazed. The interior is shrouded with Venetian O blinds and their appearance is tastefully reflected&#13;
in the carpet design which is composed of a grey&#13;
background enlivened by parallel lines of pin stripes ofa lighter shade of grey. About three-quarters of the surface area is devoted to the gallery (officially described as the Living Area), the special exhibitions area and offices for the gallery staff. The rest of the building is occupied by a restaurant, the senior Common Room and the Arts History Sector of the School of Fine Arts and Music. The Arts History Sector is situated between the ‘living Area’ and the&#13;
restaurant and it is the purpose of this article to examine how this part of the building meets the requirements of its users and, as it evidently fails&#13;
B&#13;
Works of art should be enjoyed as a pleasurable aesthetic&#13;
experience&#13;
Firstly, itisimportant to point out the simple&#13;
The walls - they are neither substance nor reality, for they are so ethereal and filigree that they must surely hide endless layers of magic apparatus&#13;
Page 11&#13;
&gt;&gt;&gt;&#13;
The Art History Sector therefore isvery&#13;
nearly an unmitigated failure. To a certain degree this is undoubtedly due to lack of effective comm- sunication between the architect and the users. Itis impossible to discuss anydetails concerning the consultation proceedings as this would involve considerable embarassment. However, itis permissable to say that the discussions which took place between members of the Art History Sector and the architect were practically fruitless and the&#13;
general impression was that the architect was only interested in imposing and defending his designs instead of taking heed of the views and opinionsof the prospective users. Invitations were offered to Foster Associates to take part in seminars and to talk to the students about the centres — both invitations were declined.&#13;
This arrogance undoubtedly accountsfor the general incompatibility between the space and its&#13;
users’ requirements, yet most of thedesign faults seem to stem simply from lack of research into the functional as opposed to the aesthetic aspectsof the designs and do not.even live up to-the mechanistic ideals of the architect. The overall result is an extremely dissastisfied group of people who resent the spaces which they are forced to occupy-&#13;
to do this, to suggest some reasons for its short- comings.&#13;
Nor do I want to be pointed out the odd technical failings for in England we are beset by architectural Jeremiahs who will gleefully remind&#13;
you of drips, splinterings&#13;
or sweatings&#13;
The slide cabinets in the photography library&#13;
are another extraordinary example of incompetent design: the drawers jam and the white paint scratches easily. The shelves which support the ; photograph boxes bend beneath the weight, making it difficult either to remove or to replace the boxes on the lower shelves. ;&#13;
The lecturing facility situated in the living area is positively farcical. Itisinno way divided fromthe gallerywhichisopentothepublic,theslide ; projections are too faint and sound amplification has to be used because the acoustics are so bad.&#13;
The Art History sector provides facilities for 12 lecturers _,7 clerical members of staff, 2 technicians 178 undergraduates and 14 postgraduates. There&#13;
are 21 rooms occupied mainly by members of staff which flank either side of a spacious central area&#13;
lit directly from above and from the south -the louvres creating a pleasant dappled effect. This central area accommodates the general office and the photograph libra;rtyhe former isoccupied by one secretary and consists of a small open office surrounded by white stove-enamelled panels. The photograph library issunk slighly below ground&#13;
level with an elevated central podium where three secretaries work.&#13;
and numerous errors of design and construction, Some of which might appear trivial but which are equally exasperating to the user.&#13;
&#13;
 David Gee is the health and safety officer of the General and Municipal Workers Union&#13;
“ The idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle because it is good for you ”’.&#13;
How can we devise user-participation systems that overcome the problems of communications between users and designers? Not all users are agreed and the time taken to make decisions can become excessively long.&#13;
Perhaps an area where the idea of participation can be effectively broached is against the backgroud&#13;
of the new Health and Safety legislation, argues David Gee, who goes on to urge control by workers over, among other things, the design and layout of the premises in which they work,&#13;
This article is an abridged and anotated version of an article which first appeared in the General and Municipal Workers Union Journal for December 1978.&#13;
As this year comes to an end, we will have produced about £140,00m of goods and services, but at a price of about 1,400 deaths from accidents and prescribed diseases, nearly 1 million reportable (i.e. 3 day )accidents and about 25 million minor accidents. Many other deaths, diseases and illnesses will also have been caused by work but they will have been missed by the official statistics. Health and Safety is about reducing this human price of production to as low as possible. That should be the aim of trade unions, and their safety representatives as the new year begins. But what strategy will be the most effective at getting us next year’s production atalowerhuman price?&#13;
must be provided that allows us to be human without harming ourselves. Otherwise we will fine that not only is work restricted to certain groups&#13;
of super-fit workers, but that the responsibility for remaining healthy and safe isput on workers. it becomes Our fault for not wearing protective equipment, or for failing to cope with risks, instead ofmanagements responsibilitytoprovideasafeand healthy workplace. We can accept that some risks will always remain, especially in the short term, but the present level of risk can be reduced significantly as the following comments from safety representatives show:&#13;
“T work in a school kitchen -it was designed to cause accidents. ”&#13;
“ The controls are at head height, and we fill up the fluid container here with a jug — the stuff just runs right down aur arms and gives us dermatitis. ” j&#13;
“Yes — we al complain of the noise from the cab but we can't wear muffs — they should make quieter cabs. "&#13;
“Our new hospital is worse than the old — slippery floors, poor ventilation and lousy waste disposal systems, "’&#13;
“Why don't they make filing cabinets that can’t tip over.”&#13;
“ We've reduced the eye protection area by one&#13;
thirdjustbyredesigningthemachine ”&#13;
Workers and their representatives know that premises ,vehicles, machinery and equipment are often badly designed, and the cheapest and most effectivewayofeliminatingdangerisatthedesign&#13;
specification, manufacturing or planning stage. Section 6 of the Health and Safety at Work Act obliges designers and manufacturers, suppliers and&#13;
importers to eliminate danger as far as reasonable practicable, from their products, before employers buy them. TRADE UNIONS, THROUGH THEIR SAFETY REPRESENTATIVES WILL;HAVE/TO ENFORCE SECTION 6BECAUSE&#13;
1. designers and suppliers could recommend that workers adapt to their products, instead of the other way round;&#13;
workers will have to use the products and may have a different view about the risks or discomfort that they are prepared to face;&#13;
.Workers with direct knowledge of the work will forsee hazards and problems that designers and suppliers won’t know about; and&#13;
employers may not exert enough pressure on their, suppliers etc., without a push from the workers who will use the products,&#13;
Itis not just Section 6 that needs enforcing. Any&#13;
ds&#13;
functions of a safety representative.&#13;
+&#13;
The awareness and co- operation of radical sections of the architee- tural profession would help to extend these rights and help enable trade unionists to be deliberately included in thedesign process inthe Suture.&#13;
This is where trade unions would be acting asidesign critics, and could have their own fully qualified professional designers to advise them how best to&#13;
feed back their views to the original designer.&#13;
If accidents and ill-health are to be reduced significantly then these risks ahve to beeliminated or reduced,&#13;
THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT !APPROACH TO HEALTH AND SAFETY IS NOT TO PERSUADE WORKERS TO AVOID THE DANGERS OF WORK BY BEING SUPER— HUMAN, OR ENCASED IN PROTECTIVE CLOTHING, BUT TO MAKE THE WORKPLACE SAFE FOR ALL WORKERS.&#13;
It is human to be forgetful, tired, less-than-super- -fit, female, old or very young, below average Strepeth or height, or just not average in any respect, and work&#13;
Page 12&#13;
page 13&#13;
DESIGN ROLE FOR UNIONS?&#13;
“employers shall make available information about plans... and proposed changes insofar as they affect health andsafety. "&#13;
“ Where there has been a substantial change in the conditions of work ( whether because of the intro- duction of new machinery or otherwise ) . safety representatives . shall be entitled to carry out further inspection..."&#13;
(Reg 5(2) of SRSC Regs }&#13;
Good trade union organisation will be needed to use and extend theserights so that the trade unions are involved before decisions about new work are taken.&#13;
Danger, that is risk of injury, ill-health and death, is built into work when decisons are taken to:&#13;
— produce a certain PRODUCT or SERVICE with&#13;
particular MACHINES, EQUIPMENT, PLANT, SUBSTANCES housed in particular PREMISES and made to work by workers with SKILLS, INFORMATION, TRAINING and SUPERVISION.&#13;
“to investigate potential hazards "is one of the&#13;
“employers shall make available . information about hazards from machinery plant equipment, processes, systems of work, substances . provided by consultants, designers, manufacturers, importers&#13;
Eee (Reg4{1)(a)OftheSRSCRegs)&#13;
(Reg 4(i)&#13;
(Reg 7(2) and Code of Practice para 6(b) from SRSC Regs }&#13;
decision about what is produced and how itis to be produced needs to be discussed and greed with the trade unions, so that risks can be eliminated at source. But how to we get involved in these&#13;
decisions? z&#13;
The Health and Safety at Wotk Act, the Safety&#13;
Representatives and Safety Committee Regulations, and advice form the Health and Safety Commission give us a good start. For example,&#13;
“What can be done to bring within the procedures for planning Health and Safety the cooperation of the workpeople themselves.””&#13;
(Advice to Employers — P16 :HSC)&#13;
&gt; we SS&#13;
&#13;
 cis Bradshaw writes on 1 f the Slate&#13;
Community Centre before setting up at Tolmers Square, where it’s been for years. There they have enough space to store paper ,and have a dark room as well as a print room and layout room Because of not paying for the building, the init- ial financial outlay was small, the collective bought paper at auctions, they did building work,repairs andsetupadarkroom forthemselves.&#13;
They produce posters either with groups or by themselves which have wide relevance to inter- national issues. Because there.is no strong trad- ition in Britain for using posters for political purposes ,they have created their own distribution network. Theyarethinkingofnewwaysthat posters can be used and now want to start work- ing in other ways as well, for instance they have large Slide Library, have produced a magazine, are&#13;
page 14&#13;
page 15&#13;
Collective&#13;
Squattingasamovement isthemostpositive expressionofdirectactionbypeople whouse buildings. It ignores conventional economic and planning forces but is a response to peoples real needs in an immediate way.&#13;
Rather than talking about living in a squat, we thought that we would look at working/squatting instead, and in particular the Poster Collective&#13;
in Tolmers Square, to see what sort of things&#13;
are possible by direct action.&#13;
The Poster Collective has been together for&#13;
Designing for Co-ops&#13;
some years. It started in the Slade School of Art,usingthefacilitiesthere,thenmovedtoa aims.&#13;
*workingonafilm,andwouldliketoproduce leafletsthatcouldaccompany theposters.&#13;
Because they are not working with an estab- lished and accepted medium they think that it is essential that the posters should be cheap, and should remain easily available to people without much money. They don’t charge for labour -they have part-time jobs or are on the dole —so that the cost of the posters reflects only the use of materials andelectricity, etc, The fact that their overheads for the building are so small ,is absol- utely essential to being able to carry out their&#13;
Finding the building also meant that they could al work together ,rather than in an isolated way in houses or using other organisation’s facil-&#13;
aties.When they have to move, the date is unsure but probably in the spring ,they will undoubtedly have to pay for space. They want a larger space, where, perhaps, they could share with another politicallyorientatedgroup,andwherethey&#13;
can extend their work into different areas. At the same time, to keep down the cost of their work, they will probably have to work outside the collective more, to pay rent etc.&#13;
Squattingcanonlybeatemporyactivity,but a group which uses such direct action can estab- lish a solid basis from which it can continue to operate.&#13;
Membersoftenantcooperativesareintheunique positionofbeingabletohaveaneffectivesayin the way that their homes are designed, built and maintained. Architect Barrie Hurrell, points out how the situation of the cooperative tenaut differs from that of say a council or housing association tenant, describes how the design worker at Solon Cooperative Housing Services. set out to incorpor- ate the individual and collective requirements of tenant cooperative members into their designs&#13;
and sets down his conclusions and the Design Group’s experiance of several years of designing forco-operatives.&#13;
Traditional bureaucratic wisdom has itthat tenant groups will never be sufficiently adept at manage- ment and making decisions to act as collective clients for their own housing developments. Their individual and collective needs as tenants have tended to be subordinated to the needs of allegedly more efficient local authorities and housing assoc- iationsforhousingthatisdesignedprimarilytofit the requirements of management and maintenance methods. Tenants needs are acknowledged only as statistically derived norms.&#13;
Experiance in tenants and housing cooperatives show,however,thattenantsgroupsarecapableof formulating their own requirements and manage their own completed housing. The funding system for cooperatives is basically the same as for other forms of government-funded housing and this means that housing projects must stil be completed in the same economically viable period whether it’s to accomodate the brief of a small professional development team (i.e. non-user client) or of a collective and permanently changing client such as a housing coop. (i.e. user client)&#13;
This means that the architect has the responsibility of evolving a decision-making procedure with coops which allows for coop’s full involvement without giving the funding body grounds to condemn these joint endeavors as inefficient because of delays in Programme. Maintaining an appropriate decision- making procedure is therefore of prime importance to the relationship between the two parties.&#13;
2.Proceduresthatarenotespeciallyimportantin thecaseofacollectiveclientsuchasacoop.If&#13;
the architect suggests alternatives for the coop’s consideration there could be large numbers of future tenants involvedin the choice. But such choices are made internally within the coop .mem- bership and the decision making may require&#13;
long deliberation. The architect must therefore make sure that these decisions (i.e. instructions&#13;
to the architect) are received at the right time Also repurcussions of decisions should be made clear. Architects of the Design Group now issue coopswithalistofdecisionstobetakenbythe coop which is programmed to suit the design and build work sequence of architects and contractors. Laying out clear procedures for the coups is even&#13;
more important where the coop is a new one with no experiance of development. Mutual confidence can be established between architect and coopif the coop has a clear grasp of the process it intends to control as client. It can be a painful experiance for an architect designing accomodation for ten people say to be told that some of them feel that they were uninformed for they were not made fully aware of the consequences of their decisions, especially when the architect considers that as much background information as possible has been given. Such situa- tions occur less frequently when the new coop learns how best to deal with such information prb- lems -some coops establish building working parties which act as intermediaries between architect and the coop membership of general decisions such as types of heating, types of accomodation etc. This means that more time can be given to more individ- ual consultations between coop members and the architect as such questions as finishes, fittings and decorations. Also the working parties provide the continuity of experiance required -there isoften a tendency for the individual members losing inter- est in the coop’s builing programmes once their individual accomodation requirements have been met.&#13;
The following are typical options that are offered to coops by the design group architects(these mostly apply to rehabilitation schemes):&#13;
1. Choice of property - architect advises on feasib-&#13;
The Design Group of Solon Cooperative Housing&#13;
Services have been working with housing cooperatives&#13;
for several years during which time certain suitable&#13;
procedureshavebeenevolved.Theseprocedurescanbe 2.Choiceofaccomodation-architectsuggestsalter-&#13;
be divided into two categories:&#13;
1.Procedures that al clients should be made aware of&#13;
by the architect e.g. the coop is briefed on its client role and its relationship with the architect and contractor. Generally the whole range of approvals and contractual agreements must be understood by the coop. ifitisto obtain max- imum benefit from the architect’s services. Also Testraints of cost, planning and building regul- ations, and funding body requirements should be made clear.&#13;
native “unit”’ arrangements e.g. a house after conversion could provide three two-person flats one household of five single people sharing amen- ities etc.&#13;
Choice of type of conversion -a coop with mem- bers with some building skills may wish to see the contractors work concentrate on the structural side i.e. new exténsions, new opening to give&#13;
larger rooms etc. ifcertain members of the coop wish to do some of the work themselves. Anoth- er coop may opt for minimum structural alter-&#13;
Barry Hurrell is a mem- ber of the Cooperative Design Group ofSolon Cooperative Housing Services in London.&#13;
ility of scheme for different properties available.&#13;
Squatting Workers&#13;
Y&#13;
&#13;
 Page 16&#13;
Thesechoicesapplytoalschemes.Theparticular configurations of different rehabilitation schemes also allow for other choices e.g. would the co-op&#13;
like direct staircase access from above ground to&#13;
rear gardens, and if rear extensions are envisaged&#13;
can terraced roofs be included. In general the co-op decides on what amenities and standards it wishes to achieve within the available cost limits.&#13;
After looking at the background to the architect — co-op relationships and the attempts to make it effective, conclusions can be drawn from the experienceofbothco-opandarchitecttodate. Firstly, how satisfied are co-ops with the architect’s service? The answer to this question very much depends on the co-op’s expectations, and on just&#13;
and complicated by the vastness of the range of considerations. In the Design Group’s experience it is fair to say that once the co-op membership realises the nature of the development system within which they are working, they value their&#13;
sunday&#13;
how many of these can reasonably be realised by&#13;
thearchitect.Theco-opmembershiprightly&#13;
wishes to achieve maximum results from its building&#13;
building programme. The opportunity to employ&#13;
architects and other professionals that results from&#13;
their membership is in most cases an opportunity&#13;
theycouldnototherwisehave.Oneoftheattractions buildingdevelopmentsisfraughtwithdifficulties&#13;
Over 80 people including many new faces met together at the Gloucestershire College of Art amongst the homes of retired Col- onels.&#13;
By 9.00pm on the Friday night the Coll- ege minibus had ferried sufficient numbers from the NAM bus stop at the station (a welcoming sign). Watches and time pieces were mentally adjusted, as in previous years, toenabletheeventstorunasscheduled&#13;
for the following days.&#13;
After abrief introduction and history of Cheltenham from our hosts Gerry Met- calf and John Hurley, there prevailed an air of anticipation and purpose that motivated the following days discussions. Referring to the tensions between long term aims and short term tactics, John Allan said ‘that while the former could not be achieved quickly, some of the obstacles barring the way could be removed immediately. Our predicament is not a question of millenium or Monday, but an affirmation of millenium and Monday.”&#13;
saturday&#13;
Saturday began with Tom Woolley dis- pelling the premise, had anyone had it, that Architects are shaping the environment, pointing out that only 29% of building is done by Architects of whom 75% are em- Ployees. The following workshop debates were noticeably less heated than those of the first two Congresses, reflecting the ack- nowledgedaimsanddirectionsoftheMove- ment, later to be spelled out in the adoption of a new constitution. The various NAM groups reported on their year’s activities; thesuccessoftheMonopoliesgroup-inthat thatthegovernmentfinallylooksasthough&#13;
Two new groups were born at this Con-&#13;
gress, a Professional Issues group to back up&#13;
the work of NAM’s unattached councillors,&#13;
and a Student group. Although very few&#13;
students are members of NAM, those att-&#13;
endingtheEducationworkshoppressedfor thenewlyappointedfultimeRIBAStu- an autonomous student group to ensure that dent Councillor, in attendance (camouflaged NAM’s views are adequately communicated in denim of course!).&#13;
to the schools. A Sunday lunchtime tour of Cheltenham&#13;
of co-op membership isthat the-architect must&#13;
respond directly to the membership’s requirements.&#13;
However, most members have no previous experience&#13;
of what standard of accommodation can be realised&#13;
within government funded schemes. Therefore some&#13;
members initially expect to get more than is reasonable. relationship with the architect and feel a real&#13;
Creche facilities are to be refined and pro- vided at future Congresses as requested by the Feminism group and those attending this Congress with their families.&#13;
To avoid disappointment the architect should do as much as possible to ensure that the co-op has a clear idea of what the end-product will be. One co-op was disappointed with the standard of finishes. This could have been avoided if typical finished ‘units’ had been available for inspection by the co-op. Also there isoften acertain healthy wariness within the co-op of professionals. Therefore itisdoubly&#13;
important that the architect makes sure that the co-op considers only those options that are reasonably attainable. This involves explaining what can be afforded within government cost limits and sometimes advising as how non-standard housing amenities&#13;
could be alternatively financed, e.g. some co-ops want solar heating for which funding is scarce and therefore difficult to include in the building works. Co-ops want to know exactly why they cannot haye the things they would prefer.&#13;
Some co-ops wanted to look at the possibility of * co-op members acting as suppliers to the main contractor,e.g.whereaco-opwishedtoemploy carpenters from its membership to produce high quality kitchen units, how could their work be integrated with the contractor’s programme. To datethissortofbuildingendeavourfromwithin theco-ophasnottakenplace,probablybecause&#13;
involvement in the creation of their living spaces. It is the architect’s role in facilitating the&#13;
membership’s exercise of power over their immediate environment which is probably the most rewarding aspect of working with co-ops.&#13;
Full details of each group and al Con- gress resolutions are to be reported separ- ately.&#13;
the interested members are deterred by the financial risk of a new work venture. However, building works for short-life have been done successfully by building worker co-ops from the main co-op membership. This isbecause the standard of workmanship need not be so skilled as for permanent rehabilitation, the programme constraints are not so tight and contractual arrangements less formal. To date, the labour contributions from co-ops in the permanent rehabilitation schemes has been clearing out the properties, the occasional piece of fitted furniture and decorating.&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT |&#13;
Another lesson learnt by the co-ops is that the&#13;
time available for architect co-op liaison once&#13;
building work commences is less than in the precedingdesignstage.Contractorscanclaimfor delays on site and speedy on-site decisions are often required to be taken by the architect when unforseen situations occur. Notification rather than consultation sometimes occurs. Therefore a continued happy architect/co-op ralationship depends on the co-op having confidence in the architect's professional judgement when acting alone. Co-ops are now&#13;
invited to have representatives at al site meetings. There also has to be a balance between the co-ops&#13;
sometime conflicting requirements of extensive consultationandadherancetoatightprogramme. The Design Group attempts to operate somewhere between the businesslike office with streamlined standard procedures and the type of group that whilst giving maximum attention to full consult- -ation and being flexible in approach runs the risk of extensive delays.&#13;
Congress Intro.&#13;
friday&#13;
The attempt to give full effective control over their environment to the co-op membership within the maze of restraints that nowadays apply to al&#13;
The workshops on Alternative Practice and the injection of a punk band at Satur- andthePublicDesignService,seenasdiff- day’sdiscoaddedtotheexcellenthospit- erent approaches to community architecture. ality and fine food provided by ourhosts.&#13;
The 4th. NAM Annual Congress held in&#13;
Cheltenham over the weekend 10- 12th.&#13;
November proved again the value of open debateindevelopingNAMpolicyandideas. inghamgroupinestablishingitself.&#13;
Sunday’s AGM thrashed out the coming year’s policy and participants left knowing how much has been achieved in the three&#13;
it will grasp the nettle after thirteen years;&#13;
the successes of the Feminism group after&#13;
only one year; the continuing work of the&#13;
ARCUK, PDS, Leeds, London, Unionisation&#13;
and Education groups; the decline of the&#13;
Cardiff group as its members join various&#13;
issue groups; and the difficulties of the Birm- years since the first Congress at Harrogate,&#13;
andseekinggreaterachievementsplusan increase in membership during the next year. Over the past year the membership has grown by more than 30% at a time when RIBA membership was in decline,so it was no surprise to find George Cameron,&#13;
highlighted the tension between the ideol-&#13;
ogies of Public and Private sectors prevalent&#13;
outside the Movement. While reform of both&#13;
sectors is being sought, the two groups view-&#13;
ed their task as an affirmation of the millen-&#13;
ium and Monday principle. The PDS group&#13;
argues that a community architectural ser-&#13;
vice should be based on the Public sector,&#13;
making use of a reformed existing structure&#13;
and these views have recently been sub-&#13;
mitted to Minister of Housing, Reg Freeson.&#13;
Those involved in Alternative Practice&#13;
stressed the need for a community aid fund.&#13;
Eddie Walker reporting on the work of&#13;
ARCAID stressed that they lacked time to&#13;
explain their community role and they were&#13;
indangerofbeingseenasacheaplabour ss BiSSrux force, acting as the pawn of Liberal Coun-&#13;
cillors for Tory individuals in anti-CPO cases. The debates carried on into the even- ing session when participants wereshown work carried out by ARCAID in Leeds and Support in London. (A few may think that itisthe charitable names that are mislead- ingpeople).Furtherjointtalksaretotake place between these groups, meanwhile it was accepted by both groups that they would work in parallel. Reform of the Pub- licsectorwillnothappeneverywhereon Monday.&#13;
ations and a higher standard of finishes and fittings. .Choice of fittings and finishes- architect offerrs&#13;
choice of type, quantity and range of fittings e.g. bath or shower, more of one grade of kitch- en units or less of a higher grade of unit etc. The feasibility and desirability of retaining&#13;
existing floor and ceiling ‘inishes eg. timber floor&#13;
boards or plaster mouldings are looked into. 5).choice of heating -the coop’s main concern here is&#13;
one of fuel bills. To date the architect advises on the relative merits of gas, electricity and solid fuel heating. Wherever possible existing fireplaces are retained when desired -insome instances aroom will have a working open fireplace plus a gas con- vector heater on the external wall.&#13;
&gt;&#13;
u4th ANNUAL CONGRESS&#13;
CHELTENHAM&#13;
‘78&#13;
er&#13;
&#13;
 Student Group&#13;
Students, for the most part, are only vaguely relevance to our and NAM’s situation. These (if at all) aware of the existence of the New issues were aired in part immediately after- Architecture Movement, and are thus ignor- wards, and consolidated further later in the ant of the importance and relevance of its day resulting in an evening Workshop which&#13;
P.1.Group&#13;
began to hum before disbanding for the Al- theory and practice. |would suggest this is ternative Practice Slide Show!&#13;
struck by mass indecision due to surprise incidence of overlapping categories. Plenary session turns nasty and calls for heads of organisers! ” .Fortunately it did not&#13;
aims, policies, and successes in terms of&#13;
primarily due to NAM’s political stance,&#13;
which in turn is strongly related to ‘real&#13;
To summarise perhaps too naively, we felt NAM to be reluctantly conscious of, but notgearedto,recognitionofavastnumber&#13;
world’issuesrequiringchange.&#13;
Two problems immediately arise as a re- of people who, quite simply, are potentially&#13;
sult of this -the ‘real world’ more often than tomorrow’s Architects -and that ishow the nothaslittletodowitharchitecturaleduc- StudentGrouphascometobeformed.Still&#13;
we quote below:&#13;
acheived and quite adequate.”&#13;
Thankstoeverybodywhofilledonein and we hope that they will keep up the dialogue in the bunch of letters that we anticipate for the next issue. The Group also presented the financial problems affecting SLATE: about 95% of each print run needs to be sold if the issue&#13;
attended by about 20people. Inevitably theinitialdiscussionwasaboutARCUK what is it for, what is it, what does it do how does it work, who runs it, what should it do, what could it do, and why the hell are we involved anyway? For a quick. crude answer, its a public interest body set up&#13;
ation (despite what the Schools of Archi-&#13;
tecture would profess to the contrary), and&#13;
the content of architectural courses them-&#13;
selves is fundamentally apolitical, one of the&#13;
reasons being to “liberate the mind to fac-&#13;
ilitate good design” (whatever that is), pol- iticsbeingviewedasaninsuperableandcom- isgood,bad,orindifferent-andwhy;&#13;
“General impression: I’m sure it’s all very&#13;
good stuff and going in the right direction.&#13;
However, it doesn't actually grab me as a&#13;
magazine I want to read in detail, probably&#13;
because it doesn't talk to people in precisely&#13;
my situation, i.e. in straight private practice&#13;
andveryfrustratedwithit.However,it istobreakeven—difficulttoachieve, keepingalistosarchitects(1know, Big&#13;
plex barrier which mitigates against creat- ivity&#13;
2)Asaresultof1),todrafta‘manifesto’ which will have as its base an education representing student needs and aspirations inrelationtowhattheyfeelanArchitect should be;&#13;
geesSate mefofindmoreideologically evenforanestablishedpublication.Cash Deal!):ithasaCouncilmadeup cceptable employment . Ifyou were seen returns from the salespersons network h almost entirely of architects( It takes one&#13;
to be more relevant to gay, feminist, libertarianbeen incomplete al ere naa Ma x to spot one! )mainly nominated by the&#13;
Symbolic of this, only avery small num-&#13;
ber of students attended the Cheltenham&#13;
Conference, despite advertising in the arch-&#13;
itectural press (which students hardly look&#13;
at); most attended through an interest in&#13;
andawarenessofNAM itself-othersthrough theviewtoimplementingthepracticeof&#13;
Marxist(butnotLeninist)Quakers,Iwould&#13;
Jind the paper facinating. SERIOUSLY THOUGH, I think it should be broader&#13;
rather than narrower. Minorities within minoritieswithinminoritiesareusedtobeing out on a limb.&#13;
“T welcome the development of SLATE towards a wider market (leaflets in Roof, PDC outlets, etc.) — it should therefore become more of a wider magazine without introverted architectural in-talk. It should include more regular features on topics such ashousing,community, constructionof 1000 words and some larger features and theoretical articles. Far more illustrations&#13;
8S&#13;
thePublicationsDistributionCanaa RIBA;itcouldtakeastrongpublic&#13;
a ‘friend of a friend’!&#13;
Naturally, the Education Workshop on&#13;
the Saturday afternoon seemed a ‘must’;&#13;
were to al intents and purposes excluded from NAM’s view of Education, due to a seeming muddled intellectualism which ser- vedtoignoreissueswefelttobeofdirect&#13;
the contents of the ‘manifesto’.&#13;
Ishould immediately addthatall who are interested in this field, besides students, are&#13;
debate will no doubt range over a yast num- ber of topics implicit in the word “Educ- ation’ -so much the better. Personally, I believetheGroupshouldnottreadatent-&#13;
We'd also like to hear from the&#13;
numerous salespersons who have neglected&#13;
to return cash or their unsold copies. There’s suspicious of ‘professionalism’ and of&#13;
page 18&#13;
very much in its infancy, our basic aims are: 1) To stimulate real thought ( with conse-&#13;
quent questioning) by students, in all Schools of Architecture, as to what their architectural education is teaching them to become, and whether that education&#13;
by parliament to protect the public by&#13;
3) To lobby all bodies responsible for the structure of architectural education with&#13;
werealways about six monthsbehind publication date. Both of theed factors&#13;
meant that, in ea NAM had hsidisedtheeae byaaan amount since its inception. But should SLATE aim for financial independence? We’d like to hear your views on this question.&#13;
protection role but is dominated by ‘professional’ interests (ic., principals in private practice ). We are involved to callitsbluff.&#13;
The words Monoploies Commission Discipline Committee, Conduct - disgraceful and code of, Advertising&#13;
Jnattatched, Public Interest, Accountability Salaried Architects and Education were al heard. Whilst NAM has been justifiably&#13;
Slate Group&#13;
The SLATE Group had felt for some time are still needed, It should include more&#13;
that they were distanced from the NAM Specific useful information as in the back&#13;
membership and other readers. They therefore Of Roof... SLATE cannot be effective&#13;
took the opportunity presented by the recent 4 the newsletter on NAM (which should&#13;
NAM Congress to sample the views of those be done through a Liaison Group duplicated took place at al. * Cheltenham Congress attending. A questionnaire was circulated sheet every month). The editorial workers&#13;
asking for a reader’s-eye view of SLATE: The will need to go out to NAM Groups to&#13;
responses ranged from stunning one-liners such 8¢¢ ‘hem to write things and not expect as “Bloody good considering ...” and “I like stuff to arrive automatically and orientate&#13;
itasitis.honest”,toextendedprogrammes “Heirmaterialtobereadbynon-architect happen,andtheworkshopsdid,atleast and suggested new directions, some of which readers. Bi-monthly is as frequent as can be a ‘Professional Issues workshop emerged&#13;
over £100 outstanding!&#13;
professional institutions, involvement inARCUK hashighlightedaseriesofissues (eg., fee scales, advertising, incompetence,&#13;
4&#13;
With workshops on Alternative Practice Professional Issues and Public Design service scheduled to take place simul- taneously it was surprising any of them&#13;
Page 19&#13;
ative path steeped in diplomacy -that would engender anon-starter; instead, Iwould ad- vocate strength in thought and action, hope- fully without becoming doctrinaire!&#13;
Current action iscentred around making our existence known -hence the idea of a poster to pin up in al Schools, the estab- lishment of contacts within each of the Schools, the instigation of debate through the circulation of papers which discuss architectural education from personal stand- points, and through all this the arrangement of discussion groups at venues yet to be decided.&#13;
supposedly aforum for discussion and action, ¢xpected to contribute! Ithink we are aware we were disappointed to realise that students of the immense task these three points entail;&#13;
SO: PAY UP OR SUFFER THE NEXT SLATE HANDWRITTEN ON THE SLEEVES OF OLD BEATLES RECORDS!&#13;
&#13;
 1andtraining)whichconcernthe tral worker's relationship with&#13;
and at work. These issues remain en without the mystification encouraged&#13;
&gt;concept of professionalism. In&#13;
battleground. Consensus was that women It was felt that the objectives of the the following werewillingtoanalysetheessentialfemale newworkinggroupshouldbecomplementary 1! Toactasaforumtodiscussthe&#13;
espond. ARCUK 1d to take positions NAM's ims but with&#13;
councillors have with consideration little formal&#13;
discussion with other NAM members. In thisresponsewastobeinCouncil&#13;
ikely that careful consideration issue would have called for broader&#13;
their own fees,raised problems, but it&#13;
was felt that they were not insurmountable and that such groups could be financially viable as a -community service.&#13;
ion with ARCUK as just one aspect. Thu »workshop proposed that. ifNAM was smain involved with these issues, then&#13;
clear family.&#13;
We went on to discuss the Feminist&#13;
Group’s attempt to set up a co-operative design and build practice. This has been stimulated by a commission for Clapham&#13;
The workshop concluded by asking the&#13;
London-based Feminist Group to try and&#13;
set up some meetings outside London and Other problems were associated with&#13;
roup should be formed to do so. twas done. Some filthy swine&#13;
to strengthen its links with Women in Con- Struction,&#13;
Alternative&#13;
Practice&#13;
Group&#13;
The workshop was well attended and the discussion identified which issues the Alternative Practice working group should be concerned with.&#13;
the search for appropriate models of formal organisation and with indemnity insurance. BDS/TASS, ICOM and people already involved in Alternative Practice are at present working to define the difficulties and the possibilities. But theirbriefis very specific and should be complemented by abroader view to be taken by the NAM Group.&#13;
Interpretation of ‘community architecture’ varies considerably and the workshop that this should be examined and clarified For instance, the RIBA’s attempts to use ‘community architecture’ as a meansof increasing the supply of work toitsmembers andofjustifying financial assistance from the Government should be the subject of critical analysis in a similar way to other issues taken up and exposed by NAM.&#13;
To summarise, it was felt that the new NAM Group should concentrate on&#13;
nat it should be c&#13;
id me that pigs in entle, fun-loy&#13;
it. clean&#13;
vzenic creatures but that the unsiutable conditions. Maybe&#13;
Page 20&#13;
such a bad nanic | iwith the conditions o&#13;
workers and the users o!&#13;
i. and&#13;
sp. roast&#13;
swine, hog, collog.)&#13;
flesh&#13;
irty, sultry, obstinate or perse ele&#13;
PD.S.Group&#13;
Feminism&#13;
qualities and not dismiss differences as ir- ationality.&#13;
The workshop endorsed the proposals&#13;
that had been drawn up by the London sem- These experiences could be generalised to inar relating to the percentage of women in provide useful feedback for long term architectural practices, stereotyping in the proposals.&#13;
architectural press, flexible facilities for wo- Alternative groups already practicing men and men who have to care for their chil- discussed the obstacles which they faced. drenandsupportandequalityforalwork- Helpingclientstofindrescourcesforal ersinarchitecturalpractice.Surveysofwo- aspectsofabuildingproject,including men in the profession are currently taking&#13;
place.&#13;
ideological basis of alternative practice,&#13;
and how that relates to its practice 2. To examine the relationship between these ideas and the objectives of the&#13;
PDS Group&#13;
.To act asa pressure group to monitor&#13;
and report on Government and Local Authority interest in “community architecture’andrecentRIBA Intervention.&#13;
Education&#13;
Group&#13;
Influences on Education&#13;
All those who had any experience&#13;
of the matter agreed that, contrary to accepted opinion, the RIBA does not directly control architectural education, but rather operates through tacit agreement with the heads of schools. If anything, the University Grants Commmittee could be said to exert more control.&#13;
to the ideas set out by the Public Design Service Group (PDS Group), enabling ideas and methods to be tested in the short term&#13;
John Murray and John Mitchell introduced the Workshop by placing the PDS Group in the context of NAM’s overall policy&#13;
The workshop was attended by most of the women at the conference and four men.&#13;
the desire to promote effective control by the general public over the physical environment, and by architectural workers over their own working arrange- ments.&#13;
The core of the NAM Feminist Group reported on the Beauborg exhibition.They felt that doing the display had beena val- uable experience and good publicity, bring- ing them together as 4 working group for the first time. Their’s was the only feminist contribution and was almost not displayed -for being too political! The other work on show reflected women working in a man’s world. Although projects expressed a hum- ane quality they did not appear to explore the underlying social structure ¢.g. the nu-&#13;
Some of those attending were repres- entatives of the ‘alternative practice* approach — architects already working with clients who would not usually be able to obtain architectrual help. Whilst Local Authorities seemed only interested in their own bureaucratic criteria, these architects had found a way to identily and respond to people's needs&#13;
On the other hand, they agreed that ‘community architects’ are dependant on outside finance, often derived from Central Government. This factor had always limited their scope, yet is totally beyond their control.&#13;
The importance of the PDS proposals for reform of Public Service architecture could then be grasped, in that Local&#13;
Authorities administer the major&#13;
channel for the redistribution of wealth in this country. Despite agreement about the need fora more accountable Public Service, there was some scepticism from those who had learnt to expect very little from Local Authorities. The PDS Group members justified their optimism by describing those few Local Authorities where direct accountability has become a reality, and concluded that the only obstacle to further improvements Is a lack of political will.&#13;
Women’s Aid to convert five shortlife houses into a refuge. Some fifteen women are in- volved, 4 or 5 of whom are working on the Clapham project. The group israpidly mov- ing towaras the position where it must commit itself to some women working ful time. We discussed whether the service&#13;
being offered by the Feminist Practice was any different to that of a traditional ‘male” privateoffice; those initfelt that itwas, although how much of this is inherent in its ‘co-operative’ structure rather than its “feminist” structure was not explored. The question then arose as to whether male de- sign was “thrusting, sharp andaggressive” and if so was it due to social or biological conditioning. The view was expressed that rather than concentrate on male/female differences it was the social/political/educ- ational conditioning that was the main&#13;
&#13;
 Page 22&#13;
it policy persued is still the lted from the Oxford&#13;
tac\led as an isolated issue.&#13;
Despite this general uncertainty about&#13;
entry to schools result ourses haracterised by elitism and isolation from&#13;
immediate problems asa point of dep- arture.&#13;
— Industrial and trade union pension funds as major sources of developement capital.&#13;
— Commercial developement,&#13;
would have found the phrase ‘Community Architecture’ a contradiction in terms. To them architects were the employees of their political enemies, ial devel and local&#13;
Not only were they instrumental in the process of destructionofmanyneighbourhoodsbutalso&#13;
in designing the frequently ugly and inhuman build- ings that took their place.&#13;
eal we orld&#13;
Aspirations&#13;
The meeting aspired towards making an&#13;
tionayailabletoevery&#13;
ne currey&#13;
lentsfromcompleting tackledbyotherNAM groups,butwith&#13;
1 different form rve the&#13;
san election&#13;
ualifications&#13;
actuallygrown cutofan&#13;
tion which was developed erested in the&#13;
|services to&#13;
well as in obtaining&#13;
en found very difficult to awake 1NAM among students. It was&#13;
at this stems form the sorts of&#13;
t NAM pursues being beyond the&#13;
of experience of most students.&#13;
At the same time, it was hard to see in&#13;
respect to their implications for the way in which architects are trained.&#13;
During the coming year the NAM Education group should produce a reader for distribution to the Issue Groups, which would analyse the background to architectural education in this country, and thenattempt tosetupjoint discussion meetings.&#13;
unity Land Act.&#13;
— The role of the architect in theprocesscfdevelopement. — Speculation in land and the seperation of the home and work.&#13;
— Developers as clients of the building industry.&#13;
We would like to hear from anyone who hasaparticular interest in these issues andwhowouldliketowrite&#13;
Simultaneouswiththegrowthincurrencyofthe&#13;
notion of ‘Community Architecture’ has been a&#13;
depoliticisation of the defineition of the role which&#13;
the architect is to play in the ‘community’. This,&#13;
argues the PDS Group, is partially the work of the&#13;
RIBA, whose Community Architecture Working&#13;
Group (CAWG) has also submitted a report to&#13;
Freeson. The CAWG’s concept ."‘is one in which the socially-responsibleprofessionalattendstotheneeds&#13;
of the individual poor, rather in the way that a&#13;
doctorhelpsasickpatient...”,saythePDSGroup&#13;
and go on to argue that the problems faced by&#13;
tenants and residents in urban areas are not problems&#13;
ofindividualdeprivation,butoflackofpolitical&#13;
control oyer rescources and their distribution at a&#13;
social level. This the community action movement&#13;
acknowledged and among itssuccesses has been the&#13;
signs of its influence in Government policy on the&#13;
gradual approach to renewing the housing stock and who, unlike the Minister, islooking to the report&#13;
—&#13;
education could be ie a&#13;
DON’T DELAY — ORDER YOUR COPY NOWZOponly?&#13;
Letters, articles, ideas and helpers for the issve will also be welcome: contact SLATE at 9 Poland St, London W1.&#13;
SLATE may bea very slick looking paper but we need money fast!&#13;
Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE to&#13;
9 Poland Street, W1.&#13;
on tenants’ control of housing through tenants’ cooperatives.&#13;
Times have changed, however, and through the professional sucess of one or two of the architects involved in community action, the phrase ‘Community Architecture” has been absorbed into the jargon of the profession and the notion that architects can and should serve the ‘community” howeverdefined,hasgainedsuchcurrencythat Reg Freeson, the Housing Minister, recently&#13;
called for ideas from architects on how they might” be enabled to serve the ‘community’ better. One of the submissions he received was from NAM’s Public Design Service (PDS) Group called ‘Community Architecture — A Public Design Service?’&#13;
Havingopted,andrightlyso,forthesocial/political 4pproach rather than the individ Wth Pp &lt; one wheredoesthatleavetheP.D.S.groupwhenitcomes to answering Freeson’s question? The way to enable&#13;
for more general ideas about architects and the ‘community’ and who any authors of this sort of publicly available report ignore at their peril, to lump the efforts of radical architects working outside local authorities in, for instance, preparing alternative proposals with neighbourhood groups, into the same bracket as those who support and practice the ‘individualistic’ approach. In the last analysis these peopleworkingintheso-calledvoluntarysectorare private practitioners and the PDS Group isrightly wary of supporting the idea of state grants to the voluntary sector if this is to mean a growth,&#13;
dillution of energy, bureaucratisation and lack of accountability characterised by one of the other state-supported voluntary groups theHousing Acsociati But thisinterp oS the PDS Group’s position comesfrom reading&#13;
There al entry and10&#13;
Time course&#13;
1eage&#13;
admitted without any&#13;
Thestudentsproposedtosetupa&#13;
Students Education Group, with the backing&#13;
of NAM, and a motion to this effect was put for SLATE. Other suggested&#13;
Proposals&#13;
Itwas proposed that the NAM Education Groupshouldnotnecessarilyexistinitsown urbanplanningandtheComm- right, as a separate, introverted group, but&#13;
should examine the same issues that are&#13;
Six detailed proposals are put forward in con- clusion, al of which relate strictly to the function- ingofLocalAuthorityarchitectsandallieddepart- ments,aimed at breaking down the ‘boundaries’ inherent in Local Authority management which inhibit fruitful liaison between council workers and the ‘consumers’ of their services in the community.&#13;
puttotheAGM.&#13;
topicsforarticlesarewelcome.&#13;
SLATE 12 will be about comm- ercial deyelopers, the way that they operate and the effect that the commercial develop- ment of land has on the city&#13;
A review of “Comunity Architecture— a Public Design Service?”&#13;
Just a few years ago no one had heard of Community Architecture. Indeed many of the people, architects among them, who were at that timeinvolvedinthestrugglesofvarious neighb hood groups against redevelopment or road schemes&#13;
architects to serve the community better is through the reform of their relationship between local authority architects and the tenants, workers and others who use the buildings they design, cutting away ineffective layers of bureaucracy and opening&#13;
h Is of direct bility to the ity. Architects who work in the private sector are not wellplacedtoservethecommunitybecause,says the PDS Group, ‘Control of land and finance is . the primary issue’ and for most people the only meaningful means of such control is through&#13;
lective d icpi inlocalandcentral government and not through private ownership.&#13;
The strength of ‘Community Architecture —&#13;
a Public Design Service?’ however, lies not in the questionofthemeritsofitsproposalsbutinits arguements against the myth that what the “commun- ity’needsistheservicesofindependentprofessionals to solye the architectural problems of its individ- ual members, this isthe view promulgated by the RIBAwhenitarguesforagovernment-financed&#13;
fund which would pay architects fees for poor people who could not otherwise afford them. The report’s weakness, on the other hand, isthat itseems, at least from the point of view of the general reader&#13;
reviewed for SLATE by Giles Pebody.&#13;
as a whole. In particular we&#13;
¢nierence:strirntrequirementsfor formagroup.andtotaketheir hopetoexamine thatentailedwholesaledemolitionoftheirareas&#13;
the way forward, the students wished to&#13;
b&#13;
the lines of °C:&#13;
A :&#13;
22pp:£L.00 from NAM, 9, Poland St. London, WI.&#13;
NAM PDS Group:&#13;
“Ce CaO&#13;
Design Service?”&#13;
page 23&#13;
NEXT ISSUE&#13;
prgate practice on ‘aie public purse ?&#13;
It would have come over more clearly had they spelt it out.&#13;
&#13;
 TM&#13;
The strikers are calling for a mass picket in the New Year to close the site, clean the place up and get their jobs back. They appeal to al trade unionists and building workers for support and feel that the out- comeofthisstrikeiscrucialforthefuture of DLOs al over the country. They need money and active support.&#13;
private sector as well as improvingtheir TheNAMPublicDesignService tatteredpublicrelationsimage.Sowhy&#13;
consider the relationship of local authoritiestocentralgovernment,their structure and their financing. Although it is understandable why they did not publish a critique of the role of local government in their report, it would&#13;
seem that sucha critique could have informed their interim proposals, both in theirextentandtheirtermsofreference. For, whilst there is no doubt that the allocation of and use of public capital should come under more democratic anddetailedcontrolbytheworking&#13;
class and that this is vitally important; nevertheless, the struggle between public and private capital is stil going on.&#13;
This struggle effects local authority architects in particular as local authority building programmes are closely controlled by central government, as the CIS report, Cutting the Welfare State, who Profits? reveals:&#13;
“ The capital spending of Local Authorities on building and other major projects is controlled by the centre. Although the Local Authority raises its own loans, the project must first be approved by government. As central government funds, themselvesar,e a product of a clash between the IMF, the City, and the government&#13;
in the form of public sector borrowing requirement, these resources are the product of the struggle between public and private capital.”&#13;
Group report “ Community Architecture — a Public Design Service ?” has caused some controversy within the New Architecture Movement. Here Marion Roberts and Mark Gimson bothwithexperiencein‘“Comunity Architecture ”, put their personal views on the report.&#13;
Mark Gimson&#13;
The PDS document ‘Community Architecture -A Public Design Service?’ is a welcome contribution to the debate, and the general aims of the PDS group are to be supported. The reform of Local Authority architects departments is long overdue -many Local Authority arch- -tectural workers will enthuse about any- thing which will improve their working context and relieve their immediate frustrations. Also, because of widespread public disenchantment with architects&#13;
in both private and public sectors, such&#13;
reforms are attractive to politicians at the moment.&#13;
bring them into the section entitled ‘Community architecture - a definition’? In the second edition the demolition of the RIBA’s Community Architecture Group (a comparitively easy task) should be confined to the final section.&#13;
The report of the NAM Public Design Srrvive (PDS) Group to the Minister of housing and Construction, Reg Freeson,&#13;
But, as pointed out by Cynthia Cockbum&#13;
necessarily lead to the progressive funda- -mental changes which the PDS group seck. The danger isthat proposals such as these will be adapted by the establishment to make managerial adjustments without changing real power realtionships at al; for example decentralisation of some public sector offices is already going on.&#13;
It is crucial therefore that the PDS group concentrate on developing the alliances which architectural workers can make - with the users of buildings (e.g. through thetenants’movement),withother construction workers (e.g. in the fight&#13;
to defend and devélop Direct Labour Organisations),andwithotherLocal Authority workers (e.g. in Housing, Planning and Social Services.) This is because support from the working class and other progressive sectors will be essential ‘if any really radical reforms are&#13;
to be achieved.&#13;
The PDS document gives too much&#13;
space to the RIBA and is too defensive towardsthem. TheRIBA,astheyrightly point out, are just trying to jump onto the bandwagon and create jobs for the&#13;
One of the most far reaching suggestions that the report makes is for the introduction)&#13;
working class, but, as Cynthia Cockburn “points out, between the local authority&#13;
anditslocalworkingclass.&#13;
Thus a radical local authority architect&#13;
is inevitable placed ina difficult position, On the one hand s/he is concerned with the sensitive distribution of local authority resources |,on the other s/he would presumable be in solidarity with the tenants’ and residents’ groups who are Campaigning to get a larger share of the Tesources. Solidarity with these groups wouldmeanthatalocalauthority architect would be placed in direct confrontation with her/his employer. Withoutvigorouscampaigningoutside&#13;
the local authority and strong union Organisation inside it, any opposition on the part of any individuals to the local authority would be dangerous.&#13;
One example of this kind of confront- ation isover defects inrecently built council houses. As resources for council housing are scarce, local authorities are extremelyunwillingtorectifydefects&#13;
on these estates. It would be very difficult&#13;
each have been held and one day about 60 workers on Moss’ site near Newington Butts shutdown andjoinedthepicket. Drivers for Readymix and Pioneer, suppliers of concrete, London Brick, Blue Circle and Tunnel Cement, Romriver Steel, British Gypsum Plaster and Evertidy Cabinets from Wolverhampton are refusing to drive through the picket line -this has obviously&#13;
Page 24&#13;
Theyshouldalsobemorespecificabout on“Communityarchitecture”isawell&#13;
what Local Authorities and the present&#13;
Labour Government could do. Given the&#13;
politicalandprofessionalcontextademand thinkingandactivity.However,the&#13;
for a number of Local Authority pilot report does have two serious deficiences&#13;
fruit. If which can possibly be atributed to the this happened such experimental schemes _ fragmentary nature of NAM itself and&#13;
schemes to be set up might bear&#13;
would vary, but the more radical ones&#13;
could undermine some of the established power relations in their particular localities. Even one or two examples like this would be real progress and would achieve much more than minor general reforms.&#13;
through the wish of the PDS Group to be a local authority group.&#13;
People who work in Support andsome&#13;
other architectural agencies do so, not&#13;
because they want to attack the public&#13;
sector, but because the potentials for&#13;
making alliances with progressive sectors of publically paid and therefore publically&#13;
society seem to be greater outside than&#13;
inside Local Government. It must be&#13;
admitted, though, that being in the&#13;
private sector of architecture leads to some _ capital which&#13;
can finance the land and »ther problems. The PDS group accept that buildings necessary.&#13;
Consequently it would seem that whilst the struggle between public and private capital continues, (and also after it when&#13;
such alternative groups have helped to The report makes criticisms of&#13;
stimulate proposals such as theirs. Similarly, existing local authority architects the internal reform of architects departments Support, for example, has to keep closely departments, in particular of their&#13;
ofaccountability. This sort of thing has representatives from the trade unions, ilready happened with Housing Associations. tenants and residents organisations and the&#13;
NAM is the obvious forum in which neighbourhood’s conncillors. The rest of adicals in the public and private sectors can the interim proposals that the report&#13;
have access to expert advice as a right. It should be noted here that these pick- How this could be set up should hopefully ets have had threats on their lives, been beamatterofdebatewithintheMovement toldtheywillneverworkinLondonagain An independantly administered state fund thus implying the existence of some kind could be set up to which tenants’ and of blacklist among employers, had messages residents’groupscouldaplytopayexperst senttothembytheNationalFront,had fees. Alternatively we could campaign for&#13;
can get together to coordinate their activities.Thisprocessstartedatthe Cheltenham Congress -we should take it further and undermine attempts to devideandruleus.&#13;
Z&#13;
makes are reliant on the provision of this thirdtierandencompassthesettingupof of area multi-disciplinary design teams with members directly accountable to theneighbourhoodcouncil,alevelling&#13;
of the hierarchy, and direct links with the Direct Labour Organisations.&#13;
This model for a public design service is extremely potent, and the arguement for it is carried through positively and logically. The pervading ideology behind the arguement, however, is that their is no conflict between State provision and theneedsoftheworkingclass.&#13;
The PDS Group kept strictly to their briefin the report and did not&#13;
the funding of architectural workers to work in law and housing aid centres alongside other voluntary sector workers. This latter suggestion could also set up a useful liaison between local authority architects departments and the community groups outside.&#13;
their car smashed up bya lorry from the site, and been attacked with an axe by a lump labour lorry driver.&#13;
produced and presented document. As&#13;
such it is a substantial advance in NAM’s&#13;
The report was written as an&#13;
Community Architecture Working Group (CAWG)&#13;
‘antidote’ to the RIBA’s&#13;
and contains a critique of that Report. The main thrust of the PDS Group report is to argue that, for architects to service the needs of the community (ie., the working class )they need to be&#13;
accountable, that is, local authority architects. Local authorities also have contro| of acertain amount of public&#13;
at the NAM meeting on November 20th,&#13;
mentsalongthelinessuggestedwillnot intouchwithwhatishappeninginthe remotenessfromtenantsandusers’groups. notbetweentheStockExchangeandthe isaneedforavoluntarysector.BythisI wark.Twomasspicketsof150people&#13;
public sector because there is a real danger&#13;
of being used by reactionaries as a stick&#13;
tobeatLocalAuthoritieswith.AsPDS&#13;
point out there isthe danger of diverting&#13;
grass roots pressure and demands to the&#13;
private sector and voluntary agencies, which&#13;
would let Local Authorities off the hook and would consists of neighbourhood councils and would diminish the already low level based on each locality, made up with&#13;
It also critiscises the non-productive administrative layers contained within thelocalauthorityhierarchy. :&#13;
mean a sector serving not the interests of&#13;
private capital, which includes private&#13;
architecturalpractice,butasectorwhich&#13;
serves the needs of the working class in&#13;
seeking to extend the provisions of the&#13;
State. This sector already exists in the form&#13;
of law centres, housing aid centres, welfare&#13;
rights and housing rights projects. As&#13;
socialist architects,I feel that we in NAM&#13;
should be pressing for State funding, so that started to disrupt work and will hopefully that groups within the working class may act as an agent to start negotiations.&#13;
of a new tier of local government. This tier&#13;
OLPLINION&#13;
NEWS) continued&#13;
trade union organisation on the site. It is partlyduetothisweaknessthatSChas been able to adopt a “hire and fire’policy and envisage and start to carry out redund- ancies on their own direct labour workers. It seems that Southwark’s DLO is, with the consent of councillors ,gradually being eroded from within.&#13;
The6strikersaredemandingreinstate- ment not reemployment, proper trade union organisation on al sites, safety stew- ards in accordance with the Health and SafetyatWorkAct,Bovismanagementto end, no sub-contracted work and a proper DLO to start functioning. They believe DLOs to function better as building units than private contractors because they offer more likelihood of job security, trade union representation, essential and adequate health and safety precautions and paid sick- ness and holidays after 6 months employ- ment.&#13;
The pickets have received support from Southwark Trades Council and the Direct Labour Collective who have set up an act- lon committee with stewards to stop the running down of SC and to question the role of Bovis. They will be publishing a broadsheet on the situation in the New Year, available from Southwark Trades Council.&#13;
The strikers have received money and Support from rank and file workers on both public and private sector sites in Lon-&#13;
The interface of this struggle is, however, looking at the USSR and China!) that there don and social workers on strike in South-&#13;
DIFFERENCE OF&#13;
Marion Roberts&#13;
for a local authority architect to support a tenants’ campaign on this issue by, say, appearing a&amp;an expert witness in court.&#13;
’ Which leads on to the other weakness in the PDS Group’s report. Itisassumed that the neighbourhood council would&#13;
be acatch-all for pressure groups within alocality. However, itislikely that the area based teams would be introduced, as has happened in two boroughs already, but without the neighbourhood council. Thus the area teams would be faced with&#13;
the problem of making alliances with community groups within the locality. This is aserious problem which merits farther discussion.&#13;
Thus Ifeel that the PDS Group’s report does not inclide this important area of concern. This perhaps should be an issue for further discussion and liaison between the PDS Group and the newly constitued NAM Alternative Practice Group, in order to make some progressive proposals about what to do about community architecture in the local state of today.&#13;
However, this is not to be overtly chary the PDS proposals are to be heartily applauded, and we hope put into practice; and NAM should campaign vigoruosly for this to happen.&#13;
&#13;
 Empirical historiography, or the Whig interpretationasitusedtobecalled,evol- yed from the liberal approach to history which emerged in the 19th century. Its main characteristics were described as:&#13;
a belief in the primacy of observable facts implicit theories containing assumptions about the goals of society; the individual- isationofhistoryandtheisolationofthe area being studied from other contemp- orary and historical events except by way of cause and effect.&#13;
Despite the influence of historians&#13;
like Tawney, and more recently Hobsbawm and Stedman Jones, al of whom have rej- ected fact accumulation ,moralising and liberal variants of the idea of progress, the main stream of British historiography (typified by ‘The Victorian City’ — edited by Dyos and Wolff) has remained stead- fastly empirical.&#13;
FINAL PART&#13;
identification of problems in history there- fore acts as a defence of the present society by reinforcing its values. It is a statement not only about the past, but about the present and the future.&#13;
Certainly,EPThompson (2)haspoin- ted out that the majority of present day academic historians transfer their sensibil- ities and goals to the society which they are studying. These goals change as the society changes. The current goal is social justice.&#13;
‘The belief in the possibility of social reform by conscious effort is the dominant currentof the European mind: ithas superseded the belief&#13;
in liberty as the one panacea.” (3) Social justice involves the idea of allocat- ing burdens and benefits in an equitable way.Itattemptstolaydownethical&#13;
S&#13;
s&#13;
Inthis,thelastessayinthisseries,Lampard’s principleswiththefulforceofmorallaw.&#13;
Cynthia Cockburn was the speaker at one of NAM’s best attended and liveliest London Group meetings in November at the Architectural Association. Author of ‘The Local State ’(reviewed inSLATE&#13;
6 ),she opened by describing how workers in Local Authorities and communities can unwittingly extend and validate the oppresive aspects of the modern state, help to ameliorate the harsher realities of Capitalism and serve to support it by nurturingtheworkingpopulation.She advisedradicalsintheseareastocreate what she termed their *oppositional&#13;
space ’and suggested that, faced with inadequate resourcesth,estateworker&#13;
can ‘refuse to manage( with the&#13;
resources )’ and highlight the cut backs that force them to implement the lowering of the quality of state support. Applied to architects this could take the form of active resistance to the cuts in budgets for housing, schools and other local amenities and the moves made by Tory boroughs towards the privatisation of housing.&#13;
She argued that, although the form taken by the local state( for instance area based, function based or a combination of the two ) was asignificant area of campaign, workers inside and outside Local Authorities could, at the same time, establish direct links with user groups and support their efforts to fight inadequate state provision. She suggested that by reachingouttomassgroupingsoftenants and to trade unions, *oppositional&#13;
space °can be reinforced and empowered ‘As well as alliance with Council building departments she saw it necessary to identify with the industrial action of other groups of Local Authority workers such as the social workers currently on strike in several London boroughs.&#13;
NAM’s PDS Group, representatives of which were at the meeting replied to Ms Cockbum’s paper and the discussion was taken up by the audience, many of whom were newcomers to NAM events. Although the gathering was expectant with sectarian mutterings the showdown didn’t, in the event materialise, despite some prodding. Ms Cockburn deftly side-stepped one f flashpoint in the evening by opening up the discussion to the NAM Feminist Group, amember ofwhichdescribedtheirsetting upofawomen’sdesigncooperativenow designing a women’s aid hostel in Clapham.&#13;
Some people said that after reading *The LocalState”theywereleftfeeling confused as to what was *the right thing to do ’and how to apply Ms Cockburn’s analysis. The dilemma was not totally resolved by the meeting, and rightly so.&#13;
Ms Coburn pointed out at the start that she would proceed as il addressing 2 socialist audience, and one felt that the key to confusion during the evening was NAM’s elevation over. that level of political identity.&#13;
statement that ‘the attention (of empirical urban history) has been focussed on the problemsratherthantheprocessofsocial change’ (1), will be examined briefly and it will be suggested that this is one of the ways in which empirical history controls the meaning of the past for the benefit of the present social arrangements.&#13;
PROBLEMS AND SOCIAL JUSTICE:&#13;
The identification of social phenomena&#13;
as ‘problems’ carries with it certain implications. Problems are implied to be aberrations in an otherwise satisfactory arrangement. They appear as disfunctions. Their rectification or eradication, it may be assumed, will result in the system con- tinuingtoexistasitdidbeforetheprob- lem put in an appearance. In that case the&#13;
identification of problems suggests that not only are their social norms, but that the identifier has a goal in the path of which the problem appears as an obstacle. Events will thus be classified in relation to the extent to which they support the ex- isting arrangements and its goals. The&#13;
These principles, like the moral values of the 19th century historians, once estab- lished,canbeusedtoevaluateeventsand activities in history. It can be seen, that where the distribution of resources in the urban past is not in accordance with present ideas of social justice this will constitute a problem for the historian.&#13;
Social justice then isanormative concept. Itlooks for‘what ought to be’ rather than ‘what is’. The gap between what ought to be and what actually is, will appear as a problem. ‘Problems’ are therefore inherent in a historical approach based on implicit goals. ‘The Victorian City’ is replete with examples. Inithistory isregarded asa series of static events, not as a dynamic&#13;
process. PROCESSES:&#13;
To describe historical change as a process implies that there is a relationship and a continuity between historical events.&#13;
They are not random and discrete but part of a pattern.. If this is the case there is the further implication that there exists a ‘mechanism’ which generates this process,&#13;
page 26&#13;
a mechanism furthermore, which is inyisi- ble. That is, we can see and recork visible evidence but not the generator. If we are to accept that a process is at work, and if we are to understand history ,the facts of history become secondary to the generat- ing structure. They are merely the out- ward appearances of it. But the generat- ing structure itself can only be discovered by hypotheses or theories. This is the method employed by al scientific enter- prise.&#13;
As far as problems are concerned, it follows that if a visible social phenomen- onwere tobedefinedasa‘problem’by adherents of a theoretical approach to history, the origin of the problem would&#13;
be sought within the structure of society. In a theoretical approach to history there- fore, the structure of society is not immune from searching investigation. The empirical approachontheotherhand,investigates and records only the visible facts; as was described in the previous essay. Some of these necessarily appear as problems in relation to an implicit goal.&#13;
From the foregoing it seems clear that history would be advised to direct its attention towards an examination of social processes. In this respect EP Thompson has stated categorically that,&#13;
‘The central concern of history as a relevant humane study (is) to genera- lise and integrate and to obtain a comprehensionofthefullsocialand culturalprocess’.(4)&#13;
If that is the case, and the empirical app- roach does not give an adequate account ofhistory,itmaybewonderedwhyitis so prevalent or indeed why it is employed at al.&#13;
History however hands down tradition, and tradition means the carrying on of the past into the future. History transmits social knowledge which includes society's perception of itself. Itisthe contention of these essays that only the empirical approach can convey society’s image&#13;
of itself unaltered. Since it is necessary for any society at any stage of its develop- ment tobelieve initsown stability and&#13;
continuity, its institutions and ideology will tend to further the existing arrange- ments and inhibit opposing expressions.&#13;
In which case it will be difficult if not impossibleforacapitalistsocietytoaccept the Marxist approach to history, in part- icular, it will find it unpalatable to re- concile itself to the Marxist belief in historical progress; namely that our pres- ent arrangement is one stage in the histor- ical development of production, the mode of production being the hidden ‘generator’.&#13;
It proposes therefore that capitalist soc- ietyistemporary. Thereisthefurther argument that the society itself engenders this change through the resolution of a continuing series of internal contradictions. (These are likely to be regarded as problems by the empiricists).&#13;
Marxist theory also poses another and particularly acute problem for a society based, as ours is, on the requirement of minority ownership relying for its wealth and existence on the surplus generated&#13;
by the majority. For within this society there exists a body of theory which postulates that the present arrangement prepares the ground for the transfer of ownership to the majority.&#13;
“(It) engenders the material conditions and the social forms necessary for a reconstruction of society.” (Marx) Marxism, as a scientific historical theory, therefore,cannot be divorced from Marxism asapoliticaltheory,whichattacksthe basis of the society.&#13;
The tmpirical interpretation however, preserves capitalist society’s mirage of itself intact.Whenhistoryisapproachedwithan unconscious implicit theory, the facts which&#13;
-are selected will tend to confirm the received wisdom. There is an inherent _ circularity in the method.&#13;
“The ideological assumptions of an age slide into historiography...... not generally as strident assertions of ‘partipris’ (those who contest the dominant ideology are accused by its defenders of this) but in certain selectivities and abstentions......&#13;
two of these absentees (from empirical history) are captalism and class conflict.” (5)&#13;
CONCLUSION&#13;
Thus the empirical approach to history acts as a powerful defence of present day Society. By its very nature it controls the meaning of history in a way that reinforces our society’s perception of itself. But because the empirical historians simplicitly transfer their own sensibilities and goals to the society which they are studying, their histories become outdated as society progresses and adopts new goals and defines new problems. That is why history is Tewritten.&#13;
REFERENCES&#13;
(1) E. Lampard “Urbanisation and social change"&#13;
from “The Historian and theCity" Eds. Handlin&amp; Burchard p. 226&#13;
(2)EP.Thompson “ResponsestoReality” New Sociéty 4th October 1973&#13;
(3) E.H, Carr “What is History?” (4) E.P. Thompson op.cit.&#13;
(5) E.P. Thompson ibid.&#13;
and highly readable would be :&#13;
E.H. Carr “What isHistory?” o Pelican 60p&#13;
of Capitalism” RKP paperback £2.75&#13;
2&#13;
LONDON GROUP OPEN&#13;
MEETING&#13;
= y 4&#13;
Reading Urban History&#13;
At the end of the first of these essays&#13;
inSLATE 7anumberofsuggested histories and authors were listed as helpful starters. An even shorter list, definitely recommended&#13;
The previous two issue in this series sugg- ested that the dominant and most influent- ial approach to Urban History and indeed to history in general in this country is the empirical approach, based on knowledge derived from observation. It was contrast- ed with the theoretical approach which is based on knowledge obtained by the con- scious application of explicit theories. The most important and well developed of the second isto be found in Marxist histories.&#13;
Maurice Dobb “Studies in theDevelopment&#13;
&#13;
 - * Recent research carried out by the Economist Intelligenc . .. *&#13;
*ero&#13;
Unit has shown that this judge isactually out of the country at the moment, the organisers apologise for the bias confered on the panel by virtue of this persons absence.&#13;
page 28&#13;
S$&#13;
dye-caste, hand-tooled 1:500 model of shhh-you-know-who’s helicopter.&#13;
hew!, I’m glad to be o Actual Project.&#13;
mn&#13;
at least 5 phs and shou&#13;
ntry requirements and programmes are availa&#13;
any branch of MAR LEYPILKREDLAND Ltd's retail outlets; ‘‘Do-it-yourself we're buggered if we are” at £600.00 (including vat) (easy payment scheme availab from MARLEYPILKREDLAND FINANCE COMPAN&#13;
ém‘s memoirs- face”&#13;
ined from rtland Place&#13;
—&#13;
‘| SLATE COMPETITION!&#13;
— ———e&#13;
commission. l&#13;
SSSSee == = ~The Competition willbe judged by: — __-Roddy-_Llewelyn:_night-club owner&#13;
=&#13;
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Vincent“ten wilt&#13;
fiver’ Marleypilkredland (no&#13;
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Vitruvius: registered architect*&#13;
;&#13;
|&#13;
The Slater: architectural critic of SEATE&#13;
the sponsoring company wha he Economist Intelligence Unit&#13;
Sponsored by MAR LEYPILKREDLAND Ltd, (adivision The sponsers offer the following suggestions for the&#13;
of United Dog Foods Inc.) Entries are invited for the different ways of rehabilitating the decaying premises&#13;
of a faded London club at 66, Portland Place, W.1. The entries should be hgaded by one of the following key-words.: “InnerCity”,“small”,“sensitive”,‘“‘infill’’,“revitalising”,&#13;
re-use of the property: -advertising agency&#13;
-Chilean restaurant ‘ te! e&#13;
(BMsee egcornce&#13;
ideo of 2 weeks in the Seychelles paid for yants, Cabin, to be announced.&#13;
e money owed by the Arts Council to the Natio&#13;
“nice”, “community: "or"! Dp”. -temporary headquarters for the chinese trade&#13;
NOTE: This competition is closed to all (male : unity Architecture Workii&#13;
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'Women and Space Conference Application', Sat 10th and Sun 11th March 1979&#13;
'Speculation Over The City'</text>
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                <text> [&#13;
aa . oe&#13;
ecul: Bs ance&#13;
a2 at Peed&#13;
oA oé ao&#13;
a Fence rs to,&#13;
a&#13;
Le&#13;
Ee Se&#13;
is&#13;
&#13;
 REPRESENTATIVES&#13;
ae orbluish-purpletockeasilysplit Anetworkof30representativeshasbeen&#13;
housing&#13;
bill trauma&#13;
THE SHELTER CONFERENCE on the 1979 Housing Bill was held on the the 16th of February, its aims were to help tenants and housing activists to campaign for a more radical hous- ing Bill than that proposed by the&#13;
Bte!, n.,a,&amp;v.t. 1,Inds ofgrey, {nto flat smooth plates; plece of such&#13;
fhe ~, rid oneself of or renounce oblign- tons) +~-black, -blue, -grcy, modifications of these tints such as occur in~; jl-~-cltb, smutual benefit society with small weekly contributions; ~-colour(ed), (of) dark bluish or greenish grey; hence slat’y? a, 2. adj. (Made) of~. 3, v.t. Cover with ~s esp. as roofing; hence slit’er' n, (ME&#13;
-). Criticize severely te hor in reviews), scold, rate; *nominate, propose for office etc, Hence&#13;
slit’1xc(1) n. (app. f, prec.}&#13;
SLATE IS THE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Moyement’s Publications Group.&#13;
News und features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are inc- luded to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s Views and activities to the attention of the largest possible readership&#13;
set up throughout schools and large prac- ticesuloverthecountry.Theonlycomm- itment of each representative will be to receive 5 copies of SLATE every two months and to try to sel 4 of them, return- ing £1.00 to SLATE. ’&#13;
Al this should help SLATE acheive a far wider circulation and become more truly representative of the views of rad- icals concerned with the industry and the environment&#13;
WORK ON SLATE&#13;
SLATE needs more workers, more&#13;
writers .more ideas and more reps in order to produce a better, larger and cheaper newsletter. If you would like to work for SLATE: become a rep., join the group, send in articles or suggest topics it should cover then contact us soon, : :&#13;
The copy deadline for the next issue is Friday 11th May 1979 and&#13;
THE PLIGHT OF SUB—&#13;
URBAN WOMEN&#13;
Commercial development and women's employment&#13;
ACOMMUNITY LAND ACT? Was itever effective?&#13;
PLANNING SYSTEM ON TRIAL&#13;
The implications of the forth- coming South Bank Enquiry&#13;
BAKER STREET BLUES&#13;
A complex inner city area under threat&#13;
P20 ARCHITEKT P20 LETTERS P23&#13;
:[&#13;
+&#13;
SUBSCRIBE!&#13;
the recent election among thenearly 4400 architects considered by ARCUK as ‘unattached.’ Although the four incumbent NAM—affiliated&#13;
| NAME |ADDRE&#13;
If you would like to receive SLATE without&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 2&#13;
Councils an incentive to produce a clear&#13;
SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland St., London W.1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications Group) ;&#13;
Contents&#13;
NEWS&#13;
THE SLATER UNATTACHED NEWS&#13;
EDITORIAL&#13;
PENSION FUNDS:&#13;
YOUR MONEY OR YOUR LIFE&#13;
Pensionfundsandproperty&#13;
speculation P8&#13;
Printed by Islington Community Press, 2a St Pauls Rd., London, N1.&#13;
Trade Distribution by Publications Distribution Cooperative, 27, Clerken- well Court, London, E.C.2&#13;
;&#13;
joining NAM fil in the form below and send ittogether&#13;
7 notincreasebecausewageshadincreased. bythecouncilofSTAMP,&#13;
On improvements there were demands section of UCATT. the non-manual for fostering action by councils in com- attached councillorsThe newly-elected un-&#13;
NEWS FROM NAM&#13;
workshops as to the ways in which the&#13;
Bil should be ammended. In the work-&#13;
shop on Allocations of Council Houses&#13;
the following ammendments ware&#13;
demanded:thatthereshouldbenogrounds councillors(BobMaltz,JohnMurray,&#13;
P10&#13;
P16 P18&#13;
government .&#13;
While Labours Bil is nolonger nec-&#13;
essarilyas immediate asit was in February, the Housing Bil that the Conservatives may may introduce iseven less likely to match the conferences aims than that of the Labour Bill.&#13;
At the conference there were workshops&#13;
on the Tenants Charter, the allocation of&#13;
Council Housing, Housing Subsidies, Home&#13;
improvements and empty Houses.&#13;
Specific demands were produced by these Architects Registration Council in&#13;
which preyented a person&#13;
for a council house and ‘that eligiblity for&#13;
Ian Tod and Tom Woolley) easily led the balloting and increased their percentage of the votes over last&#13;
government to publish for the its secret figures&#13;
showing how the new subsidising system&#13;
will work and to give&#13;
to invest in housing and&#13;
national policy on rent levels which did&#13;
pulsary improvement powers, essential repairs and the production of an action programme on vandalised council estates. It also called for an increase in the homes improvement grant and the scrapping of the proposed tenants grant.&#13;
In the Empty Houses workshop a ban on the demolition of good houses before&#13;
are three NAM members members; John Allan, Sue Jackson and&#13;
being considered&#13;
transfering area should not only be con-&#13;
sidered when achangeofjob was involved. year, the number of NAM members&#13;
The subsidies workshop called&#13;
on ARCUK has declined by two. Four NAM members who represented “unattached” architects for the past two&#13;
years (Anne Delaney, Alan Lipman, David Roebuck and KenThorpe) did not stand as candidates this year and NAM member Adam Purser did not seek renomination&#13;
NAM MEMBERS have won seven of the nine seats up for grabs on the&#13;
Marion Roberts, together with Péter Cut- more and David Robson, neither of whom isexpected to throw in his lot with the RIBA Council’s “Gang of Forty” which stil controls the 67-seat ARCUK.&#13;
While the ‘unattached’ are obliged by the Architects Registration Act of 1931&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 3&#13;
VSWEWSNEY&#13;
to nominate only ‘registered persons’&#13;
(e.g. ‘architects’), the RIBA Council is free to nominate anyone,lay or profession— al,RIBA mamber ornot. Onceagain, however, the RIBA Council has nominated exclusively RIBA menbers to its 40seats onARCUK. Itappears,indeedthatit&#13;
is becoming so difficult for the small&#13;
group of RIBA fanatics who mastermind the RIBA’s use of ARCUK as an RIBA puppet to find sufficient ‘sheep’willing&#13;
to toe their party line on ARCUK that&#13;
of their 8 new nominees, the RIBA Council has had to draft five members of the&#13;
RIBA Council itself.&#13;
a public enquiry was demanded as was aduty of Councils to consider the 1se of empty property anda right of couzicil tenants to object to the demolition plans&#13;
At the end of the conference it was emphasised that massive publicity must be given to the shortcomings of the Bil but it was reiterated that the campaign for a more radical Housing Bill would only be effective if it was linked to a Wider cam- Paign to reversethe housing cuts and win political commitment to everyone's right to have decent housing.&#13;
victory at the poles&#13;
3&#13;
[ityouwoui ikefboeamemberoftheNewArchitectureMoverientfillinthefecmbeloawndsend} it together with a cheque/postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5.00 ( if&#13;
| you're employed) or £8898 (ifyou're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at 9, Poland Street |London Wt. 3-00&#13;
withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNew ArchitectureMovement )for£9988toNAM at9, |feesina steeteeatt 250&#13;
As ever, the RIBA Council has nominated to ARCUK primarily bosses. Although lessthan 30%ofthe RIBAmembership&#13;
are in management positions, over 90% of their Council’s nominees to ARCUK are. Indeed, two out of every three of the RIBA Council nominees are owners of private firms. And although the RIBA draws nearlyhalfofits membership from the public sector, over 75% of RIBA Council nominees to ARCUK are from theprivate sector.&#13;
Despite the widely—trumpeted gains made in last year’s RIBA Council elections by the RIBA’s self—styled ‘SalariedArchitects Group’ (which includes some employers), there is still only one ‘SAG’ person among the forty RIBA Council nominees. Perhaps the thought of SAG people voting together&#13;
It was recently reported in Building that the RIBA Council refused to nominate even one member of the Society of Architectural and Associated Technicians, which was originally established under the RIBA’s wing to keep the ‘second tier’ of the profession in line (and out of thealternative a a bona fide trade union) because that body, floundering though it may be, quite understandably refused to be bound by the RIBA whip.&#13;
with NAM members elected by ‘unattached’ architects was too daunting aProspect for the bosses on RIBA Council . or for SAG!&#13;
The six ARCUK Councillors nominated by other professional and employers&#13;
&#13;
 NIEWSNE&#13;
JSNEWSNEWSNEWSIREWS&#13;
ARCUK by the RIBA itself and isapparent ly no longer a member of STAMP.&#13;
The hopes of the representatives of the ‘unattached’foranincreasedturnoutin the recent elections were unfulfilled.&#13;
ARCUK sent out the ballot papers so late that many unattached hardly had a chance to vote Steps are underway now to get ARCUK’s regulations changed in order&#13;
to oblige the Registrar to allow voters su‘licient time&#13;
Nevertheless, the elected unattached councillors al received between 338 and $00 votes. While RIBA Council nominees to ARCUK are not subject to election at al, it may nevertheless be worth noting that ARCUK Councillor Nadine Bedding ton, private practice boss and a RIBA and&#13;
ACA fanatic, gotre-elected to the RIBA Council last year with 146 votes. That's the same Nadine Beddington who is re ported to have sought to field a slate of RIBA sympathizers to contest the “un attached’ elections, claiming that the NAM members elected were ‘unrepresentative.” Resultsof the ‘unattached’ election:&#13;
standers) was ejected from the building. There were no arrests however and the demonstrators had stayed long enough tomaketheirpointandhavesomecons- iderable fun in doing so. The immediate reason for occupying these particular houses was to protest against their erec- tion by the GLC (at a cost of £75,000)&#13;
in order to publicise this council’s policy of halting its housing programme and selling off council houses regardless of the social consequences. The protestors also raised more important broader issues,&#13;
pointing out the need to oppose the hous- ing cuts as well asthe attack on council housing that accompanies them. They challenged the very idea of an ‘Ideal&#13;
Home’ exhibition while thousands are homeless and millions remain inadequ- ately housed, and they brought the anger of the homeless and badly housed into the heart of this funfair for the wealthy, well-heeled and well-housed.&#13;
The people involved came from avariety of organisations and areas, some of them travelling from Cardiff, Portsmouth Plymouth and other parts of the country. The Ass- ociation of London Housing Estates, the Federation of Short-Life Housing Groups, London Squatters Union, Middlesex Poly&#13;
Not all visitors reacted too warmly of course, there being the full quota of complacent owner occupiers that would&#13;
Bob Dumbleton from South Wales&#13;
Housing Action Group started the day&#13;
with an introduction on the whole sub-&#13;
jectofpensionfunds.Heemphasizedtheir outtheargumentsforthenecessityfora&#13;
Elected&#13;
Not elected&#13;
unequal opportunities&#13;
"THE NAM Feminist Group is to do battle with the legislative machinery of anti-sexismTh.e RIBA swung into action in November on the issue of sexism in the profession by sending out a survey to al women registered architects. The survey asked such highly relevant and un- biased questions as “What does your fath- er do ?” and “Is your husband an archit- Ck am&#13;
The RIBA had been commissioned by the Policy Studies Institute which in turn had been requested by the Equal Oppor- tunities Commission to carry out this sur- vey on women in the profession.&#13;
A similar study was done ten years ago and the conclusions which its distin- guished researchers came to were that “women architects did not succeed bec- ause they were not ambitious enough” and “the architectural profession was not inherently sexist”.&#13;
size: for example ICI’s fund is£593M and the National Coal Board’s is£1037M. This concentration of capital should in theory give immense power to the workers who collectively own it. Bob elucidated the paradox of pension funds: that they are in effect workers deferred wages and must therefore guarantee a certain minimum return. As a consequence the investment of pension funds is left to “experts” : investment consultants, who pick up a fat fee for advising on safe returns for&#13;
the money invested. The kind of investment that yields a consistently high return in the short term is in the areas like property speculation, and not in the manufacturing sector.&#13;
Thus the contradictory situation arises where pension funds are investing in soc- ially destructive projects, to the detriment of other workers living conditions. A poignant example of this isthe develop- ment of Swansea City Centre, in which some money from the miners pension fund is invested through a development company. These funds together with the local authority funding are diverting investment away from the Welsh valleys and are thus contributing to their econ- omic decline.&#13;
Bob emphasised the importance of campaigning for a good state-owned pen- sion fund scheme which would releive the necessity for this kind of investment in the private market. An interim step could be greater trade union representation and participationontheboardoftrustees&#13;
of pension funds.&#13;
planned programme of investment which would put capital in the prodiictive sect- ors of the economy. He reminded us of the subjectivity of the investment elite and it’s desire for short-term returns. The distinction between social ownership and social control was discussed and the imp- ortance of the latter, with special refer- ence to eastern europe. Holland drew the parallel between the health service before it was nationalised and pension funds now. He thought that the way forward lay eventually in state/social control over pension funds with a long-term strategy for investment. One step towards this could be the use of a key case, such as the ones spoken earlier in the day, where an exposure of the contradictions of the present mis-use of funds could be given full publicity.&#13;
The discussion following each speaker's contribution was lively and the conference ended by breaking into groups and dis- cussing the way ahead. Thus the propo- sals which came out of the conference&#13;
are in the long term:&#13;
1. The nationalisation of pension funds under social control with a system of “pay as you go” contribution.&#13;
2. Government direction over the invest- mentofpensionfunds.&#13;
and in the short term:&#13;
3. More effective trade union represent-&#13;
ation and participation on the boards&#13;
The representatives on ARCUK of&#13;
‘unattached’architects are concerned thatmanyarchitectswhooughttobe areinterestedingettingarealistic&#13;
|IDEACHOMES FOR AL. Wi&#13;
individuals involved in housing. It exists&#13;
to further the fight for decent housing _ forall.&#13;
ideal homes&#13;
for all&#13;
THE IDEAL Home Exhibition found itself the scene of something alittle outside its usual artificial affluence on Friday March 9th when agroup of demonstrators occupied the two GLC show houses in the Exhibition&#13;
‘village’.&#13;
A group of about 30 people entered the houses as ordinary visitors and then told the GLC officials inside “This is an occu- pation”, escorted them out of the build- ings, and secured the doors. Meanwhile another squad had climbed onto the roofs of the houses and unfurleda fifteen foot long banner saying “Ideal Homes for All”, and a hundred supporters gathered in the&#13;
vicinity kept up a continuous barrage of chanting and singing, as well as saturat- ing the exhibition with leaflets.&#13;
Stuart Holland followed with an anal- ysis of the crisis of productivity. He drew&#13;
Text of this article by courtesy of the Housing Action Campaign&#13;
HOUSING ACTION isadecentralised net campaigningnetworkofgroupsand&#13;
Report of the conference held in Birming- ham on January 20th.&#13;
The conference was reasonably well att- ended in spite of the snow: about 60 delegates came from places as far afield as Swansea and North Shields. There was a mixture of people involved in commun- ity action, trade union officials and active trade unionists which lent a wide resource of experience to the discussion.&#13;
Police moved in rapidly, kicking their&#13;
way through the locked doors and breaking&#13;
a couple of windows, and everyone invol-&#13;
ved in the occupation or who looked like&#13;
asympathiser(includingahandfulofby- beexpectedatsuchanevent.“Whyaren't_&#13;
and the RIBA too many.&#13;
They should also write to the Registrar of ARCUK stating that they are not membersofRIBA,AA,FAS,[AAS&#13;
or STAMP and asking to have the&#13;
The representatives of the unattached&#13;
In response the NAM Feminist Group&#13;
haswrittenalettertotheE.0.C.point-&#13;
ing out the deficiencies in the RIBA&#13;
questionnaire and the previous report,&#13;
and explaining the difference between&#13;
the RIBA and ARCUK. We have asked&#13;
for funds with which to carry out our&#13;
ownsurvey.Theanswerisstilyettobe rarytotheinterestsofworkerslivingin HousingResourceLibraryTM.LadbrokeHouse received....... these areas. Alan Spence from Covent Highbury Grove London N.5.&#13;
view of how widespread the practice&#13;
isand would like to hear directly from&#13;
architects who think they are unattach— status as unattached. Any architect ed but did not receive papers in the resigning from any of the above recent election. Please write to mentioned associations is advised&#13;
of pension funds. 4.Theuseofakeycommunitystruggle&#13;
regarded by ARCUK as ‘unattached’&#13;
are considered by ARCUK to be&#13;
‘attached,’ particularly to the RIBA&#13;
This means that they do not receive&#13;
nomination and election papers and&#13;
alsomeansthatthe‘unattached’may UnattachedRepresentatives,c/oSLATE,toinformARCUK’sRegistrarofthe be allowed too few seats on ARCUK 9 Poland Street, London W1. fact.&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 4&#13;
to publisize the contradictions and anomolies inpension funds.&#13;
Students Union and local building workers were among those who gave their support.&#13;
Registrar confirm inwriting their&#13;
Speakers from community action groups in North Sheilds, Cardiff, Birming- hain and Southwark related the ways in which pension funds had invested cont-&#13;
you at work?” yelled one well-dressed gent&#13;
gentleman, to the quick retort from a pro- control&#13;
testor of “Why aren’t you at work?” The&#13;
point was probably lost, but the action&#13;
asawholeleftthoseofusinvolvedfeeling pensionfunds elated and just itching for the next time.&#13;
| Garden pointed out how a trade union pension fund could play a constructive role, by buying up the development in Covent Garden for housing and social fac- ilities which had been won by the direct actionof the local community. This devel- opment isnow owned by the GLC and since it has turned Tory wishes to sel al cf the dwellings at £30,000 per flat.&#13;
In the afternoona trade union official from the GMWU explained the philosophy behind his union’s investment of its pen- sion funds and the way in which worker representatives came on to the board of trustees. He emphasized how pensions&#13;
had originally been a gain for the labour movement and their importance as a def- erred wage.&#13;
A more detailed account of the conter- ence may be obtained from the “Self -Help&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 5&#13;
VSNEWSNEWS\S&#13;
associations in the building industry&#13;
are prevented by law from beingarchitects. Of the remaining 61, 51 are members of the RIBA. This is because the five minor ‘professional’ bodies with nomination rights under the 1931 Actall nominated exclusively RIBA members to their total of seven seats, as did the government, with the exception of one senior civil servant.&#13;
In addition to nominating a RIBA member to ARCUK, STAMP has also nominated RIBA stalwart Kenneth Campbell to fil its places on ARCUK’s Board of Education and Admissions Committee. William Kretchmer, who lost his STAMP nomin&#13;
Pwore |THY SEP&#13;
ation last year after voting with the RIBA faction to keep ARCUK investing in apartheid, has now been given a seat on&#13;
John Murray Bob Maltz Tom Woolley lan Tod&#13;
550 Eddie Walker 337 492 MJB Jackson 333 489 HP Massey 315 478 lan Cooper 299 433&#13;
John Allan&#13;
David Robson&#13;
Peter Cutmore&#13;
Sue Jackson&#13;
Marion Roberts 338&#13;
391 356 343&#13;
&#13;
 VSNEWSNIS&#13;
SNEWS1Y&#13;
associations in the building industry&#13;
are prevented by law from being architects. Of the remaining 61, 51 are members of the RIBA. This is because the five minor ‘professional’ bodies with nomination rights under the 1931 Act al nominated exclusively RIBA members to their total of seven seats, as did the government, with the exception of one senior civil servant.&#13;
In addition to nominating a RIBA member to ARCUK, STAMP has also nominated RIBA stalwart Kenneth Campbell to fil its places on ARCUK’s Board of Education and Admissions Committee. William Kretchmer, who lost his STAMP nomin ation last year after voting with the RIBA faction to keep ARCUK investing in apartheid, has now been given a seat on&#13;
ARCUK by the RIBA itself and isapparent ly no longer a member of STAMP.&#13;
The hopes of the representatives of the ‘unattached’ for an increased turnout in the recent elections were unfulfilled.&#13;
ARCUK sent out the ballot papers so late that many unattached hardly had a chance to vote. Steps are underway now to get ARCUK’s regulations changed in order&#13;
to oblige the Registrar to allow voters suclicient time.&#13;
Nevertheless, the elected unattached councillors al received between 338 and 500 votes. While RIBA Council nominees to ARCUK are not subject to election at al, it may nevertheless be worth noting that ARCUK Councillor Nadine Bedding ton, private practice boss and a RIBA and&#13;
ACA fanatic, got re-elected to the RIBA Council last year with 146 votes. That’s the same Nadine Beddington who is re ported to have sought to field a slate of RIBA sympathizers to contest the ‘un attached” elections, iming that the NAM members elected were ‘unrepresentative.”&#13;
Results of the ‘unattached’ election:&#13;
JQEAL- HOMES FOR ALL.&#13;
ARRAS eS&#13;
Elected John Murray&#13;
Bob Maltz&#13;
Tom Woolley lan Tod&#13;
John Allan David Robson Peter Cutmore Sue Jackson Marion Roberts&#13;
Not elected&#13;
$50 Eddie Walker 337 492 MJB Jackson 333 489 HP Massey 315&#13;
of organisations and areas, some of them travelling from Cardiff, Portsmouth,Plymouth and other parts of the country. The Ass- ociation of London Housing Estates, the Federation of Short-Life Housing Groups, London Squatters Union, Middlesex Poly Students Union and local building workers were among those who gave their support.&#13;
Not all visitors reacted too warmly&#13;
of course, there being the full quota of complacent owner occupiers that would&#13;
be expected at such an event. “Why aren’t _&#13;
They should also write to the Registrar of ARCUK stating that they are not members of RIBA, AA, FAS, IAAS orSTAMPandaskingtohavethe&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 4&#13;
these areas. Alan Spence from Covent&#13;
Highbury Grove London N.S.&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 5&#13;
478 lan Cooper 433&#13;
39]&#13;
356&#13;
343 338&#13;
299&#13;
The representatives on ARCUK of&#13;
‘unattached’architects are concerned&#13;
that many architects who ought to be are interested in getting a realistic regarded by ARCUK as ‘unattached’&#13;
areconsideredbyARCUK tobe&#13;
‘attached,’ particularly to the RIBA&#13;
This means that they do not receive&#13;
nomination and election papers and&#13;
also means that the ‘unattached’ may&#13;
beallowedtoofewseatsonARCUK 9PolandStreet,LondonW1.&#13;
1. The nationalisation of pension funds under social control with a system of “pay as you go” contribution.&#13;
2. Government direction over the inves'- ment of pension funds.&#13;
and in the short term:&#13;
3. More effective trade union represent-&#13;
ation and participation on the boards of pension funds.&#13;
THE IDEAL Home Exhibition found af S&#13;
standers) was ejected from the building. There were no arrests however and the demonstrators had stayed long enough&#13;
to make their point and have some cons- iderable fun in doing so. The immediate reason for occupying these particular houses was to protest against their erec- tion by the GLC (at a cost of £75,000)&#13;
in order to publicise this council’s policy of halting its housing programme and selling off council houses regardless of the social consequences. The protestors also raised more important broader issues, pointing out the need to oppose the hous- ing cuts as well asthe attack on council housing that accompanies them. They challengedtheveryideaofan ‘Ideal Home’ exhibition while thousands are homeless and millions remain inadequ- ately housed, and they brought the anger of the homeless and badly housed into&#13;
unequal opportunities&#13;
itself the scene of something a little outside its usual artificial affluence on Friday March 9th when agroup of demonstrators occupied the two GLC show houses in the Exhibition ‘village’.&#13;
A group of about 30 people entered the houses as ordinary visitors and then told the GLC officials inside “This is an occu- pation”, escorted them out of the build- ings, and secured the doors. Meanwhile another squad had climbed onto the roofs of the houses and unfurled a fifteen foot long banner saying “Ideal Homes for All’’, and a hundred supporters gathered in the vicinity kept up a continuous barrage of chanting and singing, as well as saturat- ing the exhibition with leaflets.&#13;
Police moved in rapidly, kicking their way through the locked doors and breaking a couple of windows, and everyone invol- ved in the occupation or who looked like a sympathiser (including a handful of by-&#13;
the heart of this funfair for the wealthy, well-heeled and well-housed.&#13;
and the RIBA too many.&#13;
The representatives of the unattached&#13;
view of how widespread the practice&#13;
isandwouldliketoheardirectlyfrom&#13;
architects who think they are unattach— Registrar confirm in writing their&#13;
4.Theuseofakeycommunitystruggle to publisize the contradictions and anomolies in pension funds.&#13;
ed but did not receive papers in the recent election. Please write to&#13;
status as unattached. Any architect resigning from any of the aboye&#13;
mentioned associations is advised iinformARCUK’sRegistrarofthe -&#13;
act.&#13;
A more detailed account of the conter-&#13;
: The people involved came from avariety&#13;
HOUSING ACTION isadecentralised campaigning network of groups and individuals involved in housing. It exists to further the fight for decent housing forall.&#13;
Report of the conference held inBirming- ham on January 20th.&#13;
The conference was reasonably well att- ended in spite of the snow: about 60 delegates came from places as far afield as Swansea and North Shields. There was a mixture of people involved in commun- ity action, trade union officials and active trade unionists which lent awide resource of experience to the discussion.&#13;
Bob Dumbleton from South Wales Housing Action Group started the day with an introduction on the whole sub- ject of pension funds. He emphasized their size: for example ICI’s fund is £593M and the National Coal Board’s is £1037M. This concentration of capital should in theory&#13;
give immense power to the workers who collectively own it. Bob elucidated the paradox of pension funds: that they are in effect workers deferred wages and must therefore guarantee a certain minimum return. As a consequence the investment of pension funds is left to “experts” : investment consultants, who pick upa fatfeeforadvisingonsafereturnsfor the money invested. The kind of&#13;
investment that yields a consistently high return in the short term is in the areas like property speculation, and not in the manufacturing sector.&#13;
Thus the contradictory situation arises where pension funds are investing in soc- ially destructive projects, to the detriment of other workers living conditions. A poignant example of this is the develop- ment of Swansea City Centre, in which some money from the miners pension fund isinvested through adevelopment company. These funds together with the&#13;
local authority funding are diverting investment away from the Welsh valleys and are thus contributing to their econ- omic decline.&#13;
Bob emphasised the importance of campaigning for agood state-owned pen- sion fund scheme which would releive the necessity for this kind of investment in the private market. An interim step could be greater trade union representation and participationontheboardoftrustees&#13;
of pension funds.&#13;
Speakers from community action&#13;
groups in North Sheilds, Cardiff, Birming-&#13;
hain and Southwark related the ways in&#13;
whichpensionfundshadinvestedcont- encemaybeobtainedfromthe“Self-Help rary to the interests of workers living in Housing Resource Library. Ladbroke House&#13;
you at work?” yelled one well-dressed gent gentleman, to the quick retort froma pro- testor of “Why aren’t you at work?” The point was probably lost, but the action&#13;
as a whole left those of us involved feeling elated and just itching for the next time.&#13;
Text of this article by courtesy of the Housing Action Campaign&#13;
|IDEA-HOMES FO Hos,&#13;
control pension funds&#13;
Garden pointed out how a trade union | pension fund could play aconstructive role, by buying up the development in&#13;
Covent Garden for housing and social fac- ilities which had been won by the direct actionof the local community. This devel- Opment isnow owned by the GLC and since it has turned Tory wishes to sel al cf the dwellings at £30,000 per flat.&#13;
In the afternoona trade union official from the GMWU explained thephilosophy behind his union’s investment of itspen- sion funds and the way in which worker Tepresentatives came on to the board of trustees. He emphasized how pensions had originally been a gain for the labour movement and their importance as a def- erred wage.&#13;
Stuart Holland followed with an anal- ysis of the crisis of productivity. He drew out the arguments for the necessity for a planned programme of investment which would put capital in the prodictive sect- ors of the economy. He reminded us of the subjectivity of the investment elite and it’s desire for short-term returns. The distinction between social ownership and social control was discussed and the imp- ortance of the latter, with special refer- ence to eastern europe. Holland drew the parallel between the health service before itwas nationalised and pension funds now. He thought that the way forward lay eventually in state/social control over&#13;
Pension funds with a long-term strategy for investment. One step towards this could be the use ofa key case, such as the ones spoken earlier in the day, where an exposure of the contradictions of the present mis-use of funds could be given full publicity.&#13;
The discussion following each speaker's contribution was lively and the conference ended by breaking into groups and dis- cussing the way ahead. Thus the propo- sals which came out of the conference&#13;
are in the long term:&#13;
Unattached Representatives, c/o SLATE,&#13;
JSNEWSMEWONEWSNIE WS&#13;
~THE NAM Feminist Group istodo battle with the legislativemachinery of anti-sexismTh.e RIBA swung into action in November on the issue of sexism in the profession by sending out a survey to all women registered architects. The survey asked such highly relevant and un- biased questions as “What does your fath- er do ?” and “Is your husband an archit- ech 2m&#13;
The RIBA had been commissioned by the Policy Studies Institute which in turn had been requested by the Equal Oppor- tunities Commission to carry out this sur- vey on women in the profession.&#13;
A similar study was done tenyears&#13;
ago and the conclusions which its distin- guished researchers came to were that “women architects did not succeed bec- ause they were not ambitious enough” and “the architectural profession was not inherently sexist”.&#13;
In response the NAM Feminist Group has written a letter to the E.0.C. point- ing out the deficiencies in the RIBA questionnaire and the previous report, and explaining the difference between the RIBA and ARCUK. We have asked for funds with which to carry out our own survey. The answer isstil yet to be received.......&#13;
a ss nt eli da cc a&#13;
&#13;
 7 &amp;, TheSlater&#13;
CAREER PROSPECTS&#13;
Pe wAS Jot oPanh “CHese JERK OFfARASTS AND otHERAplPelagING&#13;
ided against distributing local lists of arch- off for ‘conspiracy to corrupt’. He had been itects.: a measure long advocated by the&#13;
architect to Kirkby and Knowsley councils&#13;
andhadacceptedgiftsfromthemanaging unattached.Althoughtheunattachedcan,&#13;
director of a local builder in return for the award of contracts.&#13;
The star turn of the afternoon was&#13;
(sadly) deferred until june: The discussion&#13;
onconfidentialityhadpromisedtobe&#13;
very contentious. It was decided to defer&#13;
after a submission had been received from&#13;
STAMP (one of ARCUK’s constituent&#13;
bodies)which,accordingtotheregistrar epicprosewhichconstitutedtheannual and his retinue, hada significant bearing report. Virtually each paragraph was ques- on the issue. At the last meeting in Decem- tioned by your heroes and the vast maj- bertheregistrar’sproposalthatalthe orityoftheirpointsweresummarily&#13;
Inspite of none-too-rosy career prospects foryoungarchitectsandthesighofrelief os ES4) Dont&#13;
professionalclimbers(womenthistime) in the shapeof a group to look at “Feminist Architecture ’(FAWG for short) and so cloud the fact that the profession&#13;
Themeetingwasroundedoffwitha dogged duel between the unattached and the rest of the council over the registrar's&#13;
heaved by the architectural world when it heard that, at last, the number of&#13;
REM PMiCR YcHee on&#13;
CrogcRbt wikis&#13;
DAUGHTER OF CAWG&#13;
UNATTACHED WE&#13;
Far be it from this column to put ideas&#13;
into the architectural establishment’s (Leas?N]Ght$)FULoF head, ifithas one, but the recent success&#13;
of NAM’s Feminist Design Cooperative&#13;
WEnt 2 Tals parly&#13;
SLATE aims to provide an effective means of communication for the “unattached ” members of ARCUK through these columns and letters page.&#13;
So if you feel strongly about these issues, don’t hesitate to write to us.&#13;
For the lay reader of SLATE “‘ARCUK ”is the Architects Registration Council of the U.K. It was set up by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 to control the entry of people into the profession and itor their conduct once regi d.Itis composed of 5mainconstit- uent bodies; The RIBA (Royal Institute of British Architects), the IAAS (The Incorp- arated Association of Architects and Surveyors), the FAS (The Faculty of Architects and Surveyors )and the AA (Architectural Association ).&#13;
has set in motion some speculation about PReindARH]tactoRth, theRIBA’spossibleresponsetotheidea&#13;
!&#13;
13 And “Comes|e&#13;
of Feminist Architecture. The Feminists’ eke: LT LOOSE INGY Co-op has not onlya satisfied client and&#13;
IT SARDEN Ov o SSPurdaY ajob on site, but has also earned itself a tidy sum in fees and the chance of NicHt.. ENoUgH AROUND Jn further work. Reflect on the RIBA’s&#13;
response to the devotion and hard spare time work of the many architects who set out to help beleaguered tenants’ and residents’ groups in the early seventies: the establishment of the Community Architecture Working Group (CAWG for short) to co-opt the good name of Community Architecturteo polish up&#13;
ARCUK Council ‘From our reporter on the spot&#13;
It was the hallowed occasion of the 188th meeting of the Architects Registration CounciloftheUnitedKingdom-ARCUK. It was the last for the outgoing council and the first for the new and your SLATE rep- orter was there with sharply-pointed pencil and quivering ears. The meeting started in sombre fashion with disciplinary hearings againstfourARCUK-codebreakers.Fresh from the dramatic (by ARCUK standards) press coverage of Summerland’s architect Lomas’narrowescapefromexpulsion,the council focussed it’s gaze upon the new unfortunates. We the press were asked to leavefortheactualhearingsandwereush- ered in ceremoniously for the verdicts: The proceedings were rich indeed in lower court pomposities such as this. ARCUK is very aware that just one of these cases can profoundly affect the public’s already sceptical view of architects’ remaining scruples and verdicts seem to be affected more by the Public Relations angle than&#13;
by any purist notion of professional integ- rity.&#13;
Due to the fact that your reporter and the first defendant Arthur S. Cole were both excluded from the chamber at the same time the facts of the case were free- ly volunteered: Arthur was nervously chatty and was anxious to plead his case. Arthur had, amongst other things, run his wife’s&#13;
car on the practice for over adecade: He had fended off numerous enquiries by the Inland Revenue but eventually found that there were too many holes in the dyke and was taken to court and given a two-year suspended sentence. Arthur avoided being struckoffbytheskinofhisteethpleading “well everybody does it, don’t they ?”. The council emphatically agreed with him and dealt out a severe reprimand. “Phew”, said Arthur. Mr Woodiwiss, case no.2, chose an even craftier defence -he didn’t turn up. His lawyer however did, but, in the time-honoured tradition of ‘let the man have his say ’they deferred the case.. Mr&#13;
W had smuggled 1500 Kruger rands into the U.K. (presumably his own particular interpretation of the “International Style’.) Eric Stevenson, the third case, was struck&#13;
ThE WE3k. As P58 UpsG0 iT VEn? por. you se&#13;
WI.ACJFThey thetarnishedimageoftheleadersofthe&#13;
“EReny?T |ALways OY&#13;
The Bice hig =clLy-&#13;
mich? LAV. Blew bAsPhs reluctant wotthies and ambitious&#13;
in theory advertise as a bloc the council Sees fit to ignore the practical difficulties involved and its refusal to countenance area lists is but one aspect of its avoid- ance of this issue.&#13;
studentsenteringtheprofession wasfalling, RED Dontrow stildescriminatesagainstwomen,both the Observer ran quite a bullish piece on&#13;
cureersjin architecture in a recent issue. whAt HAP Penge To at work in architects’ offices and with GordonGraham,PresidentoftheRIBA, Alt PV)Renee THAR thebuildingsitdesigns?&#13;
obliged -the paper and its enthusiastic young readers with some carefully chosen words of encouragement at the bottom of the article wider theheading, ‘Psst...a&#13;
tip from the Top °.One tip was that&#13;
“an eye for legalistic detail will stand an architect in good stead ”. Quite right too, and Graham should know. His firm, the Architects’ Design Group is currently being sued by Worthing Council over faulty design work on a swimming pool contract. Well, that’s enough to put off any enthusiastic young reader, unless, of course, s/he revells in legalistic detail.&#13;
SKIN DEEP&#13;
WIVES AND GIRL-FRIENDS&#13;
Movey&#13;
council members should sign a sort of ARCUK official secrets act declaration restricting publicity of issues defined by the the council was withdrawn at the eleventh hour and the honorary officers were asked to see whether the existing arrangements needed changing. These arrangements, dating from 1976, allows publicity of guilty cases only. The two documents tor discussion at this meeting essentially con- tained two proposals:&#13;
-A press hearing would be called after the disciplinary committee’s hearing and the press would be told simply “guilty” or “not guilty”.&#13;
-Apart from the above the press would remain in meetings but the council would resolveitselfinto acommittee and the press would be placed on trust not to report the proceedings. Comm- ittee hearings would remain wholly confidential since “a‘report of a committee’s recommendation would be misleading ifthecouncil subseque- ntly decided not to accept the recomm:&#13;
endation”.&#13;
The meeting trundled on labe:iously, thro- ats dried and your reporter whilst availing himself of the RIBA facilities mused upon the detailing of 66 ,Portland Place which any salaried architect could not fail to be impressed by -where else are the toilet mirrors rendered redundant by the shine on the brassware !&#13;
During the committee reports the un- attched again asked why it had been dec-&#13;
flattened by either chairperson’s action&#13;
or by the nudge-and-wink conspiratorial consent of the council, now impatient with tea-lust. After a rally on page 14 the chairperson grew thoroughly rattled and accused the unattached of “delaying tac- tics’. The unattached were, quite rightly. outraged and ina brilliantly direct but controlled response replied that they had been remarkably restrained before a dis- play of classic railroading. Metcalfe the chairperson climbed down and after an abortive attempt by one of the RIBA vouncillors to pass a motion approving&#13;
the rest of the report ‘in toto” took issue once more with your fearless representa- tives.&#13;
At last we broke for tea. After down- ing the nectar the first meeting of the new council was pretty small beer by comp- arison: The new council was ratified a:1. apart from the relatively colourful un- attached crew the changes were almost imperceptible -one less three piece suit here, one mofe collarful of dandruff there -that sort of thing. A single moment of humour illuminated the bland last laps: Su Jackson, an unattached rep had been nominated for the chair in competition to Metcalfe. Kenneth Forder, in a slip that was freudian in more senses than&#13;
one, referred to the candidates as “Mr Jackson and.......”.The meeting guffawed over what had been yet another affirm- ation of the al pervading maleness of ARCUK:&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 6&#13;
profession and to create a new source of clients for private practice. How long before the RIBA wheels out asimilar crew of&#13;
‘straight’ counterparts. ual for self build Housing&#13;
¢ d group is a subject upon groups will adopt totally different policies n of their visiting the site, to a very full&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE7&#13;
(CIL:&#13;
3&#13;
Alternative ideologies are often as chauvinist, if not more so, than their Try this piece on self-build housing for instance from ‘Self Build -aman Associations’ put out by the National Building Agency.&#13;
The part to be played by wives and girl-friends of members of a self buil which it is difficult to be specific. Experience shows that&#13;
concerning the womenfolk ranging from a complete ba:&#13;
involvement.&#13;
Onethingishowevercertainandthatisthatforahappyandefficientselfbuildroup,neintriceaneial that the womenfolk fully understand and Support the commitment made by ie&#13;
group. They should also be kept informed of Progress. Family ties and other.respo ibil te Hh naturallydictatetheamountoftimethatawifeorgirl-friendcanofferineerealoe valuableworkhasbeenprovidedinthepastinsecretarial,accountingand"If:Seee&#13;
decorating, cleaning and landscaping etc,&#13;
elfare duties as well as&#13;
&#13;
 This article was written by members of the Green Ban Action Committee, an organisation set up to coordinate campaigns among trade unionists and others against envir- onmentally and socially harmfull development.&#13;
MONEY&#13;
AND YOUR&#13;
LIFE&#13;
Total net investment 1973-1977.&#13;
1973 11974|1975|1976|1977 1be 296 | 3347 434] 595 | 7221 590&#13;
¥&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 8&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 9&#13;
We have chosen commercial development as the theme for this issue of Slate because there are many signs that the climate is right for a new drive to exploit the land in our cities for private profit: development companies&#13;
haye recovered from the crash in the property market that followed the&#13;
office boom of the early seventies; financial institutions and especially pension Tunds are seeking profitable investments for massive accumulations of capital , the government is faltering in it’s intentions to curb commercial development through the planning system and the Community Land Act. The way in which land in our cities is used is crucial to the well-being of the citizens and in part- icular working people. Commercial development ,the destruction of inner city communities ,the distancing and alienation of home and work for many people ,increases in the cost of providing roads, public transport, police and other services ,much of the burden of which falls on ordinary rate payers&#13;
and the diversion of investment away from socially necessary&#13;
We hope that this issue will go some way to explaining the process. and con- sequencies of the rule of profit in our cities and be of some help to those seeking a city designed for peoples need.&#13;
PENSION FUNDS:&#13;
YOUR&#13;
But underpinning this improvement property companies’ sector lies what is in the&#13;
known as ‘the weight of institutional funds’, The deferred wages of millions of workers and ‘small savers’ held in Pension Funds, Insurance Companies and Property Unit Trusts,&#13;
which have increased rapidly in the 1970s.&#13;
The funds invest a steady proportion of their investments each year in property.&#13;
Immediately after the last boom these funds purchased al the surplus investments on the market from the property companies, Now&#13;
we are at the stage where there is very little property left to purchase. Capital values are rising and development islooking attractive Once again. Many funds are setting up their own property operations. Others want to develop partnerships with existing property companies or are interested in taking them over&#13;
The table shows the extent of Insurance Company and Pension Fund Investment in property since 1973, and the trend looks set to continue. In January the Henley Centre for Forecasting preducted institutional investment in commercial property would rise&#13;
construction,&#13;
very substantial deals have sparked off the present activity and it looks as though more will follow.’&#13;
The key question then is whether or not we shall be faced with another property boom in the early 80s, funded this time by the injection of pension and insurance company monies as opposed to easy bank money which triggeredoffthelastboom. Institutional investors are even better placed than property companies to overlook short-term market conditions in order to produce long term&#13;
assets for their portfolios. The government, too, has no way of controlling institutional investment, unlike the controls it possesses over the banks.&#13;
Faced with this background it is easy to see why the Planning Inquiry for Coin Street on the south bank isof great significance to many community groups throughout the country. A victory against the developers and financiers here could set the pace for the 1980s, but it is not going to be easy. Measures to nationalise land and control the property sector have been watered down because of the effect they have on the financial institutions who now control the market. The fight to get the kind of urban development we really need now has to tackle this financial sector too.&#13;
The boom in property shares arises because after 1974 property companies&#13;
cut their development programmes, sold off theirassetsandgraduallypaidofftheirdebts, Now the prospects for rental growth from their existing properties look good, and many companies are ripe for takeovers. According to the Investors Chronicle, property company Profits rose by 87.5% in 1978 and dividends&#13;
‘ sia&#13;
paid out by the 32 property companies in the F.T. index showed an average rise of 34%, Not too bad. The public sector workers would willingly settle for a similar ‘average rise’,&#13;
Year&#13;
Insurance companies&#13;
Total net investment each year % of total net investment each year in property&#13;
* Jan -Sept 1978 only source: Business Monitor M5&#13;
+663 | 1902 | 2509 | 3029&#13;
3802 -—-- Visi a ae&#13;
18% | 21%]&#13;
17%]. 15%&#13;
_&#13;
INSURANCE COMPANY AND PENSION FUND INVESTMENT IN PROPERTY&#13;
development boom could take off, although it might not reach the same heights as in 1973.&#13;
' from £1.02 bn in 1978 to £3.54 bn by 1984.&#13;
The funds are flush with cash and given the crisis in the industrial sector, after they haye financed the public sector borrowing requirement, there is little else left but property. Alternative invéstments to absorb their huge cash flows are just not available. The recent case of the British Rail Pension Fund illustrates the point. Itishaving to&#13;
give up its investments in art treasures and stop investing incommodities. This ispartly due to political pressure, but also because these sectors&#13;
» are just not big enough to absorb the huge sums the fund must invest. British Rail will now be forced to increase its property&#13;
investments.&#13;
ension Funds (land, property, ground rents, property unit trusts and overseas investment)&#13;
Total net investment each year&#13;
# of total net investment each year in property .&#13;
1217-| 1446 | 2208 | 2916 | 3118 2079 24% | 25%] 20%] 20% 23% | 22%&#13;
307 | 405] 406] 450] 410] 413&#13;
Of all the sources of development finance pension funds are accumulating capital fastest. Contracted contributions from millions of individ- uals to company and union pensions ensure a cont- rolled and steady income to the funds essentially Sree from the vagaries of the investmentmarket.&#13;
_ By the middle of March 1979 the Financial Times Property Share Index stood at 332. The Estates Times’ Bruce Kinloch argued:&#13;
Pension fund capital is likely to fuel anew develop- ment boom, but would large-scale investment in commercial property be to the advantage of either the social or economic interest of the millions of contributors to the funds ? et&#13;
‘not even during those heady days of 1973 was the sector rising so fast. If, as many brokers believe, we are only seeing the beginning of the next property share boom, the 1973 high of 357.40 points could be passed by the endofMarch. Idoubtifthemarket has got itwrong, although many&#13;
The property market has not been in a healthierstatesince1974thanitisnow. 1978 sawasignificant Tevival ofactivity , especially in London, and all thesigns indicate that, givena little push, a&#13;
brokers are stil] being very cautious towards the sector. In effect some&#13;
&#13;
 peeeee&#13;
Conurbation&#13;
relatively very expensive, Indeed, those living in city centres today are either the very rich, or inhabitants of council dwellings, or people living in overcrowded conditions, or else the very old, whose housing choices do not reflect the current pattern of land values. As the cost per unit of housing has increased in central areas, the suburbs have become relatively More attractive to those who have the ability to mi-&#13;
Table 2&#13;
Employment in suburban location (outside city ‘core’) as a percentage of all conurbation employment, 1971.&#13;
Tables (Table 5)&#13;
many different factors, not least the desire for in- creased space and the availability of transport lines, but increasing land values at the centre of the city, due at least partly to commercial development, is certainly one important factor encouraging people to move out to the suburbs, Having got there, many face a much longer, and more expensive, journey&#13;
to work, since jobs have not moved to the suburbs at anything like the same rate as people have moved. In Particular, Table 1 shows that office employment, despite considerable suburbanisation in theperiod 1966 to 1971, remains more centralised in themajor&#13;
THE PLIGHT OF SUBURBAN WOME&#13;
Intensivecommercialdevelopmentisgenerallycone aiyen ae diistricts.Concentratioinofcapititalalincentralareasgiivvesrisetoto thetheciconcen ercial,industrialandresidentialuseoflandwithcorrespondingdistributionoFaad opportunitiesoftheclassiccitymodel.Insspiteofacontemporary ee pote oe commercial development into the suburbs, the arrangement of functions within ps capital- ist city is a major factor which militates against equal employment opportunities for women argues Jacqueline Tivers.&#13;
The large capitalist city has aCentral BusinessDis- trict, an area more or less clearly defined according to the individual city’s importance and the strength of capitalist development in the country concerned. The C.B.D. is the heart of commercial development in the city, drawing in workers from surrounding suburbs and expelling them back to their homes at the end of each day.&#13;
S&#13;
Who are these workers? A lot of them are women,&#13;
employed inofficejobs. Mostly theyareyoung and&#13;
single, or newly-married -indeed, ‘glamour’ is an&#13;
essential ingredient of the job in many cases. What&#13;
happenstothesesamewomenwhentheybecome tactwithsuppliersandcustomers,andalsocompeti- mothers? How does the form of the capitalist city&#13;
servetoreinforce‘traditional’familyroles? _ a&#13;
Commercial development, land use zones, and employment&#13;
The land use models of neoclassical economics structure the city in a series of zones. In the centre of the city commercial development takes pride of, place. Further out, industrial plants become the principal users of land, and even further out these give way to houses and zssociated community fac- ilities. This land use zonation implicitly assumes the existence of capitalism, but does not explicitly refer to it. If we are to understand the spatial structure of the city it is essential that we take full account of the economic and social structure within which cities grow and develop.&#13;
Table 1.&#13;
Employment in suburban locations (outside city core’) as a percentage of all conurbation employment, 1966 and 1971,&#13;
Al1_in employment _(¢)&#13;
tion between firms ensure that head offices will be locatedclosetoeachother.Thisproximityisfound in the centre of big cities and it is therefore heréthat C.B.D.’s develop. As individual firms become bigger and bigger, and the number of firms declines relatively, the tendency to centralisation increases. Office functions become increasingly detached from other production areas.&#13;
Womenwiththroremeore&#13;
dependent children 68.6 75.0&#13;
arises because of the need for specific head office functions. So long as individual firms are small ; (whether industrial firms or commercial institutions, like banks), officefunctions are not segregated from other aspects of production. Once a firm has a numb of branches, however, there is a need for a central- ised administrative function. This could, theoretical} be located anywhere, if one considers only the indiy-&#13;
Table 3&#13;
1974 1976 Women with no dependent children 26.5 25.0&#13;
. Women with one dependent&#13;
idual firm in isolation. However, the head office re- quiresawholerangeofexternally-providedprofess- ional services. In addition, many other firms are also enlarging and setting up administrative centres. Con-&#13;
child 55.6 58.5 68.3 70.8&#13;
One result of this process of office centralisation is a sharp rise in central city land yalues. In turn, the mise in land values discourages other types of develop- ment, and these are forced outwards to less central cations. Here we can see the formation of the land&#13;
use zones described by urban modellers.&#13;
In particular, housing in central areas becomes&#13;
Clerical workers (&lt;) grate. Amongst these the largest proportion are nuclear families, both with and without children at&#13;
the time of moving,&#13;
The suburbanisation of housing has resulted from&#13;
English conurbations than employment in general. This isespecially true in Greater London.&#13;
Souree::&#13;
As Table 1&#13;
Women with two dependent children&#13;
Total Source:&#13;
40.0 43.1 General Household Survey, 1976 Report (0.P.C.S., London)&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE'1]&#13;
i&#13;
The increase in part-time employment amongst women workers has been very significant in recent years. In 1961, one-quarter of al women in employ- ment were in part-time jobs. By 1976, the percent- age had risen to 43 per cent. Table 3 shows how im- portant children are in determining whether a woman will work part-time. Over the five year period 1971 to 1976, the percentage of part-time workers increased in al categories except that of women with no dep- endent children, and itisnotable that the highest in- crease occurred amongst women with large families.&#13;
Women working part-time asapercentage of _alwomen inemployment, 1971 and 1976&#13;
(Great Britain).&#13;
Labour power, reproduction, ideology, and women’s employment.&#13;
Commercial development, as part of the structure of capitalism, depends directly upon wage labour. It isalso dependent on the reproduction of labourpower. Not only must new workers be produced and suitably Socialised, but adult workers must be cared forand Supported on a daily basis. This is the roleof married women in our society. But women are also needed&#13;
as employees themselves -indeed, an army of women commute daily into central city offices.&#13;
The contradiction is resolved by splitting the pot- ential work force. Young and mainly unmarried&#13;
(or at least childless) women are encouraged by high salaries to work in the city centres, where their youth and attractiveness in any case serve as an added bonus to impression-conscious employers. (At a much later Stage in life, women with grown-up children may re- turn to similar, but less ‘glamourous’ jobs.) Once married with young children, existing ideology dic- tates that they should become the lynch-pin of the family, and closely circumscribes their outside em- ployment opportunities. Since they are to beprim- arily responsible for care of the children (in the abs- ence of both sex equality, and the provision of state child-care facilities) they are no longer able to work the long hours and commute the long distances which would enable them to keep their relatively high status, old jobs. They remain, however, anindispensible&#13;
part of the wider labour force -a ‘marginal’ pool of labour, willing to accept any type of employment so long as it is both part-time and locally- or home- based.&#13;
The need to work near (or at) home, in order to Save time-consuming, expensive journeys to work, and in order to be ‘on hand’ for the children, means that most women have to accept lower status jobs than those previously Occupied. A survey amongst women with young children, which Iundertook in a south London suburb in 1977, found that 70 per cent of those out at work travelled for no more than 10 minutes to get to their jobs (and only 8 per cent worked in central London, while 40 per cent of those who were employed before the birth of theirchildren travelled up to town each day, being mainly office workers). In addition, only 30 per cent of workers were in the same jobs as they occupied before they became mothers, while nearly half were doing work of a definitely inferior status. In general there had been a change from higher to lower grade work, or from clerical work as a whole into sales work, clean- ing or childminding.&#13;
Tyncside&#13;
S.E. lancashire Merseyside&#13;
West Midlands Greater London&#13;
80.8 82.5 88.4 89.1 7 83.7 91.4 91.3 69.8 69.4&#13;
68.1 72.6 73.0 77-7 60.3 71.0 80.2 80.7 50.3 52.3,&#13;
1966 _ 1971&#13;
1966 1971&#13;
Source: Calculated from 1966 and 1971 Census - Workplace and Transport&#13;
However, high land costs in the city centres also in turn have their influence on commercialdevelopment. It becomes increasingly difficult to justify the enorm- us expenditure devoted to head office functions, Rationalisation of such expenditure ensures that the truly managerial functions remain in centrallocations, but there is a tendency for lower-order, clerical func- tions to be decentralised to lower cost locations. 1971 Census figures indicate the higher degree of suburban- isation of lower grade clerical work, although the job categories are not very clear-cut in these official stat- istics (see Table 2).&#13;
Conurkation&#13;
Higher grade clerical employnent (junior administrative posts, senior secretaries, etc.)&#13;
Lower grade clerica) employment ( e.g. tvpisis, clerks)&#13;
Tyneside&#13;
S.E. Iancashire Merscyside&#13;
West Midlands Greater London&#13;
61.6 74.8 68.5 78.6 55.6&#13;
73.3 79.7 72.9 82.4 57-1&#13;
Commercial development in central locations&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 10&#13;
&#13;
 The jobs occupied reflected the local avail- ability of part-time employment, as well as the ideological constraint of limited career aspirations. Table 2 has already indicated the greater degree of suburbanisation of lower grade clerical work over higher grade employment, and Table4illustrates the easier availability of sales work in suburban areas compared to clerical work as a whole. This is especially true in Greater London, and could partly account for the switch in jobs from clerical to sales work experienced by my survey respondants.&#13;
Employment opportunities for suburban mothers&#13;
* The continued centralisation of admini- strative and and higher clerical functions in central city locations serves to diminish acutely the range of occupations open to suburban mothers, so long as existig ideology concerning family roles continues to dominate both individual and government atti- tudes to child care. But this ideology itself supports the whole capitalist system by ensuring the repro- duction of labour power, so it is unlikely that the relative distribution of job opportunities will change markedly, simply to reduce employment inequalities for women. Suburban mothers are a useful, “marginal labour force- relatively contented with low wages and poor quality work, so long as hours are flexible and the work is near home. This sort of employment is being increasingly decentralised from central city locations since it does not justify a high expenditure&#13;
on land costs. a&#13;
But the needs of capital are dynamic, not&#13;
static. Over a century ago, most women worked very long hours -the need for an immediate labour force displacing the requirement of its reprodution from the position of greatast importance. After the last War, women were no longer required to keep the nation going and a new ideology, based on the generalised concept of ‘maternal deprivation’, emerged to keep them firmly in the home. At&#13;
the present time, women with children provide&#13;
an essential ‘peripheral’ labour force, both being actively in paid employment, and also taking the predominant role in domestic work and child&#13;
care. It remains to be seen what direction the&#13;
needs of capital, including those of commercial development. will tend in the future.&#13;
All government attempts to intervene in, or control the activities of commercial developers of land have foundered and the most recent, the Community Land Act passed by the 1974 Labour government isno exception. The principle behind the&#13;
Community Land Act was that the people should&#13;
It is within the powers of the State to bring the land market under control and replace it with a tational system where land is allocated and devel- oped according to social need. Nationalisation of land out of the investment-speculation market. Over the past 60 years the Labour Party have re-&#13;
'peatedly expressed their intention to nationalise land.&#13;
Land nationalisation is a vital necessity.&#13;
1918 Manifesto&#13;
The Labour Party proposes to restore to the people their lost right in the land.....&#13;
1923 Appeal to the Nation&#13;
The party will deal drastically with the scandal of appropriation of land values by private landowners, It will take steps to secure for the community the increased value of land which is created by industry&#13;
Table 4 — employment, 1971.&#13;
Clerical workers&#13;
72.6 77-7 71.0 80.7 52.3&#13;
Sales workers&#13;
73-7 85.7 81.0 86.3 72.4&#13;
and the expenditure of publicmoney, 1929 Manifesto.&#13;
~seturned to power in 1974, itwas under great pressure to come up with some solutions to the problems created by financial ownership.&#13;
_Firstly, the negative effects of the ‘Land and Property boom’ were manifested most acutely on the spatial structuring of urban areas. Inner city housing was particularlybadly effected by commercial devel- opment. Tenants and community action groups sprung up everywhere and, together with Trades Councils and Trade Unions, Demanded land nation- alisation.&#13;
Secondly the effects of the boom were also felt by the owner-occupied housing sector. This, inturn, effected the cost of living and, thus, the necessary wage. It also made entry into the owner-occupied housing sector extremely difficult and this created problems for the Labour Government as it was trying to encourage owner-occupation through mortgage sub- sidies.&#13;
Thirdly, the social responsibility of financial instit- utions was called into question. An investigation into their investment policies by Counter Infomation Servicesconcludedthatenormous amounts)of production capital were being diverted into the hands of property owners, many of whom were already incredibly rich.&#13;
Finally, British industry was undergoing asevere profitability crisis whilst, at the same time, financial landowners were muking enormous profits. The labour Governement would have to deal with this anomoly if&#13;
long term wage restraints were to be negotiated with the the trade unions. :&#13;
When in 1974, the Labour Gevernment published its White paper on land it seemed that the long- awaited first step towards a rational Land System had at last arrived. Their initial concerns and objectives were:&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 13&#13;
benifit, at least financially, from commercial devel- opment through the Act's mechanism for transférr- ingfinancial gains in land values due todevelop- ment from private to local authority hands. Andy Brown recounts how the act has never beenfully implemented and has failed to fulfill it’s promise.&#13;
Employment in suburban locations (outside city ‘core’) as a percentage of all conurbation&#13;
ened to tax not only realised but also unrealised Andy Brown is a mem- developmentgains,therewasconsiderabledoubtabout beroftheSlateEdit- the future profitabilityof I;nd and property. Asset orial committee.&#13;
A COMMUNUNITY LAND ACT ?&#13;
values began to drop. Concurrantly, interest rates rose dramatically, from 7 to 13% between July and Nov. 1973. In addition, the Government imposed Testrictions onlending to the private sector, The combination of a rents freeze and increasing interest charges proved catastrophic. Rental incomes and borrowing ability were no longer able to meet loan payments andmany small companies went out of business. A, complete&#13;
collapse of the property sector was only averted through the intervention and support of the Bank of England.&#13;
It was widely held in the early 1970’s that the&#13;
activitiesof the financial landowners were damaging to the national economy. When a Labour Government was&#13;
towards it..... we will provide for a revenue of public funds for ‘betterment’.&#13;
1945 Let Us Face The Future.&#13;
The first requirement isto end the scrabblefor&#13;
building land. Labour will, therefore, setup a Land Commission to buy ,for the Community, land upon which building or rebuilding is to take Place. Instead of paying the inflated market rates that have now reached exorbitant levels, the Crown Land Commission e buythelandatapricebaseduponitsexistinguse value,&#13;
1964 Manifesto.&#13;
Labour believes in land natiozalisation and will work ~&#13;
(The land Commission never became Operative asitwas&#13;
abolished by the incoming Tory Government in 1970.) Despite their stated intentions successive Labour Goy- ernments have consistantly failed in their efforts to intervene in the private system of land ownership.&#13;
During the 1971-73 period, the country witnessed a major ‘land and property’ boom’. The credit relax- ation and expansionist monetary policy initiated by the new Tory Party made it easier for the land and Property marketeers to borrow money from banks&#13;
and enabled the land investment-speculation market to take off. Large ammouts of money capital were invested in land ownership by insurancecompanies pension funds and property companies. An unprece dented concentration ofcommercialdevelopment&#13;
(particularly Offices, but also hotels, conference centres, etc.) mainly within the major metropolitan areas took Place during this period.&#13;
But the activities of these financial landowners could onlybe sustained as long as rents and asset values of land and property continued to rise. When in 1972 the Government froze business rents and, in 1973, threat-&#13;
&#13;
 12 PAGE 14&#13;
The first objective was to be achieved by bringing © development land into public ownership through a Community Land Act. Local Authorities would be given first the power, then the duty, to compulsorily purchase land for development. The second objective was to be achieved by means ofaDevelop- -ment Land Tax. Increases in land values brought&#13;
about by the granting of planning permissions for development would be taxed at a rate of 80%.&#13;
Even more damaging to the original proposals was the Government’s concession to the property lobby, that the Community Land Act is to be introduced in slow motion. For astart, from the ‘First Appointed Day’ in April 1976, local authorities need only buy relevant development land if they feel like it. They are under no compulsion. Only when the ‘Second Appointed Day arrives will local Authorities be obliged to acquire al relevant development land. John Silkin, the Minister responsible for theAct said that a period of at least 10 years is likely to elapse before the ‘Second Appointed Day’ will be fixed. In reality, the ‘second Appointed DAy’ will probably never arrive.&#13;
While we are waiting for the ‘Second Appointed Day’ to arrive, modifications made to the levels and tates of Development Land Tax are assisting land owners to maintain their profitability. The original rate of 80% only applies to development gains in excess of £160,000. The first £10,000 of gain in each year is tax free; while the next £150,000 of gain is taxed at the lower rate of 66.67%. In addition, allowances to cover interest charges and other qualified allowances should provide opport- -unities for financial landowners with a number of ways to cook their books.&#13;
The Community Land Act became lew in 1975&#13;
and the Development Land Tax Act, in 1976. From the outset the developers and financiers, who were the the primary targets of the Acts, exerted massive pressure on the Government, principally through the British Property Federation and the Institute of Chartered Surveyors, to make the legislation work&#13;
in their own interest. Originally violently opposed to the proposed legislation, they eventually agreed to&#13;
in making the new ‘modified’ legislation work; but on their terms. The principal concern of the financial landowners and their backers was that the level of profit they require should not be threatened.&#13;
The number of English Local Authorities who have implemented the Community Land Act is small enough to have been almost outnumbered by the number of documents issued by the DOE explaining its use. Only 1'50 out of 411 Local Authorities have purchased land under the Act during 1976-78.&#13;
At the same time there are signs that the land and property market is beginning to pick up. Both the value of land and the demand for office office space have increased. Property companies have used the recovery period after the ‘boom’ to regularise their finances and consolidate their assets. The financial institutuions are bursting with funds and looking for profitable markets in which to allocate them. Large&#13;
building contractors are intensifying their interests in land and property and already derive a substantial income from rents (mostly from offices and shopping centres.)&#13;
A Tory victory in the forthcoming General Election will be a death knell for the Community Land Act and a sounding horn for a new round of ‘land and property” speculation. In the workds of Hugh Rossi, Tory spokesperson on Housing; “We have a very firm, absolute commitment to repeal (the Community&#13;
Land Act) at the first evailable opportunity.” He&#13;
goes on to say that a Tory Government would also introduce a reduced level of Development Land Tax payable on realised (but not unrealised) development gains. Without a return to Goyernment by the&#13;
Labour Party and an immediate announcement of&#13;
the ‘Second Appointed Day’ there will be little chance ofstarting off a renewed round of commercial develop- ‘ment. The urban and wider social economic problems posed by financial landownership will remain unresolved. The Community Land Act and Develop- -ment Larid Tax Act will join the scrap heap of brave words already spoken on land nationalisation over&#13;
the past 60 years.&#13;
However the Government's original proposals were considerably modified both during the formulation of the Bills and during their passage through Parliament. The definition of development land came under attack. The Government had originally proposed two categories; “relevant” and “non- televant”’ development land. But under pressure&#13;
from the property lobby, these were expanded to three, “relevant”, “exempt” and “excepted”. Relevant development israther obscurely defined by what is not, that is, all development except&#13;
1. excempt development&#13;
2. excepted development&#13;
3. building of a single dwelling house&#13;
After prolonged wraxgles in Parliament the Land to be included in each category was agreed.&#13;
Exempt development comprises, firstly, categories of development which do not require planning permission and, secondly, agriculture, forestry and mining developments. Land in this exempted category is legally outside the new compulsory aquisition powers of L8cal Authorities.&#13;
Excepted development covers, firstly, ‘minor’ developments including industrial premises up to 1500 sq.m, other developments under 1000 sq.m, adding less than 10% to existing buildings, etc. Secondly, it covers any development on land which, on 12 September 1974&#13;
1. had planning permission&#13;
2. was owned by an industrial undertaker&#13;
3. was owned bya builder or residential or industrial developer.&#13;
Local Authorities are legally entitled, but not bound to aquire ‘excepted’ development land.&#13;
By inference ‘relevant’ appears to consist of&#13;
mainly urban land which did not have planning permission on the prescribed date and, on that same date, was not owned by an industrial undertaker, a builder or a residentail or industrial developer.&#13;
Most land owned by financial institutions and&#13;
property companies fall into the “excepted” develop- “ment category. Itisalready developed (mostly as ‘prime’ office space) and will not be obsolescent&#13;
for some time. It is unlikely that Local Authorities will choose to purchase this highly expensive land&#13;
for ‘relevant development’. This leaves land held by financial institutions and property companies which&#13;
is Suitable for development and does not have planning&#13;
permission. In practice, this does not amount to very very much. land.&#13;
e&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 15&#13;
1. to ensure the community to control the develop ment of land in accordance with its needs and priorities and&#13;
2. to restore to the community the increase in value of of land arising from its efforts.&#13;
co-operate with the Government and Local Authorities -&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE 12 PAGE 16&#13;
PLANNING SYSTEM ON TRIAL&#13;
attention to this fact for a number of years, and the rate of local shop and school closures recently has proved their point. (towards the end of last year the ILEA moved closure notices on two out of the remaining three Waterloo schools because of falling ‘pupil rolls’). The London-based Campaign for Family Housing, recently formed by community groups from North Southwark, Covent Garden,Fitzrovia, Battersea and Waterloo has emphasised that this loss in family accomo- dation throughout Central London is the most immediate threat to community life in the capital.&#13;
Campaign for Family *‘ousing led to&#13;
the formation of theeInner City Alliance with&#13;
community groups from other English Cities and at their conferences it has become clear that the Government's understanding of inner city&#13;
problems and needs is radically different from the understanding of those actually living in these areas. The South Bank Inquiry should be a major opportunity to publically debate these differences.&#13;
Community setf-help on trial&#13;
There is little doubt that the treatment of the Waterloo District Plan at the South Bank Inquiry will have a substantial impact on the willingness&#13;
of individualsand community organisations to invest the considerable time needed to make public participation in planning a reality. At a time when Authorities throughout the Country are moving towards the consultative stages of the Local Plan process, it would be disatrous forthe first major test of the efficacy of District’Plans to show that the DoE and private devlopers are prepared to&#13;
tide rough-shod over the results of five years of public participation. Further the efficacy of positive intervention in the planning process will&#13;
be judged by the success or failure of the Association of Waterloo Groups’ initiative in submitting its own planning application for the South Bank sites.&#13;
NATIONAL THEATRE&#13;
The Association’s action puts to the test the Government’s verbal commitments to encourage self-help.&#13;
Public Inquiry system on trial&#13;
Commercial Properties Ltd., the Heron Corporation and Lambeth Council have each appointed QCs and supporting teams to prepare and present their cases at the Public Inquiry. The GLC have put their&#13;
In the late seventies it is easy to assume that set - piéce struggles between local communities and comm: ercial developers are a thing of the past now that&#13;
the emphasis in town planning is on conservation&#13;
and gradual renewal rather tha: comprehensive&#13;
redevelopment. Developers and indeed some local councils, may not see eye to eye with new trends in town planning. However, two large-scale develop- ments proposed in Baker St. and behind the Nation-&#13;
The Secretary of State for the Environment has announced a major public enquiry to be held this summer into the future of 16 acres of Loddon’s South Bank. The inquiry has implications far beyond the manifest dispute, over, whether this part of Central London should be used for a&#13;
hotel and over 14million square feet of offices or for low rise homes andariverside park.&#13;
On trial at the inquiry will be:&#13;
The new planning system (introduced in 1971) with its commitment to public participation. The Government’s Inner City Policy.&#13;
The efficacy of community self-help activity The equity of the Public Inquiry system, and The future of residential communities through- out Central London&#13;
The land under dispute lies between the National Theatre (by Waterloo Bridge in North Lambeth) and the Kings Reach Development ( by Blackfriars Bridge in North Southwark). The main parties to the dispute are:&#13;
The local community represented by the Association of Waterloo Groups ( the local Neighbourhood Council) and the North Southwark Community DevelopmentGroup. The Association has applied for planning permission to develope seven sites for housing and ariverside walk and park.&#13;
Lambeth Council which has applied for planning permission to develope four sites for housing, and&#13;
The Heron Corporation and Commercial Properties Ltd, (back by the Greater London&#13;
al Theatre in London fly in the face of the more sensitive planning policies that evolved out of many years of community struggles and threaten to rey- erse many of the gains made. Ian Tuckett examines the particular significance of the forthcoming Pub- lic Inquiry over the proposals for the South Bank site while Sarah Gillam visits Baker Street to find&#13;
out about the possible consequences of redevelop- ment there.&#13;
tequires relevant Authorities to draw up Structure Plans (e.g., the Greater London Development Plan, finally approved by the Secretary of State in July 1976) and then to produce more detailed plans (e.g., the District Plans now being drawn up by&#13;
~ Authorities throughout the Country). It is at this Local Plan stage that the 1971 Act intends grass- roots participation to take place.&#13;
_ The Waterloo District Plan was adopted in September 1977 after five years of public’ consultation-and participationJt was confirmed by the Secretary of State in Afigust 1978 and is London’s first District Plan, ft is one of the few District Plans in the Country to have passed through al the stages required by the 1971 Act. The essential features of the Plan are “a substantial&#13;
emphasis en housing and a severe restzaint on further office development ” in the Waterloo area. The South Bank sites are shown as the only substantial ones available for new housing. Any office development of these sites would therefore effectively undermine the whole Plan. The South Bank Inquiry is therefore a test case for the new planning system and for publicparticipation.&#13;
Inner City Policoyn trial&#13;
: :&#13;
lanning, valuation and legal staff at the disposal of e private developers” teams. In contrast, the local&#13;
In June 1977 the Government issued a white - permissiontodeveopeninesitesforwhatwould papercommitingitselftotheregenerationofInner&#13;
Council) who have applied for planning&#13;
be Europe's talles. skyscraper hotel ,over 144 million square feet of offices — equivalent to nine Centrepoint size blocks -flats and a riverside walk.&#13;
City araas. A number of particularly deprived areas were chosen for ‘Partnership’ arrangements whereby the Government would cooperate with local and other public authorities in an attempt to break the cycle of deprivation afflicting these areas. Waterloo&#13;
The sites are mainly owned by the GLC and&#13;
designatedforhousingandopenspaceintheWaterloo isintheLambethPartnershiparea:Boththe, ~~&#13;
=e ei&#13;
District Plan. Lambeth Council have asked the Government to approve a Compulsory Purchase Order, allowing it to purchase the land from the GLC#What the DOE has called a ‘vastInquiry’&#13;
into the planning applications and the CPO, will start in May 1979. The Government expect the Inquiry to last at least eight weeks.&#13;
Following the growth in power of the consumer movement in the 1960s, a new system ofplanning, incorporating statutory duties to consult thepublic in drawing up plans, was introduced by the 1971 Town and Country Planning Act. The new system&#13;
Partnership Committee (in its submission to the Secretary of State) and Lambeth Council have&#13;
be ‘economically’ maintained:&#13;
e2 S&#13;
ae)Fs i&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 17&#13;
2s= 6&#13;
community groups rely solely on volunteers, The DoE have said that, despite regular requests,&#13;
the Government have not'seen fit to extend thelegal aid scheme to community groups, and that the Association of Waterloo Groups will not receive&#13;
any Central Government grant to meet the costs of @Particjpating-in the Public In quiry. Hiring Counsel&#13;
on a similar basis f the other three planning applicants would cost in the region of £25,000 becatise of the expected duration of the enquiry. Itseems clear that this ‘Public Inquiry’ system is weighted very heavily in favour of commercial&#13;
developers and aginst the general public&#13;
A vital decision for Waterloo and for&#13;
London&#13;
The Waterloo community has suffered much&#13;
from post-war developments but it has maintained&#13;
a strong sense of identity and has united to fight off the threat to its future posed by the office developers. However, the South Bank Inquiry is also important because it raises the general question as to whether the Central London area is to retain any of its&#13;
stable residential communities. Stable communities need a permanent base of families with some commitment to their area. Families need decent homes and, according to recent changes in Govern- ment policies, these must be low-rise homes. There is not sufficient of this sort of accommodation in Central London at present and, if stable commun-&#13;
Planning magazine recently commented that&#13;
“ Waterloo is not just a battle between specicific Office developers and the local community. It is Not too melodramatic to claim that the new- look development planning system ison trial”.&#13;
Stated that if new houses are not builitn Watérlog”— and iffurther office development isnot restrict then the local community wil be destroyed.&#13;
is because the loss af. family accomédatfonin the&#13;
area (caused by redevelopment) has.lead to’a drop in the residential population below the level'at which local shops, schools and ther amenities can&#13;
1 eWaterloo, et CommunityDevelopmentGro(aucopmmunity&#13;
pibeetl ganisation formediduring the distr&#13;
lanconsultation petiéd) has ben drav sp PRES)HASPepiat&#13;
we #&#13;
&#13;
 I&#13;
a&#13;
&gt;&#13;
Yet another office block going up, you may say sadly to yourself. Why is this always happening? Even more important how does ithappen? To try and find out Icycled off to Baker Street, scene of the latest redevelopment project in London to talk to some people involved in dispute with their landlord.&#13;
Flairlifie Properties own the island block bounded by Baker Street, George Street, Blandford Street and Manchester Street W1. Most of the buildings on the site were constructed in the late i8th century but iave been neglected over the years&#13;
so that some sort of repair work is needed if they are to be restored to their previous elegance. The buildings house workshops, residential accomm- odation, offices and shops which are juxtaposed haphazardly around the block. The rents are low for the area but have obviously been so for some time since the site houses many small businesses and workshops, some of which have been there for over 20 or 30 years. It would seem reasonable to assume that Flairline Properties do not reap large financial benefits from the site in its existing form.&#13;
Flairline Properties must have been mulling over the future of their site for some time and came up with a solution&#13;
in July last year. They hired the services of a group of architects, Fitzroy&#13;
Robinson and Partners to redesign the block with accommodation for alarge international corporation in mind —&#13;
Davy Power Gas Ltd is the prospective client. The scheme involves the demolition of the 18th century buildings on Baker Street to be replaced bya five storey modern block accommodating shops offices and arestaurant. The Georgian facades of the remaining perimeter of the square are to be refurbished while the interians are to be rebuilt to create&#13;
SS SS&#13;
VA. th =&#13;
larger flats and some shops. The ‘central core’ is to be redeveloped to accomm— odate an underground car park, light industrial space at ground floor level and roof garden at first floor level.&#13;
The developers — Flairline Properties notified the tenants of the proposed re— development scheme in July 1978 and Westminster City Planning department posted notices around the blockalittle later. At first the tenants were rather startled by this ambitious plan, they began to understand why requests for repairs had been ignored; why they had received letters from estate agents&#13;
acting on behalf of FP offering to purchase the end of leases, flats had been made uninhabitable when tenants moved out and rent fefused from some tenants, implying that they were there illegally.&#13;
After the initial confusion someone&#13;
called a meeting and they decided to&#13;
form themselves into the George Baker Blandford Society named after the streets proposed for redevelopment. The aim of the society was to fight the implementation of the proposals, arouse public interest in their plight through meetings and organize a petition in opposition to the scheme to which over 4000 people have put their signatures. They have also produced a booklet outlining their objections to the proposals.&#13;
The tenants haye been in touch with various groups who have an interest in preserving the site in its present archit— ectural form such as the St Marylebone Society, the Committee of the Georgian Group, London Walks and the Sherlock Holmes Society. These groups and many other people have written letters ex— pressing their opposition to the scheme.&#13;
The scheme is attacked from many angles, the preservationists argue that the&#13;
proposal to concentrate the scattered shops and offices into one modern block&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 1g&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 19&#13;
BAKER STREET BLUES&#13;
driven out. Others said that by con— centratingall the office and shop space&#13;
in one block, the charm and character&#13;
of the area was lost and it made personal service that much more difficult. They&#13;
felt that the destruction of al these&#13;
features could not be justified by the office requirements, 67% increase in office floor space, of one large, international corporation whose needs could surely be met else— where, where no harm was done.&#13;
The residents said that while the proposals show an increase in residential floorspace, the units will be larger and thus result in an overall reduction of accommodation. Rents will also be increased, again drawing in a wealthier class of tenant.&#13;
The development’s car park will also attract many more vehicles causing safety hazards and further congestion in the area.&#13;
After notification from Westminster City Council in October of the plann— ing application, planning officers con— tacted the interested groups to sound out their views on redevelopment. This is usual practice in any planning applic— ation. Officers then decide whether&#13;
or not a project is viable in principle. They take into account any listed buildings and the use proposed, as well as the way the project fits into the City Plan (this is a policy statement on the borough’s town planning eg some areas may be more appropriate for offices and others for residential&#13;
accommodation). Officers compile their information and recommendations for the scheme and give this to the Town Planning Committee who decide the scheme’s fate. The Westminster Town Planning Committee is made up of 15 councillors who are voluntary and&#13;
voted in by the public.&#13;
In this particular case it seems that the proposal was rejected by the Planning Committee in December due to the architectural and historic interest of the&#13;
proposed scheme was put on display for&#13;
a day in one of the hotels in the Baker Street area accompanied by a representative from Fitzroy Robinson on hand to supply any additional information. This was&#13;
felt to be inadequate since it did not give individuals the opportunity to comprehend and analyse the proposals in detail. -&#13;
Councillor Mordue kept in touch with&#13;
the GBB Society but was hesitant in his opinion about the future of the site. Five of the councillors on the Planning Comm— ittee, however were adamant about the scheme and gave much support to the objectors. Councillor Mordue explained that he was concerned no’ only with&#13;
the past and present con¢ition of the area, but also of the future. He felt that some sort of rehabilitation scheme was necessary if the houses were not to deteriorate com— pletely. This would involve the owners having to inject capital into the site and they would expect a return on their investment. Although opposed to the present plans he believed that somesort of commercial venture was needed.&#13;
The developers have lodged an appeal for reconsideration of the scheme to the Minister of Housing who must now decide whether to reject the appeal and thus confirm the councillor’s decision or to&#13;
go ahead with it and hold a public inquiry. This would involve the appointment of an inspector to consult planning officers, the developers, architects and interested&#13;
groups involved in the case. The procedure usually takes about a year.&#13;
In the meantime the George Baker Blandford Society are preparing for more meetings to keep public interest alive and have outlined an alternative scheme for the site. This would involve retaining existing frontages, re— furbishing the buildings while maintaining&#13;
the existing craft and commercial activities albeit at increased rents.&#13;
wioeof onBakerStreetcompletelyupsetsthe architectural style and concept of the&#13;
siteie.apreservationistargumentwhich Soreturnoncapitalinvestmentseemstobe&#13;
the crux of redevelopment. Need this be the case? An alternative proposal might be the Heritage Aid Bil currently passing through Parliament. This intends to strengthen the powers of local authorities to enforce repairs on deteriorating listed buildings and allow grants ie public money for the cost of&#13;
professional advice and services. Certainly something of this nature seems necessary ifexisting buildings are not to be exploited further by property developers for private gain.&#13;
For more information please contact the George Baker Blandford Society, 39 Blandford Street, London W1.&#13;
site. They point out that the existing terraces and that part of traditional Baker Street which stil remains; and that the proposed materials to be used (large expanses of probably tinted and mirrored plate&#13;
When the tenants first heardof the proposed scheme they also contacted their local&#13;
Tory councillor Mr Mordue who advised&#13;
them on possible action. As a result, representations were made to City Hall&#13;
on a formal basis, members of the Planning Committee were invited to meet the objectors and they organized apetition. Councillor Mordue also chaired meetings - between the developers and those interested in the scheme. Those who were involved criticised the way separate meetings were arranged for the business and residential tenants with the developers. They felt this&#13;
~to be adivisive tactic. A model of the&#13;
glass curtain walling) are inappropriate and have no relationship to the existing . fabric of Georgian London.&#13;
Those who are concerned for theirlive— lihood explain that while the proposed&#13;
was accepted in toto.&#13;
Pp may be more modern, it is&#13;
likely that the rents will increase by 30-40%. It should also be noted that the proposals show a reduction of 50% of floor area devoted to light industrial Space making it almost inevitable for existing businesses to be&#13;
&#13;
 NAM introduction .&#13;
NewArchitecturemovement, 9, Poland Street, London, W1&#13;
.to return control over their environment to ordinary people ,and social responsibility and accountability to the worl: of architects....... to fund-&#13;
-amentallychangetheexistingsystemofpatronage toreturnavoiceboth&#13;
to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use its products.&#13;
‘Firstly while state welfare provision&#13;
is for the benefit of the existing social&#13;
arrangements, the means of provision&#13;
are in opposition to those ideas which&#13;
stem from and must sustain these&#13;
arrangements.Secondly,althoughlocal fundamentalcontradiction,andmore itisnecessarytomakeafewgeneralpoints authorities provide for social use and particularly to the ‘boundaries’ which seek to because the ideas contained in this book although their departments are not based sustain it ,which in effect seek to insulate nurture among certain sectorsof the left an on the extraction of a surplus from&#13;
their architectural workers, yet their&#13;
arrangements and proceedures are such&#13;
as to alienate both worker and user.’&#13;
PDS. reply to criticism&#13;
democratisation and deprofessionalisation of architecture. It is misleading to believe that this is more likely to be achieved in community architecture initiatives.&#13;
It is obviously important to relate Government funding of any enterprise to the role of the state as described in the&#13;
May 1978 Public Design Group’s paper which is briefly summarised in this&#13;
article. If the state is funding the voluntary sector it can only be in an attempt to conceal contradictions which are being exposed in the public sector. And according&#13;
consumer from producer.&#13;
There are many boundaries .Two&#13;
existing distaste for the public sector. Cynthia Cockbum sets out to prove and is able to amass considerable evidence that&#13;
Distaste for the public sector with its elected members, committees and standing orders runs deep in the souls of architects. It has done so for over a hundred years Only the arguments change to suit current fashions. Even the Jesuits must env:&#13;
system of education, which in five y&#13;
is able to reinforce the general ideology with its own particular variant to the extent that the heathen as well as the faithful are imbued with an unshakable belief in the virtue and necessity of the independent priesthood.&#13;
But the local authorities and their departments of architecture exist for spec- ific historical reasons.* For equally spec- ific reasons the continuous antagonism from the right rises to a peak during times of economic crisis (eg. in the thirties, the immediate post-war years and the present time)&#13;
would be better and cheaper if undertaken&#13;
by several small private contractors. While&#13;
these ideas ignore the historical forces which&#13;
made the services public in the first place,&#13;
they underline the mounting pressure to&#13;
take over certain public services by an&#13;
increasingly desparate private sector. In&#13;
addition there have been fairly explicit&#13;
references to the other advantages con—&#13;
ferred by small scale operations. Namely&#13;
they would either not be unionised at al, to our theory at least, such small scale&#13;
We argued that the answer to these para-&#13;
doxes is to be found in theories which&#13;
explain the state’s role in society. It is&#13;
the state’s function to secure the repro-&#13;
duction of the labour force (by providing&#13;
various welfare services) and also the&#13;
reproduction of existing social relations,&#13;
the most important of these that labour&#13;
stays in the same relation to capital, ie. the&#13;
reproduction of the classes. It was further&#13;
argued that the state can only carry out&#13;
either or both of these functions at the&#13;
expense of the social relations of production, the users. They will reduce boundaries.&#13;
or they would be so fragmented that coll- ective industrial action would be difficult. As far as public architecture is concern-&#13;
ed we can anticipate a more sustained attack from the RIBA in their forthcoming report&#13;
on the state of council architecture, than they were able to mount in the CAWG teport on community architecture. When the CAWG people were formulating their arguments to Freeson they were obviously&#13;
initiatives are more likely to maintain the existing social relations since they are quasi-private and conform to that model. That is not to say that they also do not contain their own contradictions which may be exploited. But professionals who act in this sector in preference to the public sector would be well advised to consider their preference in relation to the role of the state and to their own professional ideology. As the radical .&#13;
Interim proposals were put forward as firat but necessary steps which would at the same time extend democracy within the office and pave the way for full worker control, and alsa create the potential for a closer relationship with&#13;
These crises give rise to suggestions&#13;
that local authority departments of arch- unable and probably unwilling to identify momentum of law centres is diluted they&#13;
Separately for a moment it will be seen&#13;
that the barriers described by Malpass which Equally, only an organised department can —and ithas been—a totally false picture&#13;
itecture should be dismantled, the work parcelled out to consultants with a few public architects remaining to act as expert clients. These periodic attempts to achieve a lasting solution are not confined to departments of architecture. During the&#13;
vulgar commercialism as more important than service to the community. Others who are less liberal and who have more to lose will no doubt be less inhibited in their prescriptions. Both however represent different approaches to the same economic problem, that is, how to get work away from the public sector.&#13;
are beginning to to look increasingly like the launching pad for the legal establishment of the 1990's.&#13;
The theories of the state and of public architecture on which the report ‘Comm- unity Architecture: A Public Design Service’” was based were published in the May 1978 Conference papers already referred to. These theories drew mainly on the work of Althusser (‘Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays’) and were&#13;
CLIENTS BECOME IMPATIENT&#13;
exist between architects and users, do not result from the first (the provision of services to secure the reproduction of the labour force). The barriers are rather the result of of the need for local government&#13;
to ensure that all aspects of the social telations are maintained intact. Thus, in Our society which is based on individual achievement through competition with other individuals, housing came to be regarded as a right, this would conflict with&#13;
offer anything to tenants’ groups or other council workers.&#13;
will emerge.&#13;
That is not to say that Cynthia Cockburn&#13;
says too much about the State. The problem is that she does not say enough. The analysis is not wide ranging enough either&#13;
recent public sector manual workers&#13;
strike there have been arguments, including&#13;
an article in the London Evening Standard.&#13;
advocating that education, some aspects of envisaged by the Public Design Group health care and of course garbage disposal&#13;
bitter complaint in anoffice that is what you organise around. Similarly, if, in the public offices ,the proposals were to have any meaning they had to provide solutions to the most commonly voiced frustrations&#13;
Ly is&#13;
DoorEAE "nate TERT&#13;
COMMUNITY ARCHIE TEKT&#13;
Lag aef tenislo o&#13;
SLATE 12 PAGE 20&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 21&#13;
anid BRENTERT|&#13;
WHY DONT You BE LIKE ME?&#13;
The longer term potential for change calls for fundamental steps towards&#13;
developed to describe the realities of local authority practice. They were illu- strated bya historical study and contemp- orary examples. We argued that local authority provision and public architect-&#13;
| ural practice contained two main para- doxes;&#13;
the basis of the society. One or other must be eroded, but both are necessary if the social order is to be maintained.” (May 1978 PDSGrouppaperP26)&#13;
It was suggested that in an attempt to _ overcome this contradiction, conditions have arisen which effectively place ‘boundaries’ around State provision in order to secure the reproduction of social telations. And, since the resolution of contradictions is the mechanism whereby historical progress ismade, it was necessary for us to address ourselves to this&#13;
while being within the grasp of an organised workforce. (The history of how this has been fought for in Haringey will hopefully bedescribedinalaterSLATE)&#13;
and that this is the profound contradiction faced by the state. It can only carry out its’ function in society by putting the social order at risk. The functions of the state thus distort the pure form of capitalist ideology.&#13;
Although these two aspects of the State’s&#13;
function are indivisible, if they are regarded&#13;
New boundazies will undoubtedly appear but that is progress. Reforms do not have to stay within the logic of the system and the proposals which we are pursuing break the logic of capitalist production and ideology.&#13;
There was a second aspect to this. The interim proposals can only be achieved through the collective action of the staff.&#13;
only were identified ,but they were important since they divide arcaitect and architect as well as architect and building user. They were office hierarchies and function based teams. The boundaries between architect and building worker will form the subject of a later Public Design Group paper.&#13;
local authorities in general and liberal/left Labour councils in particular are bad news. It is unfortunate and possibly significant that over three quaters of a book is given over to a closely documented demolition&#13;
job. The case studies do not illustrate the dialectical nature of the State’s role and, however correct they are, they tel only one side of the story .Positive, although very generalised comments come on all too few pages at the end. E.g.,&#13;
“The contradictions are not so immobilising as they seem, because, in&#13;
their particular shape and form they&#13;
are always changing and so opening up&#13;
new possibilities for action.”&#13;
The SLATE reviewers could be forgiven&#13;
for not catching on to this remark as it does not occur until the last page. The overall meaning conveyed by the Local State is thus controlled by the ratio of hopelessness to hope. The evidence is all one way. And if this limited evidence is generalised from&#13;
Trade unionists attempting to unionise&#13;
the private sector will know that&#13;
organisation starts in the world as it&#13;
is. If unpaid overtime for example is the most historically or geographically to be taken&#13;
In commenting on the three SLATE reviews of the Public Design Group’s&#13;
report it is useful to draw out one or two points for further discussion. It appears at the outset that both Marion Roberts and Mark Gimson share a misplaced dependence on the theories of Cynthia Cockburn. While it is outside the scope of this article to carry out a detailed critique of ‘The Local State’,&#13;
as sufficient proof of a theory, in this case Althusser’s. Losses are described in detail but not gains. Itappears that what an analysis limited in time and space cannot do is to describe victories, or more acurately&#13;
2090)&#13;
&#13;
 partil victories, like council housing, GMWU, large sections of UCATT and the education and so on, which are classic TGWU, not to mention NALGO’s ‘two-edgedswords’asfarasthesocialorder 730000members.Itsoundsratherlikethe isconcerned. Further more they (and the&#13;
setting up of Local Governmentitself for thatmatter)weretheresultofstruggle.&#13;
COOPERATIVE ? UNLIMITEDCOMPANY? REGISTERED CHARITY? PARTNERSHIP?&#13;
DHSS User&#13;
Participation&#13;
From CNickerson: DearEditors,&#13;
assumptions of the magazine.&#13;
Is SLATE’s main role to be that of a&#13;
oor e&#13;
of capitalist ideology and the social order is put at risk another way. ,&#13;
Tony Brohn: OI-240-2430 ext.185 Mary Rogers: 01-251-0274&#13;
Some SLATE readers may be ina&#13;
position to use the system and encourage&#13;
itsdevelop Anyuser ‘employed’who,asindividuals,wil effectivewayofdemonstratingthistype&#13;
In many, if not al cases, national issues&#13;
appear just as local pressures, and it seeme clearthatonlyatthelocallevelcancontrolPublicDesignServiceGroup over State provision be extended. Many&#13;
people, including the Public Design Group&#13;
believe that there is a better chance for&#13;
pushing for this from inside rather that&#13;
outside local government.&#13;
-information and local support, but would a local wall poster campaign be a more&#13;
In the ‘Local State’ the local struggles are Copies are still available from NAM, 9,&#13;
isolatedoutofthiswidercontext.The analysis is static. Future changes in practice and perception which result from defeats aswellasvictoriesarenotconsidered.&#13;
In addition, and possibly overriding&#13;
these difficulties is a major theoretical gap&#13;
in the basic analysis. Although Cynthia&#13;
Cockburn talksratherlooselyabout&#13;
contradictions she seems to be unable to&#13;
pinpointtheoreticallywhatthecontradictior&#13;
actually is — that the State can only secure&#13;
the reproduction of the labour force and of&#13;
the social relations at the expense of social&#13;
relations. That is, it cannot actually&#13;
achieve what it sets out to do. By not&#13;
extending her analysis to this point Cynthia&#13;
Cockburn is prevented from describing&#13;
either the contradictions or their expressions alternative future for their company in detail and is consequently prevented from just as viable and certainly more taking apositive approach.&#13;
C, Nickerson, Unattached Architect, 15, Durand Way,&#13;
London, NW10.&#13;
PS.Thesystemiscalled‘TheA&amp;B Sheet Bank ’.&#13;
needs must be met on monday. SLATE could be a useful tool rather than a NAM chat sheet.&#13;
You delude yourselves in supposing that peoplewishtobeinvolvedinsomebroad debate on the built environment: rather, they are concerned with their own local&#13;
By not relying on the ‘Local State’ for its analysis and by recognising ‘Community Architecture — a Public Design Service?’ as a political statement, the first reviews critiscisms of the report were helpful and to the point.&#13;
Unfortunately the other two reviews&#13;
did not seem to grasp either the purpose of the report or the thecries on which it was based. Leaving aside thesurprising inaccuraciesinthethirdreviewits Prescription for state funding for tenants’ groups so that they can have access “‘...to expert advice as a right ...” appeared to be advocating yet another extension of professionalism in the poverty industry.&#13;
industry. In our society when housing standards&#13;
space and scope, is a tremendous opportunity for London. The shape it takes will be with us a very&#13;
long time. Although itnow houses sonie of the nation’s most important and distinguished cultural and theatrical centres, it also features some perfectly : perfectly hideous office blocks and some networks of of dingy and alienated underpasses and walkways.&#13;
To concrete the South Bank over and make itempty afterdarkandatweekendswould leatragedy.It would mean missing the best chancz to civilise London since the Great Fire. And ifthat happened it might turn out that many of the office blocks&#13;
and hotels were empty anyway — which would be bad for rateable value too.&#13;
“It would be both feasible and desirable if&#13;
there could be a living mixture of working and housing space, with:-gardens and vegetation in between. Not ony would this have obvious advantages for the residents and the employees of the area, itwould also makea fairer setting for the National theatre and the various galleries and concert halls&#13;
The second reviewer pointed out that he did not wish to attack the local&#13;
are falling, an energy crisis threatens and unemployment in the building industry is at disastrous proportions, who can doubt the need for a new and radical future for the industry?&#13;
authorities. Having affirmed his belief in the public sector he then went on to vote&#13;
against it, as it were, by Suggesting that, *...the potentials for making alliances with Progressive sectors of society seem to be greateroutsidethahinsidelocalgovernment” This appears to write off NUPE, NUT,&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE 2&#13;
officedevelopersisadequatelypreparedandpresent- oftheriversidestretch.Inthelongruneverybody&#13;
sort of unfortunate judgment which might&#13;
emanate from (that elitist architectural&#13;
establishmentinBedfordSquare.Hisanswer AConferencewillbeheldon15th&#13;
newsletterwithintheNewArchitecture Movement? Most NAM members are able to follow the Movement’s affairsthrough theirinvolvementwithNAMissueand&#13;
MajorStateprovisionlikehousingfollowed isthatrealprogressinpublicarchitecture June1979todiscussalternative&#13;
TheDHSShastriedtoimprove localgroups.Despiteyourexertionsin iease!! z communicationbetweenhealthbuilding attemptingtoreachnon-architects,NAM&#13;
longperiodsofworkingclassdemandsand willcomefromloneortwoexperiments.The&#13;
forms of practice open to architects and other professionals.&#13;
users and designers by issuing, in June 1976, a data bank for producing a detailed design brief. Although difficult to cost, it involves public investment of £mplus.&#13;
Unfortunately the NHS, notably the Regional Health Authorities, seem to be sitting on the system and not using it.&#13;
and architectural radicals of al kinds&#13;
temain introspective and narcisistic. To be «effective SLATE must challenge architecture&#13;
from a noh-architectural standpoint. Aim notattheinformedprofessionalclass but at the great mass of individuals whose actions are restricted by the meaningless broad groupings into which they are shepherded. It is the ‘housed’, the ‘homeless’, the ‘unemployed’, the&#13;
demonstrations. The State intervened&#13;
eventually to secure the social order. So&#13;
Capital may have benfitted but so did the&#13;
working class and, as we have argued, the&#13;
securingofthesocialorderbytheState Despiteourmisgivingsaboutsomeof 2itherofthefollowingtwopeople immediatley conflicts with the pure form&#13;
collective action of local Authority architectural and other workers does not appear to be a candidate in the progress stakes.&#13;
The venue and other details have vet to be finalised but you can phone&#13;
2 ;&#13;
the ideas expressed in the reviews, the space given to this subject in SLATE is most encouraging and we hope that the discussion will continue.&#13;
f you’re interested in coming.&#13;
demonstrated by full examination of&#13;
particular cases. Their are plenty of local action groups in need of particular&#13;
SaaSaneaee&#13;
For a detailed analysis of the State see: ‘The Hisory Evolution and Structure of LA Departmentsof architecture’ which was published as a draft paper at the May 1978 Democratic Design Conference.&#13;
would be welcome by the DHSS architects. . develope the tools of a libertarian ssciety. The millenium will come but mon:.ay’s&#13;
of support? Is their any reason why SLATE should not become involved in the street level approach, perhaps in cooperation with local architectural support groups? SLATE asamagazine, could provide a link between local campaigns by including alistofcontactsandcurrentactivities, thus promoting wider support.&#13;
However, if SLATE is to achieve anydegreeofcredibilityyouwillhaveto shake of its frivolous, rag mag tendencies and take on the mantle of maturity.&#13;
PolandSt.,London, W1.&#13;
Workers’&#13;
user control: why not zoom in on the&#13;
problems and actions of a particular group insteadofpanningacrossavastfieldof&#13;
view without pinpointing anything of 13, Severus Rd., directrelevancetoanyone?Yourproposals Fenham,&#13;
for&#13;
humane than the company manage— ment’s ideas. Their proposals for transforming Lucas’ production from armaments to equipment for which real need exists are now renowned NAM has been invited to take part in discussions with construction workers, economists and others leading to such an alternative plan for the whole construction&#13;
A.J.Earl, Newcastle-Upon—Tyne.&#13;
plan&#13;
for societal changes would be more forcibly&#13;
construction&#13;
Workers at Lucas Aerospace have proved that they can plot out an&#13;
Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning&#13;
A RATIONALE FOR THE PRODUCTION OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT&#13;
Changing relationships between land capital and construction in Cities&#13;
details from: BARTLETT SUMMER SCHOOL, University College London, 22 Gordon St. London W.C.1.&#13;
If you would like to take part in the development of a worker’s plan for construction, please write to the Secretary, NAM, 9 Poland Street London W1. who will forward&#13;
details of the first meeting about the project.&#13;
Summer School September 2nd to 15th&#13;
i aay&#13;
mt&#13;
Slate’ narcissistic!problems.Yourcoveragehasbeendevoted to general issues, eg., Feminism, CABIN,&#13;
From A. J. Earl:&#13;
Dear Editorial Committee,&#13;
Afterreadingthecommentsofsome of your NAM members in the last issue ofSLATE(number10/11),Iam prompted to question some of the basic&#13;
Planning system&#13;
on trial cont.&#13;
ities are to be retained, new family homes must be built. But, as the Campaign for Family Housing&#13;
has pointed out, the Government has not yet come to terms with the difficulties faced by Councils and other developers wishing to provide such new accommodation. In particular there is the problem of availability of land for residential dvelopment and the extremely high cost of this land, as deter- minedbycurrentvaluationpractices.TheSouth Bank sites are vacant or derelict and are largely publicly-owned (bought by the LCC in1953) and zoned for housing: they should therefore be cheap. However, the GLC and the private developers claim that even these sites are ‘far too expensive’ for homes. This assertion must be challenged at the Public Inquiry so that the Government is forced&#13;
to come to terms with the reality of inner city needs and the effects of current land valuation practices.&#13;
The size and ‘visibility’ of the South Bank sites also make it essential that the case against the&#13;
ed at the Inquiry. The Evening Standard has |isthe loser ifthe South Bank becomesa soul-less&#13;
commented: ‘The South Bank, with itsconsiderable commercial and parking precinct.” :&#13;
SLATE 12PAGE P23&#13;
&#13;
 The Women And Space’ Conference took&#13;
place on the weekend of March 10 and 1, attended&#13;
by 150 women and men. Ina weekend of talks and workshops&#13;
there was an attempt to define and discuss the ways in which architect- -ure has acted as an oppressive force on women in both anthropological and&#13;
architectural terms, within a time span ranging from the Ancient Greeks to women shut up in modern tower blocks. It was shown that in most societies women’s lives were&#13;
far more orientated around the home than the lives of men and therefore the degree to which the home encourages or discourages contact with others has had a far more significant effect on women&#13;
Housing was shown to beeither a factor restricting women’s lives eg. women leading solitary existances&#13;
in isolated flats or in isolated huts within an African compound as Julienne Hanson of the Bartlet School discussed,orelseasafactorencouragingcommunality withthepossibilityofhousingco-operativessuch&#13;
as that described by Claire Cooper in San Francisco at St. Francis Square. It was always a moot point as to whether the housing had caused the oppression or if the oppression within the society was simply reflected&#13;
in the buildings which it produced.&#13;
An almost alegorical tale was told by Kate Young, a social anthropologist on the effect on the advance of technology in a Mexican viiiage, riddled with a superstitious belief in witchcraft which prevented women from visiting each other's homes. The one chance for women to meet each other was when| fetching water from the wells, an exhausting and arduous task. Yet when (on Kate Young’s interference) piped water was installed a far more deleterious breakdown occurred in the amount of opportunity for women to meet each other and thus to to lessen the hold of witchcraft on them.&#13;
While the talks largely catalogued and discussed the effects of architecture on women in different societies, with the exception of Peggy Eagle’s vigorous encouragement of political actions they were very academic unlike unlike many of the workshops which seemed to point the way forward in discussion by women builders and women inyolved in housing co-operatives. There was however some:feeling of frustration among many of the women attending the conference about the presence of men and because of the academic nature of many of the issues; those women fromed a woman’s workshop to continue a discussion on the more immediate&#13;
issues confronting us in relationship to building and design. Despite some fundamental differences in the&#13;
ideas of those attending the conferenceand their reasons for being there, it was an event which gave a&#13;
feeling of encouragement and solidarity to those attending it. because ;we were occupied with&#13;
similar problems and fighting for a common solution.&#13;
v&#13;
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                  <text>To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive</text>
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                <text> &#13;
 nena&#13;
ener ee&#13;
EDITORIAL! G2&#13;
aa&#13;
ee ps) p4&#13;
velat Siar!)&#13;
SLATE ISTHE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement’s Publications Group.&#13;
News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and te the general public are inc- luded to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues anid to bring the Movement’: views and cetivities to the attention ofthe largest possible readership.&#13;
WORK ON SLATE&#13;
SLATE needs more workers, more&#13;
writers .more ideas and more reps in order to produce a better, larger and cheaper newsletter. [f you would like to work for SLATE: become a rep., join the group, sendinarticlesorsuggesttopicsitshould cover then contact us soon.&#13;
the copy date for the next issue is Friday 27th July.&#13;
SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT,9PolandSt.,LondonW.1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications Group)&#13;
Printed by Islington Community Press, 2a St Pauls Rd., London, N1.&#13;
Trade Distributionby Publications Distribution Cooperative, 27, Clerken- well Court, London, E.C.2&#13;
SLATE may bea very slick looking paper but we need money fast!&#13;
Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE to&#13;
9 Poland Street. W1.&#13;
Dluish or,&#13;
2. adj. (Made) oe&#13;
esp. es roofing; het&#13;
ao)late f. OF caslates fern, of e.&#13;
It is not possible to talk about any housing problems these days without referring to the ‘govern- ment or the ‘State’ either as a provider of housing and housing finance or as preventing houses of certain types or in certain places from being built. State intervention in housing is not new, nor is it something that politicians are liklely to be able to will away, however much they protest that they can and will.&#13;
The role that the State has taken upon itself is one of trying to bridge the gap between the housing people need and the housing that would be provided for them by the free market, officially acknowledging, in the process, that decent housing is a necessity for people&#13;
if they are to lead sane and healthy lives.&#13;
Current approaches to housing problems frequently&#13;
fail to ensure decent housing. General experience bears thisoutandthearticlesinthisSLATE reflectitfrom variouspointsofview.Inordertounderstandwhy housing policy fails we would argue that it is necessary to understand the economic forces that underpin our social system and how they impinge on our housing problem. The economic function of housing is two- fold: firstly asa commodity which can be manufact- ured and traded, either by sale or rent, for profit; secondlyasanenvironmentinwhichpeoplecanlead&#13;
healthy and sane lives in order to be fit to produce wealth. As early as the middle of the nineteenth cent- ury the contradictions between these two functions became apparent and at first private philanthropists and later the State intervened to ensure that neither one of these functions was eliminated due to excesses of the other. In nineteenth century society it was the ‘capitalists’, the few who owned the vast prop- ortion of the country’s wealth who sought to promote housing asa commodity and working people who campaigned for better housing more appropriate to their needs. The compromises that ensued from this continuing conflict shaped and continues to shape government housing policy.&#13;
Our explanation is symplistic but hopefully provides a link between the articles which follow and which alillustratethiscontinuingconflict,andthecomp- romisesthatensuefromit. Onethingiscertain,if progress is to be made towards better housing then the emphasis must be less on housing as a commodity and more on houses provided for peoples needs.&#13;
GOVERNMENT CONTROL&#13;
OVER PUBLIC HOUSING Government ploicyis effected through aseries of controls which determine the FORM of local authority housing.&#13;
PRIVATE BUILDERS’ PUBLIC PERFORMANCE — p6 Private builders distort the supply, cost and&#13;
quality of public housing.&#13;
Council house sales deny housing opportunities&#13;
RISINGDAMP&#13;
Tenants’ campaigns demand housing defects justice.&#13;
An interview with Seagull women’s housing co-operative,&#13;
REVIEWp32see 2). THE SLATER ——&#13;
NEWS&#13;
NEWS FROM NAM&#13;
pl4&#13;
ear pl9 p22 i221 EI2S&#13;
Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi- tecture Movement unless stated to be so.&#13;
SLATE 13 PAGE2&#13;
sla’ oN} mefapp.f.preo.}&#13;
elite’, n., a, &amp; v.t. 1, Minds of grey, grecn, or blulsh-purple rock easilysput&#13;
HOUSING PEOPLE&#13;
AND&#13;
HOUSING PROFITS&#13;
pate antepEioern Plates; pleco of lato a3 roofing-material&#13;
sar framedtn wood used forroleectit with~-pencilorsmallSS (ean the ~, rid oneself of or renounce soles: tions); ~-black, -blue, -grey, mi&#13;
¥these tints such as occur in~; I~-cluby “valbenefitsocletywithmae&#13;
suthons; ~-colour(ed), dark vreeniah greys hence Greet o Cover with ~s S "Slaven n. (MB&#13;
slate’, v.t. (collog.). Critictze wuvereiy~ ea panes in reviews), scold, rate; minate,profporoffsiceeeto,Hence&#13;
CONTENTS&#13;
WOMAN|S|PLACE.eeeee po) How design guides reinforce sexism in house&#13;
design,&#13;
ALESTOGKSMUSTGOSaez&#13;
WOMEN'S RIGHT TO HOUSE = pl7&#13;
EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775&#13;
&#13;
 Douglas Smith is an architect with the London Borough of Camden.&#13;
Although public sector housing is known as ‘council housing’ local councils have little choice in the sort of houses they build. Central government policies effectively determine the form of council housing. Doiglas Smith describes how the State controls council housing and explains why such controls are necessary&#13;
The last few years have witnessed a dramatic shift in the forms of housing provided by Local Author- ities. From the high-rise blocks of the '60's, councils are now building 2 storey houses: the grand schemes have given way to infill development and rehabilita tion. This article aims to relate the changes in hous ing policy to the political needs of the State and the economic needs of capital&#13;
in the more lucrative areas of commercial building, Even as late as 1968 the Government stil believed that tenants were satisfied living in tawer blocks, and it was only after the collapse of Ronan Point in 1968 which halted the policy, when stringent and expensive safety measures were introduced. It was well after the end of the high—rise policy that this form of housing became a target for popular press&#13;
Each council is now responsible for the manage— ment of funds limited by the Government which&#13;
are inadequate to meet their own definition of need. Councils wishing to maximise their allowance are&#13;
obliged to seek the cheapest possible solutions to satisfy their stated policies. Instead of redeveloping they are encouraged to rehabilitate, which is cheaper in the short term, or to buy cheap housing from the market. Where new building is demanded councils will seek to reduce costs by any means permitted including the reduction of space standards or by employing developers and design/build contractors.&#13;
In one Local Authority the standard council provision is for low—cost semi’s built at 14% below Parker Morris’ standards.(6) After reducing areas, housing layouts are simplified and the quality for external finishes reduced.&#13;
These Government policies direct and control those councils determined to improve their housing provision, while others are quite happy to reduce their responsibility and sel off their stock. It can be seen that these policies determine not only the less housing development in the cities.&#13;
In order to simplify procedures and place some responsibility for financial managemerit in the hands of the Local Authority, the Government introduced its Housing Investment Programme (HIP) in 1978.(4) Each council made a ‘bid’ for funds for the next year oased on housing statistics and policy statements projected forward three years. However, on average, the councils received only 70% of the bids made, even though many councils are notoriously un— enthusiastic about building houses. The money allocated can be used flexibly by the authorities&#13;
within the areas of new build, rehabilitation and acquisition of existing properties.(S)&#13;
number of houses provided but also affect its form. Low density housing was introduced asasurreptitious way of cutting housing expenditure rather than to improve standards.&#13;
Housing policy is determined by the needs of finance capital rather than public debate. The form of housing raises many questions concerning allocation of resources, tenants needs, standards and ideological aspects of family life none of which have been discussed here.&#13;
These questions should continue to form part of NAM’s development of an alternative determination of the environment and the forms it should take.&#13;
References&#13;
1. DOE. ‘Residential density in development bricfs&#13;
HMSO 1976 Development advice note Z&#13;
DOE Housing: needs and action HMSO 1975&#13;
DOE Circular 24/75, 14p&#13;
2, AJ 18.5.74 p1009&#13;
AJ 28,1.76 p169&#13;
AJ 11.8.76 p242&#13;
3. Figures from DOE White Paper on Public Expenditure 1976, quoted in ‘Upagainst&#13;
a brick wall 'by NUPE &amp; SCAT 4. AJ 13,7.77 pp55—56&#13;
5. Crofton Bernard, ‘Housey housey New Society 23.2.78 p428&#13;
6. AJ 31.5.78 pl0s4&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE4&#13;
SLATE13 PAGES&#13;
Public housing is not only a service essential for&#13;
the reproduction of labour but-also plays an active&#13;
part in the reproduction of capital. As well as being Government used a system of subsidy introduced a hard -won benetit for the working class (though&#13;
constantly under threat), it also provides for builders, high density development within a low—rise form. bankers, who finance projects and developers who&#13;
provide the lind. Government policy and controls&#13;
intervene to ensure that these contradictory forces&#13;
are resolved to provide maximum profits as social&#13;
and economic needs develop. Government policy&#13;
is effected through a series of controls which&#13;
collectively determine the form that Local Authority&#13;
housing should take, i&#13;
The first set of controls outline the basic social requirements for housing. Building regulations attempt to ensure that simple health and safety requirements are met, and Parker Morris standards ensure that enough spaceis allowed within the dwelling for tenants tosleep, eat and watch the telly. It embodies the need to maintain discreet family units and it is the next level of controls,&#13;
However it was not long before the economic recession demanded severe cut backs in public expenditure. In 1975 regulations were introduced which prohibited the provision of family dwellings off the ground and limited the permitted density of development.(1) The main effects of thispolicy were the reduction of building volume and therefore overall costs and delays imposed by having to redesign existing schemes to conform with the&#13;
new policy, thereby making immediate cuts in spending.&#13;
The housing minister, Reg Freeson, introduced these policies by acclaiming the improvement of housing standards, but he was taking advantage of public criticism of tower blocks to impose drastic cuts in housing provision. Most councils accepted these intentions.(2)&#13;
This policy continues today to limit the extent&#13;
of new housing provision and the essential result has been a massive cut in capital expenditure of 40% from 1974/5.(3)&#13;
Current low—density policy also has several secondary effects. Councils are encouraged to&#13;
sel difficult or expensive sites, or to consider subsidiary commercial development to pay for them. The small number of units permitted on these sites especially in inner city areas, do not justify the costs of acquisition or redevelopment. Secondly, councils are encouraged to rehabilitate rather than redevelop wherever possible because more units are allowed at existing densities on a particular site than if the site isdemolished and new housing provided. Finally councils are encouraged to provide more non—family Units (mainly for old people) because slightly higher densities are permitted than for family units. The net result is fewer new houses, less family units and&#13;
abuse.&#13;
Even though high—rise policy was abandoned, the&#13;
in 1967 (the Housing Cost Yard Stick) to encourage&#13;
This kept the building industry profitably employed by building fully on available sites and allowing a more flexible approach to construction, though prefabricated systems were still often used.&#13;
GOVERNMENT CONTROL&#13;
OVER PUBLIC&#13;
HOUSING&#13;
mainly financial .which determine how units relate to each other, additional amenities, and what form the housing must take&#13;
Government housing Policy iseffected through a system of subsidies and ‘circulars’ which determine new stundards. The strength of these controls is illustrated by the fact that during the °60"s every council was compelled to build tower blocks and now fo build little houses. The changes over the last 20 years represent housing solutions to new economic, political and social demands&#13;
Just before the economic €xpansion of the “60's the building industry was undercapitalised and threatened with labour shortages. Itwanted to encourage investment in new machinery, plant and building systems, thereby reducing theinputby skilled workers. The Government responded by demanding that Local Authorities build high—rise blocks by industrialised methods. The architects Provided an image of the benefits of the “modern&#13;
world’ which politicians accepted as a demonstration of the strength of their Policies. The anticipated reduction in cost never materialised 4s contractors later sought to apply their newly acquired methods&#13;
&#13;
 Andy Brown isa member of the SLATE Hditorial Committee.&#13;
Most new local authority housing isbuilt by private contractors. The remainder isbuilt by local authorities’ own building workforces (Direct Labour Organisations) whose mode of operation is modelled on, and determined by, the private contritcting systen). Private contractors claim&#13;
that an efficient building industry is dependent on competition between firms and that any contin- uation or extension of public ownership will reduce efficiency ae&#13;
Over the past fifteen years there have been two main responses to the need for public sector house building by the private sector. Firstly there was the widespread use of industrialised systems by large contractors during the 1960s. Secondly, in more recent years there has been a return to trad- itional methods of construction applicd to low rise housing on smaller sites by small- to meduim- sized contrictors, Both responses have risen and declined without giving satisfactory results.&#13;
FAILURE OF INDUSTRIALISED BUILDING&#13;
The idea of industrialised building methods, of which tower blocks are a product, was to reduce&#13;
to public sector housing. Andy Brown describes some of these effects and shows how the contract. ing system distorts the supply, cost and quality of new council houses.&#13;
building costs by lowering the amount of work required on site through the mass production of large standardised components in factories. Favourable adjustments were made to the council house subsidy system by central government in order to promote the use of industrialised&#13;
sytems by local authorities.&#13;
The use of industrialised building methods&#13;
i1 new local authority housing rocketted during the 1960s reaching a peak in 1967 when tenders for over 70,000 industrialised dwellings in&#13;
England and Wales were approved (see chart). In their eagerness to exploit the new technique, hastily designed and unresearched systems were drawn up by large contractors with little or no regard for quality or users’ needs&#13;
Predictably the idea did not work .Large numbers of firms each developed their own system with&#13;
the result that only a few of them were applied on&#13;
a large enoughscalefor the potential economies of mass production to be realised. A monopoly situation quickly arose which lasted throughout&#13;
the industrialised dwelling ‘boom’. In London alone, three contractors shared 374% of the market in 1967, 20% of which were contracts won by Laings and 12% by Wates. In 1969, 62% of industrialised dwellings in England and Wales were built by only four contractors, namely, Wimpey, Concrete Ltd., Wates and Laing.&#13;
Tenants and local authorities are still living out the legacy of this failure. Repair and maintenance costs on industrialised dwellings are about three times as high as for traditional housing, and continue to increase. Media coverage of conden- sation problems, structural collapse and defects, vandalism,expensive heatingsystemsandinadequate inadequate facilities has been extensive.&#13;
It is interesting to note, however, that the social unacceptability of industrialised dwellings was not the major reason for their decline. The special subsidy for industrialised high-rise dwellings was scrapped before the infamous progressive collapse of Ronan Point in 1968. In reality they were simply ho cheaper to build than dwellings of traditional construction. During 1969-1970 demand fell by over a third and, as new industrialised council housing diminished as a growth area, so the large&#13;
contractors interest in the market tailed off.&#13;
SMALLER FIRMS TAKE OVER&#13;
Council house building in more recent years has occured in a different form with a marked change of contractors. In the early 1970s large contractors dropped out of the public housing market altogether prefering to concentrate on more profitable forms&#13;
of construction, suchas offices and overseas work. Public housing construction was was taken over by small- to medium-size contractors. Emphasis was placed by ‘cal authorities on building low rise dwellings on smaller sites using traditional methods of construction.&#13;
Many of the smaller firms expanded veryquickly with the new found source ofwork and stestched their rescources too far. Local authorities were awarding large contracts worth over £1million to firms with capital assets well below that level. If contracts went wrong, severe consequences occured. The number of bankruptcies and liquidations in 1976 for example, totalled over 1500. Contractors were, and stil are, no longer effective risk bearers for local.&#13;
Others soon learned the necessary tricks of econ- omic survival and profit maximisationTh.e practice of subcontracting large portions ofa contract by building firms who are not equipped to undertake the ergi&#13;
required variety of work has become common place.&#13;
Asa result local authorities exercise little or no&#13;
control over those firms who actually do the work.&#13;
Virtually al building firms employ experts whose job&#13;
itis to read the small print of the building contract&#13;
in order to identify areas where claims for more money&#13;
cannot be legoly resisted, irrespective of whether&#13;
the additional costs have actually been incurred.&#13;
There is evidence to suggest that many firms,&#13;
particularly medium sized firms who are also 4 involved in other more profitable work, use local&#13;
authority housebuilding to regulate their workflow.&#13;
Such firms frequently switch their rescources in mid-&#13;
contract to the more lucrative work, as, and when it&#13;
siuts them. Excessive and bogus contractual delays&#13;
and claims are then used to ensure that no losses&#13;
are incurred. Cost and time overruns for housing&#13;
contracts completed for the London Borough of&#13;
Islington in 1977-1978 were at a staggering level of&#13;
40% and 52% respectively (Islington Gutter Press,&#13;
September 1978). The situation has become so bad&#13;
that poor site performance is the accepted norm for&#13;
local authorities.&#13;
COMPETITIVE INDUSTRY MYTH&#13;
Contractors claim that competition within the private sector of the building industry keeps down prices and ensures good standards and efficiency. But the way in which contractors tender for local authority work brings none of the advantages claimed for open-market competition.&#13;
Until the 1960s local authorities were required to publically advertise every building job and chose the lowest submitted tender that is, work was con- tracted through open competition. The Banwell _ Report (1964) published by the Ministry of Public Building and Works was very critical of this method of tendering. It argued that too much competition allowed large reputable firms to be undercut by new and less established firms and, thereby reduced the level of quality and profitability. It claimed that open competition had a harmful effect on local&#13;
authorities who, by accepting the lowest tenderer had become involved in additional costs above the tender price through time delays, defects, u1com- pleted work and unsettled claims. By reducingthe level of competition it was believed that the large, reputable contractors would increase qualitywith&#13;
MF Nae otna&#13;
Sevres Mourn andConstrvetionstanatey weaeeSereee enSeaia aisigeast&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE6&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE7&#13;
PRIVATE BUILDERS’ PUBLIC PERFORMANCE&#13;
The majority of council houses are built by private builders under contracts with local authorities. The contracting system is biased towards private sector operations and has perverse effects when applied&#13;
SAAQy&#13;
&#13;
 Old Boiley prosecutor alleges thot&#13;
Architect's career ‘ruined'—judge&#13;
eer inNorth-East&#13;
Bryant jurytold Frenchhelpspolicewith of £100 drinking motorway contract probe&#13;
sessions&#13;
Police allege fraud on road improvement jobs&#13;
greater profitability .Local authorities were&#13;
required to distinguish between good and bad builders by drawing up alist of approved contractors based on past performance and financial stability&#13;
and to limit the number of firms invited to tender for each job through selective competition.&#13;
The building industry isnot made up of ‘reputable firms’ and ‘cowboys’. In reality, building firms are al very similar because of the way in which they make profit under the contracting system, namely by skimping, excessive sub-contracting, denying local authorities effective control over costs and deliberately switching their rescources away from local authority work to other more profitable work.&#13;
Selective tendering assists the operation of build- ing monopolies in local authority work. In the London Borough of Hilligndon for example 40%&#13;
of all contracts for several years were won by only three firms. In the London Boroughof Islington six firms, from 1975 to 1976 won 75% of the value of large building contracts. The limited number&#13;
of builders used by local authorities makes it&#13;
easy for exchange of information and ‘informal arrangements’ to be set up between firms. Collu- sion between contractors on the same tender list can lead to'pricerings’ where, by mutual agree- ment, one firm is designated to win the contract by the others who deliberately submit a high price. The practice of price-ringing reduces competition, raises prices, protects less profitable contractors and stops building industry from rationalising itself, all at the expense of local authorities and tenants.&#13;
AWOMAN'S PLACE&#13;
‘A woman's place is in the home’: this concept, firmly established in Victorian Britain, isstil perpetuatedtoday.Houseworkandchildcareare sex-stereotyped activities: the privatisation of&#13;
women’s work is reflected in many typical house-&#13;
cauad4&#13;
Before the Industrial Revolution, the tamily constituted the basic productive unit in the economy. The privatisation of the child-centred nuclear family developed with the separation of home and work, reproduction and production.&#13;
Wife battering and child delinquency are con- sequences of the tensions created by stressing emotional relationships within this privatised family&#13;
unit. The role of housewife, as Ann Oakley? says, developed ‘to reconcile the two opposed structures in modern society: home and work. Industrialisation which calls for the concentration of economically&#13;
Glasgow hospital&#13;
jontrials corruptio)&#13;
TENANTS PAY THE PRICE&#13;
ence within any one building firm will vary from job _ Both the large contractors with their industrialised&#13;
between the private economically&#13;
should be away from the kitchen equipment not under her feet’.&gt;&#13;
and&#13;
There is no evidence to suggest that a distinction between good and bad building firms can be made. More often than not the level of technical compet-&#13;
and salary-earning work’.&#13;
Feminists have consistently questioned&#13;
conventional assumptions about the role of&#13;
women in the home and family in two main ways: those demanding wages for housework, and those encouraging men to assume an equal shareof house- work and child rearing. The convergencoef these&#13;
to job just as much as the difference in technical competence between firms. Also, financial vetting isineffectve because annual accounts are not an&#13;
accurateindicationofafirm'sfinancesandare invariably out of date when published.&#13;
CONTRACTORMAY FACE £200,000REPAIR BILL&#13;
systems and the smaller contractors with thei insubstantial means and excessive ubscontactin exhibit the worst traits of the contracting s ca&#13;
Inthecaseofindustrialisedbuildingseats 2 the government sought to increase efficiency in local authority house building through technical innovation without changing the contracting system. As a result, any genuine benefits from innovation, such as higher standards, lower&#13;
building costs and reduced rents were not possible. The need of the contractor for a quick turnover of capital in order to make profits prevented a thoroughly researched and considered approach&#13;
to using this technique from taking place. Competition between the large contractors ended&#13;
in the creation of monopolies and the loss of control of the product by local authorities. At the end of the day the tenant is left to pay the price of this&#13;
failed venture in higher rents and the problems of living in an unsatisfactory and ,often, technically unsound environment.&#13;
_ Similarly, the unacceptably high cost and&#13;
time overruns, high tender prices and work-switch- ingwhich have resulted from new council house building by the smaller contractors in recent years 1S,eventually, transfered to the tenant in higher rents.The inefficiencies of private builders operating under the contracting system continue&#13;
eel the already long council house waiting Ss.&#13;
£1m repairs on&#13;
omeTaneseeee Thenatureofthebuildingindustryandgovern- Theseparationofthesculleryfromlivingroom,&#13;
teheeSSeaae sae&#13;
ment policy have ensured that public demand for council housing has not been realisable.&#13;
and provision of separate bedrooms resulted, with a reliance on the woman as an economically&#13;
SLATE13 PAGES&#13;
SLATEI3 PAGES&#13;
out- side the family is the primary agent in this opposition&#13;
andwherehewilnotdisturb sleepingchildren’;&#13;
productive effort in large-scale organisations&#13;
mother needs to be able to see them from the kitchen, but they&#13;
hh 6m&#13;
The separation of the house into rooms with particular functions isarecent innovation. In pre-industrial Britain, in farm and town houses activities such as eating, sleeping, cooking and&#13;
tasks associated with farm or trade, took place in&#13;
a single space — “the home’. Separate kitchens first appeared in aristocratic houses in the late 16th century, and in middle class Victorian houses became the realm of the domestic servants, predominantly women. As the number of domestic servants decreased, so the kitchen became identified with the housewife. The ‘Model Dwellings’ movement was an influential force in the application of these ideas to working class housing. The concem of the housing reformists to improve the quality of life and educate the poor to a ‘socially accepted’ standardof living was seen as improvement through health and sanitary reform.&#13;
non-productive life of the home, and the public world of the wage&#13;
a fit)&#13;
differences in housetypes relate to the physical categorisation of space, (narrow/wide frontages etc) or the numbers of groups (such as one, two or&#13;
three person dwellings). Designed for recognised groups, primarily the nuclear family, single people and the elderly, they do not reflect alternative patterns of living such as communal organisations or single parent families.&#13;
The text reinforces sex-stereotyping of tasks and&#13;
division of the house into men’s and women’s&#13;
realms, e.g. ‘when father makes or repairs something he needs to be out of mother’s way in the kitchen,&#13;
Sue Francis is doing research at the Royal’ College of Art and isa member of the NAM Feminist Group.&#13;
and ‘when the children play indoors&#13;
‘Years of corruption gave Bryant £100m jobs’&#13;
through the roof |&#13;
~of questions isheavily influenced by 19th century&#13;
Rates gloom as eae&#13;
plans, whether of tower blocks or detached houses. Even the most radical architects continue uncon- sciously to maintain this stereotyping. (Could it be you?)&#13;
two campaigns, through collective action, could lead to a change in attitude towards women’s work, and demands for different kinds of environments in which domestic work takes place.&#13;
The baby needs aplace where itisquiet to sleep. The toddler needs a place for play, where toys and other playthings can be concentrated, so the housewife does not have to be for ever tidying up.&#13;
Meanwhile, design guides produced for architects and builders continue to reinforce these sexist notions about domestic work and the design of the home. ‘Housing the Family’? isastandard text, reprinted in 1974, which is in current use for both public and private housing. It is the result of more detailed research of the sort that ‘Homes for today and tomorrow’ made fashionable. The family is portrayed as leading a typical white middleclass life not dissimilar to thatof ‘Janet and John reading books. There is an air of unreality about the way they live reminiscent of the glossy images printed in the Sunday colour supplements.&#13;
User research isso detailed, and the comprehensiveness of design guides, means thatif al their requirements are met, the designer prescribes astandardised solution. The selection&#13;
buildingcostsgoea&#13;
morality (can you hear the toilet flushing in the hall), and 20th century notions about efficiency in its most banal sense.&#13;
The nature of design guides in thestandardisation of user needs and requirements reflects broader issues in the control and provision ofhousing: notably the structural separation within the building process between designers and users. The only&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE13 PAGE10&#13;
“There are no true walls or doors; The woman in the beautiful electronic kitchen isnever separated from her&#13;
children’ In what is basically one free- flowing room, instead of many rooms separated by walls and stairs continual messes need continually picking up."&#13;
SLATEI3 PAGEI1&#13;
The assumption that the drudgery of housework can be eliminated by the provision of efficient, easy to clean surfaces and easy to reach storage permeates design guides. Underlying this, however, is the notion that the kitchen is controlled by the woman alone: food preparation is not a sociable activity in which every one can participate. Give us a big kitchen table we can al work at, and not a laboratory bench where we stand, isolated, facing a blank wall. ;&#13;
Mechanisation of housework has led to the decrease of certain tasks, but at the same time,&#13;
the development of new ones (e.g. cleaning and sweeping fitted carpets). The nature of housework asalabour-intensiveactivitymeansthatitexpands to fil the time available. Although technology and careful planning have removed to some extent the exhausting physical labour of much housework, basically the job remains the same. The average number of hours spent on housework was recorded inasurveyundertakenin1975,asseventy-seven per week.,&#13;
Acknowledgement in contemporary society of theneedofeachindividualforprivacyisnot reflected in the woman’s selfless position in the family. Whilst thought to be tied to the house more than any other member of the family, itisassumed that she spends her time in spaces which service the family, whether it be the kitchen or the ‘master bedroom’. Virginia Woolf's slogan “A Room of One’s Own’ applies equally to any person,&#13;
whatever sex, if they are to establish some independent identity within the nuclear family.°&#13;
Betty Friedan comments on the contemporary trend for open-plan living giving the illusion of visible space, freedom and non-segregation of activities, thus: “There are no true walls or doors; the woman in the beautiful electronic kitchen is&#13;
in this country, re—emerging with experiments of squatting groups and students in the 1960's, where the relationship of home and work within the&#13;
context of organisation of society were fundamentally questioned. Socialist housing policies of the post&#13;
war years glorified the nuclear family, ignoring the criticism of capitalism which regards it as an integral part of that system. The provision of day—care facilities for children in socialist countries has enabled women to spend more hours in the factory but has not altered their role in the home.&#13;
“I'm not your little woman, your sweet heart or your dear,&#13;
I'm a wage slave without wages, I’m amaintenance engineer!’&#13;
never separated from her children. In what is basically one free-flowing room, instead of many rooms separated by walls and stairs, continual messes continually need picking up. A man, of course, leaves the house for most of the day. But the feminine mystique forbids the woman this.”©&#13;
Acknowledgement in design guides of the relationship between the inside of the house and the world immediately outside is reduced to watching children’s play, adequacy of car&#13;
parking, and accessibility of house for frequent and occasional visitors. The importance of social relationships and communal activities,particularly for women at home, are ignored. Domestication ofpreviouslypublicactivitiessuchasbaking, washing, bathing, are truly enforced in the privatised child-centred nuclear family.&#13;
Experiments in the collectivisation of domestic work and childcare enable us to imagine some- thing different. It was an essential part of the organisationofmany utopiansocialistcommunities Co-operative housekeeping was promoted by Raymond Unwin in ‘The Art of Building a Home’,&#13;
published in 1901.(7) These ideas were put into&#13;
practiseinEbenezerHoward’sschemesinLetchworth 1.Oakley,Ann,Housewife,PelicanBooks,1974p.10&#13;
and Welwyn Garden City with the provision of communal dining and kitchen facilities. Accommo— dation provided by various ‘Female Planning Improvement Corporations offered shared facilities in housing designed specifically for working women.(8)&#13;
The continuity of this utopian vision was then lost&#13;
2. Housing the Family, Design Bulletins. MTP Construction, 1974&#13;
3. Homes for today and tomorrow, HMSO&#13;
4. See :Cowan: Industrial Revolution and the home&#13;
Technology&amp; Culture : 17 (Jan 1976) p.1- 26&#13;
and Oakley, Ann op cit&#13;
. Wolfe, Virginia ‘A Room of Ones Own, Penguin . Friedan, Betty, The Feminine Mystique. Penguin . Unwin R, The Art of Building a Home, Longmans&#13;
Green &amp; Co, 1901, 2nd Ed&#13;
. Hayden, Dolores, Collectivising the Domestic&#13;
Workplace, Lotus, No 12, 1976. Sept, p 72 89&#13;
Women are demanding radical changes both structurally and in attitude, towards the definition&#13;
of their role in society. Architects can respond to these demands by refusing to design spaces which idealise theprivatisationanddomesticationofwomen in&#13;
the home.&#13;
References&#13;
IDM&#13;
o&#13;
“Only ‘he’needs aroom ofhisown. Why deesdhe woman need space to herself less than the others though she is expected to be at home more?”&#13;
&#13;
 Mark Lipson isa member of the&#13;
Battersea Redevelopment&#13;
Action Group.&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE12&#13;
need.&#13;
anyway. Perhaps more important stil is the fact that Council houses are, or have been on the market in Wandsworth for sale not just to sitting tenants with money, but to Housing Associations and private individuals too. Now, under aThatcher Government, propety speculators will be given&#13;
an opportunity to enter this market. The result of al this is tnat the most desirable houses and flats with gardens will be creamed off the top of the Council’s housing stock, which, when combined with the total stoppage of new building and the acquisition of houses, begun in earnest by the&#13;
previous Labour administration, spells out disaster for those that are “stuck” in Council flats in unsiutable, substandard or simply miserable conditions.&#13;
In Wandsworth the average price ofa 3-bedroomed house isabout £35,000. The Council offered up to 20% discount on this price, but must now be about&#13;
to adopt Thatcher's 50% where necessary — “all stocks must go” will be the new attitude. Even so, there are very few families in the Borough who want to move into the owner-occupation sector, and who have noy already done so, who could afford even a £17;500&#13;
house. The household income necessary to repay 4 100% mortgage on such a house would be at least £8,000 per annum, and that doesn’t take into account the £2500 in cash needed to put down a deposit, pay solicitors’ and surveyors’ fees, and insurance. Yet, in December 1978, 88% of male workers in Wandsworth&#13;
earned less than £6,000 per annum. Of the 12% or less that&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE13&#13;
‘DEFEND! |HousinG&#13;
OPte!‘HIGH&#13;
Re RISE §&#13;
TRANSFERSN&#13;
—_——— aNowe&#13;
of ‘distress’ (where Council bailiffs remove possessions in lieu of rent arrears). There will soon be no housing Stock left in the control of the Council other than&#13;
in the ghettoes of misery that no one wants&#13;
and no one can get out of. Mrs, Thatcher and.sher colleagues will soon claim that Britain isonce again&#13;
a free country, andthat everyone has equal opportunity. This is as clearly untrue as the idea that there isno housing problem.&#13;
might have been able to sign acontract of sale, mostwould probably already be owner occupiers. The much-heralded ‘homesteading and ‘equity sharing’ sohemes, both of which Wandsworth Council has been attempting in addition to outright sales, snffer from the same problems ‘At the time of writing, a house needing £11,000 of work is being offered for homesteading at £14,000. Who can afford that, who couldn’t afford an outright purchase? Certainly not the working class handyman that the scheme scheme was supposed to be aimed at!&#13;
Before the General Election, Wandsworth Council was not doing too well on its sales policy. In February 1979, 535 properties were being processed for sale, with only 48 to sitting tenants actually completed. 220 homes&#13;
had been lying empty for over 9 months as a direct result of the sales policy. No homesteading sales had&#13;
been completed, although 62 were in the pipeline. Importantly, no flats or maisonettes in acquired properties had been sold, but 4 newly built Council houses with gardens had. The Tory Couneil has just broken al records for the number of vacant homes in the Borough; they achieved this scandalous state by pulling out al the stops to sel off homes before&#13;
Peter Shore’s last significant act of curbing sales came into force. During the last few days before Shore’s&#13;
curb there were queues outside the Housing Department of people who had been told that this was their last chance. No evidence has emerged that any of those in the queue were actually in housing need. Whilst the charade goes on, and presumably gains momentum&#13;
with its new-found Central Government support, thousands of families in Wandsworth’s high rise flats&#13;
of which there are 51 blocks of over ten storeys — will suffer. Many of them already have to put up with severe condensation, unworkable expensive heating systems, lack of playspace, lift breakdowns, mental braekdowns and now even the use of the ancient law&#13;
ALL STOCKS MUST GO&#13;
The new Tory government is committed to selling council houses on an unprecedented scale. Many of the policies to be implemented nationally have been tried in the London Borough of Wand sworth ata&#13;
Since the General Election the issue of Council&#13;
local level. Martin Lipson looks at the experiences of tenants and prospectice buyers in Wandsworth and&#13;
explains how Tory policies will fail to satisfy housing&#13;
house sales has come once again into the limelight It is not an issue about which one can be unequivocal because it raises questions that the Left cannot always satisfactorily answer indeed in many areas Council house sales have been proceeding for years with no resistance from Labour parties. To understand why wholesale freedom tosell, now being put forward by Environment Minister Micheal Hesletine, is wrong, it is necessary fo look at the problems of housing need ona broad basis. It is&#13;
policies begun last year. A third of the Borough’s households are tenants of either Wandsworth Council or theGLC, or Housing Associations. Of the Borough Council tenants, over a third receive rent and rate rebates, or have their reat paid by the DHSS, and it is these people who are at the blunt end of the policies designed to “offer tenants choices they have never had”.&#13;
in such areas as the London Borough of Wandsworth, where a local sales policy has been in force since May 1978 when the Council was won by the Tories, that the damage is being seen to be done. Wandsworth is a working proloiype for many inner city aregs that will NOt start to be hit by Thatcherite policies regardless of local needs, and so it may be useful to place the argument against blanket sales in this context&#13;
being cut off entirely. There is no doubt that many people aspire to owner-occupation as the form of tenure that offers most. It offers security, freedom of action, very generous mortgage tax relief, freedom from Capital Transfer Tax and attracts improvement grants. However, access to this coverted status is restricted to people with cash in hand for a deposit and good stable incomes. Property values in Wandsworth are high and income levels are relatively low. So it is clear that the few Council tenants who can avail themselves of the Tories generous offer of homes for sale are the ones who have money&#13;
The waiting list for Wandsworth in 1978 was&#13;
about 21.000 people (7500 families). Of these. the vast majority live in overcrowded conditions or without proper amenities. 5,500 families living in private housing approached the Council’s Housing&#13;
Aid Centre in the previous year: for half of them the only solution was rehousing. A further 5,500 families who are already Council tenonts are registered on the Council's transfer list, because the conditions they have to tolerate are little better thanthe slums from which they were rchoused. Nearly half of Wandsworth Council’s housing stock is in blocks of four or more storeys (now accepted as the definition of high-rise flats) and 6.000 of its flats are in unmodernised very high density estates with room sizes well below Parker-Morris satndards. 3,500 single people sought assistance from one housing organisation in the Borough last year. This then is the human side’ of the problem — an enormous a:d growing need&#13;
for decent housing. It causesa crisis because there&#13;
is a massive shortage of siutable housing accommo- dation — an estimated 10,500 homes short in July&#13;
1978. It causes a crisis also because the physical condition of much of the housing stock is poor (16,000 dwellings substandard in 1978) Sut, most important of all, it causes a crisis because of restricted access to decent housing.&#13;
It is on this question of access that the policies of the local authority can perhaps make most impact. In Wandsworth the attitude towards the&#13;
private and public housing sectors has shifted suddenly and catastrophically as a result of Tory&#13;
What isreally happening isthat for thesepeoplethe choiees-are&#13;
FOR != Rise&#13;
ALL&#13;
as&#13;
&#13;
 Tom Woolley is a member ofSupport and the NAM Alternative Practices Group&#13;
The problems of defects in Couricil and housing association housing are rapidly growing to enorm- ous dimensions. One article in a weekly trade paper listed examples of housing estates with serious def- ects and talked of £200million to be spent on remedial works and it seems likely that in national terms the costs will be much greater.&#13;
The reasons for these problems should be well understood by most architects but the profession has failed to take any serious steps to stem the tide of complaints from tenants.&#13;
Problems include structural inadequacies that sre are usually revealed to tenants through water penet- ration, drafts ‘or alarming cracks. Even more wide- spread are problems of dampness and condensation. Tenants also complain about high heating bills, faul- ty refuse systems, cladding dropping off windows that won’t work and so on. The list is endless. Bad design ad defects are also linked in many caseswith social problems where unpopular, particularly high- density estates become unpopular and heavily&#13;
stigmatised (with abad name) are causing meny&#13;
managemenet headaches. Those local authorities who are demoloshing estates are doing so because of a combination of physical and social problems: the Piggeries in Liverpool; Noble Street in Newcatle;&#13;
Oak and Eldon Gardens in Birkenhead. Demolition is also being talked about for Hulme in Manchester, Tower Hill in Kirby, Red Road in Glasgow and so on. Many more recently built housing estates are being includede in modemisation and improvement pro - rammes only a few years after their completion.&#13;
There are many more estates where conditions&#13;
for tenants often seem worse than the slums they used to live in because of dampness. Recently about 75 tenants met from all over Britain (from Aberdeen to Portsmouth) at a conference of anti-damp action groups in Birmingham. They plan to launch a special national campaign to get government recognition of the problem.&#13;
One group represented at the conference from Hutchestown in the Gorbals, Glasgow also featured in ‘Grapevine’ on BBC television recently. Their estate ,a deck-access system-built job (developed&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE 14&#13;
Rountree House. Oldham. The scaffolding and platform are a permanent feature of this tower block to prevent picces of concrete from falling on passers-by. Picture: Oldham Chronicte.&#13;
SLATE13 PAGEIS eesEl&#13;
“Condensation problems vary between dwellings of the same design and construction and with quite similar locations. This suggests that the role of the householder can be crucial in influencing the extent of condensation problems. ..But itdoes; not mean that itis always the householder who is to blame or who shoulders most of the responsibitity.”&#13;
Domestic Energy Note No.4 DoE Feb ‘79&#13;
The myth that condensation isn’t really dampness continues to be fostered by landlords, ably abbetted by architects and other experts. While tenants call in their own experts to survey their houses and prepare counter reports, these advocates areoften&#13;
at a disadvantage. With no right of access to drawings and specifications and the obyious impracticality of dismantling bits of the building itisoftendifficult to give a definite statement of the causes of many defects.&#13;
Groups like Support, which advise Law Centres, tenants associations and so on on technical problems are in danger of being overwhelmed with requests&#13;
for surveys and advice. Increasingly groups are taking igal action under the Public Health or Housing Acts and there ida growing demand for experts who can give technical advice to support the tenants cause.&#13;
But even if legal action is successful there is no guarantee that adequate remedial work will be done. The local authority may have to sue architects or builders or it may have to find the money from&#13;
rates or rents. The local authority itself may have been negligent in approving poor designs or passing poor work. The council’s own architects, building inspectors or direct labour force may have been at fault. Often this leads to a refusal on the part of local authority officials admit that seriuos problems exist or to co-operate with tenants.&#13;
lenants on the recently completed Church End estate in Brent have been complaining about high heating bills for their all-electric ceiling&#13;
heating in poorly insulated, system built mais - onattes, for three years. After a year of inaction by the council the tenants, through the Law Cente and Support brought in an expert who produced a report. Asa result of bus loads of tenants arriving at the Town Hall to back up the report the council agreed to install new heating systems and double glazing (costing £%million)&#13;
Yet bt March this year the local paper was stil carrying reports of tenants unable to pay quaterly electricity bills of £291 because the improvements had not been carried out. The tenants were further angered by the vice-chairman of the local housing committee claiming that “the great bulk of the tenants are delighted with their houses.””&#13;
The same councillor went ona couple of&#13;
weeks later to claim that “For many years it&#13;
used to be thought that damp conditions in&#13;
which people lived was the fault of jerry built housing or poor landlords. Our modern exper- ience isthat itisoften 4direct consequence of the way people live.”&#13;
Yet, incredibly, in the same letter (to a local paper) he admitted that design and structural faults were often to blam e giving the example&#13;
of Church End where there were gaps in the roofs and problems of ‘cold bridges’ in north walls&#13;
How have these design and building faults come about and who is to blame? The key can be found in the relationship between the privately&#13;
RISING DAMP&#13;
originally for the Coted’Azur!) was opened by the Queen in 1975, but complaints about dampness, mould mildew and extortionate heating bills have Jead to an imaginative and vigorous campaign by tenants, including rent strikes, which so far has lead to over 200 tenants being evacuated to houses all over Glasgow.&#13;
Another group in Sandwell in the Midlands has linked up with workers from the local direct works departmer.t to set up a council workers/tenants’ liaison committee which has been active in anti- dampness campaigns — including preparinga tech- nical report about the report about the problems on estates. The tenants have been supporting the workers in an attempt to stop remedial work being given out to private contractors.&#13;
While pressure of this kind might prove to be the most effective political pressure, many tenants groups have to call in technical experts or take&#13;
legal action because their complaints are ignored by housing managers. The most common area of cont- roversy is over condensation. Despite the fact that the governments own documents make it clear that condensation results from inadequate heating, in- sulation and ventilation, usually as a result of poor and low cost construction, many housing managers stil continue to blame the tenants for the problem:&#13;
Recent reports have quoted a figure of £200 million as the cost of putting right defective design and construction in council housing . This figure only&#13;
goes some way [0 reflecting the inadequate housing : conditions in which a vast number of council tenants are forced to live’ Tom Woolley catalogues the defects and the campaigns that the tenants are mounting in&#13;
an effort to have them rectified. He goes on to suggest why the defects arose in the first place.&#13;
&#13;
 Le&#13;
SLATE13 PAGEL6&#13;
particular&#13;
single bedsits and similar restrictive accomodation. Both in the private and the public sector of hous- ing we are descriminated against as single women.&#13;
Barbara&#13;
How did you start?&#13;
Helen&#13;
Ann&#13;
Three months ago we got a short-life, 4 bedroom maisonette. In a fortnight we shall get a con- verted house with Sone bedroomed flats on a proper management agreement.&#13;
Denise&#13;
EAT&#13;
{excerpt from another draft statement to the Housing Corporation.)&#13;
Ann&#13;
Also, communal houses are notoriously dil- icult to manage. A DOE circular for communal houses has already been withdrawn because of this. For instance, there is the problem of mobility . ‘Vith co-ops of different interests, there is not the structure of transfers that there iswith local authorities.&#13;
There is the bias in favour of small fats in the grant system .and the assumption about nuclear family structure in Parker Morris standards. After the nuclear couple, every- one else is supposed to be a child. There is the waste of space with corridor planning, problems of self containment of flats and how fair rents are allocated.&#13;
Barbara&#13;
Denise Arnold and Barabara McFarlane are members of the NAM Feminist Group.&#13;
HING&#13;
of&#13;
How differently would you us a standard house conversion as a group of women? How far have you persued communal housing?&#13;
Ann&#13;
There are many constraints andthe problem of&#13;
standards’. None of the flats so far have been planned for two women sharing, as bedsits for example. The rooms are too small. You need at least two bedsits and a kitchen you can sit and eat in. Yet we have two bathrooms and two small kitchens between three of us. We can use one bathroom as a communal utility room with awashing machine, but all the tidy driers in the&#13;
Ann&#13;
Because of shortages, we have become really conservative, because we have to live some- where emotionally aswell as everything else for sometime. Our battle for communal&#13;
AW&#13;
ak&#13;
its. Barbara&#13;
If you were funded as a self-help co-op or funded for design services rather than asa managem nt co-op, would you have greater freedom?&#13;
Helen&#13;
We are funded through Housing Association Grants (HAG) through the Housing Corpor-&#13;
ation which will come directly to us when we are registered but goes to NHHT as our second- ary co-op until that time, and we have a&#13;
management agreement with them. All the limits are with HAG restrictions.&#13;
out of the whole government funded market and to get houses with private money.&#13;
Helen&#13;
. ind even then ,improvement grants&#13;
are directed towards Parker Morris standards and values.&#13;
Ann&#13;
Ann&#13;
pees havealreadygonebecauseofcost Theonlywaywecangetrealcontrolistogo&#13;
In Council housing, priority isgiven to families.&#13;
As women we earn considerably less than men and are therefore condemned to less adequate hous-&#13;
ing than men can afford. The Equal Opportunities Commission notwithstanding, womens earnings are 0 g currently falling in ratio to mens. Obviously more&#13;
than legislation is needed to effect real change in womens status.’ y&#13;
of types of housing in a local area for women at&#13;
a drive for a mixtuze different stages in their lives with different needs.&#13;
housing isnow rather&#13;
Marion&#13;
We would of course like utility rooms, work- rooms, playrooms for children, but how are these to be funded?&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE17&#13;
womens right to house&#13;
site operitives: Bye |&#13;
technical expertise and community groups in tackling the problem.&#13;
hard to understand; a complete lack of knowledge of maintainance requirements of modern buildings; graft and corruption and so on&#13;
Architects should take their share though by no means al of the blame. Often when investigat- ing defectize buildings it is hard to understand how certain details were thought up.&#13;
Organisations like the National Building Agency and the Building Research Establishment are now employed by local authorities to investigate defects in buildings whose technology they were once involved on promoting. They uncover many common faults: condensation, ‘cold Sridges, rain penetration, curious asphalt work, attempts to seal everything with mastic, porous brick-on-edge copings and cills and so on&#13;
Such mistakes are not confined to ‘systemTM building but more recent so-called traditionally constructed 2-story terraces also suffer.&#13;
It is not unusual to pick up a trade, daily or local paper and read reports of tenants complaining of damp or of hundreds of thousands of pounds being spent on remedial works, However, it is not safe to assume that the problems are being overcome and that recent demands are being met. So far only the tip of the iceberg is being dealt with. There isagreat need for an alliance between architects and others with&#13;
owned construction industry and the State.&#13;
The greater proporticn of current defects are&#13;
to be found in system built and low standard housing built during the 60s and ‘70s. Untried and&#13;
The Seagull Co-op started meeting in May 1976. Squatting was no longera viable source of cheap housing for poor single people in London . During the early 70's several women squctting clusters had developed and a support network had grown up. This way of living gave people the flexibility to experiment with different life styles and many felt distressed at having to return to the isolation and expense of compteing for&#13;
There are also fire and public health regulations which reinforce corridor planning.&#13;
unproved techniges were welcomed by governments anxisus to Increase production and satisfy quantit- ative housing need. This was accompanied by graeter greutcr monopolisation in the building industry and a reorganisation of the labour force (de-skilling craftspeople for instance): At the same time architects offices were also being restructured in the name of good management, greater division of labour between the bosses and the pe ple responsible for the the technical details.&#13;
The whole process combined to produce very poor buildings 10 situations where no one was&#13;
Jy concemed about standards and quality. The fact that good quality building continued in a traditional way during this period only reinforces the bad deal that council tenants got. 5&#13;
Many mistakes were made. The technology of heavy systems and prefabricated components was poorly developed and not understood by architects. Supervision was often lacking on site both by architects and building inspectors.&#13;
fn Building Disasters and Failures Goet identifiesa number of key reasons for these problems declone in siteskills (Specially with lump labour; kick of site training: the demise&#13;
of the Clerk of Works; the gap between design and&#13;
‘aws and Codes of Practice to&#13;
DAMPWALLS, FLAKING PAINT, PEELING WALLPAPER, MUSTY SMELL&#13;
Itstarted with ashortlife house from Notting Hill Housing Trust (NHHT) where a group of women were living communally. Ann had had some experience of Housing Associations and we asked for NHHT's support if we started a housing co-op. Other women who had been squatting in insecure accomodation, or in mixed houses ,joined us.&#13;
wae&#13;
The hous: and work split is fundamental. For instance, Iwould like to have a type- setter on the ground floor. it would make such a difference for women to be able to&#13;
have children around anda small buisness on the premises. But housing legilation completely&#13;
Rising Damp&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE13 PAGEI8&#13;
Helen&#13;
It seems better at present fo get unconverted houses and to adjust them ourselves. With conversion they are cut up into bits — its&#13;
Tragic Denise&#13;
Helen&#13;
as a co-op&#13;
Denise&#13;
Helen&#13;
Marion:&#13;
We have subcommittees for special topics —&#13;
a rules group, an education group,a design group, a finance group, etc. Every so often,&#13;
we have educationals where the groups&#13;
report to each other what they are doing.&#13;
There are occasional confrontations, espec- ially about practical things, getting to know the jargon and so on.&#13;
for these exciting and rewarding posts. Applicants to join the eight-person group needn't necessarily be able to spel or&#13;
t ype but a keen interest in the sort of questions that Slate’s about and adesire to take a full part in deciding the policy and future of this leading alternative magazine are essential qualifications. The work involves a weekly meeting and one weekend every two months. Please write&#13;
to Slate, 9, Poland St.,W1 or telephone 01-703 7775 ifyou're interested.&#13;
Barbara&#13;
How have you dealt with problems of power and control amongst yourselves?&#13;
Helen:&#13;
But those who have been here the longest, and know the most, are forevever attempting to&#13;
devolve power, rather than others applying&#13;
to do the work. The subgroups have been very usefull in sharing of work and learnirig factual information. General meetings are held every fortnight, and subgroups when necessary.&#13;
Barbara&#13;
What stage isyour application for registration at present? What problems have there been?&#13;
Marion:&#13;
Most of the problems have come from being ‘women only’, and whether we contravene the Sex Discrimination Act. We have had to pre- pare a case based on discrimination against women in housing jobs, etc., why we need to support each other, share childcare and so on. We have had to make a political stand.&#13;
A Pakistani co-op is starting, and al the members are men, because that is how their sociaty and family structure is organised. Because they are not making a political statement about being ‘patriarchal’ they are all right, they are the norm...&#13;
Ann:&#13;
If we were privately financed, there would &lt;ot be so many moral judgements about us, or political statements made. We would only be questioned about our financial viability and our ability to pay rents. We would not be accountable to the public and there would not be worry&#13;
about newspaper headlines.&#13;
Most of the early womens housing co-&#13;
operatives were financed privately, even by Suffragette money .. .but we are past the days of housing for ‘fallen gentlewomen’.&#13;
activities they grudgingly concluded that things can’t go on like this much longer. Two&#13;
Advertisements are to be placed in all leading daily newspapers for TWO new committee members but Slate readers are to be given an early opportunity to apply&#13;
review&#13;
On the face ofit it is a good idea to own your own home.Popular mythology has itthat home owner- ship means the power to control your own housing circumstances and statistics show that the great majority of people want to be owner occupiers.&#13;
At Westminster the Conservative government is pursuing policies aimed at wholesale transfer of houses into owner-occupation while the last Labour government’s Housing Policy Review leant significantly in the direction of the promotion of home ownership.&#13;
Market research and Westminster rhetoric aside, the rapid growth of owner occupation and and its financial institutions, the building&#13;
societies, over the last twenty years isamost significant trend at the heart of our society’s eco- nomic and political life. In his new book Owner Occupation Martin Pawley shoulders the task of accounting for the current predominance of home ownership and its concomitant ideology over other forms of housing tenure. To unlock his problem Pawley turns to the familiar twir. keys of govern- ment policy and common-sense economics.&#13;
The strength of Pawley’s book lies in its fascinating account of the motivation for home&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE19&#13;
Ann:&#13;
Thankyou.&#13;
So workrooms are an essential requirement.&#13;
Decisions are made by thegeneralmeeting.&#13;
This is a problem for registration negotiations as we don’t have a committee and they have to to deal with ten of us at a time! We want to stay small enough rof too need a committee. 18 is a manageable number. About ten people attend each meeting. Weexpect each other to be involved. We can’t cope with people who&#13;
are never around. We don’t want to expand&#13;
over 30 people.&#13;
subs shocker&#13;
rules this out. Its difficult legally for Housing Associations to let shops, so they do not buy them, even though there are many in this area that have been empty for year at Single person housing is so often seen as an extension of transient student residencies. You sleep ,wash and study in a tiny space. The home in Parker Morris is seen in the same way. There is no space to do other things than prescribed activities. You do those&#13;
other things outside the home and women with children cannot get out to do them.&#13;
Outstanding subscription renew- als are causing headaches at NAM HQ.IfyouareaNAM member&#13;
and you hayen't paid your NAM subscription please do sowithout delay so that the LiaisonGroup can continue to support the valuable work of the NAM groups.&#13;
Ashen-faced Slate committee members at last decided at their meeting today that&#13;
they must have more PEOPLE on the committee.With numbers savidgely cut by College commitments and other revolutionary&#13;
opportunities&#13;
Would you have more opportunity to decide what you want if you were an ownership co-op?&#13;
There would be the same costs limits andstan- dards if it was done through the Housing Co ‘ poration. We have started to investigate Bui ding Societiestoseeifilspossibletoget mortgage&#13;
How did you set up your management agreement and what sort of problems arose for you as femin- ists?&#13;
We studied many forms of managment agree- mants from different co-ops, then the one trom Notting Hill Housing Trust. There were many things that we changed. and the Trust accepted the changes. Wechanged all references to “workmen? to ‘workpeople’, We set up a liaison group between NHHT and Seagull&#13;
rather than allowing staff members of NHTT to have automatic rights to join the co-op. All ‘hes. were changed to ‘shes’ in the&#13;
tanancy agreement, the management agree- ment and the Constitution .Children may live in the co-op under their mothers tenancy until they are 18 years old. When children reach 18, mothers have the option of keeping them under their tenancy. Girl children may apply for membership of the co-op. We have discussed the possibility of developing an exchange system with mixed co-opsfor women who wish to marry.&#13;
OWNING YOUR OWN&#13;
ownership: in the mid-nineteenth century it was a Martin Pawley: Owner“ way of imposing sobriety and thrift on the ‘artisin Occupation: Architectural classes;nowitsisameansforplayingthehousing dd eeeDoe marketforpersonalgain.Inparallelrunsa Sa&#13;
description of the building societies’ transformation Birmingham Community&#13;
from the local and often corrupt organisations of&#13;
earlier periods into the preeminent financial insti-&#13;
tutions of today, supported with numerous anec- dotesandawelterofstatisticsandpercentages. — pie Scen&#13;
All this is quite absorbing but readers hoping for juserated: £1..00, athorough-goinganalysisoftheroleofthispart- —_paperback&#13;
icular form of tenure in our social structure will (Ounthanks to Birmingham bedisappionted.Forastartsasearchofthebook COS Coe&#13;
for an attempt at establishing why as opposed to factions a&#13;
how home ownership is so widespread reveals that&#13;
Pawley puts forward no better answer than the Reviewed for SLATE by words he quotes from Richard Crossman: “...the GilesPebody.&#13;
provision of houses for sale to the potential owner&#13;
occupier is a response to a deep call of human&#13;
nature ”. Human nature establishesa demand which democratic government aids enlightened s*lf-help to satisfy. This reasoning might account for the activities of the building societies in the nineteenth century but is scarcely adequate now, at a time when, as Pawley points out, governments of both political complexions are committed in some&#13;
Development Project Final Report No. 5. Leretoe Leo&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE13 PAGE20&#13;
Under- leaseholder&#13;
iD&#13;
f&#13;
a&#13;
week a safety committee was set up and publisher and Micheline Wandor reinforced&#13;
His jVaiuer)&#13;
Direct Labour — Rebuilding SC’ out—&#13;
lining the proposed reduction of SC to a&#13;
quarterofitsturnoverby1980,explaining theworkforce issuedwithaseriesofChics hisviewthattheharshrealitiesoflifeoften the consequences of extensive subcontrac—&#13;
ting which Bovis management introduced&#13;
suchaspoorsiteorganisationandthe&#13;
hamperingofbuildingduetosubcontractors withthecounciltoappealagainstSC's ialdistributionandalargerfeeorwitha claimsandcounter—claims. Theyargue&#13;
that there isno real basis on which to cut&#13;
sc since the borough stil has 8,000 people&#13;
on its waiting list, the current stock of&#13;
housing is deteriorating and figures&#13;
produced by the Housing Department&#13;
predict that there wil be an increase of&#13;
Buyi&#13;
e300 in the number of households in pouty overthenext5years.Apart aoe the new housing that is required ; could also be included in the large&#13;
ousebuilding programme at Surrey Docks,&#13;
our Freeho&#13;
SLATE13 PAGE21&#13;
JSNEWSNIEWSNE NSNIEUS&#13;
strike&#13;
left in print&#13;
The ‘blue spring’ of 1979 saw Thatcher cruising to power onatide of public opinion eased to the right by a national press that was largely owned and controlled by the Tories.&#13;
The struggle for survival as a Direct&#13;
Labour Organisation still continues .&#13;
Since the controversial leak to the&#13;
press in August of details of an overall labour could not do this work.&#13;
but itisbeing excluded onthe grounds that the work isunsuitable. There isno substantial evidence to prove that direct&#13;
;The broadsheet was sold on SC’s3sites indanuaty and on the 21st there wasa |&#13;
The established newpapers and publishers in Britain operate an ideological monopoly&#13;
reduction of Southwark’s workload&#13;
over the next 2 years to a quarter of&#13;
itspresent size, 180 redundancy&#13;
noticeshavebeenissuedand4 pee onyeeio Na verylimitedtotaleiatiodindcanty&#13;
aePence aeSe isbrokeninafew ara t ont placesby ahandful of publicati a&#13;
ji :ao53 maderedundantinOctoberlastyear. panese eaeWorksea (RPG)FascasCSalbersigeltatif&#13;
plasterers and 10 carpenters were&#13;
lo thisarguing that to backed by the Transport and General transfer arecognised steward without&#13;
Workers Union was called and isstill priornegotiationwith theunion wasin&#13;
loose s , ishing z&#13;
CTE pee teeth acute tothebougeois information machine. RPG ismade pu from publications suchas ‘the A Leveller’,‘RadicalScienceJournal’,‘Spare&#13;
Asa result of this an official strike&#13;
redundant inspite of the fact that other workers had been employed in their place, and would not con—&#13;
not agree and his case was sent to the DisciplinaryAppeals Committee which consists of3 councillors. Bob argued&#13;
The morning session opened with perspec- tives from RPG’s constituent publications Charles Langley of the “Publications Distribution Coo ive’ ke of&#13;
pee sabotaging unionorganisation. He ayiges outthatinhistermsof&#13;
inprogress. Management reaction&#13;
was adamant. They refused to re—&#13;
instateworkerswhohadbeenmade. agreementtotransfer.Managementdid entitled‘TheLeftinPrint’ meee&#13;
ployment there was no contractual&#13;
Rib’ etc. and last February held a conferenc&#13;
Constructioncouldfunctionasaviableforgrossmisconducton6April.Heintendslimitationson ane aeie&#13;
publications: the large distributors, apart from any political misgivings they might have, are sceptical of themarket potential of left materials. David Wells of the Cénference of Socialist Economists -Books&#13;
MP’s and local tenants association.In resolved, but nothing was done. Asa result discussing their work. Bob Young of the Januarytheypublishedabroadsheetcalled theofficialsafetystewardwrotetothe_ RadicalScienceJournalbroughtintofocus&#13;
organisation in its present form.&#13;
In response to this situation a committee was formed by trade unionists at SC as&#13;
well as representatives from other industries in the borough and members of Southwark Trades Council to try and prevent SC being run down. They have been publicising events, trying to activate the labour force,&#13;
to take his case to an industrial tribunal andappeal under the Employment Protection Act. ne&#13;
Efforts to better safety conditions at&#13;
the NewingtonButts site and introduce&#13;
safety committees in accordance with the —_ explain=d the policies of his group in tryin, Health andSafety at Work Act, asaresult to breach the gap between the writerand afte ofa factory inspector's visit in December _ readership through the creation of inter—&#13;
have been no less fraught. The inspector —_related publications around aspecific theme negotiatingwiththecouncilandcontacting listedanumberofpointshewishedtosee andbysendingouttaperecordingsofwriters&#13;
inspector explaining the situation. Within the dilemma faced by the writer in choosing&#13;
for meetings forseveral months ahead! —_forced the left writer to approach non-left Southwark Construction Trades Council —_yblishers — ‘whether to go out under i Committeearenowtryingtoget4hearing traditionalpublisherwithalargepotent-&#13;
rundownbuttheyrealisethatSouthwark radicalpublisherwithasmallerdistribution isnot an isolated case and that their support and hence ahigher cover price (or no paper-&#13;
is also needed for other DLO’s which are&#13;
back edition)’. Spare Rib seemed to ns ee only group represented that was distributed by one of the ‘giants’ — Smiths.&#13;
likely to be attacked under the new Tory government.&#13;
The next session looked back at radical publishing in the nineteenth century. This had flourished prolifically, as James Curry explained,buthadbeencrushedbythenew technologies transforming the printing industry with their high capital costs. The&#13;
CC&#13;
degree to giving people the choice to be owner- occupiers but nor the choice to adopt any other form of tenure. At least the book provides some of the information necessary for an enquiry into the&#13;
reality that underpins its own assumptions about housing and “human ‘ature’: firstly it charts the extent of government intervention to prop up the house market through a series of financial deals with the building societies; secondly it points out how home ownership in the 1970s has become a form&#13;
of speculation ;thirdly it touches on a more fundamental political issue in describing how, in 1917, the chairman of the Building Societies Asso- ciation declared that the societies “*. . must not prejudice the high position in which they stood among the financial institutions of this country ” by mixing themselves up in the provision of houses for lower paid workers. As an arm of finance capital searching to extend its market the societies have found themselves needing to do just that aided and&#13;
of interest to speculating property companies who stand to make vast profits if redevelopment becomes possible.&#13;
abetted by a series of governments who at frsst underwrote their financial respectability through guarantees and subsidies and are now tending to offer them a virtual monopoly of the housing finance market by ensuring that through the run down of council housing that more and more people will tum to owner-occupation in the search for a decent house&#13;
According to the books authors there is nothing unique about the situation described in *Leasehold Loopholes’. Many late Victorian houses in our inner city areas were built on land leased for 99 years from large landowners and bought singly by owner- -occupiers or in small numbers by small landlords, often with building scciety finance. Today, almost all privately devloped new hoases, but not flats, are sold as freehold property so, like the private land-&#13;
Leasehold Loopholes, a recent pamphilet by the stall of the Birmingham Community Development Project (CDP) also fooks at the question of owner- occupation but from quite a different point of view They have written a microcosmic study of the problems facing the people living in Saltley, an inner-Birmingham neighbourhood, whio live in Ieaschold houses the leases of which are about to expire. The phy sical and social decay of the area 1s the result of the leasehold system itself which, as leases near expiry, has the effect of reducing the assets of the leascholder (the right to repair the house and the duty to repair it)in favour of the increasing value of the asset of the freeholder (the ultimate ownership of the land itself and the right to exploit it as he or she will once the lease has expired). In these circumstances leasehold prices&#13;
fall and leasehold owner-occupiets are reluctant to invest in repairs or modernisation of their homes. In the meantime large freeholds, some inSaltley comprising up to 40 acres of housing land, become&#13;
&gt;&#13;
lord the iniquitous leasehold system has been effect- ively banished. This does not help the residentsof Saltley and people like them but it will prevent situations such as these arising in the future. But leaseholding is only one facet of the direct depen- dence of householders on the large institutions of Capital. Their dependence in increasing numbers on the building societies, with their need to protect their their * ...high position ... among the financial institutions of this country ”, is another. It is&#13;
Legislation, in the form of the Leasehold Reform Act has been enacted in reponse to the plight of leaseholders, but, as Saltley residents and the Birmingham CDP discovered the right contained in the Act for a leaseholder to convert his asset to a freehold is not the key to security that it appears to be. Ni the first place the comparative economic strength of the freeholder enables him or her to exact a high and sometimes unreasonable price for a freehold. Also, the several layers of lease interest in any property al have to be purchased by the would be freeholder and this process involves extensive and costly legal work. TheSaltley&#13;
residents responded by organising a collective » campaign to support individual attempts to buy freeholds which the authors of ‘Leasehold Loop- holes’ go on to describe in detail.&#13;
often argued that owner-occupation offershousing rights that other forms of tenure cannot in terms of security and individual control of housing. While owner-occupiers’ rights are achieved by entering into an individual relationship with major financial institutions, the extent and price of those rights&#13;
will be determined by the market and the supervailing strengthofthe institution rather than the needs of the householder, and the price may well be too high for many to afford.&#13;
southwark&#13;
construction&#13;
template the arguement that Southwark his case but was rejected and dismissed&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE13 PAGE22&#13;
the SLATER&#13;
johnson epitaph&#13;
ig&#13;
F&gt;&#13;
The Cambridge University Architecture faculty Two NAM members made unusual guests&#13;
England may have gone to the Tories but not so Scotland reports Mick Broad. A new NAM group has been formed in Edinburgh.&#13;
which has never been without its elitist tendencies has now got truely entrenched into its ‘oh-so-academic -approach ’, entirely disreguarding the few mangled students who got squashed on route.&#13;
Until this year the approach to the diploma years was that a student could retum automatically unless he or she was a third. If this was the case the student would have to resubmit some new work before being allowed back. This year, however, more than a third was reintervieyed while those with low I 2s were reinterviewed but most were not taken back. This is a policy which isobviously short-sighted since two people&#13;
who gained Is in the fifth year had been readmittedwithlowII2sorllIs.&#13;
Nor should the situation be seen purely intermsofacademicexcellence,orthe lack of it. Often those who got alow mark in exams were the people who&#13;
at a Royal Institute of British Architects&#13;
(RIBA) branch meeting.in Nottingham&#13;
last month. They had been invited to&#13;
debate whether the RIBA represents the&#13;
views and aspirations of British architects.&#13;
Also on the platform were RIBA stalwarts BobGiles,SalariedArchitectsGroup(SAG) architecturalworkerstojointheUnion leader, and Nottinghamshire County&#13;
were not prepared to conform to the&#13;
often restrictive demands of Cambridge.&#13;
In terms of the ammount of notice which&#13;
thestudentsweregiven,Cambridgeacted offeringa‘newdeal”tosociety,basedon irresponsibley towards the students, who&#13;
had only six months in which to find&#13;
an alternative diploma course. Cambridge&#13;
also seems to have chosen a time during&#13;
the term when the workload was high&#13;
to minimise the student protests.&#13;
The only justification that the the&#13;
Cambridge faculty could present on this&#13;
subject was that they had written in Nov.&#13;
Good Luck, Edinburgh!&#13;
asanexcuseisdemonstratedbythefact that there has been no response to a letter addressed to Professor Wilson from 2nd year-out students. Our Sandy mayhaveafinger onthepulseofthe British Library but does he care a **** about what happens to Cambridge.&#13;
theRIBA should,letalonecouldordoes, represent the views and aspirations of British architects, and indeedwhether such a body should offer or attempt to&#13;
Pp thei group as architects.&#13;
futurestrategies. They alsopropose the introduction of a public debate and more visual material about NAM.&#13;
New Architecture movement, a 9,PolandStreet,London, W1&#13;
4 ee)&#13;
Pe toreturncontrolovertheirenvironmenttoordinarypeople,andsocial&#13;
responsibility and accountability to the work of architects....... to fund- -amentally change the existing system of patronage . to return a voice both&#13;
to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use its products.&#13;
nottingham edinburgh&#13;
showdown&#13;
new group&#13;
Architect Henry Swain standing in for RIBA President Gordon Graham.&#13;
NAM member David Robuck opened the discussion by suggesting that the interests that the RIBA represents are those of the owners of private architect- -ural practice in both the services it provides and in its attitude to architects" position in society. Typical of this was the RIBA’s case for the intention of a mandatory feescaleforarchitects’ services which had been shown to be basedona“hollowbargain”. Bob&#13;
and get to know NAM. Numbers were limited becuase, according to Mick Broad, most of the circulars sent out to Edinburgh practices ended up in partners’ waste bins! However, a small NAM group is now meeting monthly, making fresh contacts and becomin gnvolved in local housing issues the city’s Trades Council. Plans are being made for a series of open discussionmeetingsintheautumn.&#13;
NAM members and other pepple interestedinNAM activitiesinthe Edinburgh area should contact Mick Broad (tel: Ford 320564) or Alan Edwards (tel: 031-447 9650)&#13;
congress79&#13;
Plans put forward by NAM Liaison Group members for the 1979 NAM Congress are for a very different type of Congress from those of previous years. The proposals, for discussion at&#13;
Giles prefaced his talk with a cal for unity among architects behind the&#13;
RIBA and forms of practice which&#13;
allow ful professional responsibility to al architects, through the RIBA, should seek to rehabilitate their public image by&#13;
the concept of individual professionalism.&#13;
Taking up this point Giles Pebody, also&#13;
from NAM, reviewed the history of the&#13;
RIBA and showed that, each time it had&#13;
sought to reform the profession's intemal&#13;
arrangements and consolidate its collective&#13;
power, the RIBAitself had been stripped of the Liaison Group meeting in July, would part of its authority. The way that the&#13;
Registration of architects had been made&#13;
make for a Congress more understandable and accessible to non-members by centring ona discussion of the Movement’s fundamental aims. Such an emphasis would, the proposers say, also help NAM&#13;
the responsibility of a body seperate from ,the RIBA was a case in point. X&#13;
1976 to college tutors saying that the&#13;
faculty had no obligation to take students&#13;
back after their year out. However this&#13;
wasnever-publicised.Theweaknessofthis discussion,thatitwasquestionablewhether toassessitsachievementsandestablish&#13;
A substantial consensus seemed to emerge from the two hours of energetic&#13;
tsofsuchadisp&#13;
Aproposed Congress Agenda has been irculatedtoLiaisonGrouprepresentatives&#13;
The Congress is to be held in London in&#13;
mid-November.&#13;
Local TASS officials provided the backing for a first meeting which was held on 11th March to encourage&#13;
_SLATE13 PAGE23&#13;
NEWSNEWSNIEW:&#13;
ARCHITECTS at the London Borough of Haringey recently&#13;
gained approval for reorganisation proposals that will establish a more direst working relationship between the architect, the client and the com- munity.&#13;
This reflects the Council’s committment to a greater involvement and consultation in the community, especially in relation to housing. The development of ideas for more direct and co-operative working in alocal authority office coincided at Haringey&#13;
with an enquiry into the management of the Borough Architect’s Ervice by the&#13;
Cheif Executive. Proposals were made by him but were rejected by the staff as arbitrary and unrelated to project orcliat client needs. Counter proposals presented by staff representatives to the Public Works Committee were agreed in prin ciple.&#13;
The final scheme emerged following a period of discussion and negotiation in- volving the Chairman of the Public Works Committee, the Borough Architect and staff representatives.&#13;
The Service reorganisation iscentred around the concept of ‘area teams’, each consisting of about seven persons, inclu- ding an administrator, and a team leader. The team leader, who works as a project architect has an additional coordinating role within the team. However, each project architect has a direct respon- sibility to the service committees, the Client committee and the building users in the community. Each team has a nodal point of working but within losely def- ined geographical limits and will carry out al building projects in the area wherever possible.&#13;
The management of the Service is considered to be a collective respons- ibility and members of staff are to be elected to a management team. This aspect of the proposal isstil under dis- cussion with the local branch of NALGO.&#13;
haringey shake-up&#13;
cambridge sacks students&#13;
The latest ‘ism’ to hit architecture as the panacea for al social ils appears to be ‘paternalism’. Philip Johnson, famous establishment American architect, has had various ‘isms’ attached to him by architectural pundits. A list would be as long as his buildings are tall, but to name buta few: internationalism, modernism,&#13;
pluralism smonumentalism, post- -modernism, neo plagiarism (!), eclecettcisim,cetciissm,m,&#13;
etcism. ..- His latest utterism, delivered at a recent&#13;
discourse at the RIBA, isthat unemployed workers could find happiness carving ornaments and mouldings on rich men’s buildings (his sexism)! Not surprising from onewhowashanded abundleofstocks by his father, a rich Cleveland lawyer, enabling him to trayel the world freely, buy his way through Harvard and attempt, in 1936 ( imbued with fervour for German Nazism )to set up a_ splinter fascist party in America. Its time to bury this old man inaChippendale coffin under the foundations of his latest monum2nt, a 200 metre high ‘Chipendale’ skyscraper inNew York.&#13;
growth of advertising revenue as a lynch- pin in print economics also meant that advertisers ayoided publications with a&#13;
low income readership because they were not ideal consumers. He gave the French paper ‘Liberation’ as an example of the successful social ownership of a section of the press. Mike Kearney of the ‘Federation of Workers Collectives’ stressed that the working class had been left outof history and he supported the writing by, and about ordinary working people.&#13;
After lunch the conference split into workshops and SLATE attended two of them. The first of these was ‘The Labour Process in Publishing’. Here it was felt that the RPG’s members should offer an altern- ative to the straight press both in process&#13;
as well &lt;s product. Tight production schedules tended to militate against collective working and truncated discussion on content. The new technologies on the printing horizon were extensively discussed and experience from the Nottingham Post confirmed that capital intensive processes tended to place more power in the hands&#13;
of the editors. Apart from reducing employment these processes also robbed&#13;
the print workers of their skills and therefore of their labour bargaining power. An interesting characterisation of the dif- ferent arms of the radical publishing scene emerged; on the one hand the (mostly) voluntary labour involved in writing/pub- lishing meant greater independence but irregular work flow whilst the typesetting/ printing end of the process tended to be operated by people dependent on the work for their income. The political contradiction of a left publisher using badly paid&#13;
typesetters and printers was acknowledged although it was held that most left journals would cease to exist if obliged to use commercial printers.&#13;
Some concrete proposals came out at the end of this workshop:&#13;
—to set up a National Printiag Board to support non-commercial printers&#13;
—to create anational distribution network —to set up an advertising deficit board to compensate publishers who suffered from a policy of not accepting advertising.&#13;
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                <text> es |oa 7a A&#13;
iso:ae a i&#13;
Bai&#13;
ve BUILDING MATERIALS:&#13;
Se TTea&#13;
35D&#13;
BUILDING QUJALITY?&#13;
&#13;
 NEVER MIND THE QUALITY _______________ Page 7 Monopoly fe scales operated by architectural&#13;
selat Srarty&#13;
SLATE IS THE NEWSLETTER OF THE&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the&#13;
Movement’s Publications Group.&#13;
News and features of broad interest to&#13;
workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are included to stimulate general debate ona wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s views and activities to the attentionof the largest possible readership.&#13;
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Printed by Islington Community Press, 2A St. Paul’s Rd., London, N1.&#13;
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There are those who think that the ‘quality’ of a building can only be evaluated in a subjective way. In recent years, however, attention has been focused by the media on several| notorious cases of a lack of quality in biulding: the collapse of Ronan Point multi-storey flats, the fatal fire at Summerland leisure centre, the social problems of blocks of flats in the Wirral which were recently dynamited and everywhere problems of condensation dampness and structural decay in system-built dwellings. Each case picked up by the media has been treated as an isolated scandal and little attempt has been made to uncover the underlying causes of these failures to provide even basic quality. Above all little or no attention has been paid to the nature ofa construction industry that creates such low standards.&#13;
Processes of building design and construction can only be understood against the background of the economic realities that shape them: simply put, the search for ever increasing profit from the building process on site leads to the speeding up of work, corners are cut, standards of training are depressed andthesupervisionofworkisminimalised.Fallingstandards of workmanship could be compensated for to some degree by building materials of higher quality, but the production of building materials takes place under the same economic circumstances as construction itself. The building materials industry is more rationalised than the construction industry which has enabled attempts to be made to control the quality ofbuildingmaterials butthemonopolisticpositionofthe building materials aglomerates has enabled them to exert adequate pressure to ensure that standards of product&#13;
quality remain minimal.&#13;
In architectural education and design the operation of&#13;
market forces are less obvious, although their effect in speeding up production of design work in architects’ offices cannot but reduce the amount of care that can be given to either technical or aesthetic matters. Beyond that, the function of architectural training and work in creating designs whose ultimate role is to support the conditions under which other sections of Capital&#13;
can flourish inevitably distances building designers from ordinary people who must be the final judges of buildingquality.&#13;
_ We have not been able to. explore all these questions in this issue of Slate but hope that we have pointed oft some ways in which quality in buildings can be viewed from a material as&#13;
well as subjective viewpoint.and indicated some of the ways in which the current economic and social structure militates against good building. A radical redistribution of econamic and political powerinsocietycannotguaranteebuildingqualitybutitmay well prove to be a precondition for any improvement.&#13;
firms discourage care and quality in building design&#13;
TRAINED TO MAKE A KILLING&#13;
Architectural training and ideology enforce thedistancingofbuildingdesignersfrom building users&#13;
NEWS&#13;
Coin Street — The battle for an inner London housing site&#13;
Page 9&#13;
Page 12&#13;
NEWS:EROMNAMss sn age14)&#13;
LETTERS&#13;
Page 15&#13;
Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi tectureMovement unlessstatedtobeso.&#13;
sh or&#13;
plate’, n., a, &amp; v.t. 1, Minds of grey, green, oF blulsh-purple rock caaily aplit, into flat smooth plates; plece of such plate used es roofing-material; ploceofIt ‘usu. framed in wood used for writing on with ~-pencil orsmall rod of soft ~ (clean, the ~, rid oneself of or renounce obliga. tions); ~-black, -blue, prey, modifications *these tints such as occur in~; ~-club,&#13;
BUILDING UALITY?&#13;
O&#13;
~al benefit soclety with small “utions; ~-colour(ed), (of) darie reenish grey; hence slat’y? a, *~. 3. y.t. Cover with ~a oo slit’er‘ n, (ME&#13;
o&#13;
ne a 2. adj.(Made) OL&#13;
esp. 88 roofing; heri&#13;
aic)late£.OFesclate,fem.of&gt;&#13;
mut.&#13;
l&#13;
ui&#13;
slite*, v.t. (collog.). Criticlze severe” (esp. author in reviews), scold, rates *ocminate, propose for office eto. slat’inc'(1) n. (app. f.prec.]&#13;
SLATE14 PAGE3&#13;
S S&#13;
ST&#13;
ue&#13;
CONTENTS&#13;
EDITORIAL Page 3&#13;
BUILDING SKILLS, Page 4&#13;
How the contracting system for building construction forces a decline in the standards of building workers’ training&#13;
EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775 SLATE14 PAGE2&#13;
&#13;
 John Keene is a building worker who has recently completed a6 months full time TOPS course in bricklaying at one of the Skill Centres run by the Government&#13;
and is now employed as a bricklayer.&#13;
and controlled and more stable union organisation _ determination overides not only the financial&#13;
SLATE14 PAGES&#13;
Building skills&#13;
In this article John Keene loks at the variuos ways&#13;
in which building operatives are trained and employed&#13;
by the contracting industry during their apprentice-&#13;
ships. He argues that conditions in the building industry training and hence quality. militate against proper training and hence reduce the&#13;
Any discussion on the quality of the built environ— ment must take into consideration the standard&#13;
and quality of building industry itself. Iwould like therefore in this article to attempt a look at the quality of that training based on my own experiences which the reader should bear in mind are limited. This is not therefore a scholarly report but rather a review of mine and others experiences in the industry and an attempt to draw from them an overall view of the situation.&#13;
The most obvious way of learning a skill is to do&#13;
ted toimprove&#13;
an apprenticeship. Apprentices&#13;
Another more basic method of learning a trade is to merely purchase a kit of tools and go with a friend who is a trades person already. Under his/her guidance and protection you try and pick up the essentials of the craft until you feel confident&#13;
to strike out on your own. Theoretical study if&#13;
are indentured with&#13;
7&#13;
any is usually aquestion of purchasing the odd book&#13;
is possible whose vigilance ensures proper training facilities,&#13;
Some exceptional firms exist who believe they have an obligation regarding apprentices and some lucky people get with them. Other firms under pressure from strong on site union organisation&#13;
can be reminded of their obligations and&#13;
fortunate apprentices receive their due instruction. On one such site that I was on, the Stewards Committee ensured that apprentices were instructed in and carried out allshe craft operations, and were not used as teaboys, semi—labourers and the&#13;
like.&#13;
Anothermeansoflearningabuildingtradeisby _ofthecasualstructureoftheindustrythatsuch&#13;
taking a TOPS course. These are six month a method exists and is pursued by reasonable numbers fultimecoursesrunbytheGovernmentwhichhave ofpeople.&#13;
become increasingly used in the last ten years or so.&#13;
They stick very closely to the City &amp; Guilds syllabus&#13;
giving a good grounding in the theory but with a stronger emphasis on the practise. The TOPS course Iattended in bricklaying Ienjoyed very much and found the standard of instruction very high. However that being so it is impossible in six months to learn a trade: the skill centre I attended certainly tried its best but the time limitation is too great. Also the skill centre, try as it may, cannot capture the reality of&#13;
site work and ex—trainees like myself have a real struggle surviving on sites afterwards. In fact officially you are not regarded as a trades person for another&#13;
18 months and your rate is supposed to be set lower accordingly, but few firms take people on on this basis and you are left to make your own way. Although aTOPS course will come nowhere near ahalf decent apprenticeship, agood TOPS course&#13;
is far better than a bad apprenticeship. Quality in terms of appearance and technical correctness are stressed before speed (although the shortage of&#13;
time puts pressure on this attitude and is one of&#13;
the courses contradictions) and the theoretical grounding isquite wide and ful. Youactually get&#13;
to perform most craft operations. In brickwork Icovered from a manhole to a Florentine arch, but again the problem is that you only usually have time to do each job once whereas craft knowledge and skill require repetition.&#13;
Therefore although TOPS courses can’t and shouldn’t be allowed to replace apprenticeships&#13;
they do provide a service for peoplelike myself who missed the opportunity of an apprenticeshipand who now wish to learn a trade. The best TOPS trainees in my opinion are usually ex—labourers whose self&#13;
difficulties (you only receive an allowance — far below normal site earnings)but also the pressure of the course and the army type running of the&#13;
skill centres themselves.&#13;
on the craft. That this method of learning a trade&#13;
is totally inadequate is obvious but it is a function&#13;
SLATE14 PAGES&#13;
that only by changine the structure Of the buildi industry will the opportunity be crea&#13;
a building firm for three years under an approved scheme, with certain regulations concerning the apprentices Position and general wellbeing. There is a board regulating the scheme,consisting of both union and employer's representatives, The apprentice is&#13;
expected to receive the necessary craft training usually under the wingof an older tradesperson&#13;
or foreperson. He/she is also expected to receive day or block release at a technical college where craft theory is brushed up on and a check made on his/her progress.&#13;
This sounds and would be fine if this situation was true for al apprentices, however it is not and experience shows in fact that it is only true fora&#13;
possibility of producing quality work, Heconcludes&#13;
small proportion. This isbasically because apprentices are and have always been in this industry and others,&#13;
a supply of cheap labour. They are viewed by employers&#13;
Iwas on, the main contractor M JGleeson hadsub- let al the brickwork toa subby whilst also&#13;
having two bricklayer apprentices. The subby wouldn't allow the two lads near any brickwork at al, other than making good and Cutting away, Iwas on that site for 15 months and whenI left there was nothing to suggest that this would change in the next 15 months.&#13;
not as the necessary new blood for the industry whose training costs are an essential investment but rather as another group to be exploited, Employers profits on site are often tied to completion dates which makes speed the key factor. Time for on site&#13;
training istherefore greatly reduced.&#13;
; The exceptional apprentice who can keep up with high production gangs is welcomed — doing a craft&#13;
job for les than the craft rate, But the average apprenticeis put on nonproductive work because of hislack of speed and Knowledge and spends his day doing work that is useful to the employer but not to the apprentice. For a young carpenter this&#13;
means that his/her apprenticeship might consist solely of cutting down scaffold boards, Precuttin, timber for production Bangs, erecting huts etc&#13;
The widespread use ofsubcontractors by : employers also aggravates this Situation not only&#13;
in that they very rarely take on apprentices and thus don’ t put anything at al back into the industry, but&#13;
also In some situations being so piecework : orientated refusing to have anything to do with even directly employed apprentices. Thus one site&#13;
As one can see from al this the apprentices lot is not generally a happy one, poor pay and debilitating work result in a high number of apprentices leaving completely or going straight on the tools — in- experienced though they may be. However there are exceptions to this general picture. The largest being in the public sector. Here in the Direct Labour departments the Department of the Environment , it is commonly accepted by all sides of industry that a good apprenticeship is the norm. The reason for thi&#13;
is due to the difference in set up and organisation within the public sector. Here work ismore regulated&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE14 PAGE6&#13;
have had it all their own way and chaos and anarchy rulealongsidetheprofitmotiveinthejunglewe y cal the building industry. The only real threat to this state of affairs being trade union organisation which has fought long and hard battles against employers that make the likes of Grunwicks and Garners management look like benevolent societies, In their struggle they won many things but the lar, a battle is stil going on and that is for control. Fer the only solution to the problem of apprentices, poor quality work is the same solution to al the&#13;
ils that beset the industry and that is nationalization, Only under acontrolled building programme carried é out by registered building workers, stongly unionised can true regulation and improvement occur in craft training.&#13;
On sites with no subbies with continuity of work good pay and conditions one might see designers ; willing the sort of buildings we now no longer take for granted but regard as works of art, once again springin, up in this country. But be that whimsical or not it is : a fact that only under direct state intervention wil any real improvement be made in training. Failing that we can only look forward to more of the same —tory destruction of the DLO’s, destruction of the one section where good apprenticeships are the norm, companies dropping back on their numbers of apprentices, and&#13;
the constant growth of subbies with their shoddy work and even shoddier employment methods.&#13;
Never mind the quality..&#13;
The architectural profession is controlled and minipulated by the Royal Institute of.British Architects (RIBA). They claim that, in return for employing a private architect, a proper regard for&#13;
the interests of the client. isguaranteed. In the following article, however, John Murray demonstrates how the RIBA’s system for charging fees (Conditions of Engagement) encourages the architect to reduce&#13;
building quality.&#13;
publicarchitectshaveneverproposedanalternative JohnMurrayisa&#13;
method of programming and costing which would reflect the different form of service carried out by in-house architects, Chief architects seem to be firmly wedded to the idea of their departments being similar to those of independent and private practitioners, but with some extra unquantifiable&#13;
practice stil provides the norm. It defines the context in which public architecture is practised.&#13;
In niether case does quality of service feature, except as an exhortation, in the discussions on programming and productivity. Yet there isaclose&#13;
representative of ‘unattached’ archuects&#13;
on the Architects Registration Council of the UK and has been active in the NAM Profession..." Issues Group.&#13;
Some firms occasionally take on improvers and this is another way of learning a trade. They are usually people who have been with the firm as labourers and who have shown an interest in acraft. Paid more than labourers but less than the craft rate they are open to exploitation and the employer has not real obligation to proper traingin&#13;
no real obligation to proper training and day release. Other courses exist for learning a trade under the&#13;
Construction Industry Board (CITB) but I’m afraid Iknow litle or nothing about them.&#13;
Also another very important fact when talking about training and quality is that labourers receive no training whatsoever. Anybody who believes they are only performing unskilled work anyway&#13;
should try it sometime. Labourers are expected, with no training other than years of experience (sometimes the wrong experience) to perform operations as different as trench digging, cutting&#13;
Both private and public offices use the RIBA fee scale as a device for programming and for measuring productivity. As successive NAM reports (1) have pointed out, this method of payment, which is based on apercentage of final construction costs gives rise to excessive profits and is a barrier to the achievement of quality in building.&#13;
away with machine tools, kerb and pipe laying.&#13;
Bad habits learnt when young remain forever. Thus the building industry has a whole section of the workforce who are instrumental to the building process who receive no proper instruction at al.&#13;
The only conclusion one can make from al&#13;
this is that craft training in the industry is&#13;
generally in a sorry state. The reasons for this are to be found in the system itself. With so litle direct state intervention in the industry the employers&#13;
and mysterious qualities surrounding the fee scale. It is rare either the percentage or the basis of the scale to be questioned in the offices. One might think that when&#13;
enough. The available fee is divided up into a proportitportion of the fee will be twice as great. Yet labour&#13;
Salaried architects will be familiar with the awesome and irksome additional tasks thrown in (4). Private&#13;
arm and the RIBA Conditions of Engagement under the link between productivity and quality. And it is the&#13;
Moses came down from the mountain he carried the tablets containing the ten commandments under one&#13;
other. Yet it seems reasonable to speculate thatthe present fee scale emerged when a small number of partners in private practice sat down in Portland Place one afternoon and figured out how much profit they could get away with based on the amount and type of work a medium sized practice could produce in a year. They would also have had to assume a relation- ship between staff salaries and final construction cost.&#13;
‘As NAM’s original report to the Monopolies Commission (2) has shown medium and largepractices (over six staff), while accounting for some 36% of practices, nevertheless handle just over 80% of work by value and employ 80% of salaried architects in&#13;
the private sector. An analysis of the make up of&#13;
the RIBA Council and ARCUK will show that these bodies are dominated by partners from thosepractices practices (3).&#13;
As far as the way the fee is to be distributed is concerned al architects will know of the famous three thirds ideal - one third salaries, one third over- heads, one third partners profit. While the definition of each of those may vary, the concept -of unknown origin -exercises apowerful hold on the minds of partners and staff alike.&#13;
A sample survey of different offices suggests that this is rarely achieved in practice. Yet each office will have its own norm for different types of work which is applied to every project in the office. It is simple&#13;
proportion for salaries, for overheads and for partners expended could have remained constant. This&#13;
profit. Staff salaries are divided into the portion allotted for salaries and the amount of hours tobe spent on the job appears as if by magic.&#13;
distortion will also occur if twice the quantity of material is specified.&#13;
For chief officers in the public sector the fee scale is the yardstick by which they can provethat they are just as efficient as the consultants or that they can provide a cheaper service. As far as is known,&#13;
As far as the client is concerned, the existing&#13;
fee arrangement gives no direct incentive to the architect to reduce either the quantity or the cost of the work because this would reduce the fee income.&#13;
Thus the RIBA fee scale may be summarised as&#13;
SLATE14 PAGE7&#13;
promise of quality, in aesthetic, technical and social performance which is the claimed basis of the architects’ bargain with society (5).&#13;
Quality is a social concept. It varies in place and time. Its definition is elusive and the subject of debate, yet its achievement has been the central concern of architectural practice for centuries.&#13;
Ifquality asaconcept isproblematic, less arguable is the proposition that the quality of the end product isclosely related to the labour spent on it. While the quantity of time taken to achieve quality in a given piece of work wil vary from individual to individual, what is beyond doubt is the fact that therwillexistaminimum time.Iflessthanthisis expended, loss of quality follows.&#13;
This si not to say that time spent guarrantees quality, but that quality can only be achieved when a certain amount of labour has been expended on the product.&#13;
Time spent may be said to be the only reasonable means whereby the conditions under which quality can be achieved can be quantified. Time therefore represents the quality element in any pricing system.&#13;
In the case of the’present RIBA fee scale this quality element is concealed. In addition the architects’ reward from the fees varies not in relation to&#13;
quality but in relation to quantity and cost of building materials. Thus if an architect specifies a material of twice the unit cost of an alternative that&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE14 PAGE8&#13;
SLATE14 PAGE9&#13;
livlihood itwould seem that they devalue itattheir peril.&#13;
References&#13;
(1) (a) ‘The Case Against Mandatory Minimum Fees’. NAM Report of the Monopolies Commission&#13;
14th May, 1976.&#13;
(b) ‘Do not pass go.......do not collect 6%:&#13;
AdoubleNAM reportNovember,1977. (c) ‘Way Ahead’: NAM/Unattached Architects&#13;
report July, 1978. (2) As I(a) &amp; (b) above.&#13;
(3) Unpublished NAM report 1979.&#13;
(4) May, 1978 Public Design Group’s Conference Report.&#13;
(5) The argument that follows was first published in ‘Way Ahead’ July, 1978,&#13;
Architecture students are force-fed on the notion that the design of buildings is an arcane knowledge with the power to solve all our problems, a notion that they find hard to shed once they start work. This is no accident, argues Rob Thompson, as the architectural profession exploitsthismythtodefenditsprivi- ledged position, to excuse itselffor itsfailure to design good buildings and to diffuse crticism&#13;
None of this is good for the rest of us. the ultimate judges of building quality.&#13;
Iasked my wife to briefly define ‘an architect’. ‘Someone who designs buildings’ was the reply. I asked the man in the off-license the same question and received the same reply. My next door neighbour (a teacher) also considered an architect to be ‘one who designs buildings’. Requiring further confirm- ation, Ilooked up ‘architect’ in the dictionary, and once again was confronted with the same words; ‘a designer of buildings.......’ (1). Four sources, four almost identical definitions.&#13;
The same unity of definition does not exist, however, for the word ‘architecture’. The people mentioned above produced answers that varied from “buildings designed by architects’ to “everything that is built’, and the dictionary definition was -......the art of designing buildings; style of building......’ (2)&#13;
I find it significant that society has a clear picture of the architects’ ‘job description” but not of the extent of his or her field of work. Significant because sustaining the situation requires the ‘expert’ to exist whilst allowing the result of his or her “expertise’ to be difficult to question.&#13;
The definition of ‘architecture’ appears to be as vague within the architectural profession as it is with the lay-puplic.&#13;
When approximately 80 students of the Architectural Association were asked, prior to a debate on ‘architecture’, ifanyone would like to define the field of their chosen profession, there was silence (3)&#13;
Whethearn architect iders thephysical realmof architecture to be wide or narrow by executing the design of any building type s/he is&#13;
contributing to the ‘backcloth’ over which s/he has no control. The built environment is not the product or the architectural profession’s decisions but is determined by market-forces, seemingly democrat- ised by political backing and presented ‘gift-wrapped’ by ademocratic planning process. Ifone uses an analogy of the ‘backcloth’ in theatrical terms the role of the architect is one of colouring in, rather than forming the scene. That the public should be confused about the architects’ field of work is an important protection for the profession against direct questioning about where their responsibilities lie. That the public should be unaware-of architects’ similar confusion is essential for the architects’ self- respect.&#13;
The uncertainty of both sides regarding the field of operation of the architect is a relatively contemp- orary state and appears to coincide with the strength of voice of ‘the people’. Historically&#13;
related to aprivileyed sector of society:&#13;
architectural history, as we know it.....amounts architect, recently&#13;
to little more than a who's who of architects who qualifie.1. This article commemorated power and wealth; an anthology _ isan edited version&#13;
architecture is&#13;
of buildings of, by and for the prvileged - the houses of true and false gods, of merchant princes and princes of the blood -with nevera word about the houses of lesser people’. (4) The growth of socialism in the latter half of the&#13;
19th century saw a change in attitude (of some of the powerful sectors of society) towards the&#13;
‘lesser people’, from total indifference to liberal paternalism and with this change in ‘client attitude’ came the alteration of focus of the architect. The paternalistic attitude of the architect deciding what was best for society continued through our century, until the late 1960's when the voice of public opinion was strong enough to openly question the ‘right’ of the architect to impose his or her product upon the user.&#13;
With the growth of public questioning the scope of ‘architecture’ and of architects’ responsibilities&#13;
has appeared to become (conveniently?) vaguer.&#13;
The public questioning of the role of the architect&#13;
in the late 1960's placed the architectural profession’s official body (the RIBA) in a dilemma. To deny responsibility for the built environment by passing the buck to the professional Planners, Engineers or Government Legislation etc. would be to lessen the importance of the ‘architect’ within society.&#13;
ly the RIBA decided to put its head and try to weather the storm, which it suceeded in doing. Public questioning of the social responsibility of the architect inevitably lead to soul-searching within&#13;
the profession. This in turn has resulted in an increased need by the majority of the architectural profession (the salaried architects) for a pair of blinkers to direct their attention from clashes between conscience and the realities of working as asalaried architect.&#13;
As has already been shown the lay-public con- sider the architect to be a designer of buildings, an artist rather than abusinessman. As the RIBA isthe mouthpiece of the profession it can only be con- cluded that such an image is put about by the RIBA. The public might become concerned if it were informed that the environment was determined by the callousness of business efficiency rather than a concern for beauty.&#13;
Ibelieve that not only is the above image of the architect sold to the public, it is also sold to the&#13;
d of archi and impl dso deeply&#13;
of part of his final thesis.&#13;
Rob Thorson isan&#13;
one which does not contain an incentive to reduce building costs, but which does contain an incentive to reduce building quality. It is questionable 2 whether this is a suitable basis for society’s bargain with the architectural profession. Ifindeed quality is the cornerstone of the professional service it would seem to be at least logical to establish as the basis of&#13;
any pricing and programming system the only quantifiable element to which quality can berelated. Therefore itissuggested that the elementoftime&#13;
should be brought to the forefront and costed, and an indice established for different types of work, so that the salaried architect as well as the client may compare and monitor the amount of time spent on the job.&#13;
In the argument about quality v productivity, there is more than service to the client at stake. By agreeing to the continual reduction inquality, salaried architects devalue their own skill and the skills of building workers. In so far as both parties are dependent on the scale as their sole means of&#13;
Trained to make a killing&#13;
&#13;
 It is probably only within the last 15 years that&#13;
the architectural establishment has had to concen-&#13;
trate on the selling of an image to the general public ments. To concentrate on the production of in order to protect itself from the threat of extern-&#13;
ally enforced change.&#13;
are presented to students depends to a large extent&#13;
on the interest of their tutors, who are encouraged by&#13;
the RIBA through the educational establishments&#13;
to actively practise architecture therefore ensuring&#13;
that they are an integral part of the existing architect— establishment is never going to stress the moral ural establishment. The tutor’s interests generally&#13;
lie in the smaller scale ‘design’ orientated schemes&#13;
rather than the commercial or industrial corporate&#13;
image/cost—effective projects. The majority of schools clients.&#13;
in the country present their students with a variety&#13;
of size and type of projects likely to be experienced&#13;
in practise, in fact failure to do so would be&#13;
failingintheirtasktoproduce‘architects’thatfitted&#13;
into the existing system. They do not however,&#13;
present an accurate picture to the student of his/her&#13;
future role in bringing such projects to fruition,&#13;
concentrating on the ‘design’ aspect rather than the&#13;
co—ordinator/administrator role of the architect, nor&#13;
do they attempt to develop any kindof ‘social&#13;
conscience’ regarding the trust placed inthe architect&#13;
by society for its environment. This last point can&#13;
hardly come as a surprise if one turns to page 4 of&#13;
the ARCUK Code of Professional Conduct. (ARCUK&#13;
also being a body with a RIBA majority on its&#13;
_ Council) Principle 1 states that:&#13;
An architect shall faithfully carry out the duties which he undertakes. He shall also have a proper regard for the interests both of those who &lt;&#13;
commission and of those who may be expected touseorenjoytheproductofhiswork.(5) re&#13;
ThereappearstobenoregardinthisPrinciplefor fxs, yi&#13;
those who object to an imposed change in their&#13;
The ‘community action’ movement (which seems to have been the result of the increase in confidence of the public voice) focussed attention on the fact that the architect/client bond was considerably stronger than the architect/public-need relationship. Architecture was beginning to be seen by the public as nothing more than a business. Allegations of corruptioncombinedwithdis-satisfactionof buildings by their users, together with the overall environment spawned by the building boom of the&#13;
1960's left only one course open to the architectural profession if it were to maintain any public respect; self-flagellation.&#13;
The RIBA were not slow to realise that architect’ public credibility, and through this their stability, depended upon being seen to serve public rather than private interests. Almost like a gift from above a virtually unknown architect named Rod Hackney began to be talked about. A small urban renewal scheme had been carried out under his supervision&#13;
and designed with the participation of the local residents. This scheme, known as Black Road, Macclesfield, appeared to have everything the RIBA needed to promote the image of architects being ‘socially aware’.&#13;
However one considers the resulting design, for the RIBA it was perfect for the task in hand i.e. to show&#13;
obligation of its members in preference to their obligation to design, as by so doing it would be working against the interests of its traditional&#13;
the public that the architect was there to respond to the RIBA continues to ‘approve’ education courses their needs and wishes, and had the specialised by maintaining its control over the ARCUK Council.&#13;
. “-&#13;
discipline, bring under control Little Oxford Dictionary&#13;
A man has no ears for that to which experience has given him no access.&#13;
Nietzsche&#13;
‘Ecce Homo’ (1888)&#13;
translation by Anthony M Ludovice.&#13;
Istated in the Introduction that Ibelieved the image&#13;
existing, and perhaps loved, environment, but who are not wealthy enough to purchase land, buildings or professional aid to block such a change.&#13;
The way schools of architecture present an un— realistic view of professional, practise can best be summed up by the following:&#13;
They are playing (most of) the right notes but notnecessarilyintherightorder. (6)&#13;
If you don’t know what something sounds like you are unable to question the authenticity of your first hearing of it. For a few students however Suspicions begin to creep in that there might be certain omissions or bias within the ‘score’.&#13;
For its continued survival in its present form, and at its existing level within society the architectural profession needs to be viewed as ‘special’. The intangibility of an‘ability’ to design ensures this.&#13;
The image that is sold to the public is surviving, and it seems unlikely that the establishment will have to undergo the pressures on this of the early seventies for some time to come. It is the image that itsells itself that requires the constant attention, because itisupon this that the status quo or the architectural establishment is maintained. The architect is trained to believe that his responsibility is to the God of ‘Design’. As long as this training&#13;
is continued the architectural ‘status quo’ will be maintained.Everyman’sresponsibilitymustbe&#13;
in whatever way he can, to work tawards freedom and justice for the members of his own society. I&#13;
of ‘designer’ is planted so deeply into the minds of ae students of architecture that even after registration as&#13;
There is no ‘national syllabus’ followed by the&#13;
schools of architecture. There is however, a gerera&#13;
generalpatternwhichincreasesthescaleofthe&#13;
projects undertaken by the students as they progress&#13;
through the school in order that on completion of&#13;
the five years of study they will be ‘competent’ (?)&#13;
to handle the size of schemes required by theprofession over this task. If‘design’ isthe weapon chosen to&#13;
Practice;v.t........imposeupon.LittleOxfordDictionary.chitectsthisimage itsvividenoughtoover—ride clashes between conscience and working reality,&#13;
conflicts, that, if not pacified might lead to a demand for radical change of architectural practise from within the profession. There is however, a second fundamental requirement of the schools of architecture,namelytotrainstudentstofitintothe existing fields of architectural practise, comfortably. There is then an immediate contradiction of require—&#13;
believe there should be nothing that takes precedence&#13;
‘designers’ is contrary to the requirements of the majority of the larger clients that the profession serves. As Charles Jencks stated in Building Design:&#13;
The architects who get the most work provide the most unidentifiable buildings (4)&#13;
And yet the belief in ‘design’ is the architectural establishment’ssafeguardagainstforcedchange. Design is the basis of the architect’s public and self—respect, it makes him ‘special’ and provides him witha‘skill’ that is undefinable, making arguments against the results of his skill (buildings, environments) extremely difficult even for other architects let alone lay—people.&#13;
1am now going to concentrate on the relationship between RIBA and the schools of architecture and the way in whichI believe ‘correct stability’ within the schools, regarding students’ attitudes to their profession, is maintained. The following section of the text&#13;
will focus on the way in which ‘design’ is developed&#13;
and marketed without contradicting the require—&#13;
ments of the professions clients.&#13;
The foundation upon which the future retention of the ‘status quo’ rests, for the architectural establishment, must be the ‘correct’ training of its student architects.&#13;
Fourty one years later, despite having lost its majority on the ARCUK Education Committee,&#13;
There is a quotation: “The Status Quo does not abdicate in the face of logic’. The architectural&#13;
This delegated right of ‘approval’ is one of con— siderable power. The whole basis of *statutory grant’ funding to enable students to undertake advanced educational courses in this country requires that these courses are ‘approved’ by a ‘recognised’ body. The withdrawal of approval of a course automatically removes the right of a student to a‘statutary grant’ and consequently reduces the number of students financially able to attend such&#13;
a course, even if it were to remain open. A further guarantee that, for example, an architecture&#13;
school would have to close with the withdrawal of RIBA approval is that, no matter how long a student studied there he would be unable to register as an architect. The one possible exception to the statement above regarding guaranteed closure&#13;
is the Architectural Associatiotn&#13;
is the Architectural Association, and the reasons for this will be explained later.&#13;
There is an irony within the situation of statutory funding for advanced architectural education. The general policy of Socialist—controlled Education Authorities (which, despite the recent change to a Conservative Government, have increased in number)&#13;
_to award grants to students for ‘public—sector’ education dictates that architectural education can only be gained at schools approved by the RIBA.&#13;
_ traditional clients, i.e. commerce, industry, local, be used by the architect towards these ends then care regionalandnationalGovernment.Thewayprojects mustbetakenthatitremainspointedintheright&#13;
direction and that it stays ‘a means to an end’ rather than becoming an end in itself.&#13;
= Ee “oyoom olin&#13;
wledge and capabilities to protect their eaeThecoverageofthisschemeinthe&#13;
public media was extensive and notonly got into| ‘Good Housekeeping’ and ‘Ideal Home’ but was given peak—viewing time on both ITV’s ‘Today’ and BBC’s ‘Nationwide’ programmes. Itwas awinner from every establishment view point, even the self—help/indepen— dence aspect was present.&#13;
The ‘community architecture’ image promoted by the Royal Institute has not only quietened public concern but has thad the added advantage of making attacks upon the RIBA from within the profession less credible with regard to criticism of lack of public&#13;
accountability. School; v&#13;
that, after qualification, the belief inbeing a designer over-rides any other contraryexperience. :&#13;
The questions that were taught to be important: form, function balance, etc. take second place to ‘timescale’, ‘price per square meter’, “units per hectare’, etc. The words that were used to show one’s knowledge of architecture (eg. constructivism, post-modernism) mean nothing to either client or user. An entire terminology; upon which five years of acedemic training has been based is found to be totally useless, that is, until one is with other architects, when (once more) the phrasescan be uttered, the names dropped andone’s “true knowledge of architecture be appreciated by&#13;
others.&#13;
Rarely are leading architects, past orpresent,&#13;
associatedwithpoliticalorsocialbeliefs.Their , aesthetics are of prime importance, their motivations secondary or never mentioned, unless they happen&#13;
to be complimentary to the fashion within aplace 4 of learning, What must be remembered is the “design It is this that is pushed forward and it is this that is analysed. And yet for many of the traditional&#13;
‘greats’ of architectural design their aesthetics were the result of their strong social beliefs, which also provided their prime motivation for design.&#13;
Architect; n.......One who drafts a plan of your house and plans a draft of your money. The Devil's Diction ary by Ambrose Bierce 1881-1911.&#13;
&#13;
 clei |iz&#13;
V eyvifecsLnS&#13;
ATTEMPTS to build Britain’s largest office block near Waterloo in London have reached fever pitch, with the arrival of new proposals from developers Greycoat London Estates on the table of the Coin Street planning enquiry. If this initiative&#13;
is successful the last link,in a chain of large scale commercial and institutional developmentswi,ll be in place stretching along the South Bank of the Thames from Southwark Bridge to Vauxhall.&#13;
Standing between the developers and&#13;
their goal are two obstacles: Lambeth&#13;
that this unusual step was taken at the behest of the Tory GLC, who favour office development on the site but were anxious that the commercial proposals under consideration at the start of the Enquiry were so appalling that they stood little chance of success.&#13;
Greycoats’ intervention has come in the&#13;
form of proposals for an integrated&#13;
development of offices with attendant&#13;
restaurants, pubs, shops, some housing&#13;
and a small industrial unit all designed by&#13;
architects Richard Rogers and Partners.&#13;
Greycoats wona place at the Public Enquiry the Coin St. Enquiry could benefit&#13;
the formal battleground between the commercial developers as a whole! so the developers and the local people, when their development lobby must be content that the&#13;
»4&#13;
/\ _, View from the North Bank of 4 _Y,Greycouts’ proposals&#13;
Industry:&#13;
Totalling 30,000 sq ft&#13;
Rogers’ role as Greycoats’ architect is to&#13;
arrange this floorspace in a way which is at&#13;
once viable commercially and acceptable&#13;
to the public in the forn: of the Enquiry,&#13;
although no designs were submitted with&#13;
the outline application. As Simon Jenkins&#13;
pointed out, this paper exercise is within . the now discredited traditionoflarge scale&#13;
modern town planning and architecture?: a new ‘pedestrian spine’ links Waterloo Station with the river wall where anew pedestrian bridge leads over the river to an inappropriate joint next to a multi-level&#13;
the sites can be used if the local community is to survive and the loss of an important part of London to a commercial ghetto is to be avoided.&#13;
GREYCOATS INTERVENE&#13;
warehouses in Cutler St to yield 800,000 square feet of offices and a £20m. office development about to start construction on the controversial Tolmers Square site. Both schemes have been the object of bitter struggles with conservationists and local communities.&#13;
Greycoats’ tactics for the Coin St. Enquiry rely on a mixture of ‘public participation’ directed at the local community and, to defuse criticism from professionals, the employment? ofa young but respected architectural&#13;
Greycoats hope that Rogers’ design will be judged by the general public and the&#13;
Enquiry in the light of the success of the Centre Beaubourg, as‘... a place where al classes and al ages can participate’, rather than on itsown merits. The bald facts of the apportionment of space in Greycoats’ outline planning application are less attractive to Public Opinion:&#13;
WSUS&#13;
THE DEVELOPERS&#13;
Planning precedents which may arise from&#13;
Council's propesals for the Waterloo area&#13;
embodiedinastatutoryDistrictPlan newoutlineplanningapplicationwas lotofpromotingtheprincipalcommercial practicetoplanthedevelopment. mies1,317,670sqft(equivalent trafficjunctiononthenorthbank.Oneither&#13;
approved in mid-1978, and the local people. represented by their Neighbour- hood Council, the Association of Waterloo Groups (AWG). The District Plan sets aside the Coin Street sites for housing for families and that, argue&#13;
the local people. is the only way that&#13;
‘calledin’byEnvironment Secretary Hesletine, during the course of the Enquiry. Already under consideration were housing schemes from AWG and Lambeth Council and office proposals from the Heron Corporation and Commercial Properties. AWG iscertain&#13;
schemes has fallen to Greycoats, who have builtupareputationforexpertiseinhand- ling opposition from local groups and conservationists. They are leaders in a new wave of sophisticated commercial developers who have successfully evolved new approaches, inaclimateofpublicopinionandaplanning&#13;
THEIR ARCHITECTS&#13;
Richard Rogers and Partners’reputation rests not on commercial buildings but on theirdesignfortheCentrePompidou&#13;
ay toaboutnineCentrePoinPointsisi:zeoffice&#13;
Housing:&#13;
Not exceeding 300,000 sq ft Leiesure/restaurant/shopping/ Recreation: Notexceeding250,000sqft&#13;
side of the walkway are ten to thirteen storey office blocks with a small area of housing to the south, and the other ‘uses’ strung out along the walkway. The gap between the reality of the proposals and Rogers’ description of them, which has&#13;
been accepted without question by the architectural press4, gives the lie to the&#13;
KEY TO COIN STREET AREA&#13;
LT 1Lendan askend Television&#13;
IC +Intarnatienal Publishing the "kings:&#13;
NT +National Theatre&#13;
want tte site, moved out of Londen&#13;
Plan of the Coin Street sites showing current uses&#13;
SLATE14 PAGE12&#13;
Larecty sitesi 163 6CarParke&#13;
SOUTMMAAK SITES&#13;
647 4Dereitet 2+Printing werkt&#13;
9 5Bark, pub,&#13;
ofices, incvetey, works!&#13;
yrelopes&#13;
te&#13;
Te oF&#13;
Elevation from the Thames&#13;
View of the scheme for family housing submitted to the enquiry by the Association of WaterlooGroups&#13;
Model of Greycoats’ proposals&#13;
SLATE14 PAGE13&#13;
Offices:&#13;
Totalling 1,317.670 SqFT&#13;
CNEWSNEWSNE Heads you win, tails Ilose #&#13;
NEWS) EWSNEWSMIEWSN&#13;
systemhardenedagainstcommercial culturalcentreinPlaceBeaubourg, Paris, pour bytheeventsoftheearly70s.widelyconsideredtobeanexcitinganf&#13;
woof their Successes’ in London are the successful building ina revitalised central progressive demolition of a group of historic area of the city. In employing them.&#13;
Plan of Greycoats’ proposals suymitted to theEnquiry&#13;
&#13;
 Head S you&#13;
win (cont.)&#13;
New Architecture movement,&#13;
&amp;s _toreturncontrolovertheirenvironmenttoordinarypeople,andsocial&#13;
-amentally change the existing system of patronage to return a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use it&#13;
We were pleased to see Tom Woolley’s article “Rising Damp’ in Slate No. 13. But we do have a complaint about the way you edited out some of the information we know Tom included in his copy.&#13;
Tom mentioned the anti-dampness&#13;
meeting (the first of its kind ever held) in Birmingham,andsomeinformationabout&#13;
the worker/tenant committee in Sandwell.&#13;
As he said, a national campaign against&#13;
dampness is to be launched, and SCAT is&#13;
helping the Working Party set up in Birm-&#13;
ingham to do this. To this end, we are&#13;
aiming to contact every anti-dampness&#13;
(ortenantsassociationtakingupdampness, article‘RisingDamp’bySLATEan’&#13;
technique that the developer's architect adopts to mystify the real nature of his client’s proposals: the ‘social magnet’,&#13;
the provision of facilities for the whole city, the ‘multi-pupose enclosed framewor! for working, living, recreation, shopping and bultural activities’, but most of all&#13;
the idea that the ‘scheme’ hasalife of its own, and ismuch more than aresponse to a developer's brief{ acknowledging, almost with regret that it is ‘offices that are paying&#13;
for this scheme’.&#13;
The designitself has been the subject of&#13;
‘WORKING IN ARCHITECTURE’ is to be the theme of a conference and exhibition to be mounted in Venice next year. Planned for March the five day conference will form part of the Architectural Section of&#13;
dampness&#13;
ANTI—DAMPNESS PACKAGE&#13;
A set of papers about all aspects of dampnessandcampaigningagainstit has been published by Services to Community Action and Tenants (SCAT) ‘The papers cover such issues as:&#13;
Canpaignstrategies,demandsand victories; causes of and remedies for dampness; how repairs are paid for; direct works and the private contracting&#13;
Please send me:&#13;
others.&#13;
cases) in the country, and to obtain basic information on every estate with damp houses or flats. Unfortunately your articlehadnomentionofeitherthe contact address for the Working Party, or the set of papers we produced for&#13;
system; health and housing; joint action by tenants and building workers in&#13;
can only assume you must have seer: earlier draft we did not possess. Thanks for providing the additicn- informationwhichispr. «uelow:&#13;
Slate committee.&#13;
Dampness meeting held in April 1979 will be also sent to tenants associations, anti-damp paigns, law or centres,tradeunionsandotherlabour movement organisations. (Only available while stocks last).&#13;
SEND FOR YOUR COPIES NOW‘ AND TELLOTHERCAMPAIGNS,RESOURCE CENTRES AND LAW CENTRES ABOUT THIS UNIQUE CAMPAIGNING PACKAGE’&#13;
Venice&#13;
_ Biennale&#13;
NAM Congress&#13;
1979&#13;
NAM’s fifth annual congress, to be held in London on the 9th, 10th and 11th November, will be of special interest to people who want to find out more about the views of the movement and to new members as well as to long standing membets.&#13;
The Agenda has been framed té enable a thoroughgoing assessment of NAM’s aims andprogressinthelightofexperiences from outside as well as inside the Move- ment. The congress opens on the Friday night with a dicussion with leading critics and architectural practitioners and&#13;
Nothing was left out of 7om Wooll.&#13;
context with participants drawn from the building industry people involved Boaction over housing, industrial and planning issues as well as from the architecturalfield.&#13;
In al the debate surrounding the social and aesthetic merits of the various schemes&#13;
it is easy to forget the issue at stake at Coin Street isnot which of the various schemes will get built, for it is unlikely that any of the proposals will be realised in its present form., The real issue is to what use the land will be put, land most of which was acquired&#13;
very cheaply many years ago for the&#13;
building of public housing.&#13;
Society’ followed on Saturday by work- shop sessions grouped under the headings “Accountability to Building Users’ and ‘Democracy in the Building Design and Construction Industry’. The Sunday sessions are devoted to planning NAM’s future role. Food, a bar and entertainment complete the bill. Conference registration including meals is £8 for earners and £5 for non-earners. Day registration isavail- able for the Saturday sessions for £4 including meals. Entrance to the Friday discussion is free. Further details and registration forms from NAM 9Poland St., London, W.1.&#13;
Two more papers have now been added&#13;
to the Package and are available separately to people who already have the other eightpapers—Paper9onobtainingand using technical help, and Paper 10 which is a list of useful publications.&#13;
A full report of the National Anti-&#13;
to this tendency in the form of a serrated&#13;
skyline on otherwise sheer blocks does&#13;
nothing to accomodate ithe needs of&#13;
people for intimate. as well as large seale&#13;
spaces. The design\has been likened to a&#13;
twelve-storey high Berlin Wall and the Royal 4" international exhibition of radical Fine Arts Commission which advises planning @Pproaches to architecture’and urban authoritiesontheaestheticaspectsofmajor issues.Alsoformingpartofthecircuit&#13;
projects is said to have serious reservations about the scheme.&#13;
section of the Biennale is an exhibition mounted by feminist architects&#13;
It is hoped to organise a package-deal €XCursion to Venice for the Conference details of which will be available later.&#13;
NOTES&#13;
1. Slate 12 ‘Planning System on Trial’ 2. Greycoats’ pamphlet: ‘South Bank&#13;
Development — Proposals for an&#13;
“Area in Crisis"’’&#13;
3. Architects Journal, 15th August 1979 4. ‘Bright Future for the South Bank’&#13;
Architects Journal, 8¢ hAugust 1979 SLATE14 PAGE14&#13;
SLATE14 PAGEIS&#13;
Venice Biennale.&#13;
Preliminary dicussions among the&#13;
considerable criticism, failing, as it does, to&#13;
acknowledge what progress has been made in Italian organising group also attended by&#13;
inofficedesigninrecentyears.Thesuccess French,GermanandBritisharchitects&#13;
of recent designs has been the abandonning envisaged the event as an international&#13;
of the gaunt, sheer walled slabs of the early &gt;xchange of ideas and experiencesof ;&#13;
70s in favour of lower buildings with stepped those concerned with the social, political&#13;
facades creating spaces of more human scale. and cultural role of the architect's work.&#13;
courtyardsandterraces.Rogers’concession Thequestionistobeexaminedinawide theoristsonthetopic“TheArchitectin&#13;
Sandwell; and the limits and p legalactionondampness.&#13;
ial of&#13;
Concurrent with the conference will be&#13;
to return control over their environment to ordinary people ,and social responsibility and accountability to the work of architects. to fund- amentally change the existing system of patronage to return a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and those who use it&#13;
a NTS,&#13;
Peta Sissons,&#13;
Services to Community Action &amp; Tenan‘s&#13;
EWS SfNW aka&#13;
|] 9, Poland Street, London, W1. Praca)&#13;
From: Services to Community Action &amp; Tenants, 31 Clerkenwell Close, London EC]&#13;
anti-dampness campaigns (and which include a description of the Sandwell committee).&#13;
Dear Slate,&#13;
Would you like to help us to reach more anti-dampness campaigns through NAM members who may be giving&#13;
tenants some help, or working in local authorities with dampness problems. You could do this by including the information cut out of Tom Woolley’s article, and by mentioning the Dossier on Dampness&#13;
form which isbeing distributed to&#13;
tenants organisations.&#13;
responsibility and accountability to the work of architects....... to fund-&#13;
Campaigning against&#13;
copies of the Anti-Dampness Package at 60p per copy to tenants associations and anti-dampness campaigns nd at £1 per copy to all&#13;
copies of Papers 9&amp; 10 at 20p for the two.&#13;
Please make cheques and postal orders payable to Services to Community Action and Tenants. Bulk rates are available for individual papers.&#13;
I/we wish to be included on the ‘Dossier on Dampness’, please send details. (Delete ifnot applicable)&#13;
Gut out and sendto SCAT,31 Clerkenwell Clase, London EC1&#13;
&#13;
 RIBE [iryoyuouwouldliketboe amember oftheNewArchitectureMovementfililnthfeormbelowanndsond&#13;
it together with a cheque/postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5.00( if&#13;
you're employed) or £3.00( ifyou're are student, claimant or OAP) to NAM at9, Poland Street ||&#13;
London W.1. ||&#13;
NAME... ||&#13;
| |ADDRESS&#13;
|&#13;
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SLATE&#13;
abi-monthly magazine about building and buildings SLATE&#13;
aims to bring together ideas and experiences from people who design buildings, people who build them and people who live and work in them.&#13;
SLATE&#13;
concentrates on the social and economic factors that shape our environment and determine the way that ‘buildings are commissioned, designed, built, and used&#13;
SLATE&#13;
full of useful information and opinion from workers in building construction and design, tenants, community groups and others interested in ensuring that the construction industry and its products are more attuned to their needs&#13;
SLATE&#13;
is an independent magazine published by a group within the New Architecture Movement, which aims to promote effective control by ordinary people&#13;
over their environment ~&#13;
SLATE 2— Can architects help the ‘Community’?&#13;
SLATE 3 — Myth and ideology in the architectural Profession&#13;
SLATE 4— Crisis in the construction industry AND Women who are builders.&#13;
SLATE 5 — Monopoly in the architectural profession SLATE 6— Training architects&#13;
SLATE 7 — Making public building respond to&#13;
people’s needs&#13;
SLATE 8 — Feminism and architecture&#13;
SLATE 9 — The fight for control of the building industry: nationalisation or private&#13;
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SLATE 10/11 People talk about the buildings they use&#13;
SLATE 12 — Commercial developmenth,e tommunity and the building industry&#13;
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                <text> I THINK THE TROUBLE WITH ARCHITECTS ISTHEVRE ALWAYS&#13;
DESIGNING MONUMENTS&#13;
i&#13;
\ SCKCLZ&#13;
apotqies 10&#13;
&#13;
 WHOSE PROFESSION IS IT ANYWAY?_____ page 3 People think that the letters RIBA signify&#13;
‘architect’ — this isn't the case&#13;
SLATE ISTHE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement’s Publications Group.&#13;
News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are included to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement's views and activities to the attention of the largest possible readership.&#13;
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Many people think that the initials ‘“RIBA’ signify a qualification in architecture and that only those who wear them after their name are professional architects. This is far from the case, as the ‘unattached’ councillors on the Architects&#13;
*Registration Council of the UK explain&#13;
What raelly distinguishes ‘unattached °architects is that they alone have the right each year to nominate and electtheir own representatives to "ARCUK’. You've probably heard little of ARCUK — the Architects Reegistration Council of the U.K. — because ever since it was established by the Arch- itects Registration act of 1931 to regulate the architectural professionin the public interest, the RIBA (whose would-be monopoly of ‘architecture&#13;
was rejected by Parliament) has stopped at nothing&#13;
in its attempt to suppress public knowledge of&#13;
ARCUK and to prevent it from effectively carrying out its role. The RIBA controls ARCUK at present by packing it with owners of architectural firms pledged to follow the orders of a small clique of fanatics associated with the RIBAs ruling council.&#13;
Although anyone can practice architecture, only people whose names are on the register of Architects maintained by ARCUK may legally call themselvesarchitects.Insomerelatedprofessions&#13;
hip ofthe rel ,charteredinstitution functions as the as the recognised professional qualification, but the professional qualification&#13;
for corporate’ membership of the RIBA are no higher than those of registration with ARCUK.&#13;
Of course no RIBA member can use the title ‘architect’ unless he or she isregistered with ARCUK.&#13;
UNATTACHED NEWS&#13;
RIBA railroading of Registration Council revealed&#13;
NEWS&#13;
Whose (SAC) Conference was It Anyway Vote for the Public Interest&#13;
RIBA Snubbed inSurvey&#13;
THE SLATER&#13;
NAM CONGRESS “79&#13;
Full Report on this Year's New Architecture&#13;
Movement Congress&#13;
SUMMER SCHOOL STUDIES URBAN QUESTIONS&#13;
Report of the Bartlett Summer School which investigated the ‘production of the city’&#13;
REVIEWS&#13;
Two books on Housing&#13;
LETTERS&#13;
NAM-—A Way Foward; SAC Conference; NewYorkContacts&#13;
page 5&#13;
page 6&#13;
page 9 page 10&#13;
page16&#13;
page 21 page 22&#13;
place. Socalled‘unattached’architectsarethosewho&#13;
Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi tecture Movement unless stated to be so.&#13;
afite, ee (colloq.).Gece,wovereyy” (erp.authortareviews),scold Hed&#13;
over the last few years. ‘Unattached architects work in al sectors and include young and old, employer, employee and self -emlpoyed architects( though like the profession as a whole, 80% are employees).&#13;
Some ‘unattached are strongly opposed to the RIBAs relentless persuit of the self- interest of the few architects who are employers in private practice,its hypocritical contempt for the public interest, its undue influence over architectural education or its reactionary political position. Others simply find it bad value for money. In 1980 architect members of&#13;
the RIBA will be asked to pay an annual subsciption of£64. For what? For,a mere £12 ayear anybody can receive the RIBA journal and al unattached can receive the Buiding Design free each week. At the same time fewer architects are interested in having theinitialsRIBAaftertheirnamewhichforanarch- itectsignifiesnomorethanRACafteranameofa licensed driver.&#13;
responsibility.&#13;
Some architectural firms or public authorities&#13;
try to force the architects they employ to join the RIBA. Such undemocratic employer imposed *closed-shop” contravene the provisions of the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act of 1975. Any architect facing dismissal, or victimisation short of dismissal ( such as refusal of promotion otherwise&#13;
justified ), for refusing to join the RIBA( or maintain RIBA membership )should appeal to an Industrial Tribunal. An architect faced with similar discrimination in applying for ajob should enlist the support of his or her Trade union.&#13;
At present, unattached architects have nine etected elected representatives on ARCUK. Any of the architects listed below, all of whom&#13;
have represented unattached architects on ARCUK, willbehappytotrytoansweryouequestions concerningtheroleofARCUKandoftheRIBA&#13;
‘nominate,proposeforoffietcc,eHi aiueise'd ae Tapp. f.preo.}&#13;
WHOSE PROFESSION&#13;
IS IT ANYWAY&#13;
arenotmembersofthefive ions(includi&#13;
theRIBA) listed in the schedule 1 of theArchitects!&#13;
Registration Act of 1931, which specifically recog-&#13;
nises the right of architects to remain ‘unattached’.&#13;
Of course ‘unattached’ architects may well be&#13;
mambers of a trade union, such as NALGO 4x IPCS&#13;
in the public sector or TASS in the private sector.&#13;
Many feel that being amember ofa union isamore&#13;
effective way of defending their livlihood and gain-&#13;
ingcontroloftheconditionsunderwhichtheywork +responsibilityforrecognisingcoursesinSchoolsof and the quality of the work they do. Architecture as qualifying for admission to the&#13;
Nearly 5000, or 1inS architects are now Register.For many years however. the RIBA has ‘unattached and the number has dramatically increased prevented it from effectively carrying out that&#13;
Because itmust decide who will be admitted to the Register of Architects ,ARCUK has by law the&#13;
me&#13;
(CIL:&#13;
CONTENTS&#13;
Some architects, employers of architects, archi- tectural students and users of architectural services stil believe that a qualified architect must be a member of the Royal Institute of British Archi- tects (and, conversely, that a member of the&#13;
RIBA is necessarily an architect). In fact an architect need not be a member of the RIBA (and thousands of RIBA members are not architects). More and more architects are choosing to be ‘unattached’, either resigning from the RIBA ornot joining it in the first&#13;
EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775&#13;
&#13;
 registering as an architect and being or becoming ‘unattached’. They would equally be pleased to talk on those subjecte to groups of architects , Students, trade unionists and others interested.&#13;
John Allan,67 Romily Rd, London, N4 (01-734 8577)&#13;
Anne Delaney, 196 Albany Rd, Roath, Cardiff. (0222 492047)&#13;
Susan Jackson, 4 highshore Rd, SE15. (01-703 C911)&#13;
Alan Lipman, UWIST, Cardiff.&#13;
(0222 24732)&#13;
Bob Maltz, 14 Holmdale Rd, London ,NW6. (01-340 3288 x281)&#13;
IT'SRUMOUTRHAETDTHEMUPPARETMEASLY MAMPULATEO DOLLS .&#13;
John Murray, 37 Landrock Rd, London N8. (01 340 8031 x280)&#13;
Marion Roberts, Stephen George and Ptnrs, 5 Drvden ST., London WC2 ,&#13;
(01-240 2430)&#13;
David Roebuck, 25 ST. George’s Ave., London N7,&#13;
(01-267 5604 x34) Ken Thorpe, 109 Cadogan T., London, E9.&#13;
(01-985 2676)&#13;
lan Tod, 19 Wellington Chambers Aire St., Leeds |.&#13;
(0532 635274)&#13;
Eddie Walker, Leeds&#13;
(0532 635274)&#13;
Tom Woolley, 27 Clerkenwell Close London EC1.&#13;
(01- 251 0274)&#13;
RIBA&#13;
application of any independent criteria&#13;
to the Register entry qualifications. Alas ho progress in reforming this state of affairs can be reported for the 1979-80 session, thou he Unattached have tabled&#13;
a question as hether ARCUK appointees to the visiting boards have ever included a non-RIBA memeber. No awards&#13;
for guessing the answer&#13;
SPERM BANK IS A LOAD OF PRAP&#13;
Talking of awards. itn&#13;
recalled that the 1969 Registration Act established an ARCUK Education Fund for ‘the provision of scholarships and grants ... the furtherence of education and research ... and the disemination&#13;
of teaching.” (Section! , subscction4) Responsibility for the sdministration&#13;
of this fund falls mainly on the Projects and Research Awards Panel, Known as PRAP — an unfortunate abbreviation which, in the indifferent accoustics of the Council Chamber can occasionally&#13;
be misheard. On PRAP’s advice ARCUK has allocated funds to the tune of £56 000 since 1975 to the York Centre for continuing professional aducation (contributions from other institutions such as the RIBA, RICS, 1OB, CIBS efc., have averaged about £200 p.a.)&#13;
The results of investment in this agency, in effect an RIBA sperm bank* lave been modest, if not invisible, considering&#13;
the input. Unattached Councillors have been vocal in arguing that funding of the York Centre must be discontinued and putto better use, and were apparently vindicated when, at the October Council meeting it was confirmed that no further grant was expected. With deft footwork however the December Council approved a new BAE proposal to fund the York Institute the sum of £15, 000. An Unattached amendment to reduce this contribution was, of course, defeated.&#13;
5&#13;
SLATE aims to provide an effective means of communication for the “unattached ” members of ARCUK through these columns and letters page.&#13;
So if you feel strongly about these issues, don’t hesitate to write to us.&#13;
For the lay reader of SLATE “ ARCUK ”is the Architects Registration Council of the U.K. It was set up by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 to control the entry of people into the profession and itor their conduct once registered. It is posed of S main constit- uent bodies; The RIBA (Royal Institute of British Architects), the [AAS (The Incorp- arated Association of Architects and Surveyors), the FAS (The Faculty of Architects and Surveyors )and the AA (Architectural Association ).&#13;
any part of Council sessions. Quite what would constitute a ‘special occasion’, is not clear but the majority ensured ample license by voting that the Council could resolve itself into committee and place the Press on trust whenever it might fecl reporting to be undesirable. Included was the provision for committee members&#13;
RAILROAD&#13;
Following his impressionistic picture of&#13;
the December 1978 Council Meeting,&#13;
Hawser Trunnion brings you this round&#13;
up of ARCUK news over the past year.&#13;
Councillors representing the Unattached&#13;
Architects in the 1979-80 session have,&#13;
as usual, been well exercised in monitoring difficulty that was partly alleviated by andwherepossiblechallenging,the&#13;
activities of those intent on preserving the status-quo behind ARCUK’S flickering illusion of change. This well trained&#13;
house poodle of the RIBA now enters&#13;
the 1980s al st-t to carry off yet again’ the top award for obedience and decorum&#13;
in the Cruft’s contest for professional dressage.&#13;
A yariety of issues have predominated in the session from March to December 1980, of which the following are perbaps of most interest.&#13;
ARCUK SECRETS — THE BLUNT TRUTH&#13;
The old chestnut of Council Con- fidentiality isalways readilily available&#13;
for further roasting. Following ‘leaks to the Press’ in 1978 in connection with the Summerland case, the Council has made several attempts to limit Press reporting&#13;
and the freedom of disclosure of Council business by members. The complexion&#13;
of the more devout blimps, however, moderated from deep purple to blushing pink when it was realised thet an initial proposal to administer oaths of secrecy&#13;
on Councillors was too |fatuous to be taken seriously. In the event Council voted 27&#13;
to 9. at its June meeting to adopt the following measures for a trial one&#13;
year period: that except when in its quasi-judicial role (eg considering removals from the Register for crime or disgraceful conduct), or other ‘special occasions’, Council would not exclude the Press from&#13;
meansoftheannualquestionnaire which has more recently been included in the election mailing. At the October Council meeting a sinister event occurred. With&#13;
to discuss Council business with their nominating body — no mention being&#13;
made of those wishing to obtain feedback from their electorate — (ie., the Unattached)&#13;
This relates closely to the wider issue of communication between Unnattached Councillors and their electors — an ongoing&#13;
a degree of vulgarity which until recently might have seemed untypical a squadron of RIBA voting fodder — defying Standing Orders with the Chairman’s consent— introduced a motion to prevent the Unattached obtaining their electorates views by means of this questionnaire. The motion was, of course, carried thus closing even this rudimentary channel.&#13;
In contrast the Council, in June, generously sanctioned Press photography — though as one Unattached Councillor observed, the prominent RIBA insignia that embelishes the throne on which&#13;
the chairman isinstalled could mislead the uniniated into believing that the panorama represented a sub-committee of the Institute!&#13;
EDUCATION — DUTY FREE&#13;
It may not be well Known that&#13;
the 1931 Registration Act placed a “duty” upon the Board of Architecural Education (BAE — Schedule 2) to recognise siutable examinations for qualification, to recomend the holding of any examinations it considered suitable and, indeed, to hold examinations itself (Section’ 5). An exotic metamorphosis has transformed this stat- utory duty into the chummy excursions of-the RIBA visiting boards, effectively removing from ARCUK itself the&#13;
&#13;
 The application of ARCUK’s con- siderable rescourcesjto assist prospective students in need of financial help was another important power conferred by&#13;
the 1969 Act. Unattached Councillors&#13;
have been concerned at the low take up&#13;
of such grants, amd at the December Council asked what steps outside actual schools af architecture ARCUK took to publicise their availability, Clearly there must be many a bright school leaver unable to obtain a suitable grant who remains quite ignorant of the possibility of ARCUK funding as wil his career advisors - if the Council does not widely advertise among schools and 6th form colleges. The Regis rar however confirmed that no&#13;
such information was made available&#13;
CONDUCT UNBECOMING&#13;
The accusation that RIBA in ARCUK fthe tail wagging the dog, is&#13;
ed ‘in disciplinary matters by the observation that its bark is worse than&#13;
its bite. Feeling itself powerless und angry”&#13;
at the outcome of the Discipline Committes&#13;
investigation into Summerldnd , the&#13;
Council at its June meeting ordered a&#13;
review of the ‘tasks and obligations of the&#13;
Discipline Committee”, and of how”&#13;
ARCUK’s procedures compared with those&#13;
of other such statutory committees under&#13;
the aegis of the Privy Council. However,&#13;
when the report was presented at its&#13;
Octiber meeting the Council was evidently&#13;
reconciledito its powerlessness and anger,&#13;
as an Unattached recommendation to&#13;
improve the Discipline Committee&#13;
demonstranly the poorest constituted&#13;
amongthefourcompared(doctors,DentistselectionofUnattachedRepresentativesto permitarchitectstopracticeas&#13;
A NEW WAVE of national activity among student&#13;
architects took a tentative&#13;
but short step forward at&#13;
a recent student conference&#13;
in Sheffield. Challengingly entitled ‘Whose Education&#13;
is It Anyway?’, the con-&#13;
ference was organised by the Schools of Architecture Council (SAC) whose chairman since last spring has been prominent radical lecturer Brian Anson.&#13;
Scen as SAC’s response to the call for greater student involyement in decision making implicit in Anson’s election ,the conference was aptly subtitled “A Wood- stockofArchitecturalEducation’ embracing, as it did, a wide variety of alternatives in Architecture. Events were only loosely tied together and ranged from a seminar with architect, Derek Walker, member ofa newly founded international design consultancy, to workshops put&#13;
formity across the country and discourage free inquiry und any questioning of the nature and social role of their subject. This view was supported by many of the students at the conference in private conversation: some deplored the narrowness of the ‘training’ that they were given; others complained of a lack of scope tr learn about the building industry, work directly with community groups or simply to learn about the aspects of architecture that particularly interested them.&#13;
What was to be the solution? Inspite of the conference structure, which was&#13;
stated and restated as relying on&#13;
participation for achievement, only the most elementary steps towards progress were put forward in the open sessions. Among the ideas to gain the widest&#13;
assent was a call for better communication nication between the students in different schools, appealing as it did to both those who felt that salvation could be found by changing to a “better” school. if they could find one, and those who feltitaprerequisite toaconcerted&#13;
Student campaign for a better deal. In contrast some maintained, atter the example of students from Hull, that Students in cach schoul should deal with their own problems rather than be side tracked in activity at a national level&#13;
Only two measures were put to the Conference forashow-of-hands vote Anson won support for his proposal to reform the constitution of SAC which currently gives students, staff and the head of cach school one seat cach. I the Sheffield resolution is ratified hy SAC’s AGM, each school would, in future, send three students, two stall and the head of school, giving students an cqual voice, The resolution of support for the staff andstudentsoftheCheltenham School of Architecture, which has recently been instructed to shut its doors to new students with # view to complete closure in about two years, fitted well with the feeling running right through the confer- ence in favour of diversity in architec- tural education. In the discussions preceeding the vote the complexity of the forces that control the schools became eveident as the machinations between the DES, Gloucestershire&#13;
County Council, the CNAA and the School's parent college were explained. Several speakers deplored the RIBA’s unwillingness to unconditionally&#13;
Support the School, inspite of the fact that they formally recognise the standard&#13;
of its courses.&#13;
In the end most of the participants&#13;
seemedtotakeawaywiththemmanyofthe frustrations they had brought to the conference venue at the top of Sheffield University’s 19-storey Arts Tower, and to a degree that was inevitable. The organisers&#13;
it&#13;
and Vets) — received no support whatever.&#13;
ARCUK Council. The size of the electorate and the nember of councillors is of&#13;
course governed by the provisions of the&#13;
Ofthetwentyorsodifferentevents \ie only a handful dealt directly with&#13;
questions of architectural education:&#13;
Anson debated with Architectural Mono-&#13;
graphs editor Davil Dunster whether courses should include material on the social implications of design or con- centrate solely on developing design ability in an abstract, formal sense; Jane&#13;
-Darke, a student activist during the 1960s outlined the achievements of the now defunct British Architectural Students Association; NAM members lead a popular seminar aimed at identifying the problems facing architectural education as seen by the students themselves.&#13;
In his opening talk Anson recalled how, during his first six months in the chair of SAC,hehadvisitedoveraquaterofthe UK schoolsofarchitecture. His impres- sions Were ofa student body cowed by staff who promulgate a formalistic app- roach to design with a remarkable uni-&#13;
Meanwhile expensive prosecution of&#13;
architects committing trivial or merely&#13;
technical Code offenses continues&#13;
unabated. Thus. while an attitude to fier&#13;
precautions described as casual in the ex-&#13;
treme and involving the deaths of 50 persons equitable, however, isthe method of falls short of “disgraceful conduct *being&#13;
Yes&#13;
No Undecided&#13;
65% 24% 11%&#13;
engaged as the director and secretary of a company developing abuilding site, although “in fact ho client or other&#13;
person suffered damage’ therefrom, does not. In the latter case, by a nice irony of timing, it appears that the ‘guilty’ architect may be struck of by the same[ Council meeting at which the RIBA lobby will vote to allow directorships.&#13;
THEARCUK MACHINE —WELL OILED OR OILY?&#13;
This necessarily breif resume would be incomplete without noting the hazards&#13;
of the procedural thicket the Unattached 6&#13;
determining how many members exist in each constituency. Every year on the 31st October an ARCUK computer print out provides the names of al those on the Register. The number of Unattached, the seeimd kargest constituency, is, inpractice&#13;
determined by means of the RIBA vetting a&#13;
2. Should ARCUK follow the recommen- dations of the Monoplolies Commission by changing its Code to permit architects the option of not using the RIBA Conditions of Engagement?&#13;
BAD AT FIGURES&#13;
1931 Registration Act and adjoining Regulations. The rule of“one repreesentative per 500 members or fraction thereof would seem sensible sn¢ simple enough. Less&#13;
-The opinion survey was carried out with the assistance of ‘Building Design’ magazine. We publish the results below:&#13;
In conclusion, the phrase “casual in the extreme. could, with some justification, be applied to the administration of the annual&#13;
ST&#13;
SAG USAC TOS a jeage&#13;
o eeftheunattachedlistsand&#13;
a copy deleting&#13;
Yes No&#13;
Undecided&#13;
64% 30% 6%&#13;
al those that it claims&#13;
eee&#13;
2 ames, depriving&#13;
reduce&#13;
diby&#13;
theconstituencyofafurtherplace&#13;
Council and on nominees, adding one extra to the RIBA’s&#13;
Unfortunately no counter-check is&#13;
Yes&#13;
No 2% Undecided 2%&#13;
carried out, nor are any Bodies RIBAUAAUE&#13;
96%&#13;
ee&#13;
as its Own members.&#13;
3. Should ARCUK take stronger measures to help end descrimination in employmentagainstarchitectswhoare not members of the RIBA?&#13;
oftheieconstituent AS, etc., obliged to&#13;
provide the registrar with an updated copy of their membership list. It is obvious&#13;
that it is disadvantageous to inform the Regis. trar of membership decline — as the Pre SS “ informs us is happening in the case of the RIBA. Equally no strict criteria is&#13;
applied todetermine when anon- -subscriber actually ceases to be a member of such a body, thus enabling the Institute to carry any number of passengers&#13;
for the ARCUK count. Disparities between the Institute's own names and subscription income apparently indicate a passenger list of several thousands.&#13;
CALL TO ARMS — MORE LEG WORK NEEDED&#13;
Notwithstanding their modest achievemen| the NAM Unattached Representatives — as listed elsewhere in this SLATE — brace themselves for another year of opposition and hostility and in doing so invite the good will and support and interest of al unattached architects in this endeayour.&#13;
RIBA SNUB&#13;
IN SURVEY&#13;
THE UNATTACHED Councillors&#13;
on ARCUK have recently canvassed their constituency on some important issues facing architects at present.&#13;
1.ShouldARCUK changeitsCodeto limited liability companies?&#13;
on by Glasgow based community archi-&#13;
tectsgroupAssist,withrepresentativesof U TEAT~ECTA.| TOATT” almost every shade of theory and practice&#13;
inbetween. EE&#13;
,&#13;
must perforce negotiate to register their&#13;
views.&#13;
It is well understood in most democ-&#13;
~&#13;
racies that Standing Orders exist to protect the minority who would oferwise simply be crushed by a majority claim thet ‘might isright’. In the case of ARCUK, standing orders can dissapear&#13;
taneously created with conjuror’s ease. Thus the requirement of 24 hours notice for motions in Coi#ncil not arising from&#13;
committee reports can be waived or overlooked to set asude an Unattached motion submitted in proper order (Mach Council), or to introduce a resolution to suppress the questionnaire that is unre- lated to the Committee report (October Council). In december Council a more ingenious novelty appeared, namely that any resolution to ammend or omit a committee recommendation isout of order, and that Council's only power is to ‘refer back’ the entire report.&#13;
Moreover the Chairman is well versed in the ‘Nelson touch’ when it comes to Unattached Councillors endeavouring to catch his eye. The solubility of democracy iscompleted by the Chairman’s now freq -uent practice of resigning his role of impartial arbiter altogether and asking Council asawhole whether itwishes to hear the Unattached contribution — such&#13;
enquiry invariably being answered by bovine roars of "NOY&#13;
By way of explanation the Chairman has often declared himself the ‘servant of this Council’ Unfortunately he is only&#13;
prepared to be servant when the RIBA is master.&#13;
—_orbe spon-&#13;
KEEPING THE NEEDY IN THE DARK&#13;
ONE WSIDAASNEWSI&#13;
Whose (SAC) conference&#13;
was it anyway&#13;
?&#13;
t&#13;
&#13;
 good intentions to bring together the&#13;
maximum number of students lead them&#13;
to rely on an invited galaxy (albeit small)&#13;
of architectural *stars’, leading personalities&#13;
in the profession, to attract the crowds. As&#13;
a result the experience of the conference&#13;
tended to replicate the experience of the&#13;
educational process itself, with the students’&#13;
role unconsciuosly classified as that of&#13;
receiving the wisdom of the design ideologies February 7th.&#13;
annual ARCUK retention feehas just been raised to £7 50) to pay the bills for the RIBA’s pet projects and slow the decline in the Institutes membership.&#13;
To continue the struggle for a demo- cratic and open ARCUK anda publically accountable profession, unattached architects are urged to&#13;
VOTE FOR&#13;
Bearing the burden of the architectural professions’ conscience seems to be getting too much for the RIBA’s Salaried Architects Group, whose increasingly appropriate acronym is SAG. The Group, which purports to represent the interests of employe, as oposed to employ architects on the RIBA’s Council, has always held that the way to liberate their constituency from the iniquities&#13;
to ditch two of the three main planks&#13;
of the Code of Conduct which effectively prohibit advertising by architects and their taking of directorships in building firms. As the owners of private architects firms go about restructuring the rules of their game so that they can make more profit the SAGs are stuck in the&#13;
position of being in dispute with their patrons. Architectural&#13;
punters who had failed to notice until then the cracking facade of their ‘united profession’ had it rubbed in their faces&#13;
Foster Imposter&#13;
There isan old joke about public participation which runs something like this: ‘The Council is seeking the views of local residents about the route ofa new motorway. Please indicate which of the following three routes you prefer: through your front garden, through your back garden, or through your&#13;
and professional mores of practitioners and academics. Under these circumstances it would have been an immense step for the studentstohavecollectivelyshedtheeffects ofseveralyearscachinthesortof environment that Anson described at the openingoftheconferenceandtohave madeaconcertedchallengetothe&#13;
NAM members presently hold&#13;
eight of these nine seats representing&#13;
‘unattached’ architects, i.e. those&#13;
architectswhochoosenottobe&#13;
membersoftheRIBA,theAA,orone&#13;
of the other minor bodies cited in the&#13;
ArchitectsRegistrationActof1931.&#13;
Theunattachedaretheonly MarionROBERTS professionalresponsibilityasdefined architects entitled to elct their own&#13;
representatives to ARCUK.&#13;
controllers| of their education. Some&#13;
questioned whether SAC, even “balanced”&#13;
under its proposed new constitution,&#13;
could be a vehicle for student-centred&#13;
campaigns for reform and Jane Darke was&#13;
among several speakers who argued for a&#13;
national architectural students organisation&#13;
with no staff membership. Nevertheless the&#13;
conference did provide the “marketplace” of&#13;
alternative ideas that had been promised and known to be incraesing in numbers.&#13;
David ROEBUCK Dave SUTTON Eddie WALKER&#13;
by his or her Code of Conduct. If this results inaconflict between professional obligations and doing what the boss tells you then the salaried architects’ interpretation of the Code would have&#13;
to rule. Until recently this policy has been popular with the RIBA’s controlling group, the owners of private architectural firms, who have favoured several SAGs with appointments to high places in the Institute's hierarchy, in return for their support for the Code and hence their reinforcement of the myth of a ‘united profession’. Times change, however, and a 1980's wind of commercialism is blowing through the upper echelons of&#13;
pennydreadful Building Design, that the proposedchangesare* lusivelythe concernofprincipalsinprivatepractice and the reported opposition of a few salaried architects in public employment isirrelevent and impertinent’. There is little doubt that Bryan Jefferson, fellow private practice boss and current RIBA President, would support this view.&#13;
Small wonder that SAG leader, Bob Giles, has recently been seen wandering the corridors of the GLC with his head in his hands. The Slater's advice to Bob and thousands of other salaried architects is to get out of the RIBA and show it up for what it always will be and when you need to protect yourselves from the iniquities of employment do it through your union, like the rest of us.&#13;
Transport site in central Hammersmith is fullocalpeoplecouldwellbe&#13;
faced with asimilar participation excercise over who should design the scheme. In this case the wording might&#13;
be ‘The Council intends to permit the building of several hundred thousand square feet of offices. Please indicate which of these two architects you prefer: Foster Associates or Elsom Pack and Roberts’. The campaign lead by RIBA Journal editor. Peter Murray, was sparked off by the dismissal of Foster as architect for the redevelopment of the island site around Hammersmith underground station in the Summer. At the time&#13;
Foster had little work and the move resulted in extensive redundancies in his office. However, it appears that the people of Hammersmith are not being fooled by the pro-Foster campaigners and are not letting any fuss about who designs the redevelopment to confuse their opposition to the scheme in principle.&#13;
At a ‘packed’ public meeting called by&#13;
the campaign, abstentions were the rule of the day; 43 people voted for Foster and 12 actually voted against his reinstatement. Not that Foster himself islikely to be that worried now: his appointment as architect for a multi- million pound bank development in&#13;
the seeds of questioning ,sowed and nurtured According to ARCUK the RIBA&#13;
in individual minds may flourish. One accounts for 78% of al people on Sheffield student has been reported as saying the Register. The reality is probably that his school will never be the same again. under 70%. Although around 80%&#13;
of architects are salaried employees, nearly 80% of architects on the Registration Council are bosses. This&#13;
We would like to add that, as the question of is because the RIBA Council, which communication betweeh students in yariuos is free to nemniate anyone — laymen&#13;
schools was one of the themes of the&#13;
conference, we should remind everyone&#13;
involved in architectural education that Slate only because of the: presence of NAM&#13;
is in the libraries ofa good few schools of architecture. Ifnothing grander isforth- coming then Slate would be happy to carry articles from students and perhaps help take the first steps to improving&#13;
the communication that was called fro so widely at Sheffield&#13;
8 ee&#13;
members representing the unattached that there are even 20% employee architects on Council.&#13;
During the past year these NAM members have continued to struggle against stepped up harassment, abuse, bullying and obstruction from RIBA’s ARCUKmafia(seereportinthisi&#13;
to ensure that ARCUK acts in the public interest and not asarubber stamp for the RIBA’s dubious policies and as a means of getting al architects (whose&#13;
TK HongKonghasjustbeenconfirmed. {Raab&#13;
Vote for the public interest&#13;
‘UNATTACHED’ architects&#13;
have nominated nine NAM members as candidates for all nine ARCUK seats up for election Ballot papers are being sent out to al ‘unattached’ architects by the Architects Registration Council and are due back by&#13;
Sagsing&#13;
|The Slater the RIBA and preparations are underway&#13;
Although the RIBA publically acknowledges that its membership is in decline and at the rate of at least 2%&#13;
per year, the RIBA-controlled ARCUK has decided to give the RIBA Council one more place on ARCUK this year and no more to the unattached, who are&#13;
and to get the freinds and colleagues who are ‘unattached’ to vote for them also. Every vote counts this year as ther is again some reason to believe that some of the nore fanatical membersof the&#13;
RIBA may be trying to putup @ puppet slate of RIBA supporters to contest this election, despite the total failure of such an effort two years ago.&#13;
included — to its seats on ARCUK this&#13;
year appointed 90% bosses. It is&#13;
John ALLAN NormanARNOLD MickBROAD David BURNEY JohnMURRAY&#13;
of salaried employment and, at a stroke, thepublicfrom of archi 1 thoughtlessness,istoreform architectural practice so that each architect,bossorminion,hasfull&#13;
when respectedpastp ofthe frontroom’.Ifanewcampaignover RIBA,EricLyons,wroteinthearchitects theredevelopmentoftheLondon&#13;
() Ofje p C-&#13;
NEWSSNEWSNIEWESN&#13;
Told enc _.RIBA Council member Archie Tekt guns down theSAGs inSLATE 9(Summer 1978)&#13;
Slates’ address is 9, Poland St., London, W1 Articles and helpers welcome!&#13;
&#13;
 10&#13;
&amp; aN&#13;
These are some of the more important campaings and activi ties NAM has mounted or been involved in over the past four years:&#13;
— The&#13;
. = -&#13;
—&#13;
~&#13;
— —&#13;
-&#13;
Reflected in this list is the diversity of interests embraced by NAM. At the time of NAM’s found- ation many of these issues were as relevant as they are today. NAM’s achievement has been to draw together the individuals and groups cncerned into an organisation which can debate and refine understanding of the questions by linking them together, and provide support and a base for widening individual campaigns. This diversity&#13;
means that a cemtralised organisation with an ‘executive committe’ isinappropriate. NAM has developed a federal structure, for which the only decision making event as far as NAM as a whole is concernedistheAnnualCongress.BetweenCongresses the non-policy affairs of the Movement are co-ordinated by an elected ‘Liaison Group’. Policy and campaigns&#13;
are the prerogative of separate local- and issue- based groups whose only duty isto report and stand accountable to the Annual Congress.&#13;
NAM provides for its member groups and indivicuals an opportunity for broader discussion at local and special national meetings and through Slate, financial support for particular campaigns and acchance to win the support of a wider body through resolutions at the Annual Congress.&#13;
Continuing debate and a widening of spheres of action are essential to NAM’s future. It is currently involved in a process of reviewing and refining its policies and startegies which has become the more vital in the face of recent political clanges. Member- ship is open to al.&#13;
FORWARD with thought was the message from the 1979 New Architecture Movement Congress held in November last. Speedy react- ions to the grim prospects facing architectural workers and the users of the buildings they design could prove counter-productive. Instead NAM committed itself to a short period of consolidation followed by a&#13;
a major meeting early this year to launch thought out alternative approaches asa basis&#13;
for a campaign agianst the feffects of Westminster policies on architects and Architecture.&#13;
Already one NAM group has started the process.&#13;
The Public Design Service Group recongnised in their motion to Congress, the importance of demonstrating that Public Sector design is capable of greater sensitivity to people’s needs if staff in public&#13;
architects offices are to win the popular support they need to ward off redundancies. On architectural education NAM expressed unanimous support for&#13;
the students snd staff of Cheltenham School of Architecture in a motion opposing any attempts&#13;
to close the school. NAM members who represent&#13;
the ‘unattached’ architects on the Architects Regis- tration Council of the UK also won ful support for their efforts to ensure that Council acts in the publis ir public interest.&#13;
But proposals for action must always be made from from a thourough understanding ofthe nature of&#13;
the ‘problem’, and, in the informal sessions of the Congress, NAM set in train theoretical work on the relation of enconomic and social factors to the design of housing. Contributions from the NAM Feminist Group demonstrated how design standards tend to reinforce the role of women as housewives and&#13;
hinder progress towards equality. Others. pointed p out that th motive of the State in financing council house building wasto secure a healthy and compliant workforce for industry rather than any altruism. A stude group to look further into the question was&#13;
The ‘Green Ban’ campaign between trade unionists and environmentalists to save Birmingham Post Office building.&#13;
Trade Union organisation within the hitherto largely unorganised field of private sector buildingdesign.&#13;
Nomination and susequent election of councillors on the Architects Registration Council of the UK and subsequent campaigning: within the Council to ensure that itacts in&#13;
the public interest.&#13;
Preparing and campaigning for the reform of Local Authority architects offices and ,more more recently their defence.&#13;
Working towards a feminist perspective on building design and setting up a cooperative practice to design for women’s groups. Publishing the magazine Slate.&#13;
Submitting evidence to the Monoplies Commission against the mandatory minimum fee scale promulgated by the RIBA and ARCUK.&#13;
Working towards an understanding of the relations between architects and building users, particularly in the practice of&#13;
‘community architecture’.&#13;
CONGRESS REPORT&#13;
set up and will meet throughout this year.&#13;
Other group discussions considered the effects of design decisions on the health and safety of working&#13;
people, the problem of defects in housing, the principles of direct labour and the need to strengthen architectural practice through increasing democracy within offices.&#13;
NAM CONGRESS 79&#13;
INTRODUCTION TO NAM&#13;
People are often mystified by initials. Many readers of Slate will bave been wondering what NAM stands for. The initials stand tor New Architecture Movement. NAM stands for real control by ordinary people over the processes that form their environment, but also believes that changes are necessary in the way that architecture is practised and the building industry organised, These two ideas are interdependent.&#13;
‘At the moment the majority of new buildings and other changes in the fabric of our cities and towns work against the interests of the majority of people. NAM sets out to understand why this isthe caseand particularly in what way building design and construct- ion are responsible for this situation. As we see it, in broad terms, building projects are initiated, designed and then constructed and managed exclusively by&#13;
a tiny minority in society, managers of corporate private enterprises, local authority bureaucracies, private architects firms and building contractors. Quite naturally they work in their own interests, so wider social considerations are neglected. NAM members, most of whom work in the field of building design are no longer prepared to remain uncritical and inactive. And not only because they object&#13;
in principle but also because they find the conditions&#13;
of their work implicit in the current set up are unacceptable.&#13;
Itisagainst this background that NAM emerged spontaneously ataconference inHarrogate in&#13;
1975. NAM isprincipally about the process that gives us buildings. Because the majority of its members are involved in architecture NAM’s work has tended to concentrate on that part of the process calledbuildingdesign. ThisisnottosaythatNAM feels that building design is of paramount importance but the last four years have proved how difficult it is to make links through the walls of our social pigeon holes. Things are changing slowly and NAM is beginning at least to talk to builders, housing&#13;
workers, economists and others.&#13;
&#13;
 The morning plenary was reported by Sarah Gillam and covered workshops on planning and people, housing form, housing standards and industrial buildings and health and safety.&#13;
The afternoon plenary was reported by Tony Brohn and covered workshops on housing form, design and build and direct labour, and trade unions and architecture/democracy in architects’ offices&#13;
cannot be spent on areas other than those stated, so Ee a)thattenant’spreferencesmaybeignored.Itwould&#13;
tend to see it as a worker's problem, while architects see it as an obstacle to design. He felt that these attitudes desperately needed to be altered so that users could participate at the design stage to&#13;
eliminate resks. To do this trade unions and architects architects need to co—operate_more fully with one another. One way of achieving this might be to try and demystify the architect's job by producing pamphlets which explain technical building and&#13;
design terms, the type of problems which architects face and the design process. He wanted to locate someone in an architecture schoo! who might like to do a project along these lines. So if you're interested contact David Gee via Slate.&#13;
Housing form&#13;
R E e e ee&#13;
Jos Boys introduced the workshop and discussed&#13;
housing form asatypeofsocial control —through housing tenure and the layout of estates, but also questioned whether form is a result of the social structure or vice versa. The group looked at the design process&#13;
and discussed to what extent class—based stereotypes are transferred from middle class homes to working Classones&#13;
The second part of the workshop was introduced by Su Francis and based on a slide presentation of women’s quarters through the ages. Su showed&#13;
how sex stereotyping exists in design guides and housing layout. Although the pre—capitalist&#13;
economy was house centred, the woman's role was slightly less defined than later periods. In middle class Victorian homes there wasa strict division between domestic servants (mostly female) and the master and mistress. The servant’s role of cooking, cleaning and making the beds was replaced in the 20th century by the wife/mother, whose role it is to rear children, run the home and replenish her husband's needs. The kitchen is now the main spatial area allocated to the wife — previously the servant's domain and this space segregation has tended to accentuate women’s oppressive containment.&#13;
The third part of the workshop was given by Doug Smith. He explained how housing form is being designed and built around the stereotype of the nuclear family in an inflexible permanent way and criticised the pseudo—scientific approach of Parker— Morris standards which tries to justify a series of minimums. He also described how building form&#13;
can be used for general social control and gaye Haussman’s radial street design in Paris as an example. Similar radial designs exist in some prisons. Ultimate— ly, the group agreed that a part from design problems&#13;
there just isn’t enough housing available — state provision is inadequate while private housing is beyond the reach of many people.&#13;
NRAeaeSCSIGERILCR an SES Housing standards&#13;
eeeee) Marion Roberts gave the workshop on housing&#13;
be better if legislation ensured that buildings are wind&#13;
and weather tight so that tenants may decide their&#13;
amenities for themselves. Examples were given to show&#13;
how some legislation isinadequate. Thermal heating&#13;
standards don’t allow for different weather conditions&#13;
in the UK, so that money which should go on&#13;
additional heating has to be spent elsewhere. In new&#13;
build housing spatial standards are minimised to those&#13;
of Parker Morris, whilst the cost limits in rehabilitation&#13;
tend to result in high maintenance expenditure — somethingwhichcouldbereducedbyinvestingmore some initially in building materials and design. The trend&#13;
ienesw)&#13;
purchase by the state, and by trade unions through pension funds. While state purchase was seen as a potential area it was felt not to be feasible for the next few years! Trade unions. however, possessed a substantial amount of money which could be used Positively whilst still providing a return on income. Nobody knew quite how this could be achieved but il is certainly an area for exploration. Housing is already being provided by trade unions in Germany and Sweden, so it was thought that thes examples would be good to look at&#13;
Trade union involvement in local CUM paigns. throughthelocaltradescouncilwasrecommended by several people in the group to widen the issues and gain more support&#13;
Many felt that architects and planners were still working on amenity/conservation issues either than for the services of a community and questioned why this was happening. A suggestion to include architeet’s fees in Urban Aid Grants might be one way of&#13;
solving this problem. Some people felt that if social need was to be met at al architects should organise&#13;
in amuch more radical way, and put themselves at the disposal of those who needed their services&#13;
rather than continuing alor the lines of existing Structures.&#13;
standards. She said that&#13;
Marion said that with rigid statutory legislation, money prevailing attitudes in industry. The establishment&#13;
towards rehabs has sometimes gone too far, with local authorities preserving the unpreservable. It was suggested that architects should be allowed to conduct comparative feasibility studies of new build and rehabs instead of simply one or the other.&#13;
Most people thought that large scale redevelopment projects should be planned in phases so that commun— ities aren't destroyed. An example was given where one community was relocated in tact, so that people stil lived next door to one another.&#13;
The group felt that there was a need for a resource centre which published information on faulty design and standards. This could act as an information service for joint discussion between tneant’s assoc— iations and building workers examining proposed building designs.&#13;
Planning and people&#13;
a&#13;
)&#13;
Industrial buildings and health and safety EAE&#13;
David Gee, ahealth and safety officer, began the workshop byconsidering some of the problems of implementing health and safety regulations. He&#13;
standards can be used as a&#13;
represented moral rectitude.explained that part of the problem stems from&#13;
5&#13;
Martin Lipson from the ‘Planning and People’ workshop outlined the problems of redevelopment on privately owned sites, discussed the possible ways that the state and trade unions could remedy such situations and proposed alternative ways of meeting social need for the future.&#13;
He illustrated the problems by first giving an acoount of the Battersea Redevelopment Action Group’s efforts to oppose the construction of luxury flats and offices on a site occupied by a disused warehouse. He explained that the area surrounding the site was dominated by 31 high- rise flats, had little open space and was mainly populated by low income industrial workers, who, owing to the lack of industry in the area were&#13;
forced to work elsewhere. Objections to the scheme grew and an alternative plan for the whole area was devised by local people together with some architecture students. The plan covered a 30 acre site which included 3 or 4 other redevelopment projects and incorporated badly needed oped space They made two planning applications on the grounc of social need but these were both rejected. When a public enquiry was held, people chose to give evidence rather than be represented by a lawyer, feeling that their views should be expressed directly. At one point they staged a mock enquiry as part of their evidence to illustrate the way in which the wholeprocessworkedlikeagameandwouldhave a determined conclusion.&#13;
Opinion in the workshop diverged at this point. Some people felt that professional help should be enlisted to begin with, and that total participation by the community was only possible once some victories had been gained. Others argued that by participating fully those involved would be far more ‘ware of the whole political process. Martin pointed&#13;
WORKSHOP REPORTS&#13;
out that while they had lost the site in Battersea they had gained the involvement of people in the locality as a result of their participation. Others Suggested that this was insufficient and that people’ awareness and strength would evaporate without tangible success.&#13;
Another area of discussion was the way in which property developers cab bide their time since their Property is ever increasing in value whilst the&#13;
reverse is true for communities. In Battersea the Project was stalled for 7 years whilst Proceeding&#13;
were carried out. But during that time both the local council and Government turned to Conservative and&#13;
the climate for private speculation became far more amenable. The building programme isnow underway.&#13;
Everyone agreed that ownership of land wasa vital area and discussed the possibilities of and&#13;
Trade unions and architecture/democracy in architects’ offices&#13;
There were 3 workshops in the afternoon session: ‘Democracy in the Workplace/Trade Union organis- -ation”, ‘Design and Build/Direct Labour anda continuation of the moming’s workshop on ‘Housing Form’ added to the afternoon programme&#13;
y popular demand.&#13;
_rene Murray from N.A.M.’s “Public Design&#13;
Service’ group introduced workshop one with a 13&#13;
political weapon to restrict or enhance and showed how in the 19th century they&#13;
&#13;
 14&#13;
Having failed to determine a clear course for the future, the Congress resolved that the discussion be continued at greater length at a special meeting to be called in the Spring. All NAM groups were&#13;
asked to submit papers and proposals to the&#13;
Liaison Group in preparation for the special meeting. Such a debate on NAM’s future must clearly be fuly informed and the Liaison Group would welcome contributions from al interested parties 4s soon as possible. Written material should be sent to 9 Poland St., London, W.1.&#13;
that besetts al state spenders: that of fitting a rolling programme of work into the local authority financial year.&#13;
This Congress supports the efforts of NAM representing unnattached architects on the Architects Registration Council of the UK in their efforts to&#13;
An interesting question was posed in the workshop:&#13;
what limits would be i dupona left-ori d&#13;
department ideologically committed to expansion?&#13;
The answer given was that the Borough Architect&#13;
could block the expansion beyond ‘establishment’ size&#13;
(a scale determined in conjunction with the DOE). At&#13;
present quite a high proportion of state-funded work is dominated by capitalism and patriarchy as was crisply farmed out to private architects. Considering the policies demonstrated by Su Francis in the morning workshop.&#13;
expose RIBA abuses of ARCUK. This Congress requests Sltac to publicise the NAM Mate for the forthcoming election in 1980 in carly January&#13;
of some local authorities this is not an altogether a bad thing but at a time when local authority building is seriously threatened by cuts it provides an easy way for those in favour of privatisation of the State by&#13;
the private sector without attracting too much attention. The theory is that the private sector mops up the excess that the public sector can’t handle. It was suggested that a local authority department&#13;
should be able to work for another local authority in order to match shortfalls of work in one with excesses in another. It was proposed that a joint “Fighting the Cuts” conference sponsored by both the public and private sector unions be called to link action on this crucial issue.&#13;
Cost limits, design guides and their own prejedices confirm their political role. .&#13;
c. Discussion of building form is dogged by ip terminology used by architects and their commentators. This severely limits public debate to a fairly elitist&#13;
plane. The professional institutes do little to improve this situation. Public response should be encouraged a great deal more by the use of the popular media.&#13;
There have been three further open discussions&#13;
that have developed themes from the workshop. A third is planned for 10th January 1980 at 5, Dryden Street, at 7.00. All are very welcome. It is intended to to publish material to represent these discussions in the form ofa NAM booklet.&#13;
di the future&#13;
to be held in the Spring.&#13;
ies of NAM in&#13;
The morning’s ‘Housing Form’ workshop had raised so many important issues that an afternoon slot was hurriedly organised. The-interest gener- -ated by this workshop could be partly due to the fact that NAM had up to then consciously avoided entering into debates about building form, principally because the world of architectural journalism dwells extensively on “what buildings look like” to the virtual exclusion of “whether buildings work” or “whose needs do buildings satisfy”. NAM has avoided repeating the obsession and instead has concentrated on the political and social conditions&#13;
that produce buildings. The‘Housing Form’ workshops established that enough grass-roots interest existed for nettletobeformallygraspedatlast.&#13;
The afternoon workshop asked firstly in what proportion housing form was determined by architects or economic constraints. Three fundamental problems were rounded upon:&#13;
a) Archi fi ly fail at the job they are supposed to do, at the level of basic competance e.g. leaks, bad damp-proof course detailing, specification errors like Sumerland, etc.&#13;
private practice to help the public sector unions in resitsting attempts to cut the public sector.&#13;
2. UNIONISATION&#13;
This Congress urges al workers in al sectors of building design work to join and organise&#13;
within their appropriate trade union. In the cise of private sector building design, yhis Congress endorses the conclusions of the May 14th&#13;
b) They cannot opt out of their ideological context&#13;
The final session of this year’s NAM Congress was devoted to a discussion ambitiously titled ‘Future '&#13;
Strategies’. Its purpose was to review the current strength of NAM and initiate discussion on the future direction of NAM sponsored action. In the event discussion remained fragmented and unfocussed but it is clear that such a self examination is now crucial to the development of any future programme.&#13;
Throughout the last four years NAM has consist- ently developed its ideas on a range of issuesand established its authority as an alternative voice in the profession. Yet its membership remains small and its resources limited. Debate centred on how NAM should seek wider popular support and, in&#13;
particular, whether it remained realistic to expect&#13;
it to grow into a mass movement in membership&#13;
terms. It was proposed that NAM might broaden&#13;
its appeal by embracing less purely ‘professional&#13;
political’ issues but it was questioned whether it&#13;
possessedthemanpower todoso.NAM shouldlook&#13;
outside of itself, it was suggested, both by&#13;
addressing itself more directly to those unattached&#13;
architects who regularly voted NAM-affiliated&#13;
candidates onto ARCUK Council, and by seeking to&#13;
make alliances with other organised groups of working&#13;
people.Inthiscontextthequestionofwhetherand 4.ARCUK members&#13;
how NAM should respond to the changed political context was discussed and in particular the need to oppose the proposed public expenditure cuts was raised as a potential centrepiece for action.&#13;
IMPORTANT MESSAGE TO ALL NAM MEMBERS AND GROUPS&#13;
Don’t forget to send your papers and proposals to the Liaison Group as soon as possible for the Special Meeting to&#13;
NAM’s 1979 Annual Congress passed the following resolutions:&#13;
1. PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE&#13;
This Congress endorses the work carried out by the PDS Group in the last year&#13;
In addition, this Congres«&#13;
a) supports the the PDS Groujys&#13;
proposed conference to be held in Spring 1980 to which al appropriate unions will be invited to send delegates, to asses the progress made&#13;
in the democratisation of publis design offices, and the relation of democratisation to the defence of public architectural practice,&#13;
b) recognises, (i) the unique potential of&#13;
publis design offices to provide a democratic&#13;
design service, (i) the ideological and economic attacks on these offices by the present government, largely supported by the RIBA, and,&#13;
c) supports appropriate action taken in the&#13;
defence of these offices by public sector unions and calls on salaried building design staff in&#13;
Conference that al workers in that sectorshould organise in AUEW/TASS. Tis Congress urges cooperation at al levels between public and private sector trade unions with building design staff in membership to defend and enhance the quality&#13;
of the workinglives of building design staff and&#13;
the quality of the design work they produce. 3.CHELTENHAM SCHOOL O1 ARCHUITECTURI NAM Congress opposes any attempt to close Cheltenham School of Architecture, Dbelicving: option that this action would eliminate a progressive&#13;
in architectural cducation. It expresses its support for the staff andstudents in the school in their fight against closure.&#13;
description of the reorganisation of the architects’ department.at the London Borough of Haringey where he is employed. The basic idea behind the reorganisation was to create an area-based set of design teams that can develope a good understanding of their locality and a sense of responsibility to the people who live within it. In addition each ‘team&#13;
Design and build and direct labour&#13;
leader’ actually partisipates in the designitself. This arrangement isaconsiderable improvement&#13;
over the conventional pattern of local authority architects’ departments where jobs are allocated to designers on a fairly random basis with the result that there is little continuity over a period of time between designers and users. By making the team leader an active member of the design team they avoid team and group leaders becoming petty bureaucrats dealing mainly with council committees and in the process losing touch with the problems faced by the team. At Haringey each team is offered each new council-funded job in its area and decided which ones to farm out. Inter-team liaison exists although this is not allowed to take on too much power. John Murray touched briefly on a problem&#13;
workers can come together to discuss projects.&#13;
They had also elected delegates on an area basis to represent users’ views. A planned building programme gives them the opportunity to work closely and constructively together. (Apologies for the brevity of coverage of this workshop please see SLATE 9 fora fuller description of events at Hackney.)&#13;
The Design and Build Collective’s Dick Watson introduced workshop two. He saw their work as a genuine alternative to the conventional designer&#13;
separated from builder set up. It is organised as a non-hierarchical cooperative rotating jobs such as book-keeping, job-running, trade skills, etc. Asa result there is little specialisation and each person gets to know something about every aspect of the job. Gross turnover is in the region of £60,000&#13;
to £70,000. They carry out mainly community- based projects such as play groups, day carecentres, craft and trade centres, ahandicapped building centre and private conversions of.which “there&#13;
is an almost unlimited supply in London.” They encourage people they’re working for to learn building skills and participate as far as possible. Tom Bulley from Hackney’s architects department described the DLO’s predicament there. They are trying to restructure it along the lines proposed by the NAM PDS group. They have ajoint shop&#13;
stewards’ structure where architectural and building&#13;
Other matters dealt with during Congress were: SUBSCRIPTIONS&#13;
NAM subscritions are now as follows:&#13;
£8,.00 for working members and £3..00 for unwaged members, both annually.&#13;
Both classes of subscription include copies&#13;
of Slate.&#13;
This isthe first increase since theintroduction of subscriptions folllowing the Ist Congress NAM GROUPS&#13;
The following Groups received endorsements&#13;
from Congress as required by Working Rule 2: Professional Issues Group, Alternative Practices Group, Feminist Group, Public Design Service Group, Slate/Publications Group. Any other se groups should inform the Liaison Group of their existence immediately to aid communication.&#13;
Frok each of these groups a delegate is to beapp- ointed to form the quaterly Liaison Group meeting. LIAISON GROUP OFFICERS&#13;
The following officers were elected by Congress: Mick Broad (Edinburgh), Teck Ong, Ken Pearce, Barry Shaw (al London), and Dave Sutton (Bristol).&#13;
FUTURE STRATEGIES&#13;
RESOLUTIONS&#13;
Freemnmemesrncessoneaca Housing form continued&#13;
&#13;
 A TWO WEEK summer school was held at the Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning, Uni- versity College London, during the first twoo weeks of September. Called ‘The Production of the Built Environment’, it took a novel and importantly distin-&#13;
ctive approach to urban issues. Its nove?ty was an attempt to xeplore the possibilities of an ex-&#13;
planatory framework for questions of urban change and development which related a historical analysis of the construction industry -that isthe changing conditions in which buildings and the physical structure of cities are produced.&#13;
The schoolwas jointly organised&#13;
by taeching and research staff from different departments within the&#13;
Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning, together with help from and co-operation of others outside the Bartlett.&#13;
architects, planners teachers, researchers students, etc.. Participants thus together represented the many separate disciplines and occupations related to urban issues, both theoretically and practically. More than thirty people from the UK and abroad attended, hearing nearly the same number of people give papers, and taking&#13;
part in discussion and study groups. The programme of the School presented material that allowed the&#13;
possibility of analysing the production of the built environment in terms of the changing relations between land, capital and construction in cities. The physical formof the city could be viewed asa&#13;
an account of the Bartlett&#13;
The first week covered three areas: firstly the process of capital accumulation in the construction industry; secondly the relevence of history and of theories of scientific knowledge to environmental studies, and thirdly a critical appraisal&#13;
of methods and techniques used in the field, drawing on examples at the level of implementation. It was intended to draw up in a tentative way a theoret-&#13;
ical framework and possible methods&#13;
of analysis, identifying the levels at which they operate. The second week&#13;
was more concerned with identifying&#13;
ways in which this framework might be applied in practice. This was seen in in terms of the organisation of prod- uction in construction, and in terms&#13;
of State intervention and policies.&#13;
Throughout the two weeks project groups held working seessions and&#13;
helped to make the School part od a process through which some of the directions adopted were criticised and clarified, and new lines formulated. It is hoped that the Summer School, together with the publication of its proceedings in January, will be the first step towards developing a coordinated body of work in this diraction. The progress that has been made can be evaluated at next years Summer School.&#13;
The first has been concemed with processes of distribution and re- distribution of resources within the urban physical structure. Whilst rejecting the explicit functionalism of earlier work it contains inherent assumptions which maintain a dichotomy between social and physical elements as a non-social variable in patterns of access and inequality.&#13;
The second is an approach to urban studies which has emphasised the relation between social infrastructure and urban development. Harvey’s re-assessment of the relevance and assumptions of previous studies rejected the notion that spatial forms and social processes are in contin- uous interaction. He nevertheless adopted an approach that maintained their conceptual separation, mapping onto the&#13;
urban landscape the distribution networks arising from the overall process of capital accumulation. His work importantly explored the use of new categories capable of explaining urban change, particularly Marxist thinking, and intro- duced a historical dimension lacking in earlier work and in subsequent work by the French school.&#13;
Harvey saw ‘urbanism’ as originating in the transformation of economic integration from one based on reciprocity (exclusively associated with egalitarian social structures) to one based on redistribution (existing in rank or strati- fied social structures). This transform- ation was identified as crucial to con- centrating surplus into a few hands and&#13;
a few places. Processes of redistribution and reciprocity were however in many senses seen as synchronic, since these categories were not taken as historically specific, and the actual process of change was not theorised.&#13;
That the categories of reciprocity and redistribution were selected as being critical to the emergence of ‘urbanism’ followed from his original starting point of explaining relations of distribution as distinct from relations of production. The same focus led Harvey to stress the role of finance rather than productive capital, in other words the ways in which&#13;
surplus is realised rather than the means by which itisgenerated. Conflicts based on finance capital in property speculation and land were thus attributed a force dominating the city and supplanting the importance of conflicts in the work- place. The circulation of commodities, including buildings, and particularly housing, together with the finance necessary was regarded not only as primary to, but separate from their actual production.&#13;
The third approach was associated with the French School and in particular Castells, and viewed urban problems as a phenomena of collective consumption. By this it suggested that the economies of the advanced capitalist countries rest more and more on the process of con- sumption. By this it suggested that the economies of the advanced capitalist countries rest more and more on the process of consumption; that this is increasingly organised ona collective basis controlled by a financial super- structure; and that the purpose of such organisation is to ensure the repro- duction of labour power. Like Harvey, the realisation of surplus value and the consumption ofcommodities issingled&#13;
out as the main focus for an explanation of urban problems. More explicitly than Harvey though, Castells adopts an ‘underconsumptionist’ view. Suburban development for example, is seen as a deliberate capitalist creation in order to combat under consumption and as an aid to political control. The present crisis of capitalism isinterpreted not intermsof the long term inadequacy of the rate of profit to fal, but as the result of the inability to sel goods and insufficient demand. A growing social, economic and political crisis isseen to surround the financial superstructure — the mechanism of controlling under consumption — which iscontrolled by state expenditure and unproductive consumption.&#13;
This kind of analysis centres on the concept of the reproduction of labour power, and unlike the approaches typified by Harvey or Pahl appears to incorporate the process of both production and exchange of commodities ratherthan being solely confined to consumption. The process of actually producing&#13;
Urban studies has too often been a&#13;
field that has been integrated in name alone; Summer ita disciplines often remain separate.&#13;
The Summer School was an attempt to&#13;
change this It was an experimental form&#13;
of teaching within the Bartlett which,&#13;
hopefully to be repeated, demonstrated&#13;
the potentials of much current research&#13;
work at present without a teaching out-&#13;
let. It also served as a pilot project fora&#13;
possible post-graduate course at the&#13;
Bartlett. The School tried to integrate the&#13;
the work of individual specialists in a&#13;
way that went beyond the format of&#13;
a conference. As a School, the aim was&#13;
to put the individual contributions in&#13;
a framework which could give theoretical continuity while at the same time relate&#13;
to practical issues. Many participants found it a useful form of overcoming academic and professional isolation.&#13;
The Summer School was taught by people who together represented a wide range of specialised interests: eceonomics, planning, sociology, architecture, geogra- phy and more. It was attended by a complimentary variety of people,&#13;
16&#13;
product of the construction industry and of the different ways the buikding process is organised in relation to the State. This was not a purely technical view, but one which saw urban change as a social process manifested at the local levek in the physical and social&#13;
changes that transform urban localities. The construction industry was seen ,as&#13;
a mediator of the social processes, to be the key to understanding the way cities change. The physical elements of the city, land and buildings, were thus taken together. Thier organisation could then&#13;
be seen as a reflection of historical changes occuring, for example, between landowners and builders,between building workers and contractors, etc..&#13;
The rationale which the summer school has begun to develop although it is not claimed to be a comprehensive theoretical approach to urban questions, can be seen as distinct in the context of existing work. The revival of academic interest in urban studies that has&#13;
School&#13;
nt&#13;
{developed in the 1960's and particularly lin the 1970's has produceda diversity of approaches. To some extent the activities ‘ofstate planning has determined the ‘need for a theoretical framework through which urban processes might be examined, and policies formulated and implemented. Yet the realities of compounding ‘urban&#13;
problems’, the UK property boom of&#13;
the early 70’s, continually rising land values, housing and redevelopment issues, etc., demonstrate that there are long standing problems of applicability for those areas of knowledge that deal with urban issues.&#13;
On one hand there are those practical, instrumental knowledges which daily inform al levels of environmental action ranging from the production of individual buildings to the structuring of large urban localities. Without aconceptual basis these tend however to be of limited use for explaining why cities come to be as they are, and thereby lack an essential precondition for generating effective change. On the other hand, analytical approaches which attempt to conceptual- ise the processes through which cities are transformed, have often in practice generated normative frameworks for&#13;
environmental action, or functional descriptions too generalised to find application at the level of production.&#13;
The field of urban studies that developed in the 1920's and 1930's had aperspective that explained changes in cities in terms of a ‘natural’ evolution analogous to biological change. Social processes were empirically observed, described and ‘mapped’ onto urban space. Urbanism became an autonomous object defined through itsobservable spatial characteristics of size, density and heterogenity. Within asimple function- alist framework the Chicago school developed a theory of the city which conferred ideal ecological forms on to the physical products of historically&#13;
specific social processes. Social relations were often seen to be largely determined by the physical characteristics of cities. In more recent years, urban studies have shared anegative consensus critical of the Chicago School legacy. Emphasis has turned towards developing abetter understanding of the social relations operating beneath observable physical&#13;
appearances. The view that urban socio- spatial relationships constitute an onto- logically distinct object of study has been challenged from within the field best described as urban sociology.&#13;
Urban studies isnot atheoretically homogenous discipline. As Ray Pahl has observed, itisnoted more for the cogency of its internal criticism than for its capacity to generate significant con- cepts. It is however possible to identify three distinct critical trends which are typified by the work of Ray Pahl, David Harvey and Manuel Castells respectively.&#13;
HE PRODUCTION OF THE CITY&#13;
&#13;
 buildings is not however an integral part of the framework adopted, since by reproduction of labour power is meant the consumption of such necessary commoditiesashousing,togetherwith theconflictsorurban socialmovements which arise from their distribution.&#13;
At the root of these approaches is a search for an explanation of the way in which cities are transformed so that present urban issues can be better under- stood and means of making effective change developed. But in the form of an implicit quest for a general theory of the city they can often become simply an exercise in classification. Categories are deployed from outside their relation to history and remain unrelated to definite stages of social development. However if the focus of new work, aiming to avoid this difficulty, becomes the historical transformation of the urban rather than the conceptual deployment of given categories, the same problems need to be confronted. As Eric Hobsbawm has noted, the subject of urban history is a container with ildefined, heterogenous,&#13;
and sometimes indiscriminate contents. It does not have a given unity, nor is it a ready-made paradigm for examining social change.&#13;
The reason for pulling together a diverse array of urban studies in the programme of the Summer School was to begin to search for explanations of the way in which cities change. As outlined above there have been a number of. attempts to analyse the way in which cities are transformed. These have pre- supposed a particular identification of the source of problems as concerned, for example, with the distribution and redistribution of resources within the urban-territorial structure, with the construction of social infrastructure, with the phenomena of collective consumption. The School, on the other hand, was concerned with overcoming through a production-oriented framework some of theproblemsinvolvedinconfining analysis solely to an examination of the distribution of built form seen as isolated from the process of actually producing buildings.&#13;
The first problem with confining analysis of the city to particular relations&#13;
whether these be of distribution, exchange, or consumption —is that social classes, as defined through their relation to the production process, cannot be explained. A social class, for instance, cannot be defined according to its distribution within alocality or by a Particular object of consumption such as housing. Secondly, itisnot possible, by restricting analysis, to explain the relation&#13;
vecn urbanisation and the general + sess of accumulation of capital. The&#13;
latter entails an understanding of the multiple determinants of the cycle of&#13;
18&#13;
reproduction of capital in which the production process, as a generator of. surplus, acts as mediator.&#13;
With a production-oriented approach itwasseenasnecessarytoviewthe processofurbanisationasahistorical process of generating, realising, distri- buting and consuming surplus. Viewed in this way, urban change is given a material form and is part and parcel of the overall process of accumulation and its different stages. For the city consists&#13;
of a conglomeration of buildings which are ascribed to a variety of different&#13;
uses; these buildings are not simply distributed and consumed, before this they must be produced and are therefore basically a product of the construction industry. Historical change in urban development could thus be seen to reflect changes in the construction industry and to be related to the overall process of accumulation.&#13;
1. The Process of Accumulation and&#13;
the Peculiarities of Land&#13;
What are the peculiarities of accumulation in construction, what barriersdoeslandpresenttothisand whatmechanismshavebeendeveloped by the state in response?&#13;
This first area consisted of a critique of neoclassical economic methods in the light of a detailed examination of the process of accumulation within the construction industry, and the peculiar part which land plays in this. As an illustration of this, Michael Ball looked at the relation between production and exchange in construction. Complement- ary to the theoretical arguments presented, John Sugden succeeded in demystifying the traditional neoclassical approach by showing empirically that the construction industry does not act&#13;
in passive response to demand, but that its organisation is oriented towards an active engagement in determining the structure of its market. This active involvement does mean that the industry itself is fundamental to changes in the formation of different localities, to their deployment, to the provision of housing and other social amenities.&#13;
With the approach to the process of accumulation presented, the construction industry was seen to be a prime determ- inant in the different stages of urban development. This does, of course, raise the question of the part which land plays in development, and Michael Ball pointed out that an explanation of urbanisation which includes the process of accumu- lation in construction is necessarily contrasted to explanations which place emphasis on the importance of land rent in determining the nature of building. Only within speculative development as opposed to building to contract does land rent present a major problem for the building capitalist.&#13;
History and Theories of Scientific Knowledge&#13;
Whatbodyofknowledge is tobuildupaframeworkforarationale of production to explain change in the built environment?&#13;
This part of the course situated theories concerning change to the built environ- ment within the development of scientific knowledge, it outlined a particular approach to historical method and examined examples of change in the construction industry and land in relation to this.&#13;
John Musgrove began by examining how the concept of change has developed in different theories of knowledge, and the classificatory ideas applied to the environment which have stemmed from these. He argued that, in order to give a temporal dimension, the process of material change must be taken into account in studies of environmental development and that this could not be achieved through a synchronic view. Linda Clarke then followed from this theme by outlining the importance of a particular historical approach in over- coming the opposition between synchronic and diachronic analysis. She pointed out and demonstrated with examples the historical approach necessary to explain why the con- struction industry has developed — through an emphasis on change in the organisation of production not on static description within a uniform path of development.&#13;
Michael Ball carried this further by examining the impact of changed pro- ductive relations (accompanying the early development of capitalism in housebuilding) on exchange relations. He pointed out that if housing provision is seen only as an issue at the level of&#13;
reducing practical problems to subsidiary technical ones. James Gough continued thisthemeintermsoflarge-scaleurban modelsappliedbylocalauthoritiesand the ideological apparatus erected to support the relationships which these are used to express, These contrast with the simple less operational optimisation models based on a neo-classical economics.&#13;
Jenny Thornley, Nick Sharman and Terry Hargraves explored the relation of practical local problems of employment and housing to intervention at different levels of political involvement, thereby re-examining the context in which such models are applied. Jenny Thornley described attempts by the state to merge public and private interests thereby evading the practical problems of the development functions within local authorities. Nick Sharman similarly illustrated the impotence of the state&#13;
and local authorities to deal with the problems of high unemployment and physical dereliction of Docklands. Terry Hargrave then showed how change can be effected when practical problems are mediated by political involvement, giving examples of the techniques successfully employed by Central Camden Tenants Association.&#13;
4. The Organisation of Production in Construction&#13;
What are the specific contradictions within the organisation of the production process in contruction; between organised labour, the concentration of capital and technological change? And how is the organisation of production acting as a barrier to technical change?&#13;
This section of the course examined how the organisation of production,&#13;
Following this general unifying objective a number of questions are raised concerning analysis of urban change. The subject areas of the Summer School were chosen to help answer some of them in the light of the contributions made by speakers. They are set out below.&#13;
This part of the course was concerned with unravelling the links and differences between the technical and political solutions posed to practical problems at a concrete local level. This included critically exploring a variety of quant- itative methods and then re-examining the local situations in which these are implemented.&#13;
The subject was first tackled through a discussion by Colin Thunhurst of the relation between practice and technique using the example of operations research (OR). He explained (following upon a theme of Jonathan Rosenhead’s) how the application of OR to planning and build- ing and the approach to it often involves&#13;
Doreen Massey examined further the&#13;
questionoflandanditsrelationtothe PROCEEDIN general process of accumulation of&#13;
capital, suggesting barriers which the&#13;
private ownership of land could present&#13;
for capital. Mike Edwards then explained&#13;
how the immediate needs of capital are&#13;
reflected in the planning activities of the&#13;
State, pointing out that the planning and&#13;
local government system are ofgreat&#13;
importance in determining the total scale&#13;
ofpubliccontractsandtheallocationof&#13;
work. Zoning mechanisms, for example,&#13;
can benefit the profits on building capital&#13;
and speculative gains on land.&#13;
.&#13;
Methods, Techniques and Forms of Practical Intervention&#13;
What is the relationship between practical, technical and political problems and their levels of resolution in effecting change to the built environment?&#13;
“Urban Studies has too often beena field&#13;
integrated in name alone .the Bartlett&#13;
Summer School was an attempt to change&#13;
this. It was an experimental form of&#13;
teaching.whichcouldgivetheoretical Pleasesendme.CopiesofthePROCEEDINGSOF continuity while at the same time relate&#13;
to practical issues.”&#13;
The proceedings of this important event are to be published in January — they will contain al the papers given during the two weeks of the Bartlett Summer School, plus records of discussion and study group material.&#13;
Name «-sesesnensecones&#13;
Order now&#13;
ORDER FORM&#13;
To: Bartlett Summer School (Proceedings), Schob! of&#13;
Architecture and Planning, University College London, 22, Gordon St., London, WC1&#13;
THE BARTLETT SUMMER SCHOOL&#13;
19&#13;
exchange then its relation to the accumulation of capital isprimarily idered asa problem of‘finance&#13;
capital’ and an overemphasis isgiven to tenures. Through examining exchange relations, the paper linked thisearly development of the building industry to changes in the form of land purchase. The speculative builder, instead of a portfolio of contracts (as with the contractor), had a portfolio of sites for&#13;
steady accumulation so that no necessary correlation existed between land purchases and output of building. This mismatch between output and gains on land was also seen in the early 1970s property boom and the changing&#13;
nature of land use and ownership which accompanied this boom were described by Alex Catalano.&#13;
w&#13;
y&#13;
1enclose acheque/postal order, value £......... payable to University College London.&#13;
Price: £3 00 per single copy ; £2.50 per copy for orders of two or more copies Plus post and packing to UK address £0 30p per copy&#13;
&#13;
 stemming from the process of accum- ulation, acts as a barrier to: 1. Labour organisation, the reproduction and development of skills, and to healthy and safe working conditions; and 2. technological advance and the co-ordin- ation of construction in terms of the concentration of fixed capital were exemplified both by the levels of development of fixed capital and the results of mergers by construction companies.&#13;
Janet Drucker’s paper on the history of Trade Union organisation in contruc- tion showed how the different craft traditions in the face of technical re- structuring have influenced the present framework of organised labour in the industry, although the craft/non-craft tradition is now blurred. The case of the ‘lump’, the problems it raises for centra- lised trade union organisation and for standards of training in the industry ~ were discussed by Terry Austrin. Stewart Burchall described the state of training in the industry. Tim Lobstein’s paper&#13;
on health and saftey on construction sites demonstrated the potential import- ance of this issue for organised labour’s fight to reverse the consequences of casual employment. The poor record&#13;
of construction in this respect in comparison with other industries was demonstrated with detailed statistical material.&#13;
Mike Cooley showed the contradic- tions that now existed between the productive potentials of the engineering industry and what it actually produces when serving the interests of capital. Ftr The technological potential of the industry's skills and machinary was not fully used, or used for the best skilled workers were unemployed and plant closed down in the face of pressing needs, for high technology medical equipment; for example many forms of automation mis-applied the potentials of new technology and degraded skills and&#13;
work; the anti-social use of science and technology had given science itselfa bad name in the eyes of the public. He showed how at Lucas Aerospace the workforce haddemonstrated its potential to overcome these contradic- tions and produce socially useful pro- ducts. A vital issue was shown to be one of the workforce’s control over what is produced,&#13;
In Mark Swenerton’s case study of the decline in housing standards between 1918 and 1921, the demonstrated poten- tial of the construction industry to produce housing of high quality was shown to be subject to the political calcu- lations of a government which saw that ‘homes fit for heroes’ were no longer a necessity. Graeme Geddes raised the question of design and the control of production in the construction industry,&#13;
20&#13;
andtothekindsoftheoryandknowledge that informed building design? How might the experience of the engineering industry be related to the contruction industry?&#13;
Graham Ive showed that contruction is unique within British industry in terms of its relatively low levels of fixed capital. He argued that this sectorial backward- ness could be related to (although not necessarily explained by) the contracting system within the industry, Andy Cullen described the takeovers, aquisitions and joint ventures within building capital during the 1970's. And the industrialisa- tion of housebuilding was used by Richard Hill as a case study to examine the pecularities of construction, in relation&#13;
to the accumulation process.&#13;
State Intervention and Policies for Land and Construction&#13;
What are the differences between political intervention in land and construction at the local and national- levels? And how have local authorities contributed historically to transform- ing the structure of land ownership and use, the organisation of the construction process and the built product itself?&#13;
The final subject area initiated a discus- sionofthe policies towards public owner- ship as these are manifested and imple- mented, in order to understand the conflicts between public and private ownership of land and construction.&#13;
John Foster using historical examples discussed the idea of the local state —it was he thought, a weak concept. He argued that the history of local state institutions showed that their emergence was intemately related to class struggles over local ‘environmental’ issues. But that these institutions have at all times been cohesive with national state institutions, iulthough not necessarily in complete political alignment with the latter.&#13;
Steve Merrett presented a detailed account of the state’s longstanding policies of financial intervention in both the production and realisation of owner occupiedhousingaswellaslocalautho- rity housing, pointing therefore to the complexity of the situation that socialist policies for further intervention in housing must face. Drawing on her earlier paper, Doreen Massey showed on the basis of an analysis of post war state interventions in land ownership, and particularly the Community Land Act, that the specific contradictions between forms of land ownership needed to be understood if successful policies were to be implement- ed. Full nationalisation of land could overcome the problems posed by the private ownership of land by capital, but that political struggle over use would remain although in fundimentally new conditions.&#13;
Bob Colenutt’s account oftheconflicts surrounding the development proposals for London’s Coin Street Site illustrated the importance of the local level for raising issues of principal over the opera- tion of the land market and the role of local authorities in this process. Paul Lowenberge’s earlier paper also related&#13;
to this issue.&#13;
The contradictions within state policies&#13;
for regional development were analysed by Ray Hudson through the example of Washington New Town. And Graham Ive in a contribution which examined urban and industrial spatial restructuring in Mersyside argued for an understanding of the locational aspects of urban and industrial change which took account of a variable relationship between industrial capital. Both papers raised issues for the development of political policies to tackle uneven regional development.&#13;
Steve Drewer's criticisms of the tradi- tional approach to analysis of the cons- truction industry were based on their in- adequacy to analyse the range and&#13;
variety of its operations. What sort of analysis of the industry would show how its often unsatisfactory performance&#13;
could be improved? A discussion was opened up in which it was suggested that the Labour Party’s proposals for building industry nationalisation — “Building Britain’s Future’ —in justifying social ownership on groundsof efficiency in the industry, neglected the social and political desirability of social ownership. Caroline Bedale, Mike Paddon and Peter Carter argued the case for making Direct Labour Departments a central part of the campain to effect socially desirable change within the construction industry.&#13;
Against the background of these subject areas there were study groups which met to work on a number of distinct topics which could relate parti- cular interests to the more general framework of the course. The topics&#13;
were: Land Rent and Development;&#13;
The Organisation of Production—Design ind Construction; the State and Housing; The Historical Pecularities of Construction and the Position of Labour. The work that thestudygroupshaddonewerepresented at the end of the two weeks, raising more questions than theys olved but suggesting useful directions for future work. It is hoped that the ultimate success of the course will be measured through the theory and practice that it helps to develop.&#13;
ofEasternEurope,Politicalinesencethis criticism has no substance in fact. Monotony can&#13;
be alleviated by variations in surface treatment, articulation and landscaping. The authors at&#13;
times seem to be looking for non-existent problems rather than realizable solutions.&#13;
Would anyone object to the abolition of al&#13;
makes of ‘standard’ car ifcheap and economical&#13;
variations of the Rolls Royce were the only vehicles Challon available?&#13;
The authors also miss the point that alot&#13;
of so-called Architecture was, and is, being done by non-architects. These include employees of Local Authorities, engineers, surveyors, estate agents, builders and amateurs of al kinds.&#13;
The authors flirtation with theories of professionalism and the effects of society upon them is, in the case of the architects, aslightly irrelevant exercise in which the architects apparently are accused of being out of step.&#13;
Of course itsuits Capitalist society to have ‘professionals in straight-jackets, self made though these garments may be. One might as well blame&#13;
a mad man for wearing a real one! What the authors don’t seem to have realised is that because of this Straight-jacket -sometimes refered to as the Code of Professional Conduct -they are in an unenviable and humiliating situation. With touting for work&#13;
,forbidden, they must and do resort to al kinds&#13;
of dubious methods of getting clients. Its no wonder that corruption is rife -with onle occaisional exposure. Some alternatives may be worse, of course, but what justification ,for instance. can there be for rules which forbid and architect to do building, or dealin property or building materials? Only that he may be dishonest. The RIBA appears always to hey been in the position of throwing&#13;
the first stone -ahighly questionable activity. The authors show that, in addition, the Code prevents an architect from publicspirited activity in the community. Ofcourse al professions have&#13;
Codes of Conduct - but it has always seemed to&#13;
me that the architects’ Code is the most punitive&#13;
of al, effectively segregating him within an industry in which co-operation is a paramount necessity&#13;
and putting him at the top ofa dung heap from which descent could be very mucky.&#13;
As an architect and planner, |have rushed in where others might fear to tread, since the authors themselves are architects and planners. The status of architect sislow and has been for some years now, not because of questions of design -which, in my opinion are a distraction -but because ofgeneraltechnicalincompetence,alleviated&#13;
“only by a new ‘low grade’ architect, refered to as an architectutal technician -a vocation which was created by the RIBA after the War and which has effectively weakened and has added&#13;
nothing to the status of architects, This will be&#13;
corrected (one day) when Schools of Architecture ,(if they exist) insist ona first degree in Building Technology for all entrants’ The Schools would&#13;
then become post-graduate establishments -whereatalent for design in the Heavy Crudist Style would be no substitute for expertise in&#13;
building. -&#13;
It would then be reasonable for non-archite cts&#13;
and amateurs to be forbidden to design building -work above a certain cost.&#13;
The authors point out that -try hard though&#13;
REVIEW OF ‘WHO NEEDS HOUSING?’&#13;
If you are a reformer, rebel or revolutionary, or merely a member of the Conservative Party this book will give you a cbmpendious view of housing problems in Britain. The authors investigate alt aspects of the housing crisis -relevant and some irrelevant. They consider the advantages and disadvantages of the major forms of housing tenure -owner-occupation and council housing - and consider the situation of those on the fringes of the housing market — the squatters, the gypsies and people in institutions.&#13;
They look at the building industry and explain why building workers are not more militant and . why the large construction firms are so alarmed&#13;
by the prospect of nationalisation. Planners, architects. housing managers and pressure groups are all-criticised for their limited understanding&#13;
of the real roots of the housing crisis,&#13;
The authors, justifiably in my opinion, criticise the unrealistic and unsympathetic Architecture of Heavy Crudism in housing by contemporary architects. They say, ‘‘In the face of the rather marginal contribution that architectural design&#13;
can make to net human happiness, architects maintain a collective self-image which stresses their social value to society, their role in creating ‘communities’ by design and their desire to serve their clients. In practice, however, most architects are more concerned to impress their fellow architects than to satisfy the users of their buildings.”"It is possible here that the authors&#13;
have mistaken the dictates of fashion in architecture, the desire of the individual architectto justify his or her existence, to make his or her personal&#13;
mark in the townscape and a concern to impress alandsundryfortheverylimitedobjectiveof pandering to fellow architects.&#13;
By hitting out in al directions rather like the proverbial bull in the china shop the authors tend to invalidate their criticism of architects, much of which isjustified. Architecture and Planning could make a substantial contribution to&#13;
human happiness. Architects coul d antl should be concerned to serve and know the -wishes of the community and of the occupants of public housing. In any event there are those who are&#13;
of the opinion that the fact sof housing could best be gathered by social workers for inter- Pretation of the drawing board.&#13;
The authors’ criticism of the ‘standard house Plan’ is similar to the anti-socialist accusations= of ‘monotony’ levelled against the housing estates&#13;
21&#13;
JaneDarkeandRoy Darke : ‘Who Needs Housing?’ :Macmillan Press :£2.95 :Paper&#13;
Reviwed by Ivor&#13;
it&#13;
wn&#13;
&#13;
 Socialist Housing Activists Workshop: ‘Socialism and Housing Action: The Red Paper on Housing”: published by the authors at&#13;
arrogant bastard should be exposed!” So the passions were there al right, but our stage-managed debate wasn’t going to bring them out.&#13;
have offered to co-operate. Then there&#13;
was the workshop offered by Portsmouth, and the collection of alternative prospectuses&#13;
they may -the planners cannot avoid the&#13;
political implications and influences al around them. I should say, in addition, that though, with hands on hearts, they may be planning for the public good, capitalists and capitalism are planning for private profit and until Socialism arrives to revive them the planners are being counted out&#13;
of the ring.&#13;
What is to be done about the housing crisis? The authors, in an excellent final chapter, show how existing organisations, pressure groups and even legislation can be used in the fightfor better housing. The deepening energy crisis is, however, hardly mentioned and it may come to exert the greatest influence on questions of housing and town planning.&#13;
Altogether Ifound this book to be ful of information which isboth fascinating and useful. A book not to be missed by anyone interested in housing,oneoftoday’smajorpolittval issues. It has always been with us and will not go away and is likely to remain with us for many years hence. To quote the authors:&#13;
“Homelessness and inadequate housing are endemic in Capitalist society.”&#13;
REVIEW OF “SOCIALISM AND HOUSING ACTION: THE RED PAPER ON HOUSING”&#13;
At the end of the Red Paper the collective of authors say: “we offer (this paper) in an attempt to start the debate. We welcome criticism and comment. We welcome anybody who wished to join us to further&#13;
NAM - a way&#13;
forward&#13;
FROM: Mick Broad&#13;
Dear Slate&#13;
The fifth congress asked “which way is N.A.M. going?” but where was the member- -ship to give their reply? The answer is of course, onwards, but how. Here isjust one suggestion. N.A.M. has members in Liverpool, Bristol, Sheffield and elsewhere supporting the Movement but relying on Slate for contact. It is now time for the membership to invite further contact and generate new activity by forming local groups throughout the country. No great leaders are required, merely contact with thelocalAUEWTASSandNALGObranches&#13;
Hellman, Thompson and al the other&#13;
‘stars’gatheredtomakeSheffieldlikean possiblyadvocatethatwithoutfirst&#13;
architectural Woodstock. The audiance was having made bloody sure about his social&#13;
everywhere, hanging over the balcony, responsibilities. There was enough being&#13;
entwined in the spiral stair, getting up the&#13;
microphone and generally oozing the&#13;
question'“when exactly does the&#13;
revolution begin? ” When itwas my turn&#13;
Ileaned forward and began........ “Comrades! me and saying “If Dunster was in my school it has expanded and other worthy people vue’ (Well, if this isn’t a struggle what on we wouldn’t allow him to teach”; “That&#13;
earth is?) Iread aquote of Cedric’s Ihad&#13;
discovered that morning whenI was eating&#13;
my cornflakes, It was from an old&#13;
Archigram of 1970, the one that gave a&#13;
free packet of seeds. He had written:&#13;
There isno reason to suppose that itis&#13;
best to receive between the ages of 17and&#13;
25 and to dispense at any time beyond that breathing down each others’ necks, perched participant left with that tingling lecling age, The receiving/dispensing equation is&#13;
one should never be written, CLASSIFIC-&#13;
c/o Tyne-Wear Rescource&#13;
Centre, 13, Swinburn St., the work that has been started here.” It is in the&#13;
Then there was the big N.A.M. meeting held upstairs in the most wonderfully cramped corner of the studio. We were&#13;
al ideas born at Sheffield that have every chance of being realised. Well, the Festival is over. In my mind its success was obvious: apart from the heroic scheines I've just mentioned (and there are others), every&#13;
Gateshead: £1 00 inc. P &amp; P: paperback&#13;
Spirit of these remarks that Iwish to congratulate the&#13;
authors on producing a comprehensive, well-researched&#13;
and gripping document. Itisaclear account of the&#13;
many issues that confront socialists and housing&#13;
activists;issuesofgreatcomplexityinvolving&#13;
economicandsocialtheoryandtheevidenceofour schoolsofarchitecture,aroominapub,and bloodyconvenientforlazyadministrators havetheSameparentageastherevitalised answer: WHERE INIIELL’SNAME WAS&#13;
Review by Marion Roberts&#13;
ATION OF PEOPLE RELATED TO PARTICULAR OPERATIONAL MENTAL PATTERNINGISFALSE. However,itis&#13;
on the edges of drawing boards.... aha! here is the germ! It was clear to me theat the New Architecture Movement should, by the end of the Festival, have an initiativeoneducation.Itdoes,afteral,&#13;
that something was happening in architect- -ural education that might help to solve some of their very deeply rooted frustrations. One question remains, and as amember Iwouldbeverygratefulforan&#13;
own eyes and experience.&#13;
The authors state who they are and why they&#13;
wrote it. The document is written by socialists and housing activists who wish to bring housing back intothearenaofsocialistdebateandaction. In doing so they meet the issues head on — chapters are devoted to current housing policy, a history of publichousing,capitalism,thehousingmarket whichincludesthebuildingindustry,tenantsand owners, and the family and personal life. The penultimate chapter is a courageous attempt to describe a vision of housing under socialism — an attempt which isnormally sidestepped by the more abstract theoreticians. The final chapter is the one which aroused most sympathy however, and which confirmed some of the doubts and&#13;
reservations I felt| towards the rest of the pamphlet.&#13;
The final chapter deals with the way forward&#13;
for community action. It examines the short comings of community action — the brevity of campaigns, their localised base, and the lack of coherent political perspective. It also considers&#13;
the lack of interaction between the labour move- -mentandcommunityactiongroups,andthe necessity for and complexity of such an interaction. In doing so, I feel the chapter raises issues which had been simplified out of the earlier chapters&#13;
S.A.C. in the figure of Brian Anson, and NAM? Slate did carry Rob Thompson’s article&#13;
“Trained to make a killing” in its 14th&#13;
notice ofyour first meeting in B.D. or A.J. After that the new group exists and continues to seek further contact while developing both local and national issues.&#13;
If the answer to the first question is North, thentheEdinburghgroupispleasedto have been chosen to host the sixth&#13;
annual congress and will be glad for any Suggestiononcongressformorcontent frombothexistingandpotentialgroups during the coming months. See you in Edinburgh witha friend, there’s no better place to take one!’&#13;
SAC&#13;
conference FROM: Thom Gorst&#13;
REFLECTIONS ON SHEFFIELD, or WHERE WAS NAM?&#13;
TheSheffieldS.A.C.Conferencewasthe first time in my embryonic architectural career that I had shared a platform with anyone, let alone Anson, Cullinan, Price,&#13;
and cowardly academics.&#13;
Here we were, nearly ten years later, grapp-&#13;
-ling with exactly the same problems.&#13;
Somehow Sheffield was going to solve them, issue. The notint of radicalism in education New York andIwasn'tkeentoleaveuntilithad. hadbeengivenagoodairingbeforethe&#13;
That afternoon Igave my little sideshow — Festival began, with advance publicity in&#13;
the distasteful inner secrets of a particular Building Design and the Architectural Press. internationalmagasineIhadbeenincontact Thequestion“Whoseeducationisitanyway? with,butwealknewthattherealbusiness&#13;
would be achieved the following day, when&#13;
we gathered around’ the rostrum again to&#13;
Pass resolutions, set up organisations, leave&#13;
the world with our mark. Before this could&#13;
happen there should be some groundwork: EDUCATION, INCREASED SOCIAL&#13;
meetings and heated discussions about&#13;
AWARENESS AND RESPONSIBILITY IN SCHOOLS, UPROOTING US FROM OUR OWN EXCLUSIVENESS and so on. What happened? The mecting started at square one; no assumptions and no direct- -ion. Here was the one mass alternative architectural organisation saying “come on&#13;
Dear Friends&#13;
education; Brian wondered how he could&#13;
our own plans? Ihad found, early in the Festival,thatIwasexchangingalotofideas with Rob Thompson of the Architects Revolutionary Council, and by the middle of Thursday we were together in the&#13;
Festival office toying with the idea of forming a new school of architecture - a “school without walls’. The idea survives:&#13;
offered to start the debate of debates, yet only a few members of the audience came forward, timidly. It wasn’t until it was over that Ifound people coming up to&#13;
wasringingineveryone’smind,theproblems&#13;
were well known to us al. FAIR REPRE-&#13;
-SENTATION ON THE SCHOOLS OF&#13;
ARCHITECTURE COUNCIL, FREEDOM 20 Brokaw Lane, Great Neck, N.Y. 11023&#13;
FROM THE RIBA’s MONOPOLY IN&#13;
FROM: Eugene and Toby Glickman U.S.A.&#13;
architectural education.&#13;
apparent when we gathered into our&#13;
Broupstogetonwiththegroundwork.&#13;
Was that nothing was going to be achieved.&#13;
"chaired adebate early on the second&#13;
Morning between Brian Anson and David&#13;
Dunster.Wesatinthemiddleofthemarke telN.A.M.we'reinterested!,insteadof Placesurroundedbyaboutfiftyenthusiasts puttingforwarditsowninitiativesand andthetwospeakersworkedovertimeto offeringstrongsupporttoS.A.C.whichso Betthediscussionontotheflocr.Brian badlyneededit.Isitanysurprisethatthosearchitecture,weareturningtoyou.&#13;
me David a“shallow intellectual”; i Vid didn’t rise to it. David advocated&#13;
of us who came to Sheffield to achieve samething should find ourselves sitting in tiny offices with like-minded souls making&#13;
Do you know of any individuals or journals in the United States that we could get in touch with?&#13;
Ormalism as a useful tool in architectural&#13;
What became&#13;
My wife and Iare writing a tourist guide to Manhattan which will have a radical, class- conscious perspective. We know of no architects who have any sort of left politics in our part of the world; yet we believe that the architectural dimension of a city ought to be an important part of our book. Because we ourselves are ignorant of&#13;
contact&#13;
&#13;
 Poland Street, London W.1.&#13;
SLATI&#13;
to bring together ideas and experiences from&#13;
ople who design buildings, people who build them ind people who live and work in them&#13;
SLATE&#13;
yneentrates on the social and economic factors that&#13;
hape our environment and determine the way that&#13;
suildines are commissioned, designed. built and used SLATE :&#13;
full of useful information and opinion from workers in building construction and design, tenants,&#13;
ommunity groups and others interested in ensuring that the construction industry and its products are&#13;
re attuned to their needs SLATE&#13;
in independent magazine published by a group within the New Architecture Movement, which aims to promote effective control by ordinary people over their environment&#13;
SLATE 2— Can architects help the ‘Community?&#13;
SLATE 3 Myth and ideology in the architectural Profession&#13;
SLATE 4— Crisis in the construction industry AND Women who are builders&#13;
SLATE 5— Monopoly in the architectural profession&#13;
on capitalism and the housing market,&#13;
The chapter on capitalism presents the contradiction&#13;
of capital in a rigorous and forceful way. However&#13;
at the end of it one is left with the feeling that the economic system under which we now live came&#13;
about in an arbitrary fashion and was not the result&#13;
of an historical dialectic. The progressive elements&#13;
of early capitalism, the increasing of the productive forces and the increase in the nature and number of commodities isneither recognised nor drawn out. There is no feeling of history as a process, that within the womb of capitalist development the institutions are formed which may become subject to conscious democratic direction and control. Asa consequence&#13;
the authors offer a somewhat utopian vision of ‘community control’ of housing without reference to the existing structures of local and national government. Council housing isseen by the authors as a coercive means of ensuring the reproduction&#13;
of the labour force — the progressive elements of council housing are not expounded nor are further aspects of those progressions explored,&#13;
A similar blank spot occurts in the papers&#13;
attitude to the Labour Party. The Labour Party&#13;
has grown up as the political wing of the labour movement. It seems contradictory to me to recommend on the one hand increased links with the ‘labour movement’ (ie trade unions) and at the same time to reject the Labour Party because it is seen as:— “managing and strengthening capitalism rather than dismantling it’. The role of the Labour Party and&#13;
the labour movement over the last fifty years has&#13;
been tortuous.and raises contradictions for activists&#13;
However the Labour Party is the only embodiment&#13;
of the mass interests of the entire working class a that exists in this country at the moment: it is the&#13;
party of local if not national government, and the party to which trade unions are affiliated. To&#13;
dismiss it as ‘strengthening capital’ seems to&#13;
me (as a member of that party) not only theoretically incorrect but tactically dangerous.&#13;
Itiswith these reservations that Iwould urge Slate reader to buy a copy of the Red Paper and read it, extend and refine the argument, discussion and above al the action.&#13;
SLATE 6 SLATE&#13;
SLATE 8&#13;
Training architects&#13;
Making public building respond to people's needs&#13;
Feminism and architecture&#13;
SLATE 9— The fight for control of the building industry: nationalisation or private&#13;
enterprise?&#13;
SLATE 10/11 People talk about the buildings they use -&#13;
SLATE 12 — Commercial development, the tommunity and the building industry&#13;
SLATE 13 — An issue on housing&#13;
you'reemployed)or£3.00(ifyou'rearestudent,claimantorOAP)toNAM at9,PolandStreet London W.1.&#13;
NAME&#13;
ADDRESS.&#13;
If you would like to receive SLATE without joining NAM fill in the form below and send it together withacheque/ontpero(spatyaableltotheNewArchMoivemetnte)focr£2t.50utorNAMeat9,&#13;
mete Pee ger&#13;
SLATI fy monthly mastzine about building and buildings&#13;
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                <text> ain aaIN: SY&#13;
Z the&#13;
TE&#13;
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35p&#13;
S paghts;ee Pepeoe&#13;
Sa&#13;
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oad: |&#13;
&#13;
 CONTENTS&#13;
PUBLIC HOUSING— THE&#13;
POLITICS OF AESTHETICS a.discussion of the design of council housing&#13;
HOUSING CRISIS DEEPENED&#13;
the real effects of the State’s further retreat from housing&#13;
UNATTACHED NEWS&#13;
ith,&#13;
a ~, rid oneself of or renounce obit&#13;
This is the last issue of Slate to be put together by the original Editorial Collective and, we regret, it shows. After three years and sixteen issues Slate needs new ideas and people to take it to the next stage in its development. At a meeting in March the first steps were taken to bring together a new collective and we have had several discussions about editorial policy and the mechanics of producing the&#13;
itself then there will be a future for Slate but so far the new collective would be best described as only embryonic.It is in need of several more people who would like to join and take part in editing and producing the magazine and in laying down its future direction, still very open to discussion. The point of this item isto appeal to.any of our readers who want to get involved in any ori every aspect of running the magazine to contact the new collective and come to their open meeting at 9, Poland St., London, W1 on June 18th at 6 30 pm.&#13;
To contact the new collective ring Nick Coulson 01-607 6061 (evenings)&#13;
Good luck and goodbye The old editors.&#13;
Opinions expressed in SLATE are not necessarily the policy of the New Archi tecture Movement unless stated to be so.&#13;
SLATE ISTHE NEWSLETTER OF THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, published bi-monthly and edited by the Movement'’s Publications Group.&#13;
News and features of broad interest to workers in the profession, the building industry and to the general public are included to stimulate general debate on a wide range of issues and to bring the Movement’s views and activities to the attention of the largest possible readership.&#13;
WORK ON SLATE&#13;
SLATE needs more workers, more&#13;
writers, more ideas and more reps. on order to producea better, larger and cheaper newsletter. Ifyou would like to work for SLATE, becomea rep., join the group, send in.articles or suggest topics it should cover then contact us soon.&#13;
SLATE ispublished by the Publications Group of the NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland St., London, W1. (Letters should be addressed to the Publications Group).&#13;
Printed by Islington Community Press, 2A St. Paul’s Rd., London, N1.&#13;
Trade distribution by Publications Distribution Co-operative, 27 Clerken- well Court, London, EC2.&#13;
SLATE may beavery slick looking paper but we need money fast! Please send us your donations now! Cheques made payable to SLATE* 9 Poland St., W1.&#13;
Oo&#13;
mul.&#13;
contriu&#13;
Dluish or,&#13;
2. adj. (Made) or - esp.a8roofing;eae&#13;
{ EDITORIAL CONTACT :‘PHONE 01-703 7775&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 2&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 3&#13;
ions); ~-black, -blue,-grey, modificati cethesetintssachasoocurin~; f~-cl val benefit soclety with small&#13;
utions; ~-colour(ed), (of) dark vreenishh Brey: hanes slit’y? a, ~3. v.t. Cover with ~=&#13;
“"sikt'ent n. (MB sola atat')&#13;
f. esclale, fe:&#13;
ut. (colloq.). TOrticize Ptvereiy~&#13;
vies in reviews), scold,ere Propose for offiectec, Hence&#13;
slat’mo) n.(app.f.preo.}&#13;
If the new collective ds in establishi&#13;
he New Architecture Movement fill In the form below and send |&#13;
ifyou wouldlike tobe amembeofr¢&#13;
If you would like to receive SLATE without joining NAM fill in the form below and send it together withacheque/postalorder(payabletotheNew ArchitectureMovement )for£2.to5N0AM at+&#13;
SUBSCRIBE!&#13;
hi&#13;
Poland Street, London W.1.&#13;
&#13;
 Jane Darke is a lecturer atSheffieldUniversity Department of Archi- tecture, She is co- author of the recent book, Who Needs Housing?&#13;
This paper attempts to broaden the narrow frame-&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 4&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 5&#13;
PUBLIC HOUSING: POLITICS OF AESTHETICS&#13;
to be said because of the neglect of any thorough discussion of architecture in recent thoeries of aesthetics. Unlike the situation in literature and fine art we would maintain that a building which fails to please its public cannot be regarded as admirable.&#13;
Yet to rely purely on the opinions of the public could lead to a populist position where we endorse the most gratuitously dressed-up kitsch product of the speculative builder. Instead, we should try to understand the meanings these preferences carry, in the context in which they occur, as social constiucts connecting in a comprehensible way with other values. This is an undeveloped area of analysis: most recent Marxist work on art and media has concentrated on the producers rather than the users (4). Such an analysis might go as follows. Since paid work under capitalism is characteristically limited, monotonous and unsatisfying, the worker seeks an escape in his&#13;
or her home life. For the wife and/or mother, of course, the home is also at least one of her work- places (5) and the image the home presents to onlookers will be taken to reflect in part her competence at this work. Both sexes we suggest, willwantthehometoexpressanalternative&#13;
reality to their actual social situation of power- lessness. It is hardly surprising if this home has applied to it escapist symbols such as Mediterranean details recalling the hedonism of the brief fort- night free of work, coach lamps supplying an instant sense of history and referring to the conviviality of the Christmas card scene, or&#13;
cottagey elements speaking about an imagined organic community in an arcadian past. Of course, the tastes of other sections of society could be analysed in a like manner: their expressive intentions can be expected to differ according to their particular social and occupational position.&#13;
Architects, we suggest, address their buildings&#13;
not to the public in general or-the users in particular, but to fellow architects. We maintain that, whatever their stated intentions, architects typically aim at achieving a “discussable aesthetic’ in t! eir buildings, aim in some way to respond to a self-conscious&#13;
line of development (or perhaps-several different strands) that form the main subject matter of various specialist magazines. This discourse is remote from the aesthetic evaluations of the&#13;
general public, as shown in the following&#13;
contrasted quotations on the subject of the Smithson’s public housing scheme at Robin Hood Lane,inLondon’sdockland.Thefirstisashort sample from a lengthy review of the scheme in AD:&#13;
“Theiconographyofabuilding’ssurfacehasbeen a continuing preoccupation for the Smithsons. It is manifested in their search for a ‘generalising aesthetic’ for ordinariness as a norm. It is seen in the concern to resolve ‘a sort of anonymity of styling. depends for its iconography upon a high degree of resolution in the facade; a resolution of the demands for both a generalising aesthetic and a high degree of internal flexibility. The Smithsons attempt this resolution through the useof a ‘skin’. A ‘skin’&#13;
as opposed to a facade should most properly be conceived of as a taut membrane without apparent depth, which seems stretched over the internal frame. The idea of a ‘skin’ is clearly closer to Mies’ aesthetic than to Golden Lane&#13;
and Le Corbusier's idea conveyed by the image of the wine rack asa cage.....But unlike Mies, where the ‘skin’ is often a complex screen which remains neutral, Robin Hood Gardens Tepresents a search for a ‘skin’ which is at once seen as generalising and at the same time functionally and iconically expressive of the disposition of the internal elements’(6).&#13;
issocially permitted, for example in the furnishing workwithinwhichpublichousingisusuallydiscussed ofhomesinapersonalappearance.&#13;
in the architectural journals. It presents the beginnings of an analysis which includes a discussion of the relationship between aesthetics and other aspects of form, the aesthetic attitudes of users andarchitects,andtheexternalpoliticalandecon- omic influenceso’n form which limit the architect's freedom of action. Since these topics have received very litle discussion, the paper is more a sketch of a possible approach thanafinished product, and I hope itwill serve to provoke criticisms and rejoinders that will help to establish a frame of discourse in which such topics can be more adequately analysed.&#13;
‘Aesthetics’ as a category&#13;
We should analyse the notion of ‘aesthetics’ as an aspect of artefacts which can be discussed independ- ently of other aspects. Itis’significant that the discussion of ‘aesthetics’ in this way emerged at the heydayofcapitalistexpansioninthemid-nineteenth century. The polarisation of‘aesthetics’ and ‘utility’ took place at a time of increasing differentiation of many aspects of life: the division of labour, the polarisation of gender roles, the separation of different human needs and their satisfaction in different places (home, workplace, art gallery, school, etc.) the multiplication of building types to meetthesedemands,thedifferentiationofcityspace in zones each catering for a single type of use, the evolution of various academic disciplines with distinctivesubjectmatter,andmanyotherexamples.&#13;
It was opponents of capitalism who perceived&#13;
that theextension of _ capitalist economic relations into al spheres of life was depriving the people of creative potentialities. Marx believed that man possessed innate creative capacities which were atrophied by the capitalist system. For Morris, the increasingly ugly environment is seen as&#13;
resulting from a production system where people&#13;
no longer have control over the products of their labour, while increasing scale and specialisation&#13;
rob them of control over their living and working environments. Creative capacities are evident in those spheres. where the exercise of aesthetic choices&#13;
Williams notes, however, that the differentiation of aesthetic from other qualities leads to the view that it is peripheral; ‘there is something irresistably displaced and marginal about the now common andlimitingphraseaestheticconsiderations especially when contrasted with practical or utilitarian considerations which are elements of the same basic division’ (2). A similar point is made by Berger, who questioned the specialised nature of art criticism by noting that it can mystify rather than explicate the relevance of a work of art to lived experience. “The emotion provoked by the image... (is reduced)... to that of disinterested ‘art appreciation’. All conflict disappears. One is left with the unchanging ‘human condition’ and the painting considered as a marvelously made&#13;
object’ (3). This elevation of formal qualities above matters of content or the historical context surrounding the artist, his work and its production or the relevance of the artefact to lay observers is symptomaticofanapproachtocreativitywhich corresponds to current notions of ‘great art’.&#13;
Whose aesthetic preferencies?&#13;
There are clear examples of the contradiction betweenspecialistappreciationandlivedexperience in the field of architecture.and urban design. A tradition of formal architectural criticism exists moreorlessindependentlyfromutilitarian considerations, social research or public reaction. Although the synthesised nature of architecture is recognised in aphorisms such as ‘form follows function’ or the appeal té ‘firmness, commodity and delight’ the evaluationof architecture is extremely narrowly based. It is discussed in a mystifying way, with specialised jargon to repel the uninitiated, in a similar manner to other branches of the arts.&#13;
We propose, by contrast, that architecture should be considered as a special case within any theory of aesthetics. This is not because of some special Status elevated above the other arts but because&#13;
of the inevitable visibility of the architects work which we experience as passers by and users of buildings. Although this may seem prosaic it needs&#13;
h&#13;
me Hany H&#13;
The second isa selection of comments by occupyers interviewed on the estate:&#13;
‘It looks prisonified. Too much concrete -it’s like Alcatraz’.&#13;
“There’s no brightness. It’s drab and dull’. “The designer made a hash of it’.&#13;
‘It looks like something from a communist country’.&#13;
“People would have more pride in itifthe outside was nice like the inside. What was the designer thinking of?’(7).&#13;
mm H aT&#13;
il ALT&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE 16 PAGE 6&#13;
Similarly contrasting examples would be easy enough to to collect for other schemes. The frame- work within which architects and critics make their aesthetic evaluations is separated from the users’ evaluations but, we suggest, does mot separate appearance from other aspects of the building: rather their aesthetic evaluations encompasses&#13;
the way the design integrates different aspects of the architect’s task (e.g. planning, structure, servicing, access, relation to the site, etc.). Richard Hil has pointed out how coherence in the process&#13;
|&#13;
one of the things that determines how architects.....design buildings is that their should be a coherence and a structure in the process of design itself.....This coherence and structure, it must be stressed, is in the process of design, not inthearchitecturalprocess consideredasthe interaction of the user with the building. A coherent and highly structured building in this sense may appear incoherent to the user.&#13;
at one level it is not a question of there being different aesthetic frameworks of values held&#13;
by designers and users, but rather that often designer and user have been interested in two utterly different processes.....What this starts to bring into focus is the very deeply set values of consistency and coherence which are at the basis of the professional ideology of architecture (post-modernism, eclecticism, etc., notwith- standing), values which accrue to the designer and not necessarily to the user (8).&#13;
The determinants of form&#13;
Architects see themselves as particularly equipped to make this coherent synthesis of the conflicting requirements and regulations that condition the form of buildings, and as having some scope for&#13;
exercising autonomous choice in determining form. Their own perceptions of their degree of autonomy are not necessarily accurate: they too are products ofa professional ideology inculcated during training. Anearlier version of this paper adopted a&#13;
vulgarised basefsuperstructure model of capitalist society which was based on imperfectly understood ideas from Althusser. This located art in the cultural/ideological sphere which was seen as part of the superstructure, connected to yet enjoying relative autonomy from an economic base constituted by the systemof material production. We would now regard sucha a model as problematic following several critiques of Althusser (9), but stil find it useful to see-artistic creation as&#13;
resulting jointly from the decisions of the producer (artist, architect, etc.) who exercises some autonomy, and from economic and political forces.&#13;
The actual degree of autonomy, the limits of artistic freedom’ and the nature of the other forces involved clearly require a detailed discussion of a sort we can only briefly develop here. Architectural&#13;
criticism has tended to emphasise the architect’s role and to ignore other forces that that contribute to the determination of&#13;
form — unless it is to deplore the limitations on the architects scope imposed by cost yardsticks, building regulations or develop- ment control. Yet we believe’ that the various styles of public housing since the War can be ‘read’ for the ideologies and political attitudes they express, as well as embodying particular architectural ideas which have developed in interaction with these other forces, The ideological and political&#13;
forces a@t through the architect by in- fluencing or limiting his or her decisions through constraints such as housing&#13;
Standards set centrally and interpreted&#13;
Postwar housing styles and policies&#13;
To begin to explore some of these interacting influences, we briefly discuss how they&#13;
were worked out in public housing since&#13;
the second world war.&#13;
We would suggest that the immediate postwar period was marked by asense&#13;
of common purpose with a closer similarity between the ideologies of the government,&#13;
the architectural profession and the public than than at any time since. Public housing&#13;
built when Bevan was the minister&#13;
responsible was to be to excellent stan-&#13;
dards (space standards were considerably higher than they had been before or have&#13;
been since) (12). The Labour govern-&#13;
ment also removed the stipulation that&#13;
council housing was for the ‘working&#13;
classes’; it was to be available to al with&#13;
parity of esteem with the private sector. The amount of building in the private sector was strictly limited. Council housing of this period does not attempt to look like private housing: the appearance is frankly and proudly thatof an excellent&#13;
public sector. This does not preclude sensitive acknowledgement of regional formal traditions. (13) For a variety of reasons, however, housing output under the Labour government was low.&#13;
We have not the scope here to give&#13;
a detailed account of postwar housing policy’(14) A major reason for the 1951 Conservative victory was their pledge to build 300,000 homes a year; this was achieved by slashing standards. With lower standards in the public sector and a relaxation of controls on the private sector ‘parity ofesteem’ quickly evap- ourated and we see a gradual move by both parties and by the public to the view that owner occupation is the preferred tenure and that the public sector&#13;
sector is for those who are not competent to provide for themsteves in the ‘normal’ way.&#13;
Stylistically and formally, there was a trend away from the strong, plain semi-detached houses of the Bevan&#13;
era to more terraced houses, cheaper materials, and the use of gimmicks such as ‘con temporary” style porches or&#13;
ofdesign isamong the architect’s objectives:&#13;
SLATE 16PAGE 7&#13;
locally, building regulations, cost of materials, components and methods of construction, subsidy arrangements, skills available in the labour force, preferences of elected politicians on thehousing committee, campaigns in the media, the state of public opinion on councilhousing and so on.&#13;
Clearly these factors add up to a much stronger constraining influence than do any equivalent influences on the other arts (10) giving the architect less auton- omy than other creative artists. Jones and Hill have discussed some of these deter- minants. They attempt to treat form(to use a well known aphorism) not as a thing&#13;
but as arelation, and unlike thepresent paper are not concerned with the stylistic appearance but with more functional concepts of form. They show how, as&#13;
a result of beliefs about users, and, more importantly, particular changes insubsidy arrangements and building regulations, the characteristic form of council housing (particularly, it seems, in inner London) changed from the four to five storey walk up block to the six storey block with one lift, then to the eleven storey block and later to twenty of twenty-two storeys. (11)&#13;
The present writer would criticise their paper for the fact that changes in subsidy’ patterns or legislation are made to appear out of the air, rather than resulting from political pressure and negotiation between local and central government and other interest groups (the. building industry,&#13;
the farming lobby, academic experts on housing, professional, etc.,) in a series of varying relationships with each other. Thus they fail to discuss the changing political priority given to housing and the different views taken as to who are the potential recipients of public housing.&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE 16 PAGE 6&#13;
Similarly contrasting examples would be easy enough to to collect for other schemes. The frame- work within which architects and critics make their aesthetic evaluations is separated from the users’ evaluations but, we suggest, does not separate appearance from other aspects of the building: rather their aesthetic evaluations encompasses&#13;
the way the design integrates different aspects of the architect’s task (e.g. planning, structure, servicing, access, relation to the site, etc.). Richard Hil has pointed out how coherence in the process&#13;
*..:.0ne of the things that determines how architects.....design buildings isthat their should be a coherence and a structure in the process of design itself. This coherence and structure, it must be stressed, is in the process of design, not inthearchitecturalprocess consideredasthe interaction of the user with the building. A coherent and highly structured building in this sense may appear incoherent to the user.....So at one level it is not a question of there being different aesthetic frameworks of values held&#13;
by designers and users, but rather that often designer and user have been interested in two utterly different processes.....What this starts to bring into focus is the very deeply set values of consistency and coherence which are at the basis of the professional ideology of architecture (post-modernism, eclecticism, etc., notwith- standing), values which accrue to the designer and not necessarily to the user (8).&#13;
The determinants of form&#13;
Architects see themselves as particularly equipped to make this coherent synthesis of the conflicting requirements and regulations that condition the form of buildings, and as having some scope for&#13;
exercising autonomous choice in determining form. Their own perceptions of their degree of autonomy are not necessarily accurate: they too are products ofa professional ideology inculcated during training. An earlier version of this paper adopted a&#13;
vulgarised basefsuperstructure model of capitalist society which was based on imperfectly understood ideas from Althusser. This located art in the cultural/ideological sphere which was seen as part of the superstructure, connected to yet enjoying relative autonomy from an economic base constituted by the system of material production. We would now regard sucha a model as problematic following several critiques of Althusser (9), but stil find it useful to see-artistic creation as&#13;
resulting jointly from the decisions of the producer (artist, architect, etc.) who exercises some autonomy, and from economic and political forces.&#13;
The actual degree of autonomy, the limits of artistic freedom’ and the nature of the other forces involved clearly require a detailed discussion of a sort we can only briefly develop here. Architectural&#13;
criticism has tended to emphasise the architect’s role and to ignore other forces that that contribute to the determination of&#13;
form — unless it is to deplore the limitations on the architects scope imposed by cost yardsticks, building regulations or develop- ment control. Yet we believe’ that the various styles of public housing since the War can be ‘read’ for the ideologies and political&#13;
attitudes they express, as well as embodying particular architectural ideas which have developed in interaction with these other forces, The ideological and political&#13;
forces agt through the architect by in- fluencing or limiting his or her decisions through constraints such as housing&#13;
Standards set centrally and interpreted&#13;
Postwar housing styles and policies&#13;
To begin to explore some of these interacting influences, we briefly discuss how they&#13;
were worked out in public housing since&#13;
the second world war.&#13;
We would suggest that the immediate postwar period was marked by asense&#13;
of common purpose with a closer similarity between the ideologies of the government,&#13;
the architectural profession and the public than than at any time since. Public housing&#13;
built when Bevan was the minister&#13;
responsible was to be to excellent stan-&#13;
dards (space standards were considerably higher than they had been before or have&#13;
been since) (12). The Labour govern-&#13;
ment also removed the stipulation that&#13;
council housing was for the ‘working&#13;
classes’; it was to be available to all with&#13;
parity of esteem with the private sector. The amount of building in the private sector was strictly limited. Council housing of this period does not attempt to look like private housing: the appearance is frankly and proudly thatofan excellent&#13;
public sector. This does not preclude sensitive acknowledgement of regional formal traditions. (13) For a variety of reasons, however, housing output under the Labour government was low.&#13;
We have not the scope here to give&#13;
a detailed account of postwar housing policy’(14) A major reason for the 1951 Conservative victory was their pledge to build 300,000 homes a year; this was achieved by slashing standards. With lower standards in the public sector and a relaxation of controls on the private sector “parity ofesteem’ quickly evap- ourated and we see a gradual move by both parties and by the public to the view that owner occupation is the preferred tenure and that the public sector&#13;
sector is for those who are not competent to provide for themsteves in the ‘normal’ way.&#13;
Stylistically and formally, there was a trend away from the strong, plain semi-detached houses of the Bevan&#13;
era to more terraced houses, cheaper materials, and the use ofgimmicks such as “con temporary’ style porches or&#13;
of design is among the architect’s objectives:&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 7&#13;
ee&#13;
eapcenanlaces aiminiontir i6c oa&#13;
locally, building Tegulations, cost of materials, components and methods of construction, subsidy arrangements,skills available in the labour force, preferences of elected politicians on thehousing committee, campaigns in the media, the state of public opinion on council housing and so on.&#13;
Clearly these factors add up to a much stronger constraining influence than do any equivalent influences on the other arts (10) giving the architect less auton- omy than other creative artists. Jones and Hill have discussed some of these deter- minants, They attempt to treat form(to use a well known aphorism) not as a thing but as a relation, and unlike thepresent&#13;
paper are not concerned with the stylistic appearance but with more functional concepts of form. They show how, as&#13;
a result of beliefs about users, and, more importantly, particular changes insubsidy arrangements and building regulations, the characteristic form of councilhousing (particularly, itseems, ininnerLondon) changed from the four to five storey walk&#13;
up block to the six storey block with one lift, then to the eleven storey block and later to twenty of twenty-two storeys. (11)&#13;
The present writer would criticise their paper for the fact that changes in subsidy patterns or legislation are made to appear out of the air, rather than resulting from political pressure and negotiation between local and central government and other interest groups (the. building industry,&#13;
the farming lobby, academic experts on housing, professional, etc.,) in a series of varying relationships with each other. Thus they fail to discuss the changing political priority given to housing and the different views taken as to who are the potential recipients of public housing.&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE 16 PAGE 8&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 9&#13;
Festival-of-Britain detailing, perhaps to distract attention from the poor quality of the product. Particularly after the restart of slum clearance in the mid&#13;
50s there was progressive paring and cheapening’shown in the barrack-like five storey maisonettes found in many cities; agrudgingattempt tolimitprovision&#13;
to the b are necessities. (15) Architects, meanwhile, had become bored with suburban densities and forms; many were inspired by Le Corbusier or had even&#13;
been to Marseilles to see a building for the new age rising above the trees. The building industry (the large firms at least) were only too eager to develop skills in high building which were shortly to be put to use in a more profitable sector&#13;
of construction, With the emergence of ‘Brutalism’ and debased versionsof it, popular and architectural tastes parted company, If suitably manipulated, the people, still desperate for more housing, could almost believe that they would like concrete high rises. On Parkhill flats in Sheffield a resident social worker helped smooth over initial problems successfully&#13;
enough to get the design a massive endorse- ment from occupiers; of its successor, Hyde Park, she said. “ In ten years time there wil be no question of adjusting. Hyde&#13;
Park will be accepted. That is really the goal we are working for. ” In reality this estate has become a major problem.&#13;
Userresearchatthistimewasstil concerned with issues such as the number of dayrooms required, whether families wanted:to eat in the kitchen, and the need for a second WC; feedback from occupiers of flats was totally inadequate. A few academic studies, often in rather inaccessible sources, were published in the early sixties; (16) the Ministry of Housing research team did not start their social study of flats until 1963 and this was&#13;
not published until 1970(17) when flat&#13;
building was already declining due to the changes in subsidy arrangements, the swings ofarchitectural fashion and the Ronan Point collapse in 1968. User’s reactions to appearance were similarly ignored until another DoE study eventually showed that,&#13;
of the factors they studied, the one showing the strongest correlation with tenants’ overall opinions of their estates was attitude to is appedrance.(18)&#13;
Thus the views of the most important peopleinvolved,actualandpotentialusers, were prevented from taking their place among the other influences on the architects’ decisions. The mean maisonettesof the fifties and the system-built estates of the sixties are monuments first to governments relying on dogma rather than observed&#13;
needs, and then to a government which assumed that solutions were technical matters.&#13;
The changes in political and architectural fashion that followed the high rise phase were no more soundly based. The architects of tworof the&#13;
first notable low-rise high-density schemes&#13;
appear to have chosed these forms for visual rather than social reasons, to cope with&#13;
the ugliness of parking provisions around tower blocks and to return to atraditional townscape of streets and squares. (19)'The high density low-rise phase had rather a brief flowering period in the late sixties and was soon attenuated when the 1970 Conservative government switched priorities away from new council housing towards rehabilitation, intending to reduce councils’ spending on housing stil further with the “Fair Rents’ legislation. Soon the DoE set lower density norms and the Design Guide movement idealised an aesthetic :reminiscent ofa traditional unquestioned ideology of community (20) giving rise to the rather quaint neo-vernacular estates currently appearing up and down the country. These appear to reflect architects’ expectations of‘what people want’. The mainstream of&#13;
the profession has torn itself away from&#13;
the modern movement and has returned to populism, at a time when both major political parties are treating council housing as a residual tenure for the poor or the incomp- etent. Althaigh the new-vernacular estates bear some slight resemblance to the council&#13;
houses of the Bevan era ( and the implicit Beyanite paternalism has been commented&#13;
on by Wier) (21) their ideological basis is very different. The yardstick was progressively squeezed under the Labour government and now the Conservatives have abandon .ed Parker-Morris spacestandardsaltogether,so the hontely appearance belies a skimpy reality. Visually these homes are trying to pretend they are not council houses at al. This is not the aesthetic of a tenure with parity of esteem: it is the aesthetic ofa tenure that has become an embarassment.&#13;
Concluding remarks&#13;
We have tried to show that, although the aesthetic preferences of the public are themselves distorted by the relations of production and thus cannot be taken at&#13;
face value, there is an unnecessaty wide&#13;
gulf between architect and user. Architectural practice in the design of public housing&#13;
is the meeting point for a seriesof ideol- ogical and political values; to an extent that the architect is an ‘agent’ through which these values express themselves. We should make it clear that we do not adopt a simplistic view that the main problem with councilestatesisthattheyarevisually unappealing: this would be to ignore more important determinants of popularity such as the status of the sector as a whole in relation to other sectors, and hence the social composition of the public sector. The Bevan estates were popular not only because they were to high standards and looked domestic, but because they were available to al classes rather than beirg&#13;
only for the socially inadequate.&#13;
It may be that the only possible course of action&#13;
for architects at present is, firstly, to refuse to design sub-standard shousing, arguing from the lessons of history when standards were lowered in the past (22), secondly, to see the attack on public sector housing as part of a general attack on the social wage, and, thirdly, to support their local campaign against the cuts. These conclusions are more pessimistic than those of an earlier version of this paper, which was written before the last election, and spoke of examples of new approaches to practice by Erskine, ASSIST and SOLON. While architects can liberate themselves from the incul- cated attitudes of professional aloofness and mystique and become aware ot the liberating and fulfilling potential for both designers and users of creativity and collaboration, there are dangers if this relationship is used to secure consent for levels of provision so low that everyone should refuse to implement them. Perhaps others who respond to this paper are able to extract less pessimistic conclusions so that some more positive suggestions can Be offered to those attempting to resolve these contradictions at the drawing board. (23)&#13;
NOTES&#13;
1. This paper isa completely rewritten version of a paper&#13;
by Jane and Roy Darke given at a British Society of Aesthetics colloquium in April 1979. The author would like to thank in particular Richard Hill, also Giles Pebody and other members of the ‘November 21st’ group for their&#13;
constructive criticisms of the earlier version, and Roy Darke for his comments on the present version,&#13;
Raymond Williams: Keywords; Croom Helm 1976 P. 28 (also in paperback)&#13;
John Berger: Ways of Seeing; Pelican 1972 plz&#13;
An exception, and not recent, isRichardHoggart’s&#13;
The Uses of Literacy, Chatto and Windus 1957 (also&#13;
in Pelican). Media studies must be cited here because of the attention that has been paid to issues that are also of interest in studies of arts, such as ideology and degreeof autonomy of the producer and the degree of economic determination. See the writings of Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams, also john Clarke, Chas Critcher and Richard Johnson (eds), Working Class Culture, Hutchinson 1979 ( especially Clarke's essay); variuos essays in Carl Gardner (ed), Media ,Politics and Culture, Macmillan 1979; essays in Micheal Barrett, Philip Corrigah, Annette Kuhn and Janet Wolff (eds), Ideology and Cultural Production, Groom Helm 1979 (especially the essay by Golding and Murdock).&#13;
5 See Hannah Gavron, The Captive Wife ,Pelican&#13;
1968 and Anne Oakley, The Sociology of Housework, Martin Robertson 1974, for accounts of the work&#13;
of housewives&#13;
ai Eisenman in Architectural Design, September 1972, p.590.&#13;
Interviews with a random sample of households on the estate were carried out by the author in 1976, as part of her doctoral research.&#13;
8. Richard Hill, personal communication,&#13;
9 EP Thompson, The Poverty of Theory Merlin Press 1978&#13;
see also the references cited under note 5. above.&#13;
10 See however Raymond Williams’ comments on limitations&#13;
to the length of novels in Politics and Letters New Left Books,&#13;
1979.&#13;
11 Micheal Jones and Richard Hill, ‘The Political Economy&#13;
ofHousing Form’, inPoliticalEconomy oftheHousing&#13;
Question, Conference of Socailist Economists 1975.&#13;
12 See appendix 3 in Stephen Merrit‘ State Housing in Britain,&#13;
Routledge and Keegan Paul, 1979.&#13;
13 See pp. 106-117 and many of the other illustrations ih the&#13;
1949 Housing Manual (Ministry of Health HMSO). This ought to be compulsory reading for al those who have forgotten what an excellent public sector can be like.&#13;
14 Fora popular account of this see Jane Darke and Roy Darke, Who Needs Housing? Papermac 1979, especially pp. 24-34; for a more detailed account see Merrett, op. cit., especially chapter 9.&#13;
15 See Benwell Community Development Project, Slums on the Drawing Board 1978.&#13;
16 For example Center for Urban Studies ‘Tall Flats in Pimlico’ in, London, Aspects of Change, Mc Gibbon and Key 1964; Willmott,p. and Cooney, E W, The Architect and the Sociologist: a Problem of Collaboration in Architectural Association Journal vol.77 no.859, 1962, pp. 172-186; Maisels, J, Two to Five in High ‘Rise Flats, The Housing Centre 1961; Skone, J F, ‘Health and&#13;
Welfare Problems in High Flats’ in Proceedings of&#13;
Public Works and Municipal Services Congress November 1962 pp. 225-51.&#13;
17 Ministry of Housingind Local Government Families Living at High Density, HMSO, 1970.&#13;
18 Department of the Environment, The Estate Outside the Dwelling, HMSO 1972.&#13;
19 The author interviewed John Darbourne and Michael Neylan, among others, in the course of a research study to be presentvd asa doctoral thesis in 1980. What was not fully clear from these interviews was whether the architects had any expectations regarding the aesthetic preferences of users, and, if so, whether and how they took these imputed preferences into account.&#13;
20 See Colin Bell andHoward Newby, ‘Community, Communion, Class and Community Action’ in Herbert, D Tand J Johnston, R J (eds), Social Areas in Cities, John Wiley&#13;
1978, and Alan Lipman ‘Professional Ideology:‘Community&#13;
Ne iS BN&#13;
and‘Total Architecture” in Architectural Research and&#13;
Teaching, Vol 1 pp. 39-49, 1970.&#13;
21 Stuart Wier ‘Part of a Heritage’ in Architects Journal, 17th&#13;
January 1979 p. 124 te seq.&#13;
22 See Community Development Project, Whatever Happened&#13;
to Council Housing? CDP Information and Intelligence Unit, 1976.&#13;
.&#13;
23 There isan excellent discussion on the contradictory position of socialists working for the State in, mand ‘Against the State, London Edinburgh Reform Group 1979.&#13;
&#13;
 HOUSING&#13;
CRISIS DEEPENED&#13;
WHAT ARE THE POLICIES OF THE CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT TOWARDS PUBLIC HOUSING?&#13;
During the coming year, due to cuts in capital spending, work will be started on only about 22,000 new flats and houses. This compares with an equivalent number of about 134,000 ‘starts’ about five years ago.&#13;
RENT&#13;
Reductions in revenue grants to Councils and Housing Associations will mean increased costs to tenants either directly through rents or indirectly through rates. In Hackney, for example, council tenants face rent rises of about&#13;
20% and rates for the whole community, including Council tenants are rising this year by&#13;
almost 50%. Housing Association tenants will be even worse off.&#13;
Even with drastic economies in Associations’ running costs, including house maintenance, the will face even greater rent rises over the next two years on rents that are already higher than those of Council&#13;
tenants. The sale of the most desirable Council and Housing Association houses will also affect rents by increasing the burden of maintaining the older, less desirable housing to be shared between the remaining tenants. Those tenants who are able to and decide to buy a house or flat as a way out of the declining public housing sector that their mortgage repayments will far exceed the rent that they currently paying and that, as owner occupiers, they do not enjoy the solidarity of organisation which has been used&#13;
to defend the interests of public sector tenants in the past. Owner occupiers enjoy, or suffer, an individual relationship with market forces in the form of interest rates.&#13;
CONCLUSION&#13;
Conservative policies on housing are are aimed at stigmatising Public Sector tenure as a ‘second class’ way of life, offering poor accomodation at high prices. The effect of this will be to weaken tenants’ organisations and rupture the links between them and trade unions. It will also disrupt trade union organisation itself as many of the new home owners will be tied down by massive mortgage repayments and be understandably reluctant to lend their weight to industrial action.&#13;
WHAT WILL THESE POLICIES MEAN FOR THE COMMUNITY AT LARGE?&#13;
THE INNER CITY&#13;
build on scarce agricultural land while land in inner cities falls out of use as dereliction spreads.&#13;
TRANSPORT AND OTHER SERVICES&#13;
Accelerating the trend to suburban isation will further accentuate the division of cities into different zones. The extension and consolidation of&#13;
REDUCTIONS in capital expenditure Meanwhile the existing stocks of&#13;
by Councils and Housing Associations public housing are being eroded by the&#13;
Recent years have seen the increas-&#13;
ingly wide acceptance of an ‘inner&#13;
city problem’ resulting from the&#13;
decay an obsolescence of the&#13;
inner Victorian suburbs of our cities. separate ares for offices, shop and&#13;
on new housing provided either by new buildings or by conversion and modernisation of old buildings.&#13;
REDUCTIONS in revenue grants to Councils and Housing Associations which offset the costs of managing and maintaining public housing.&#13;
PROMOTION of owner occupation as the ‘normal’ form of house tenure and encouraging the sale of public housing.&#13;
ENDING exemption from Develop- ment Land Tax (currently a60% levy on land deals) for land bought by Councils.&#13;
ENDING Government insistence on minimum space and heating standards for Council and Housing Association new houses,&#13;
ENCOURAGING private house building by insisting on hatty approval of structure plans and by’ vetoing Councils’ plans for the extension of Green Belts.&#13;
AVAILABILITY&#13;
SLATE 16PAGE 10&#13;
deterioration of older buildings and by the sale of houses to the private market. It is likely that Conservative policies will result in a net reduction in public housing stocks and that new tenancies will become virtually unobtainable.&#13;
STANDARDS&#13;
Over one million dwellings in England alone are in need of extensive repairs costing £2,000 or more. Of these a substantial proportion belong to Councils and Housing Associations, The costs of carrying out these repairs are paid by both Councils and Housing Associations from ‘revenue’ accounts, which currently receive&#13;
a subsidy from the Government. In the case of Councils, this subsidy, the Rate Support Grant, has been drastically cut, particularly for inner city Councils which generally have large and expensive to main- tain housing stocks. The equivalent subsidy to Housing Associations, the Revenue Deficit Grant, is to be withdrawn altogether in two years. The money available for repairs will be strictly curtailed while the stocks of more desirable houses in good repair will be depleted by the sales drive the Government plan. The result will be to reduce the already limited chances for public sector tenants to get transferred to better homes. The abolition of minimum standards for Govern- ment financed housing willtempt Councils and Housing Associations to build houses that are smaller and worse equipped in an attempt to nee up the numbers of houses built.&#13;
Councils and Housing Associations hhave played a major role in revital- ising such communities through&#13;
the redevelopment or rehabilitation of inner city housing, in many places enabling inner city communi- ties to survive. In al but a few cases of particularly attractive and well situated neighbourhoods, the cost of this work is too great for the private sector to undertake it profitably. The reduction in capital and revenue grants to Councils&#13;
and Housing Associations working in inner city areas will result in accelerated decay of these areas coupled with a collapse in the morale of communities living in them. The ending of Councils’ right to buy land exempt from Development Land Tax will exacerbate this decline. |&#13;
LAND&#13;
Conservatives hope that private housebuilders will solve the problem of the shortage of housing in decent condition. Private housebuilding&#13;
can only provide cheap housing on land that is both cheap and easy to develop.-This isgenerally virgin agricultural alnd situated on the suburban fringes of our cities. The _ Governmentijhas already declared its intentions to encourage suburban development by vetoing plans for Councils in the South East to&#13;
extend Green Belt areas where no devlopment is permitted. Private housebuilders will be encouraged to&#13;
entertainment, industry and housing will place additional strains on buses, trains and roads. Private housebuilding on suburban land also involves other indirect costs to the community as&#13;
a whole, for example, for the extension of drainage, gas, water and electrical services as well as the provision of schools and other welfare facilities. But these services cannot fall out of use in the inner city and the costs of supporting declining inner city communities&#13;
in terms of policing and social&#13;
work will continue to escalate.&#13;
CONCLUSION&#13;
up about 20% of the building industry’s workload and accounted for the jobs of about 300,000 of the industry’s total workforce of 1.5 million. Although difficult&#13;
to assess, current employment in the industry could be at least as&#13;
The cuts in housing ¢Xpenditure and other moves made by the present Tory government may well result in a housing crisis as severe as any this country hias known this century. Here we print in full a report by the London Building Design Staff branch of the union AUEW-TASS on the likely effects of the new housing policies on every aspect of society.&#13;
TheLondon BuildingDesignStaffBranchisa specialist branch of AUEW-TASS for all workers in private sector building design offices in London including architects surveyors, engineers, planners, and administrative secretarial and technical staf.&#13;
Conservatives claim that their&#13;
policies on housing will reduce costs high as 200,000 before the current&#13;
to the community as a whole by reducing the barden of taxation. Besides the costs of the services necessary to support private house building, borne from the rates&#13;
and from taxes, considerable social costs interm of dereliction..and misery are likely to result.&#13;
WHAT WILL THESE POLICIES MEAN FOR THE CONSTRUCTION TION INDUSTRY?&#13;
EMPLOYMENT IN CONSTRUCTION&#13;
In 1976 housebuilding and main- tenance for the public sector made&#13;
capital cuts take effect. At atime when orders for construction work for the private sector are falling off due to high interest rates, the effects of the reductions in capital spending on Council and Housing Association housing islikelytobeadramatic increase in unemployment among building workers. The situation facing individual building workers will be more severe in the coming months than in previous recessions in construction activity due to the run down of other industries, ship- building, steel and motors for example, which have provided alter- native empoyment for building workers in the past.&#13;
cont.on p.14 SLATE 16 PAGE 1&#13;
WHAT WILL THESE POLICIES MEAN FOR TENANTS OF PUBLIC HOUSING AND THOSE IN NEED OF HOUSING?&#13;
Currently over one million h - holds afe waiting to rent aflat or house from alocal Council or Housing Association. Of theseover 50,000 are registered as ‘homeless’,&#13;
&#13;
 THE 1979/80 ‘UNATTACHED’ COUN— CILLORS GO OUT IN A PROCEDURAL MASSACRAET THE LAST COUNCIL MEETING OF THE YEAR — SLATE WAS THERE TO RECORD THE SCENE”&#13;
Briefed to expect a packed Council Chamber&#13;
for the 192nd ARCUK Ordinary Meeting&#13;
on March 12th 1980, the last of the 1979/80 (an RIBA nominee) sits on the high bench&#13;
his head flanked by the rampant lions of the RIBA crest set into the back of his chair. The Registrar, not a member of&#13;
MOTION NUMBER ONE&#13;
session, your reporter arrived in good time&#13;
at 66, Portland Place to secure a good&#13;
vantage point from which to record the&#13;
cutandthrustofdebateonthefivemotions Council,scurriesbusilyonthechairman’s&#13;
ARCUK CODE CRUMBLES — EXCLUSIVE&#13;
At the last Ordinary Meeting of the year the chairman of each Committee submits his Annual Report of the Committee’s work for Council approval. The first of&#13;
Thopmson’s eligibility for admission. Speaking the Code. A recent poll of unattached to the motion councillor Walker called on the architects had shown great division on&#13;
under which section Mr. Thompsonhad applied themselves were not in agreement on all and whether he was eligible. Mr. Thompson’s of the issues but they felt the time had&#13;
directorship was notrelevant to that question, come for ARCUK to take the lead in he said, and the Admissions Committee debating these matters. Thus when appearedtobeexceedingtheirpowersby askedbythechairmanifhewould&#13;
refusingtoconsiderMr.Thompson’s application simply because he was a director. As the Committee vice-chairman (by now&#13;
a deep red) blustered that the ‘case’ was still ‘under consideration’, the chairman ruledelectedCouncillorWalker’smotion ‘out of order’. Whilst elected Councillor Walker thumbed through his copy of Standing Orders to discover how the chairman could manage this vanishing&#13;
trick, the vice-chairman pulled out the procedural knuckle-dusters and moved&#13;
‘next business’. A chorus of RIBA grunts proved sufficient to the chair and the meeting moved on without avote.&#13;
1motion down, 4 to go.&#13;
FOUR INTOONEWILLGO&#13;
As the dust settled from this opening fracastherelativelyblandreportsfrom the Board of Architectural Education and Finance and General Purposes Committee received approval without a vote.The Finance and General Purposes Committee reported that the total now on the Register is 27,012.&#13;
The first sign that a total rout of the elected councillors was planned came curiously enough from the Chairman of the Professional Purposes Committee (no irony intended?). He followed a dull introduction of the Professional PurposesCommitteereportwiththe astonishing proposition that the four motions concerning Code changes (to appear later in the agenda) be included in the Professional Purposes Committee report he had just given, as an item to be considered at the next Professional&#13;
Purposes Committee meeting.&#13;
Reports on the Common Market (do they mean the EEC?) and Monopolies Commission&#13;
chance for the elected councillors to regroup in time to suggest one or two improve-&#13;
ments to the draft Annual Report, the&#13;
next item on the agenda.&#13;
submittedbytheelectedcouncillors.&#13;
‘The main event of the day promised to&#13;
lefthandlikethewhiterabbitatAlice’s trial, whilst the vice-chairman and heads of committees (al RIBA nominees) fil&#13;
Bythistimemanycouncillorswere withdrawthemotion,thefirstofthefour, growingimpatient—the48thAnnual&#13;
An air of expectancy had been abroad But the RIBA group would have none from the start as councillors filed into the of it. The man was a director and rules are RIBA Council Chamber where ARCUK also tules. Mr. Webb was removed for 12 months meets, If the nine elected councillors needed — votes for 33, against 9. In any event the any reminders of the RIBA dominance of Registrar had thoughtfully dug a ‘grave’ ARCUK theaides-memoirewerealaround forMr.Webbintheformofablank&#13;
paragraph in the draft Annual Report — to be put before the Council for approval later in the agenda of just the right size&#13;
don’t hesitate to write to us. Architects Registration Council of the U.K.&#13;
The 4 motions proposed deletions and amendments to the Code to permit architects to advertise, to form limited&#13;
Your reporter, however, might have saved First item on the agenda concerned one&#13;
I L Webb, Architect, whom theDiscipline Committee chairman moved be removed from the Register for ‘disgraceful conduct? on the grounds that he is a director of a company of the kind proscribed by Principle 2 of the Code, Only the elected councillors spoke against the motion, pointing out that alarge section of the profession are now in favour of changes in the Code to permit architects to become&#13;
to defer al 4 motions to the Professional Purposes Committee..Elected Councillor Maltz protested that this was in flagrant disregard of Standing Orders. Had not Council recently increased the notice required for motions to 48 hours? Did not a motion have to be voted on unless withdrawn by proposer and seconder? Were the rules not the rules? Well no,&#13;
old adversaries the vice-chairman rose to give the only reply Councillor Maltz was to receive — a valedictory address in praise&#13;
of the outgoing chairman —in its way a ‘policy statement’ for the coming year.&#13;
BLEAK PROSPECTS FOR 1980/81&#13;
From ine depths of the 192nd Ordinary Meeting the conduct ot ARCUK Council meetings can surely only go up. But 1980 promises to be a difficult year for the&#13;
ARCUK iseffectively ahome fixture for&#13;
the RIBA group. In the walnut-panelled&#13;
chamber portraits of past RIBA presidents&#13;
adorn the walls, the chairman of the Council to record confirmation of his demise.&#13;
case,hehadtabledamotioncallingonthe directorsofbuildingfirmsandthelike, ARCUK ANNUAL REPORT Admissions Committee to report on Mr presently proscribed by Principle 2.1 of&#13;
be a ‘package’ of motions proposing&#13;
changestotheARCUKCodeofConductto theremainderofthebench.Arounda&#13;
allow architects to advertise, form limited square table below and in front of the&#13;
liabilitycompanies,andbecomedirectors benchsitthestenographerandofficers thesewasfromtheAdmissionsCommittee,&#13;
elected Councillor Maltz refused. Meeting stil to follow on the heelsof this This threw the RIBA group on the horns one would leave precious little time for of a dilemma for whilst they could shopping. No RIBA members raised any&#13;
in attendance. On either side of this table sit the councillorosri benches at right angles to the Chair. In the back row of three tiers of benches opposite the chair sit the nine elected councillors. A few sympathetic non-RIBA nominees siton the lower benches, significantly close to&#13;
willed, or held the majority, to do so&#13;
would be to defy their instuctions —&#13;
to keep the matter off Council until the&#13;
RIBA Council had decided what it wanted&#13;
ARCUK to do. If the RIBA group abstained wasting’ and ‘nit-picking’ by some RIBA the motions would rest solely on the votes councillors, all the proposed amendments of the elected Councillors (unthinkable). were accepted by Council without a vote. For the RIBA group any kind of vote meant&#13;
of building firms or building materials&#13;
firms. These are the issues that have run&#13;
white hot in the profession in the past&#13;
year and upon which debate in Council&#13;
was expected to reflect the doubts and&#13;
divisions and passions felt throughout the&#13;
profession. Potentially the most important&#13;
changes in the profession since the 1931 Act, the elected nine. The two or three members time applying for re-admission to the&#13;
the shit really hitting the fan, and being stil ANY OTHER BUSINESS&#13;
in the walnut panelling for the next RIBA&#13;
Councilmeeting.ButMr.Maltzwouldnot Inalaterallyunder‘anyotherbusiness’&#13;
theses proposals had never previously been&#13;
debated by ARCUK. Instructed to await a&#13;
ruling by the RIBA Council, the RIBA&#13;
‘Gang of Forty’ had constantly postponed debate;buttheelectedcouncillors,anxious&#13;
to ensure a full debate by ARCUK itself,&#13;
had tabled the four motions proposing changeinordertobringthequestiononto EMBARASSING? the agenda.&#13;
withdraw his motion. Aftermuchwhispering(wasthisan&#13;
elected Councillor Maltz pointed out that5motionsstillayontheagenda awaiting a vote. Was now the best time? Would the chairman call ayote? As Council&#13;
of the Press huddle on a short bench conveniently near to the door to the chairman’s right — they may be asked to leave.&#13;
Register (see Building Design 7th March 1980: *ARCUK Code Crumbles’) The RIBA boys want to keep him off, but, under the Act&#13;
he has only to meet the admission require- ments(whichsaynothingaboutdirectors)&#13;
to be entered on the Register. Elected councillor Walker, a member of the AdmissionsCommittee,voicinghis&#13;
dissent from the entire Committee report, asked why Council should be denied a report of this application when it was already public knowledge via the pages of&#13;
Building Design. Was the vice-chairman trying to suppress news of the committee’s work? Was the committe trying to take on a disciplinary role? By now quite pink with anxiety the committee vice-chairman had nothing to add to his report save to ask the gentleman who leaked the story to Building Design to come forward and own up&#13;
‘DISGRACEFUL’ OR JUST&#13;
adjournment?) the chairman conjured&#13;
anew motion from the mouth of the&#13;
ProfessionalPurposesCommitteechairman awaitedthefinal‘highnoon’betweenthe&#13;
the bus fare for, within the hour, the RIBA&#13;
nominated chairman had strangled debate&#13;
on the motions by a brutal travesty of&#13;
standing orders which did full justice to&#13;
the so-called procedural ‘guillotine’, In&#13;
fact no debate or voting took place on any&#13;
of the five motions submitted by the&#13;
elected councillors as they were bundled&#13;
clumsily from the agenda by the chairman&#13;
even before they had been reached in the&#13;
orderofbusiness,drawinggaspsandeven directors.WouldtheyfindMr.1LWebb’s (derisorysmiles).&#13;
not any more itseemed. Any further&#13;
pretence by the chair toimpartiality&#13;
had disintegrated as quickly as as the&#13;
IncredibleHulk’sshirtafteraparticularly electedminorityonaCouncilsoreadyto&#13;
a fewaabstentions from those nominated councillors who could stil remember democratic procedures.&#13;
SLATE 16PAGE 12&#13;
conduct ‘disgraceful’? Mr Webb might be “Bounder of the Year’ but was Council justified in striking a person off for contravening a principle they might be about to abandon?&#13;
Would the Council then accept this vice-chairman’s minority report complete with full omission of the one major contro- versy before the committee this year?&#13;
Vote for:33 votes against:8!&#13;
provoking attack. He would hear no more debate —votes for: 35, votes against: 9.&#13;
flaunt democratic procedure when the majority sees fit. If S unattached motions are swept from 'the agenda at every meeting, public pressure must suiely grow to ‘clean- up’ ARCUK.&#13;
recommended in a nervous summary by its vice-chairman. But where, asked elected councillor Maltz, was the Committee’s report on the case of Ian Thompson, recently shouted from the front page of Building Design? Mr Thompson isanother of those wicked architect/directors, this&#13;
councillors to prevent many errors and omissions (even misquotes of the Act itself) from finding their way into print. Despite muttered-accusations of ‘time-&#13;
But councillor Walker was not finished&#13;
yet. Foreseeing the supression of the Thompson liability companies and to become&#13;
easily defeat the motions thus deferring comments as the report was covered page anychangeintheCodeforaslongasthey bypageanditwaslefttotheelected&#13;
SLATE 16PAGE 13&#13;
UNATTACHED NEWS&#13;
SLATE aims to provide an effective means of communication for the&#13;
“ unattached ” members of ARCUK through these columns and letters page.&#13;
So if you feel strongly about these issues, For the lay reader of SLATE “ ARCUK ”is the&#13;
It was set up by the Architects Registration Act of 1931 to control the entry of people into the profession and monitor their conduct once registered. It is composed of 5 main constit- uent bodies; The RIBA (Royal Institute of British Architects), the [AAS (The Incorp- arated Association of Architects and Surveyors), the FAS (The Faculty of Architects and Surveyors )and the AA (Architectural Association ).&#13;
Committeecairmantocomecleanandreport thesequestionsandtheelectedcouncillors £1,weqofferinglitlethatwasnewsanda&#13;
(CIL:&#13;
(CIL:&#13;
RIBA JACKBOOTS STAMP ON ELECTED COUNCILLORS&#13;
Thus 5motions submitted by the minority elected councillors, left the order paper without debate or vote. The oligarchy is not subtle but it is effective&#13;
&#13;
 HOUSING CRISIS cont...&#13;
NAM SLATE&#13;
VICTORIOUS&#13;
NAM MEMBERS haveagain captured seven of the nine elected seats on the Architects Registration Council (ARCUK).&#13;
In recent elections among nearly 4400 architects whom the RIBA-control- led ARCUK considers eligible to vote — the so called ‘unattached’— the four NAM incumbents standing again (John Allan, John Murray, Marion Roberts and Eddie Walker) were al reelected, former Councillor David Roebuck was elected again after a year’s respite and newcomers Norman Arnold and David Burney join them on the 1980-1981 Council.&#13;
NAM members have been contesting the ARCUK elections for four years now and have yet to receive anything less than a vote of confidence from the architectural electorate, This vear’s success isparticularly significant for two reasons:&#13;
Firstly, for the first time, after considerable pressure from the elected councillors, ARCUK sent out ballot papers sufficiently in advance to reduce the number of disenfranchised voters&#13;
on ARCUK’s ‘voters list’. The result was that the number of voters casting ballots was up 26% on previous years (to 22% of those to whom ARCUK claims itsent ballots). In this relatively heavy polling, and ina field of 15 candidates (up from&#13;
13 the previous year), NiMM held its own, itsvictorious candidates obtaining from 400 to 564 votes.&#13;
Secondly, this year, following a recent&#13;
change in ARCUK’s Regulations, was the&#13;
the first in which candidates were permit-&#13;
ted to include in the information circulated are 907% management, mostly from the&#13;
to voters a breif statement of views. The NAM candidates, much to the chagrin of thePortlandPlacefanaticswhostil cannotquitecometotermswiththe&#13;
standing generally on a platform of an&#13;
open, democratic and publically account-&#13;
able ARCUK free from the puppet strings Councillors might not so spinelessly follow&#13;
SKILLSANDMANAGEMENT&#13;
Building construction still relies extensively on manual skills, esp- ecially in housebuilding and repair, yet, even in times of high unemploy- ment, the industry is dogged by shortages of skilled labour. This problem can be ascribed to two factors, both caused in turn by the unstable nature of demand for building work: firstly, a reluctance by building firms to train appren- tices, particularly true of small&#13;
and medium size firms, and secondly, the reluctance of men&#13;
and women to train for skilled&#13;
jobs which offer little security. Management of building contracts also suffers from the stop-go nature of the unsteady flow of work resulting from the contracting system. Because the demand for housing is regulated by the Govern- ment rather than the market&#13;
system. Because the demand for Concil and Housing Associations housing isregulated by the Government rather than the market it could offer a steady andplanned workload for the industry and give real incentives for improved training and efficiency. Instead the Conser- vatives are bent on minimising the benefits of a public sector workload for the industry.&#13;
EMPLOYMENT OF ARCHI- TECTURAL AND ALLIED STAFF&#13;
sectorofficescombined.In1978 the Government invested about £2,000 million in housebuilding and the repair and conversion&#13;
of old houses and this work accounted for the work of about 8,000 salaried architects, architectural assistants and surveyors in both sectors. At that time, roughly half this work was carried out by private architects’ and allied offices. If, as expected, the output of Council and Housing Association flats and houses falls to 22,000 units this year that will mean jobs for at most 4,000 architectural and&#13;
allied staff, a loss of 4,000 jobs in two years or about 10% of al architectural and surveying jobs. Coupled with this will be a corresponding reduction in the number of jobs for secretarial and administrative staff. The effects will be felt worse in local authority architects’ offices where public housing work makes upa large proportion of the workload in many cases. Staff in several local auth- ority architects’ offices have already responded by negotiating, through their unions, a ban on the employ- ment of private architectural or surveying firms on any new projects, This will worsen the plight of private practice which will also be faced with a falling workload due&#13;
to the effect on private sector clients of high interest rates.&#13;
CONCLUSION&#13;
Conservative policies on housing willmean,intheshortterm,a disasterforemployment atall levelsinthebuildingindustry, and, in the long term, a further dispersion of skilled workers from the industry and disincentives for proper training and efficient methods.Thereductionsin spending on public housing are particularly ill conceived&#13;
DearSLATE,&#13;
Iwould like to correct two mistakes which appeared in your articles in SLATE 15 concerning ARCUK and ‘unattached’ architects:&#13;
Firstly, in your introduction to the report on the December meeting of ARCUK you State that ARCUK ‘is composed of 5 main constituent bodies: RIBA, IAAS, FAS and AA’. That you list only 4 is not what concerns me. I am concerned, however,&#13;
that you should be propagating the RIBA’s totally unfounded ‘model’ of the structure ofARCUK: thatARCUK is‘composed of? architectural ‘constituent bodies’ of which one alone, of course. is of any significance (guess which?).&#13;
ARCUK issupposed to be constituted in accordance with the First Schedule of the Architects Registration Act 1931 which provides for the appointment of members by various bodies and government ministers as well as for the direct election ofsome members by those architects (mostly ‘unattached’) which it entitles to vote. In fact, 12 not 5 bodies appoint members of ARCUK, the Act gives no greater importance to any nicmber as opposed to any other, and the term ‘constituent body’ appears nowhere in&#13;
the Registration Acts or ARCUK’s own Regulations.&#13;
Itisworth noting that when ARCUK was first constituted in March 1932, only 23 ot 42 members were appointees of the four bodies to which you referred and in 1940, shortly after the 1938 Act had made registration mandatory, only 27 of 49 were. Perhaps in those days seats on ARCUK were apportioned in accordance withtheAct.&#13;
Secondly,inyourreportonthereSults ofthesurveycarriedoutbytheelected ARCUK councillors you stated that itwas carried out with the assistance of Building Design magazine. Although BD had indeed published the results of a previousquestionnaire,itwasinfact&#13;
of no assistance whatsoever in carrying out or publicising the survey to which you referred.&#13;
FROM: BobMaltz&#13;
Four NAM members who had teen representing unattached architects on ARCUK did not stand again: Bob Maltz and Ian Tod after serving for three years,&#13;
Tomm Woolley after serving two and Sue&#13;
Jackson/afterone- phe mu non-NAM candidates elected this year were incumbent&#13;
Peter Cutmore and newcomer Peter Howe, both of whom are unlikely to fal into line behind the RIBA Council-appointed majority which stil rules ARCUK.&#13;
Thisyeartheannualretentionfeewhich every architect must, by law, pay to&#13;
the Architects registration Council (ARCUK) goes up to £7-50. How much o, that is being chanelled by the RIBA- controlled Council, through investments, into right-wing political organisations?&#13;
As reported at its December meeting, half of ARCUK’s £63,000 worth of investments are in 16 private-sector companies. The list of companies bears astriking resemblance to the list of major company cotributors to the Tory&#13;
Party and right-wing bodies like the Economic League, Aims of Industry and British United Industrialists which, in turn, channel funds to the Tories.&#13;
Topping the list of ARCUK investments was Commercial Union, 15th on the list (topped by construction giant Taylor Woodrow) of company donors to the political right. Second on the list was Marks and Spencer, 13th on the list of donors Imperial Tobacco was third on both ARCUK” ARCUK’s list and the list of donors to&#13;
SLATE 16PAGE 14&#13;
at a time when interest rates are at record&#13;
two NAM candidates who failed to get elected were Dave Sutton ,who didn’t mention his NAM affiliation, and Mick Broad,whofailedtosubmitastatement of views.&#13;
high priests of Portland Place, who have conspired for'fifty years to subvert the Architects Registration Acts.&#13;
Portland Place isthe street inwhich the RIBA headquaters are situated.&#13;
levels.&#13;
i&#13;
WSONEWSINIEWSON&#13;
oftheRIBA’sarchitecturalemployers.The thepartylinehanded downbythe&#13;
While the ‘unattached’ architects are&#13;
obliged by the Architects Registration Act&#13;
1931, which establisehed ARCUK, to&#13;
nominate only ‘registered persons’ (¢.g.,&#13;
‘architects’), the RIBACouncil isfree to&#13;
appoint anyone, lay or professional, RIBA&#13;
member or not to the 41 seatsthatARCUK&#13;
apportioned it this year. Once again, however organisations. But, whether a statutory&#13;
however, the RIBA Council has appointed exclusively RIBA members and again these&#13;
body such as ARCUK should similarly&#13;
private sector, despite the fact that over&#13;
support the right wing through its&#13;
investment of the annual retention fes isa more dubious matter.&#13;
Slate readers will recall that, two years 495,pressurefromNAMmemberselected toARCUKforcedtheCounciltodivest itsofeslhafresinConsolidatedGoldfields. apillar of apartheid in South Africa. Consolidated Goldfields, which also operates in the British construction industry (ARC Conbloc etc.,), isnow 11th onthelistofcompanydonorstothe political right-wing, contributing&#13;
heavily not only to the Tories but also to the infamous National Association for Freedom.&#13;
Is now the time for ARCUK to further limitits‘undesirable’ investments?&#13;
70% of the RIBA’s members are staff, with halfthesefromthepublicsector.Ofcourse theRIBACouncilcouldallowitsUK&#13;
these seats but, no surprise, has never&#13;
chosen to do so. Perhaps elected&#13;
the Economic League, known for its&#13;
blacklists of trade union activists. Shell, which tops the list of Economic League contributors, isalso amajor ARCUK investment. Other major Economic League contributors among ARCUK’s investments include Legal and General&#13;
'Insurance, GKN (7th among the contri-&#13;
butors to the Tory Party) and National WwestiitasfenBanie&#13;
The RIBA, as a private club, has every right to support right-wing political&#13;
SLATE 16PAGE 15&#13;
IWS SUBS. FUND&#13;
RIGHT WING INTERESTS&#13;
widespread support for the NAM candidates members freely to elect people, lay or let alone the idea of an independent ARCUK professional, RIBA members or not, to&#13;
The reductions in capital spending on Council and Housing Association housebuilding are likely to hav an early effect on employment in architects’ and allied offices. Statistics are not readily available for the workload of these offices&#13;
but it is likely that, in 1976, public sector housing accounted for about 20% by value of the workload of public and private&#13;
&#13;
 THE NINE architects elected to the Architects Registration Council to represent their colleagues who do not belong to any of the professional institutes have won a masssive vote of confidence in their policies in a recent opinion finding questionnaire.&#13;
O rganised by several of the councillors the questionnaire was circulated in the Architecs Journal and elicited over 500 responses. Most forceful of all the trends underlying al the responses were the differences of opinion on professional matters between employee architects&#13;
and their bosses. The elected councillors and NAM continuously argue that ARCUK is unrepresentative of the majority of architects, let alone lay people, who also have a crucial interest in the standards of architectural work. The Council is currently’ in the pocket of architectural bosses who, through nomination arran- gements, fil the vast bulk of the 41 seats allotted to the main professional body, the Royal Institue of British Architects (RIBA). Employee architects are clearly not happy with this situation: 91% of them responding to the Questionnaire were in favour of direct elections&#13;
among architects for al the seats allocated to architects and 80% were for proportional representation on the Council for employee architects. Architectural bosses were more cagey about direct elections (64% in favour) and opposed&#13;
to proportional representation (36% in favour).&#13;
Attitudes to the policies of the ruling group on ARCUK showed up the results of this lack of representation: 93% of employee architects wanted the circ- ualtion of annual reports and surveys from the elected councillors to continue, a practice recently ruled out by the&#13;
RIBA group. A substantial majority of&#13;
The chairperson should be neutral. Council business should be conducted&#13;
in an impartial manner. The chair of all committees should be rotated among their respective members on a meeting by meeting basis.&#13;
All Council meetings should be held at&#13;
a neutral venue, not at RIBA headquaters. All ARCUK committees, visiting boards, selection panels, delegations and other bodies should be so constituted that their representation reflects accurately the composition of the Council, that is, elected architect members, nominees&#13;
of professional associations, Government nominees and non-architect members from other professions, and other bodies.&#13;
The Council should strictly observe its standing orders and its Regulations, for example those governing the apportioning of seats.&#13;
Votes taken in Council and committees should be properly conducted, with the names of those voting for, against and abstaining accurately recorded.&#13;
Full minutes of the preceeding committee meetings should form part of the committee reports to the Council.&#13;
ARCUK should provide elected councillors the facility to report back to and obtain the views of their electorate in order properly to discharge their responsibilities.&#13;
The Council’s Annual Report should include a minority report when necessary. Past reports have not accurately reflected diversity of opinion within the Council.&#13;
The misuse of ARCUK funds to subsidize RIBA activities should end. ARCUK should ensure that it takes the leading role in all activities that it sponsors and for which it has statutory responsibility.&#13;
All Council meetings, committees, boards and panels should be open to the public.&#13;
SLATE 16 PAGE 16&#13;
S\WSNEWSNIEWSN&#13;
NEWS|&#13;
ARCHITECTS CONDEMN ABUSE&#13;
OF REGISTRATION&#13;
COUNCIL&#13;
them were in favour of changes in the ARCUK Code of Conduct to permit&#13;
architects to become directors of&#13;
building and allied firms, an issue the&#13;
RIBA group is not even willing to debate at at present. But the most swingeing indictment of RIBA group policies came&#13;
in two questions concerning whether&#13;
their continuing domination is in the interests of the public and the prof-&#13;
ession. An astonishing 87% of&#13;
employee architects said no in the first&#13;
case and an even more astonishing 83%&#13;
said no in the second. On both counts&#13;
boss arshitects held the opposite view.&#13;
In the long term the majority of the elected councillors aim for reform of the Architects Registration Acts so that the spirit of the original legislation which set up ARCUK can be put into practice :the regulation of theprof- ession in the public interest. In the interim the domination of the Council by the RIBA effectively ensures that the main interest that isserved isthat of private sector architect-bosses, argue the elected councillors. Only since the election of the first NAM members in&#13;
1977 has the extent of RIBA manipulation become fully apparent through the unravelling of the Council’s Byzantine procedures by the elected councillors .Matters came to a head&#13;
at the March meeting of ARCUK, reported elsewhere in this issue. In repsonse to what can only be seen as sharneful abuse through the undemocratic administration of a public body, the majority of the elcted councillors have now put their weight behind a ten-&#13;
point programme for immediate reform of'the Council’s procedures. What they wantisforARCUK tofollowaccepted fundamental democratic practices and to carry on its affairs in an independent and open manner. This is their Ten Point Plan:&#13;
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