4 10 61 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0a92ccf923d3c7c9ec4e16fe136324a0.pdf d9c11f894c97f1426794a10b4d9f06d4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Later NAM Congresses, 2-5 Subject The topic of the resource A further 5 NAM Congresses after the initial Harrogate Congress in 1975, plus other documents Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 4th Annual Congress Cheltenham Subject The topic of the resource Conference Papers - Briefing Pack for 4th NAM Annual Congress 26pp total Description An account of the resource eeeS lOO eee ees -, .77 _ 81, WWHNSLTSHD SSSYONOD TWANNV 437 INSWSAOW SYNLISLIHONV MSN wiequsyeyg ‘ubisag 9 jy Jo aBay}09 eurysieyseono}g 8261JeqUiStONZ1-OL SYddVd SDNSYSANOD apTsano uotT{oe ysnouy, (SjZoy UOT PeaGstTsey szoeTTyoOUy eu jo WIOJeI Se@ [TAM Sse) senssT Asy ensund 03 eSsues sZoOW exe Sato jforayuy ‘Aew 47 °*,yAQdOg Fo Buey, pe_yeuTWwoU-TTOUNOD VEIN 84} wods ae4QTMwuo), UT pue TToOUNOD UO UOTAZONAASqoO pUue esnqe jueysuOD oF 4oefdns UTvUdad om *(Sensst AUeW UO JZaIOoddNS TeUuOT IIppe Zeysnu AT TeTIUsezoU prnoo pue) yNOUV FO Suequeu JUepUSedepUT eTOW Mos ey WoOdsF Jdtouurns BUTSCSTOUT SUTI4ZeE8 ote aM YSNOUATV “2ATZOSTFO YSOW aq Ued aM MOU JO eapTt J3a4qeq e Yos Of SUTUUTSAq sue Ss}Zoae_ZTUoUe ,pseyoeqzeun,, Aq peyoete sn fo assouy S[TOUNOD UO dnoud’ Bw Se SUedsA OMA Ja4sy *s0TJ ZO yoo. *,wnQZoUeS ZOUUT, VeIYU AUTQ eB Aq Jouoas UT pe_,oeTes fSueaystTsey mou e faeoA ySed oyq4 SuTUNp OSsTV *JFe4s aunoj ATUO pue 4yUusWwedeueU gE PeZeUTUOU ‘Suaequew y;NOUV Bg FO Te 404 aut JO Op egeUTWOU ueeA STU pPTNOd YoTyM fTTOUNOD VEIN eUuL *Sadaquow VdIu ese TG faeoA STU YNOUV FO Suequowu ,TeangoeqtTyore, ¢9 euy FO *SsoejJ UOTIUSZOA ,SZOORTYOUeS JO 4yno (949NATISUT YIOA 944 YT pesnjuood oq Of YOU) 9xa4UeD YAOA OY} SHTT SqzoOefoad yed Ssqyt souUeUTyZ 032 pue £(,,90TAIOS ATOSTAPY SQUETTOn S4T Yonory, Sdoequew umMoO S4T SUTZOWOUd OTTUM BuUTSTATeape wodyZ sqzZoOo4gTYyoUe payoeyqgeun sutadojs Aq) SZoquaul UMO SAT 04 adequeape TeTomowwoo Utezyun sATS of ‘(UuOTZeONpA Teaunjzoeytyoue Jofx Jo sees Sz0eqTYOTe JOT aeSoyu. 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NAM's elected vresence on ARCUK Council is growing in line with disenchantment with the RIBA amongst architectural workers. NAM seeks to restore control over their environment to ordinary neople, and social responsibility and accountability to the work or architects. NAM seeks not only to challenge the existing relation- shin of architect to client and user, but also the existing industrial relations between employer and worker, to restore a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and to nose who use its products. To this end NAM exists as a network of croups which have over the past three years campaigned on specific issues in pursuit of these apreed aims, programmes for action being formulated from detailed critisues of current practice. NAM's proposals for a reform of ARCUK are a component of its submission to a vovernment sponsored Monovolies Commission into architectural practice which concluded in favour of the NAM case that existing practice constitutes a mononoly operating to the prejudice of the public interest, NAM continues to campaign for the abolition of the RIBA instituted mandatory minimum fee scale which restricts the availability of architectural services to the wealthy, corporate or bureaucratic. In the belief that the State represents for many the only means of access to resources, NAM proposes a Public Desinn Service, a reform of public sector practice, deriving from analysis of existing Local Authority devartments. It seeks to establish locally based design and build teams, directly accountable to tenants and users - the abolition of existing hierarchical arrangements in favour of narticivatory democracy at a decentralised local level. Im tiay 1977 NAMs:work on the unionisation of architectural 5 workers, an essential component of the democratisation of architectural practice, culminated in the setting up of the Building Design Staff branch within AUEW-TASS. The responsibility and initiative for this work has now passed to the Union. NAM has, since its inception, sought out specific issues around which to campairn in furtherance of its aims. The recent successful formation of a NAM Feminist Groun demonstrates MAM!s ability to seek out real issues as a focus for concerted action, wills? developing its critique across the whole spectrum of architectural oractice. For further details of NAM, meetings, publications and newsletter, 'Slate', write to: New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland St. London ‘1. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liaison Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/b17e9882fc785f1a53cd1bd0b18b7d1f.pdf a6b3f14148108b20c6fffb32ef552b73 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brian Anson/ARC pre and post Harrogate Subject The topic of the resource Various documents describing ARC ideas and activities See below Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARC Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975-1976 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Red House Issue No 1 Subject The topic of the resource Monthly magazine of Architects Revolutionary Council Description An account of the resource RD, THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE OF THE ARCHITECTS REVOLUTIONARY < = a (UTA Perhaps most contemptible of all the RIBA has killed the idealism of architect- ural youth by its stranglehold on education. The students are herded like so many cattle into an ever-narrowing architectural conveyor belt of the future modelled on the values of management and big business. We believe that there isindeed acrisisin architecture but one far deeper than that about which McEwen writes, Itisa spiritual, a moral crisis and the answer cannot be found within the usual narrow confines of right versus left. Nor has the RIBA any wish to tackle that crisis as its very position depends on preserving the status quo. Only byavoiding the real social p sur i i can the RIBA retain its monopoly; retain its fee scale which puts our profession out of the reach of most people and keep its stranglehold on education and thus the future of architecture. Thousands of our colleagues in the profession ‘live on their knees’ doing work which they despise; work that kills. The second-class citizens of hi the hnici do the same destructive work, and the ' students are manipulated by the dictators of Portland Place. In ‘Wasteland. The building of the American Dream’, architect Stephen Kurtz says: “As long as the primary form of getting what one needs is begging, cajoling, or persuading, for so long is the childish status preserved... Only the revolutionary transcends and escapes the tragic dilemma. Ina terrifying (even to himself) and ultimate defiance of authority, he gives up hope of seome day receiving what he has always been denied and decides, either alone or with others, to provide for himself. In this way then revolutionaries are this world’s only adults..”” RED HOUSE isacall to al such reyo- lutionary architects, Let us come together to create an architecture of life, and over- throw the profession that kills, Of what do we have to be proud being architects? WhentheRIBAjoinswithothersin ripping the heart out of aneighbourhood against the wishes of its inhabitants it isa killer no matter what fancy words it may use to justify its actions. When, inleague with bureaucrats, it brutalises people’s t lives through the design of certain types , of local authority housing, it kills ki people’s sensitivity. When it ignores the, i still vast, twilight areas of our country } because there is no money nor commis- { sions in them, then it is a destroyer, by Hy default, of the hopes of the inhabitants | that they will ever have a decent environ- { ment. And when such areas are ‘dis- i covered’ by the professional ‘gentrifiers’ the RIBA is a destroyer because it allows its members to plunder such areas and drive out the inhabitants. RIBATE NEWS FROM No. 66 The squeals of protest emitting from Portland Place in the face of the Monopolies Commision’s investigation are truly sickening to the stomach. The Royal Institute of Boss Architect’s whining defense of its price fixing and closed-shop operations isthat “The introduction of price bargaining... would concentrate attention on price rather than the qualitative aspects of the service”, What else has the RIBA stood for over the last ten decades but architecture as a business, stripped of any ethical or social responsibility? What “qualitative aspects’ of the service did the people of Covent Garden, Ealing, Dockland or a thousand other communities over the country get from their RIBA sponsored oppressors? How is it possible for the RIBA to descend any lower into cynical commercialism? “To identify and analyse the client’s needs” says the RIBA, “‘an architect must build upa close relationship with his client”. Yes, agreed! Private partners colluding and conspiring with speculators and the scum of society, principals in public authorities locked in secret, if not corrupt, intrigue with bureaucrat elites against the people. This close relation- ship would be “subjected to intolerable pressures as the parties sought to safe- guard their own interests” if fee bargain- ing was allowed squeal the RIBA. But how could they safeguard their “interests” of profit and power any more than at present? Then comes the bare- faced, hypocritical appeal to ‘the wider public interests” which the RIBA is at present supposed to “reconcile” with those of the client. Who the hell are they trying to kid with these pious, hollow, two-faced sentiments? This is the same RIBA which has been run by (openly or indirectly) those very environmental criminals who have ground their money grasping or politically sycophantic developments into the faces of “the public”. The RIBA plea that fee bargaining would increasebuildingcostsislittlemorethan blackmail. If the monopolies commission smashes the price fixing, RIBA members will cut down on their design services resulting in more maintainance costs. But lousy design service is rife under the present system. Talk about “quality of service” to al those tower block ghetto dwellers, to al those people who have had their lives and environments ripped apart and replaced by hideous tracks of mind- less “functionalist” dogma — al by RIBA members of course. The whole fee scale debate is irrelevant unless you look on the 6% fix as sacred. Who cares whether an architect charges tuppence or 90% for his services. Dedicated and committed architects are prepared to work for nothing for the Join the RIBA brutalise our environment and mar the and Kill There are many ways in which to kill and there is more than one way to die. *...We were as men who through a fen of filthy darkness grope... something was dead in each of us and what was dead was hope...” wrote Oscar Wilde in his “Ballad of Reading Gaol’. The spirit can be killed as can faith; it is possible to kil trust and destroy dreams. All those who conspire to subyert the struggle for freedom are potential killers for, should they succeed, they destroy more than the body; they wipe out the vision of a better future. To the sensitive nature physical death is not always the worst prospect as the Spanish Republicans proclaimed through their slogan, ‘It is better to die on your feet than to liye on your knees’. The struggle for freedom is universal and to be found in al walks of life Architecture is no exception. The community movements struggling against oppressive architecture schemes were, in a very real sense, waging a freedom fight to defend their homes, their land, their culture. One freedom fighter dies by a bullet, another succumbs to weariness, to hopelessness in the unending struggle against a power system which holds al the cards; the bureaucrats, the politicians, the planners and THE ARCHITECTS. Even as we write this journal we mourn thedeathofSamDriscoll,ayoungman of 65 who, for seven years, struggled valiantly in his home community of Covent Garden against oppressive archi- tectural schemes. Some might say it was the developers’ greed, the machinations of politicans and bureaucrats against which Sam Driscoll struggled and which, in the end, broke him, but how can our own profession be absolved? We indict the RIBA for complicity in his death. The RIBA is the official voice of archi- tecture in Britain; governments seek its advice, the media pays special attention to its views on environmental matters, it controls education in the profession. Yet al the time it is in league with those who lives of that 80% of our society which has no economic control over its physical environment. During the speculation boom, the RIBA, when it could have offered support to the many millions of people who were powerless, instead threw the weight ot its authority behind the environmental rapists. Many of its top members who control the profession made fortunes out of the-brutalising of our country. Now in a recession they scuttle like rats from a sinking ship to the money- wells of the OPEC countries. For such reasons many architects, and particularly the students, have come to despise the RIBA and some of us have grown to even hate it, as we hate al traitors to a noble cause. For architecture could be a cause for great good in our society. In an urbanised country such as ours it is nothing less than the physical backcloth against which we live out our lives. Though society is far from ideal, were we doctors we would at least be thankful that good health was no longer denied people because they were poor. Were we labourers we would be glad that no. longer did we have to wait each day at the gates of the dock, the factory and the mill for a decent days work. The right to health, the right to work, these were moral and noble causes; and so the architectural issue is a moral one. The tight of people to a decent environment and to feel secure in their home, no matter what their station in life. Some might plead that the profession has nocontroloversuchissues,thatitmust work within the socio-economic system of the time; that is to abide by the rules of big-business, monopoly capital and State bureaucracy. But did the small group of doctors who initiated the Health Service have control, or the workers who struggled for union- isation? They acted because the way in which they were forced to practise their craft was based on a fundamental in- justice. There has always been more than enough environmental injustice in this country to give the RIBA ample scope to show which side it is on; the privileged and powerful minority which controls the construction of our environment, or the communities and individuals so frequently oppressed by it. ments foisted on people, by the developers, 7 and b of the last two decades. The members of the group knew that the RIBA, having always preserved architecture as a luxury profession, could not possibly adhere or respond to society as a whole. It had perfected a practice and education system geared specifically to the rich and powerful and could not even begin to late any other clientel In terms of strategy, the ARC knew that, unless there was a more popular (albeit, less radical) movement of designers committed primarily to change within architecture, then there could be no revolution, merely reactive reforms. Throughout 1974-75, ARC built up a larger group of sympathetic followers, who responded to the cal for radical change. Synonymous with this the London based core were working on community architecture. In the West London Borough of Ealing, ARC members were working closely with the local people, whose whole way of life was directly threatened, through the oppres- sive designs of architects and planners within the mainstream of the profession. The congress ended with a small nominated body mandated to begin the process of expansion through further conferences and seminars. The New Architecture Movement and ARC former- ly split, to pursue their action early in 1976, each gaining token support and confidence from the others’ activity. At this time ARC regrouped as a body. Some people who had been members, joined NAM and vice versa; others, having long contemplated the ARC’s activity, realized its serious and committeed approach to architecture and joined the group. The strategy for the next phase of ARC’s campaign was evolved, part of that strategy was the production of ‘Redhouse’ as the radical broadsheet of our group. The ARC, through its many talks, designs, writings and publications, over the past three years, has begun the process of identifying the dimensions architecture has criminally ignored for so long — the primary dimensions of culture, affinity, self respect, dignity and community in the lives of the people we design with. It has attempted to work in meaningful and realistic ways with the people who live and work in buildings we design. It has received no encouragement for its activity from the institute that purports to represent architecture. The major reason being that ARC’s motivation is people notprofit,community notcommerce. The ARChas no illusions, the RIBA and the architects who financially and spiritually support it are our enemy. Architecture has no need of this old boys’ network that has colluded in the bastard- isation and destruction of the towns and cities of this country. The Architects Revolutionary Council will, through its work, philosophy and commitment, and through the pages of *Redhouse’, rupture, dismantle and expose Britain’s most archaic organization and its members, in the name of a people’s architecture. IF [FRIME DOESAT PRY...LUHERE DI ARCHITELTS GET ALL THEIA MaOney7 Early Campaign’s poster In the spring and summer of 1975, the major campaign aimed at spreading a radical affinity with ARC, achieved great Success; so much so that ARC was confident that it could organize its projected Autumn Congress to create the solid radical base within the profession specific courses of Continued page 6 ARCheology ARCHITECTS REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL Since its formation in 1973, the Architects Revolutionary Council has been the only truly radical voice within the architectural profession; the only group whichutterly refutes any claims that architecture at Present isasocially responsible discipline. ARC developed out of many community struggles, against the inhuman environ- A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE which itknew must exist before any change could occur in the future direction of architecture. The New Architecture Movement Congress was held inHarrogate in November 1975. The people who attended that congress came from al areas of the profession, technicians, students, planners, graduate andpracti- cing architects, each united in the urge to seek a more social and just base for architecture. it htectute “\ If only the architectural profession as a whole could operate in the manner in which ARC has done in Ealing then, we believe, our towns and cities would be better places in which to live. We consider itisshocking that ARC has to struggle not only against the financial and bureaucratic interests which control and lay waste our environment but also against its own professional body, the RIBA, which seems more intent on preserving tradi- tional privileges than in backing ARC's fight for community architecture..."" Sybil McRobie, Ealing Alliance Group Ealing Town Centre Introductory note What follows is a brief record of ARC’s involvement in the planning affairs of the London Borough of Ealing over the past year. The conclusions are the important part of this very encapsulated history of a year’s action. We in ARC have no desire to fool either ourselves or our readers with false claims of success. We are more interested in our failures at community level, for only by understanding these can we move closer to that revolutionary situation in which a true community architecture can arise. The first time we spoke to the fEaling at a public meeting we n defeating this plan we may go some way to making our kind of action unnecessary; we may succeed in letting governments know that they cannot rail- road their plans through, irrespective of the wishes of indigenous communities. If our colleagues in the architecture and planning professions had any morality, none of us need be in this room tonight. We feel a specific responsibility because these plans were done in our name, in the name of our art. That makes us angry and that is why we are architectural revolutionaries...” The Problem (Therewilbeadetailedhistoryof planning in Ealing in future issues). In 1968 the town council presented its plan for the central area, in conjunction with developers Grovenor EMI —our old friends from Covent Garden and else- where —and architects HALPERN ASSOCIATES. Itwasoneoftheworst examples of the sort of profit-orientated development that communities al over the country have been fighting against for the past decade. A massive road plan that would tear a great hole through the town centre; agreat covered shopping mall suitable for only the multiple stores ARC iscalled in In April 1975 we were asked to help. The request came not from the communities directly affected, but from representatives of other associations on the fringe of the area, ARC was then building up its National campaign and had turned away from local action. We agreed to spend only a specific amount of time, and to prepare alternatives for the vacant sites as ‘ammunition’ only (ultimately the plans must arise from the people) to help them organise a local action group and to arrange apublic meeting. We surveyed the area, we found out the facts and through numerous small meetings tested the ‘spirit’ of the local people. For strategic reasons we designed the latern- ative quite oblivious to the people; our plan was not the ultimate answer but it was a means of getting a response from the people. Our central concept was a medium sized town square, very under- designed so that the people could use it in Covent Garden, Bootle, Donegal and other places). But we are professionals doing this for nothing so we are limited. Given a fraction of the resources the enemy has (the local council, the establishment of this country), we could blow this plan to kingdomcome in a week. But we have no resources except you, the people. Ultimately the struggle isnot about rationality, Ultimately it’sabout power. There are only two kinds of power; money and people. The enemy has al the money (our money), we have the people. You and those you collect must constitute our power. The enemy has already decimated the community in the central area, so we must reinforce it. without such unity you don’t stand a snowballs chance in hell...” “Whatever one may think of ARC's revolutionary rhetoric, this sort of exercise and advice by professionals experienced in community action is desperately needed by those commun- ities still under the threat of large-scale developments. The humanity and obvious quality of ARC’s alternative approach, involving rehab and infill, and preserving the scale of the old residential area, won the meeting over and gave it new hope that such an alternative was not only feasible but quicker, cheaper and better than the council’s plan. Planning with the people We set out to demystify the planning and design process by proving that the elementary firstconcepts ofaplanning scheme could better come from them (the people) than from the so-called ‘experts’ of the local authority. We held meetings in ARC’s studio where we began tentative- ly to design together. Our varied projects for the core area were based on small scale spaces, on the traditional concept of streets; on flexibility and extensive rehabilitation. In the situation which we have today, where truly there are no real experts in urban design, it is logical to avoid large scale design projects, if only because the mistakes which are inevitably made can more easily be rectified. One of our schemes was costed and was found to be not only cheaper and quicker to construct, but (ironically) produced a better rateable value for the borough. The Ealing Alliance (of action groups) organised a large public meeting on February 10th. at which we outlined our ideastoanaudienceof400.Thisgather- ing by a massive majority of 383 passed a yote of no confidence in the council’s technical services department (the planning office) and declared the Council incompetent in planning matters. The aftermath Big articles appeared in the press picking up particularly the accusation of in- ~ Mpetence against the council. There is a major rule of radicals that says that action springs from reaction; the strongest weapon of the system in an oppressive ‘democracy’ is to ignore those who struggle against it. Once the system starts to react then you are in business for changing it. This is exactly what began to happen in the Ealing struggle. Threats First a member of the Alliance was subjected to verbal threats from a senior council official who declared “You people are in alot of trouble. We are going to sue you for a lot of money for your libellous attack on our competence.” The community people were worried they had gone too far in their public condemn- ation of the authorities, til ARC’s lawyer assured them there was nothing slanderous in their actions. Then the Council wrote a threatening lettertotheAlliance,butbynowthe people had their own legal advice and they treated the threat with the contempt itdeserved even considering action against the council for harrassment. A bartering system ARC receives no payment for the work it does, but it does seek the aid of local communities in its national fight against the profession and specifically the RIBA. Our message to communities is: “We'll help you fight oppressive plans. You help us defeat the RIBA”. Conclusions sess ** NTE? WED ¢ GREENHIGHion Ae which would wipe out traditional shop- keepers, and to cap it all, the usual multi- storey office blocks. Developers scheme Over the years, though the building has not begun, the central area of close-knit working class communities has been raped almost beyond repair. Where houses once stood, the distasteful National Car Parks and their permanent residents—RATS now exist. You might wonder how things have come to such a pass when community- action became such a common-place event during the early seventies. We can only believe that this indigenous community was slaughtered overnight by compulsory purchase, evictions and promises of a better life in council tower blocks; whatever it was, little fight appearstohavetakenplace. thenewformswouldbecomplimented by extensive rehabilitation. The raped central area 1eo HellmansupportstheEulingrevolution. gs anyway they wished. Eventually total support was given to this idea. No further demolition of the area was necessary and ARC concept First major event A public meeting was held on July 2nd at which 350 people assembled. We made some basic statements to the people; we said: “...Youdon’tknowusyet. Firstly we are not amateurs; if you once get that idea into your head and begin to live with it, then we will all have a mill- stone round our necks from which we'll Developers shopping mall ARC did not try to fool the people, to mystify them or make grand promises about design schemes. We told them the truth. We were right to do so. 350 people cheered ARC that night and the Ealing Town Centre Action Group (ETCAG) was formed to represent the central community. Publicity for the struggle followed imme- diately. Four Ealing Residents Associations publicly praised ARC. TheEalingTradesCouncilwassplit bitterly over the issue. never escape. We are professionals and here is the evidence (we showed some of our actions OE Hellman Federation ARC found that itcould not walk quietly away from this situation even though we had an urgent national campaign to get off the ground. So in the summer of 75 we were instrumental in founding the EALING ALLIANCE, acollective body of seven residents associations. Phase two It was under the direction of this body that we began to work in greater detail in October 1975. Wesetourtargetforamassivepublic meeting in February 1976, and this time we were to consider the wider area of Ealing town centre, not just the core area. Our work inyolved the production of several architectural schemes with models for the core area, anda critique of the Council’s planning proposals for the entire town centre. Ss An ARC project based on infill and rehab We found that the council’s plan was based ona ludicrous 800% increase in off: street car-parking; a situation that would mean the destruction of the entire town centre putting the cars at one level. In short we showed how the Council had designed a plan which haditself created the problems it would have to solve. This is a circular argument which occurs in nearly all large scale developments based onthecombinationofprofitmotiveand the worship of the private car. — \6FLL-THAT TARE CARE OF THE CAR PARKING PROBLEM was Mest? A.J. July 1975 EALING: CONCLUSION We mean the conclusions at this stage: ARC isn’t finished in Ealing, but the next move must come from the people and they must indicate they wish to carry on the fight at a more intense level. There has been too much so-called ‘community action’ where the activists hay have done al the work of the people; this merely puts another layer of mystification between the grass-roots and the system. Our campaign in Ealing proved to us that we had learnt lessons from previous actions in Covent Garden, Bootle etc. In Ealing the local residents took on an increasing amount of the organisational work and thus left us free to get on with technical problems In addition we al made a deliberate attempt to cross the boundariesofclassandpartypoliticsso that we could develop as a team with a ‘cause’, the defeat of an oppressive plan and the creation ofa more just planning and decision-making process. Doing things this way can prove very beneficial; people are treated as people and not put into some doctrinaire box. We could create a situation where we could discuss revo- lutionary processes with middle-class people, and wherewe could learn that the ‘working-class’ are not necessarily ‘God’s gift to creation’. So our successes, apart from creating panic in the local council bureaucracy, have been the creation ofa relationship with people based on trust, integrity and mutual respect. Our failures are connected with the mixed working-class and squatter community in the core area. We did our best to rally them at the first major meeting and they formed the majority on the Twon Centre Action Group. But then they drifted away. We appealed again. Still no Tesponse, so we worked with the fringe communities who were more middle-class, though not entirely, and developed plans and techniques of action. Furthermore, even the fringe communities who have everything going for them, appear not to have the true sense of fight. We believe that the British people are really more oppressed (in the most invidious manner) than almost anyone. That is why planning bureaucracies and the architectural profession can beat them in the long run. Does this depress us? Certainly. Will we give up? Never. We will only fight harder to revolutionise the communities so that they fight for their own decent environ- ment. OTHER PROFESSIONS Newham Rights Centre is one of the 15 neighbourhood law centres in this country. It is funded by the Nuffield Foundation whose grant expires at the endofAugust 1976whenitishopedthat the Government will fund the Centre directly. Like several other Centres, Newham Rights Centre does not undertake individual cases, although two evening advice sessions are organised by the Centre and staffed by volunteer lawyers each week in the Borough. The Centre concentrates its resources on test cases, cases for tenants’ associations and similar organisations, and education and inform- ation on legal rights, The Centre is staffed by two barristers, one solicitor, two community workers and three administrator secretaries. The Centre deals largely with housing, employment and social security matters. In the housing field a lot of work is done with tenants’s associations. Apart from major problems over repairs, public health and so on, much time is taken up with redevelopment. It is in this area that the Centre’s contact with architect is most vital. The situation is familiar. The tenants of a very run-down part of a run-down borough havehadpromisesofbetter things for the last ten or fifteen years. Their loyalties are torn between a deep affection for the area and the community spirit which has survived the privations of decades on the one hand, and on the other, a traditional east-end desire to get out and move further up the District line. The Council put forward unimaginative and insensitive plans for total redevelop- ment with the absolute minimum of public consultation, let alone participation. The plans are delayed year by year because of costs. The residents get hopelessly dis- illusioned in their desolate and half demolished surroundings. It is at this stage that the local Law Centre often gets involved. Its resources provide community workers to invigorate the tenants associations. The lawyers press for full compensation for residents whose houses are demolished and advise on other incidental legal problems. But community architects are the real key to the situation. They can provide the expertise to fight the Council’s planning department on its own ground. They have the authority to say to the tenants’ association that the word of the Council’s planners is not gospel. They have the sensitivity to translate into architecture the inarticulated aspirations of people who have no experience and little knowledge of what is possible. They can take into account the social, cultural, economic and other complex needs and wishes of the people in the area. Most. importantly, they can involve the residents in decisions that will affect their lives so deeply. There are other ways too, in which the architects and the Law Centres can work together, in the presentation of tenants’ cases against landlords to Court, and so on. But it is through community organ- isations such as tenants associations in situations like the one above, that law centresandarchitectscanreallyputtheir skills to the service of the people. John Hendy Barrister at Law Legal Adviser to ARC RIBATE (Continued) community and for the values they believe in. What has fee fixing to do with the true cause of architectural ideals that the RIBA pretends to espouse? 80% of architects have no clients or fees and yet the Architects Journal has the cheek to say that over this the RIBA is ‘the voice of the whole profession’. 95% of the community have no architects or access to fees and yet the RIBA has the gall to refer to the “public interest”. What really scares the RIBA mandarins isthe thought that under competition dedicated architects would start providing better services for less fees, especially if they had no expensive offices or over- heads to maintain. More frightening — they might actually get their just share of work based on ability by competing in thiswayinsteadofbeingexploitedby their pseudo architect bosses. Even worse, communities might be able to afford their own architects more and more; these would both combat the RIBA stranglehold and work for the people’s own interests. People are waking up to the fact that architecture as practised by the RIBA minority is irrelevant. Capitalism is also having its doubts. Ifthe Monopolies Commission’s investigation helps to loosen the privi- leged grip of the RIBA on the profession, then we support it. Why Red House?” We’re sorry to disappoint the categorisers, labellers and dismissers, but ‘Red House’ has nothing to do with the Kremlin. We are not Syndicalists, Marxists, Maoists nor indeedCapitalistsbut,ifwemusttalkin ‘ists’, then artists, revolutionists, human- ists and anti-dogmatists. The Red House was the first building designed by Philip Webb and William Morris in 1860 when they were in their mid 20s and symbolises for us the welding together of art and revolution, architect- lure and social responsibility, style and commitment that we aim to revive in our profession. We follow the traditions of English radicalism — the Levellers, the Diggers, the 18th century revolutionaries $well as Ruskin and Morris. Like Morris have arrived at revolution through our .In fact the Red House was designed before Webb and Mortis became radical- ised politically. Its title refers to the red of indigenous English brick and tile, not the tricolor. Ruskin and Morris were dater affected by the second wave of olutionary change in Europe and the dea that artists should serve the emanci- pation of the people and not “the winish luxury of the rich”, for “the chitect iscarefully guarded from the ommon troubles of the common man, wilding for ignorant, purse proud igesting machines”. (Morris). architectural terms Morris had the great revolutionary insight to see that the inspiration for a people’s architecture must come neither from foreign neo- lassical monuments nor from the equally monumental engineering structures ofthe new capitalist class but from the people’s own buildings — the vernacular dwellings to be seen in every village and amlet. This was as worthy of the name “architecture” as the monuments of the ling elites of the past — more so since itwas the democratic expression of the architecture of the future when “society... ilproduce to live, and not live to produce as we do, under such conditions, architecture, as a part of the life of the people in general, will again become possible...itwillhaveanewbirth.Ihave ahope that it will be from such necessary, npretentious buildings that the new and enuine architecture will spring, rather ‘an from our experiments in concious le.” Morris has consequently received unjust historical treatment by the bourgeois apologists for machine age “functional- ism”. Like Pevsner because he did not ioningly revere the hine and had the effrontery to be a romantic. We believe that Morris’ ideals could not be realised because they were far ahead of his time and perhaps because he looked too far back to the Middle Ages for solutions. But today the conditions that prompted Morris in his artistic/political revolutionism exist once more, only augmented and accelerated a hundred fold. What would Morris think ifhe were alive today about the destruction of our cities and towns for profit, about the third rate ghettos erected by indifferent committees of public authorities in the name of housing, about the desecration of our countryside and towns by motor- ways, airports and polluti 5 and what oh what, citizens, would be his opinion of the RIBA? Would he have any reason to alter his verdicts: “Is money to be gathered? Cut down the pleasant trees among the houses, pull down ancient and venerable buildings for the money that a few square yards of London dirt will fetch; blacken rivers, hide the sun and poison the air with smoke and worse. And it’s nobody’s business to see it and mend it.” But the difference is that today communities have started to make it their business; to fight back against the regressiveanddestructiveenvironments of the money grubbers and bureaucrats and their RIBA condoned lackeys. They are forcing the profession (or those in it who care) to question its basic precepts and to find them wanting ifnot down- right irrelevant. Our fight today is not Or architecture for a few. Thus “Red House”. Message from Jamaica Within the under-developed countries, the RIBA has abrogated to itself the “burden’ of setting standards of education and professional conduct for societies quite different from its own. To maintain the status quo, the RIBA has supervised the education of, and maintain- ed strong links with a generation of architects within the oppressed Third World. These professionals serve the interest of domestic and international capital, and are therefore against the aspirations of the workers and peasants of their Tespective countries. They represent the culture of imperialism and give it form in their b i “inter- national” style. The RIBA, together with its alter ego the Commonwealth Association of Architects, Organise conferences and jamborees to strengthen and refuel this parasitic native elite. The RIBA has very strong links with racist South Africa! Where then are the morals and professicn- alstandardsof the RIBA itself?! What right does the RIBA have to set our standards?! Progressive architects every- where must identify with ARC! Together... “Our force is irresistible, Away with al pests!” VIVA ARC!! Death of a Patriot for Community Architecture Sam Driscoll, the ‘King of Covent Garden’ as we called him, died on Thursday 29th April. He had been il for a year and at times had suffered great pain. Sam Driscoll created the Covent Garden Community Association many months before it became public, and to those of us who knew him throughout the struggle he always represented the true ideal of community action, no matter how much international fame Covent Garden achieved. Despite al the jargon that came to surround the community struggles, Sam clung to his basic belief that people hadarighttotheirhomes.Covent Garden was his home and he struggled for it. It is not melodramatic to say that he died for it. The unbelievable amount of work and energy that he put into Covent Garden affairs over the last seven years gradually took their tol. The Red House was the first iously designed building to take itsinspiration from peasant architecture — local materials used untreated, aformal planning from the inside out, an eclectic mix of elements, care for the natural environment and free expression for native craftsmanship. against corrupt classicism but mindless “functionalism” and it i tendencies, Our style isonce again the people’s own architecture — but urban rather than rural, those urban villages where ‘people’ and ‘buildings’ are inseparable, where the place is as much about community telationships as about space, and which planners, developers care welder... But Morris saw that the struggle for a dignified and egalitarian society which and architects treat with the same contempt they had for the vernacular in levelled up not down could not be effected by art and design alone, and he Morris’ time. But this style must not be confused with combined his revolutionary ideas on art with direct political action. the thin veneer of ‘vernacular’ architect- ure with which some local authorities use Thearchitecturalideasdevelopedinto daeee Uoaradae athaedlEingvleitshnnyFreeanaArecshiteactnuraeemsovement n n structiures. The peoSpaleast’ anrchitecteure will only really emerge when the people themselves have the power to appoint their own architects and advisors and not have these thrust upon them, “a taste imposed on the top as part of a subtle movements in this country was smother- ed and emasculateidn the fashionable middle class for their own ends, and later purloined by continental capitalism whose bureaucracy distorted and recast it as scheme for dividing off gentility from servitity”. Like Morris we “do not want machine age functionalism” — or the ‘moder’ architecture that has become art for a few anymore than education for the hated symbol of such regimes every- a few or freedom for a few”, where today. reviews A Short History of the Architectural Profession by Adam Purser Price 10p “Why me? Why pick on me?” I said when asked to write this review. Well, I mean, “A Short History of the Architectural Profession’ didn’t really hit me as some- thing Ishouldn’t miss, there were no tasty graphics for a kick-off. But suddenly it clicked. Could this really be a caricature of Eric Lyons on the cover? And if so this particular ‘History’ might have an interesting angle to it. And indeed it has. Adam Purser’s thesis can be split into two parts, the first dealing with the actual history of the profession, and the second being used by the author as a platform for his own ideas and ideals. The devolution of the ‘architect’ from the ‘master-craftsman’ is clearly illustrated and can be taken as the true starting point of the thesis and from here onwards the evolution of the profession can easily be followed, through the forming of the Institute of British Architects, through the granting of the Royal Charter, the setting up of the examination system in 1889 which is still the basis of archi- tectural education today as Adam Purser so rightly states, carrying on up to the immediate issues of the R.I.B.A. report to the Monopolies Commission. This thesis is good. It is clear, informative, and will no doubt be controversial. The front cover isby Hellman, the inside photos courtesy of the Architects Revo- lutionary Council, and on the inside of the back cover even an advert for the “Morning Star’. Irecommend that you buy this booklet, read it, and then think really hard about the validity of the R.1.B.A. existing in the society of both the present and the future. Rob Thompson The Rape and Plunder of the Shankill by Ron Wiener Notaems Press, 76 Shankill Rd. Belfast 13 Price £1.70 The British have a way of switching off when confronted by anything touching on Irish politics, particularly now that public opinion no doubt considers that saturation point has long since been passed as regards media coverage of the ‘troubles’. My instinct is that, because of this, many people will ignore ‘The Rape and Plunder of the Shankill’. class community struggled for survival, and clearly illustrates how power comes from the point of a gun...”". Unnecessary histrionics? Not in this case. In the final resort most genuine community activists will admit that the fundamental issue is oneof power; that despite al the technical and social arguments, the status quo, as Harold Laski put it, *...does not abdicate in the face of logic...’ Power is transferred by other means, The com- munity activists of Britain have just had to live with this frustrating fact and direct action has reached no greater heights than the occasional squat or temporary occupation of a building. But Wiener’s book isabout Belfast and, as the world now knows, threats made there are not idle. When such communities warn the politicians and planners to desist from smashing their BUM (Belfast Urban Motorway) through close-knit working- class neighbourhoods, the civil servants sit up and listen. In Britain threats result in marchers mouthing inane slogans like ‘Power to the People’; in Belfast they result in gelignite. The book deals specifically with one area of Belfast, the famous Shankill Road, the Loyalist counterpart to the equally well- known Falls Road, spiritual centre of the Belfast Republicans. Wiener has docu- mented the Shankill’s struggle against the planners with exceptional thoroughness and has placed his critique neatly in the context of the peculiarly complex local politics of Northern Ireland. With fascinating detail he describes how the ruling Unionist Party in conjunction with the ancient Orange Order, manipulated and deceived the Protestant working-class into accepting (at least initially) the decentralised, growth-centre planning policy which meant the destruction of the Shankill, by the old myth that the Catholic (IRA dominated) working-class were their true enemy. But through his book (which Wiener describes as ‘a horror story which just ran and ran’) he shows how the ‘troubles’ finally smashed al the tidy visions of the planners. The climax came with the total strike of June 1974 organised by the UWC (Ulster Workers Council) and backed by the para-military group, the UDA. After years of being deceived by the establishment the Shankill had an indigenous power-base to which it could turn. In 1968 the plans for the Shankill were based on 15 storey tower blocks, and 60% of al dwellings were to be flats, The community had persistently demanded 2- storey terraced houses. Once they obtained the help of the para-military groups overnight they got exactly what they wanted, and that ishow the plan stands today. Brian Anson |COMMUNITY ACTION IN EUROPE Sol lentunaholm Sweden, [5 - 21 August, 1976 lOrganised by the }INTERNATIONAL YOUTH FEDERATION FOR ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES AND ICONSERVATION IFEE, including full board for six Inights and including one trip to Stockholm £30.00 iApplication forms from Xaver Monbailliu 30 Rue Sadi Carnot 192 Vauves, Paris. Civil Engineer Thomas Morrison was acquitted recently at the Old Bailey of charges of theft and arson. He was brought to court for stealing plans and documents (in some cases burning them) from the GLC where he worked. His aim was to help his local residents association fight road improvements on the Kingston-by-pass. Though Morrison was acquitted, he no longer works at the GLC and the fact that he was brought to court at al (especially to the Old Bailey) re-emphasises the tremendous struggle communities have against bureaucratic planners. What price freedom? SUBSCRIPTIONS Membership of ARC There are two rules in ARC: To practise, where possible, community architecture and, Synonymous with this, to work for the overthrow of the Royal Institute of British Architects, If you accept these rules we would be interested to hear from you. Anyone really interested in the struggle of communities against oppressiveplanning schemes will wish this book as wide a circulation as possible, but I doubt it will happen for, in a very real sense, TheRape and Plunder of the Shankill is dynamite. This would be a tragedy, as in my opinion, Ron Wiener’s book is arguably the most important yet written on community action and the planning process. It is in the same tradition as that other milestone in the genre After the Planners, and indeed takes Robert Goodmans critique further. The pre-publicity describes it as “...giving a blow by blow account of how a working- Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARC Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/421dd1fcd7236a3a0cbb02d7f821413d.pdf 7cc68d498abadfb12308c5fc25815437 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Politics of Aesthetics Subject The topic of the resource Buildings and People essay updated for NAM Description An account of the resource bull A \) \ } pragrescne:architectareof ag asdyad byft cityauthoritiesin FOREWORD. This essay is incomplete in that it is not a finely polished final product but merely as much of a statement of my current thinking as I have bothered to set in print, Phe'Introduction' and ‘Where do we go from here', the final section,were written in November of 1976,95% of the rest was written in January 1975.The original title to this essay was ‘Buildings and People* and the thoughts were drawn by the question 'In what ways is the architec ture of a society related to its social structure?! It has long been my intention to use this material in a book tentatively entitled 'Buildings,Madness and Ecology' and it still is,but I got involved with the New Architec- ture Movement,somebody in the N.A.M. read the January 1975 essay and then I was sort of delegated (in a manner I don't clearly recal]) to produce a paper on aesthetics based on it.I supposed that the important thing is to have the material available for discussion so as a total rewrite of the original would have been too tedious all I have done is graft on new begining and end to make 'Buil- dings and People' into 'The politics of Aesthetics’. Paul F. Downtén,Cardiff,November 1976 Criticism and suggestions for additions to this essay would be appreciated,please address correspondance to: c/o I-o-8 Bookshop,lo8 Salisbury Rd.,Cathays,Cardiff. This material is subject to normal author's cOPy sieht except for non-profit reproduction, Printed by Gwasg Seren,Commercial and Community Printers, 141,Richmond kd. ,Roath,Cardiff. © ~SPOREWORD® CONTENTS sy 1 PEOPLE MAKE BUILDINGS...More Technology= Tool + Use of Cities and Doorknobs. 2 THE MIDDLE 'MAN',,,Semantics Vs Dialectics...Expertise “CONTENTS : : 4 FOR. EXAMPLE (A CIPHER FOR 414, SYA5ONS)...Pedestrian or or less Automatically... th=.Tcosl,..The Silent Witness... Consumer...On A Lighter Note...Screws...Let In,.»Without Question, ILLUS!\ATION...Mass 5 MASS HOUSING (THE BUILDINGS Nuts and Bolts...Sterility For And Evil...Demokeracy...Cracie2...Cranks COMMERCIAL BREAK THE MOBILE SOCIETY...The Gods of Progress...Valid Jams _and Defence 7 CAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS Sf INSANITY...War And Wealth And Weapons...Taking Stock...the Disease Takes Hold... Nightmares. ILLUSTRATION,,.Mobile Society And Hierarchitecture. 8 HIERARCHITECTURE...Poison Pcower...The Funeral Marches On., Laypeople Lose...sMaking Light It All. 9 THE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US...Myth Is Reality...Electric fortress...Circumscribed Souls. ILLUSTRATION,..Future And Electric Fortress. 10 WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?..,.Bankrupt...Corblimey!.. Connections...Lifestyle...The Urge To Create... ILLUSTRATION,..Libre APPENDIX KEFERENCES, 6 RISE AS THE PEOPLE FALL)... Everyone...Ugly Heads the Sunshine Housing. In The Meantime Vs Ability...Wasted lives,,.Data Retrieval...Megalomania Tocls Of Repression...5+inginy $4 All Back Home. 3°FORM FOLLOWS FUNCTIO,N)L!aw anv Order,..Myth and Purpose _“Mass?.Housing...Back on the GitCets Again...(Fxpletives - Deleted) ILLUSTRATION, 4.Everyingag's The’ Same. INTRODUCTION *'Long before the Jews were murdered it all had been expre- sed in my buildings't- Albert Speer. Aesthetics is the theory or philosophy of the perception of the beautiful.Well,that's what my dictionary says. In general use though it is a word which refers to how things look be it beautiful or bad. It is not, however, a word commonly used by the layperson. Only an elite use the word ‘aesthetics! and in fact the word conceals a political dimension, 'The Poli tics of Aesthetics' is an unfamiliar phrase because politics and aesthetics are not normally explicitly associated with one another, Historically,aesthetics is assiciated with the art of the elite of society, an art which would claim to be ‘above' politics though it manifested the privilege provided for the few by economic domination of the many. The cottager would not have thought to refer to the aesthetics of her cottage although she might well find it a beautiful place. The beauty of the cottage comes through the application of a craft by a person needing to apply that craft to achieve a practical end, not through self- conscious design, not through the application of aesthetic theory. The concept of aesthetics is elitist. In this essay the word aesthetics is used in a manner which I think may be generally understood by anyone trained or conditioned to use the word at all. By aesthetics I mean ‘how things look', this is about the Politics of How Things look} if you like. Words,Words,Words. ‘Design is the application of a language. Architectural design is a language that is expressed through the manipulation of building technologies. A language it can be used. A person needs be it verbal or non- verbal, before they can know what is being said and thus feel comfortable by being in communica tion with the people whose language it is. Surrounded by an alien language in one's own country one would feel ill at ease and if those aliens were felt to be invaders one would feel oppressed. In modern city centres the buildings which form virtually the entire environment use a design vocabu- lary foreign to the bulk of those buildings! users and they thus feel alienated and oppressed. The'concrete' jungle! has become a popular metaphor because it suggests an alien and agressive environment, a concrete forest does not sound half as terrible, Cultural Vision. If a person sees a thing as irrelevant to their needs they are unlikely to find it beautiful, The perception of need is itself a culturally induced concept, so that one person might find a brightly decorated, chromium- plated hot- rod fantastically beautiful and the ancient Egyptian carvings of a Pharao.4's undertakers dealthy ugly, whilst another person's view might be quite the opposite and both things might be said to have no practical use at all. The relation- ship a person has with an object defines their perception of that object, and the percption in turn defines the relationship. Thus if someone sees a thing as ugly and it is also undeniably necessary to them, they discover a con- wr 2g needs to be learnt before to understand a language, flict within their self irresolvable without suppression or change. Cultural form is created lution of such conflict, and destroyed in the reso- Splits. i It is said of people in Manhattan, New- York, that they enjoy the skyscraper cityscope, but people in London generally ; dislike even the ‘short! tall buildings that probe the sea of sulphurous pollution in their historic streets. Manhattan's skyward thrustings reflect the reach for the moon and money aspirations of their go-getting congregations. The Mammon in London has in the past been a tamer beast than its American counterpart, so its recent rampaging across the historic heart of industrial capitalism has offended the sensibilities even of those people whose path to riches is paved with prime-site precast concrete slabs of commerce. The concrete, steel and glass, blank- faced boring buildings which epitomise the common vision of our urban centres bear little or no relation to the ideas of ‘home! and 'town! which the layperson carries. They speak a different language even though the building society which builds Joan Smith's latest city centre horror might well be financing the pur. chase of her cosy new home. There is necessarily a direct relationship between the form of a human society and the form of the buildings that society produces, A particular way of organizing human activity requi- res particular artifacts pertinent to that activity. Bureau. crats need offices. The technology developed by a society has to be accepted as being needed by that society. Peace loving bureaucrats need atomic bombs. Such statements might appear to be mere truisms; but they only read as such once stated and normally they are not stated. For industrial society requires and cultivates a very compartmentalised mental atti tude, requires the perception of things always separate to other things, requires the bolt not to know the nut but only allow itself to be screwed. In the real world that approach is necessarily inadequate as a way of understandinp events because it provides no clear means of seing the connections between things, particularly if those connections are non- mechanical. Once scewed together the nut and bolt might un- derstand their function relative to one another, but kept apart in the meantime they know only grooves without reason, Thus in order to discuss aesthetics sensibly it is essential not to divorce it from a social and political context. It is not that aesthetics cannot be divorced from its political context, that is in fact the conventional way to view the subject, it is that it should not be so divorced. For view a culture in bits and pieces is to not view an homogenous cul- ture at all. Such a view is a partial view, a split, alienated view of a whole reality. In order to consider the role of aesthetics in architecture it is necessary to consider how and why architecture is made, in short, to look at the rela- tionship between architecture and society, between and people, buildings More or Less Autcmatically.... Technology = Tc !*Use Of The Tool It was the thesis espoused by Lewis Mumford in the 'Myth of the Machine! that human history is most importantly related to cultural attributes and social exgantsstion , rather than just the growth of use and invention of tools. first of people's minds. uildings are the products of tools, but - See He PEOPLE MAKE BUILDINGS The difficulty in deeling with the question of how architecture in a society is related to the society that produced it, is the breadth of the topic. 4llbuildings serve some purpose, and that purpose is tee defined by the requirements of the people who prodtice the buildings. Peopje make up society, the type of society is defined by its struct:ve and that structure contains the social paterns in wliich people live, which is then, mere or less automatically, made manifest in their building paterns. ; "Each landscape and townscape is an intri¢ately organised expressicn of causes and effects, of challenges and responses, of continuity and therefore, of coherance. It all hangs together, makes sense, fits one way or another - for good or bad, loosely or tightly. It has sequences, successions, climaxes. It reveals paterns and relationships forming and reforming." (1) The development of the social organisation ¢f humanity in its various forms has of neccessity come before any technological. development. People had to establish effective means of communicating ideas and information to their comrades before those ideas could be corporately Rut into operation. Thus language was the first great invention, a social tool which then enabled knowledge to be recorded, pooled snd transmitted to people in other places and other times once the ir:'s cultural attributes had been established, when the state of intellec:.:;:? development was sufficient to communicate complex and abstract ide ‘once conceptual tools' had been formed, then the development of material tools, of technology, could come about. Building is a technological development. The erection of a building requires the use of tcols and the co-ordinated deployment «7 human skills in useing these tools. The type of tools used and the =tructuring ef the co-ordinated deployment of human skills dépends upon the form, type and structuring of the society producing the building, The materials used in the making of the tools used both to produce the building and to co-ordinate the skills depends upon the history of development of the society and consequently of its technology, up to that time. Medieval masons did nct use electronic calculators, Centre Point would never have been carved from stone. Buildings are generated by a way of life and realised with its concomitant technology. Primarily buildings fulfill a social need. As we see, society must exist first, humanity being gregarious by nature and neccessity, and the need for communal shelter is then realised by communication between the members of that society. A roof needs to be thought of before it zan° 2 3. be built and named. The function of a structure is thus reoted in Symbolism and is culturally generated. Technology becomes then part of the cultural language in its broadest sense, its use communicates sentiment, emotion, ways of thinking and feeling. Buildings can move people to write poetry or break down and cry. The manipulation of technology for aesthetic effect is a very particular application of the language. It is the' art! of architecture. The Silent Witness Once architecture has been made, once building has taken place, it reinforces the prevailing social ethics and paterns of human inter- action because the physical environment is know in accord with the social environment, at least inasmuch as it is expressed by the’ holders - ee and perpetrators of the ruling ideology of a society. Hence the conceptual reality of an entrenched, institutionalised, bureaucratic regime is immortalised as a physical reality in its various offices and government buildings (see Hierarchitecture, and 'Making Light Of It All') into whose departments any number of anonymous persons prepared to accept a role in the now unquestionably eontrolling ideology. 'Lay: e>ple Loge! can be slotted Because the built environment in a so ciety is ultimately a product of the ruling ideology, after a few generations of generally uninterrupted consolidations that environm ent, with its attendant ideolugy, will be all pervasive, Political activity in demucracies, for instance, becomes rel- egated to the triviality of party games. No-one can stand up in the British Parliament, posit alternatives to the presently imposed status quo, and expect to be taken seriously (in fact such a Person would be The contention is that’ the general social structure ofa society shows in its building, so that the form and layout of individual buildings, villages, towns and cities are, in effect, diagrams of the social relationships in that society, and that the structures that make up Cities and Doorknobs society of which they are willing or unwilling members. There are big paterns and little paterns, cities and doorknobs, institutions and friends. Tne MIDDLE VANE The process of making architecture and its prerequcite, making architects, supposes an ahi ‘ity to compartmentalise the thinking process so that the designing of buildings and the manufacture of aesthetic styles and tastes are divorced from the reasons as to why the buildings exist in the first Place. Traditionally, architects do not question the brief they are given for a building design, but wholly concern themselves with making a design from the inform- ation, teols and money they have been entrusted to juggle, fitting their thoughts and actions the meanwhile, into a theoretical structure inherited from their education and divorced from any other reality, Architects' concerns are with the semantics of their design vocabulary not with the dialectical analysis of their role as designers, Expertise vs_ Ability. Architects are trained as intellectual 6lites, by intellectuati Elites, their role is increasingly specialized, ever-more rigidly defined, they are trained to devote their attentions exclusively to the part- icular. Successful architectural organisations (public and private) acquire and sustain their Success by specialising in certain - | . building types, As their expertise increases, their ability to tackle other design problems decreases, Architects design offices OR factories OR schools OR housing, a whole string of standard solutions result with the well-known resultant of the sterile, monotonous, predictable environment we increasingly inhabit. Wasted Lives, Over the years since the onset of the Industrial Revolution (when the forced flight to the city produced the first 'masses') and particularly within the last 50 years, these solutions have been expressed in architectural Philosophies which have in fact been no more than aesthetic dogmas for the consumption of intellectual élites. Unfortun- ately, these dogmas have been an important contributory factor to the creation of the urban wastelands against which backdrop so many miilions of lives are wasted. These dogmas are major cogs in the machinery of repression, milled on the mental lathes of indifferent intellectuals and turned by the ready hands of the alienated academics, The growth of technological indulgence and the human population in moder industrial societies has increased the size of tke self- Nata Retrieval People have been reduced to data in the operation of the architectural machinery of our mass society. All aspects of building performance and the potential "building users! requirements are subject io PSeudo-scientific testing and analysis by the omnipotent ‘experim- ental method! - laboratory models instead of the real thing. Architectural Scientists, Sociolegists, Behavioral Psychologists and specialists of every hue are busily going about splitting the Spectrum of human society in order to make manageable, so that architects can assimilate such information s ee can to produce yet another compromise solution to the Problems of a society already so much @ product of compromise the mass so- ioty nasotre ileoenomeaninigformanyofitsmembers.Architects Pecialize in Co-ordinating specialisms, Semantics vs Dialectics * *DIALECTIC - "testing truth by discussion, art of investigating thetruthofopinions", oF re - a Concise’ Oxtord Dictidriary Megalom ania The effects that modern architecture has had on people once the machinery of repression has been turned, have been more visibly dramaticinsomecasesthanothers.Aprimeexamineohees i ral form and ideology failing to serve peop e by i aNhe wae in Venezuela peereet 1954 and 1958 during the Pérez Jiménez dictatorship when ninety seven 15 storey 'superbloques were constructed to rehouse 180,000 slum dwellers in Caracas. Virtually complete social disorganisation and resultant rioting» proved the project a monstrous failure. The Pruitt Igoe high-rise housing project in St. Louis (cover), was sucha disaster that much of it was demolished as social breakdown and crime unnerved the citys' leaders. One of the architects on the project said at its inception:- ~ . ‘ "As an architect, if I had no economic'or social limitations, I'd solve all my problems with one storey buildings. Imagine how pleasant it would be to always work and plan in spaces overlooking lovely gardens filled with flowers. framework of our present cities this is impossible to achieve s Why? Because we must recognise social and economic limitations and requirements. A solution without such recognition would be meaningless. "(4) Yet we know that within the Architects submit to an ideology which ensures their active participation in the social mechanism of repression as responsive fully stimulated appetite for power by presuming to supply them with the ability to mould the world by ‘design'. Submission to this ideology has been as common in recent years as it ever was, perhaps more self-consciously now than previously. The belief that architects, and planners, can manipulate people via their environment is what has been called the ‘architectural belief system'Y'’Whilst it is quite untenable that people should be manipulated in this way or any — other, the existence of this 'belief system! is well recorded and is integral to the architectural dogmas discussed above. Buckminster Fuller, catalyst for such concepts as the 'World City! and doyen of the technocrats, holds this belief close to his heart and indeed it is basic to his philosophy - "don't try to reform man, reform the environment", Paulo Seleri is another present day architect with distinctly megalomaniacal tendencies; he has subordinated evolution, man, and cities to his personal vision and and proceeded to design accordingly. Soleri's case is an extreme One, but it is such men who set the scene for lesser mortals who may wish to act out similar roles. -Instilling a "holier than thou! attitude into the minds of young designers has been a major theme in the architectural schools of the western world, and despite recent shifts of emphasis, the theme remains and ig certainly Operative in the current practising of architecture. It is important to understand the workings of an architects mind and and the social context in which it works, because the architect is the'middle man'in the process whereby society expresses itself in building. 'pe Tools ofRepression A classic example of an architect attempting to. justify his two- faced position in a system where he is controlling and being cont- rolled, one face for authority one for public, acting as nothing more or less than a tool of repression by making literally concrete the insanities of the power élite that created his situation, (and supply his daily bread). Bringing it all back home Nearer hora the cronic failure of the System of myopic specialists and ego-centric demi-gods to deliver the goods, continues to produce completely avoidable human tragedies. In 1974 dozens of people died in the fire at the Isle of Man pleasure centre, unproven technology and irresponsible "responsible’ people were held to blame: the Flixborough nylon factory explosion, another technological 'mishap', raised the death total even higher; and an Old Peoples' Home (the idea of which is only possible in a com partmentalised, institutionalised culture) was swept by a fatal fire only months after its compietion. Meanwhile the legacy of the Ronan Point disaster has been changes in the rules of the game of people packing which will ensure that the clum sy meshing together of specialisms which produce future housing will at least produce gas-oven ex- Plosion proof housing. The whole point in having experts is, supposedly, to avoid mistakes which might harm people, but these examples, spectacular and horribly familiar, should they serve as salutory reminders of just how incompetent this society of experts really is, and how that incompetence can disastrously effect peoples lives. Law & Order Myth & Purpose FORM. FOLLOWS FUNCTION The relationship between the lives of people and the buildings they vse is conditioned by, and is a response tc, the social mechanisms that delineate the spheres of actuality of an individual in that,society and the degree of interaction available with other individuals within: that sohere of activity and in others. So criminals and police officers use court rooms more often than car workers or bakers and a better knowledge of the actual processes of law enforcement-exists with the users of the Court howse than with those who merely pass by it on their way to work. To the passers-by though, the Court house signifies many abstract qualities, justice, trith, the rule of law, order etc., the building fulfiils a highly significant purpose just by being there, just because of its invariably emotive arch- itecture, constructed as it is, as a conscious Symboiic embodi ment of some of societys' bulwarks of faith. The relationship between’ the users of the Court: house and the passers-by is thaS conditioned by the lack of contact between meanings that the building evokes for the disferent parties. the two and the subtely different The Court house operates on a functional and on a symbolic level. Functionally, in that it provides shelter for the activitiés that take place within it, symbolically, in that it is a monument to the central themes of a cultures! professed ideology. Not only So there are primarily two ways in which architecture reflects the social structure that produces it:- does it act as a token to that ideology, but the planning of the rooms and attendant artifacts of witness boxes and so forth, ultimately presents a physical model of the organisation of the various functions that the Court house contains. FUNCTIONALLY - a way of life requires certain mechanisms and shelters and a certain way of distributing those artifacts. SYMBOLICALLY - the forms of the mechanisms and shelters may transcend their purely functional requirements and become infused with, or even wholly gen- erated by, myths and symbols. The flat roof never appeared in temperate climates until the dual goals and aspirations of advanced technology and fashion (always slightly absurdly beyond the limits of its contemporary technology) produced a 'machine aesthetic’, derived from superficial, glib philosophising by myopic, élitist culture heroes like Le Corbusier, The technology then became competent enough to deny the common- sense idea of chucking water off a rock by using a pitch, so that flat roofs were used. Functionally nonsense, but definite symbolic totems of the newly-arisen machine culture. "ARIES - Why this flat roof... ? PISCES - The sacred cause of planning freedom, It also robbed the buildings of a visual 'lid' and conveyed the idea of extendability -'indeterminacy'. It cost more and let the water in more easily. I studied this as a student » and it was my first inkling that there was something twisted and disconnected about their ideas,'' (s} Back on the Streets again - So too: with domes, especially geodesic domes; in the mid-sixties they became totems of the counter- culture, psrticularly in the U.S.A.The domes are hard to waterproof and were conceived of by Buckminster Fuller for very high technological application and mass production, ‘but they were used because they were symbolic ofa breaking-away from conventional roles in social behaviour in that domes break away from the conventional notion of buildings as post and beam 'box' constructions. Domes possess a structural integrity, a ‘oneness’, there are no walls or ceilings, so domes were seen as symbols for a society with that same integrity, that same where there are no rigidly defined roles for the societies members much as a dome lacks 'walls' and ‘ceilings’, but still stands up. 'oneness' "',.The dome is expressive of our new approach to the universe... The dome seems in some way to be more conducive to the mental and spiritual harmony of the dome dweller, perhaps because its more natural shape helps to attune him with nature instead of alienating him from it. Boxed houses belonged to an age when men stood in opposition to the world around them, in corhpetition, as it were, with nature and the universe, ." (6 Mass ? Housing Solving 'mass housing! problems requires people to share a spurious objective assessment of the 'problem!' to be solved. In In fact every individuals' response to the need for housing is going to be unique to that individual, the objective reality of each persons response to any situation will be that persons subjective response to that situation. None can ever fully know what is in anothers’ mind, none can presume to fully understand the needs of another person, therefore, ultimately, each-individual must be free to shape their own destiny, no-one else can do it for them. To assume that there is a 'solution' to the housing 'problem!' is to assume that that'problem' is a thing with a reality outside of the consciousness of any person involved in it. A problem is defined by each individuals' view of a situation and just as no-one person can know anothers! real needs, then no-one can presume to tell another what to do. No-one can build my house for me, I cannot build a house for anyone else, together we may succeed, but to assume, say, that I can know the needs of a stranger from the statistics of an 'objective' assessment of that persons' needs without that stranger even meeting or speaking with me, is the most presumptuous and arrogant of ideas. Returning to the illustrations of how the ideology of a society is expressed in philosophical and physical form, one can consider the spiel by Daniel Burnham, architect charged with co-ordinating the the design of Chicagos' World Fair in 1893 and subsequent author of plans for entire major American cities, of one of his plans, for - Manila in 1905, he wrote:- "Among building groups thefirst in import- ance, the Government or National Group which would include Capital Building and Department Buildings, is located on the present © Camp Wallace... Grouping itself closely about the Capital Building at the centre it forms a hollow square opening out westward toward the sea. The gain in dignity by grouping these buildings in a single formal mass has dictated this arrangement, the beauty and con- venience of which has been put to the test in notable examples from the days of Old Rome to the Louvre and Versailles of modern times. (Expletives Deleted) The eastern front of the capital group faces a semi-circular plaza from whose centre radiates a street system communicating with all sections of the city - an arrangemen entirely fitting for both practical and sentimental reasons; pracical because the centre of r government activity should be readily ace2ssible from all sides; sentimental because every seciion of the Capital City should look with deference toward the symbol of the Nations'power.(¢} «(Robert Goodmans' emphasis). This dominant western authoritarian ideology has been well expressed by some of its ablest perpetrators. The link between society and its architecture is seen as resolutely forgec. the importance of the power of symbols and the symbolic arrangement of things, the power of the aesthetic language is further evidenced in these following examples:- . In 1969, Daniel P., Moynihan was President Nixons! chief planner in.residence, earlier, in 1962, he had been given the job of affecting the design of federal government buildings and drafted the 'Guiding Principles on Federal Architecture’ announced by Kennedy in 1962: The Court House or Hall of Justice is given a separate location south of the main group and heading the vista down the avenue which passes the east front of the Capital... The Mall of Justice... represents the sentimentally and practic= ily highest function of of civilised society. Upon the authority of lsw depends the lives and property of all citizens; and the buildings vhich constitute the visible expression of law, its symbol of dignity «nd power, should be given the utmost beauty in their location, arrencement, architectural treatment and approaches....,‘' (9) "The policy shall be to provide requisite and adequate facilities in an architectural design and form which is destinguished and which will reflect the dignity, enterprise, vigour, and stability of the American National Government. "(10) : --Anexcellentexampleofacriticalmois intheprocessof transferring the expression of a ruling-c:2ss ideology into the physical fabric of society. All architectural expression is dedicated to the ideals of the state, against which the individual is insignificant, so the individuals! dwelling is rendered of secondary importance to the edifices of the State. It is an ideology with a long history;Hitler, 1943, in 'Mein Kampf,! "For what the ancient had before his eyes was less the humble houses of private owners than the magnificent edifices of the whole community. Compared to them, the dwelling house really sank to an insignificant object of secondary importance, "(!) More current exam ples of this type of ideological expression are not hard to find; from'An introduction to Modern Architecture, !,by J.M. Richards: "A town hall is partly a ceremonial building and needs to have a dignity that will form a fitting background for ceremonial. It must also express in some way the dignity of the State... eThe extreme pomp of monumental buildings is not perhaps a character a democratic age demands, but we shall come to appreciate in time the special form of dignity produced by orderliness and spacious planning. a S_) O The great housin scheme boasting these qualities, and incorporating as it does its own schools and community centres, can claim to (authors emphasis). The theme continues. As the state and capitalism are mutually supportive in our society and for practical purposes may be regarded as one thing, so the expression of the ruling ideology is prominent in the edifices of capitalism as much as of government. Banks;offices; stores, and consumable culture buildings (bookshops, theatres, cinemas, nightclubs, etc.) constitute the basic coarse fabric of our urban centres, The Centreplan complex proposed for Cardiffs! city centre, in which Cardiff Corporation and the Ravenseft property developers exhibited the clear partnership of the state and capitalism, was to have sacri- ficed residential areas to its existence. The life blood of its being were to have been roads whose construction would have obliterated communities of streets. The obliteration has not been complete, but the blight remains and the course is subliminally set for the future, The cities fabric has been invested with many meanings, myths abound, the city is a battleground - people, council and vested interests all struggle for power ina game where the winner is always making the rules, There are no perceivably rational responses to anything, there are no functional neccessities apparent as building and shelter are easy enough to come by, but the games of power and possession take place within great constructions of myths about property and people that is our culture. And thousands of people remain homeless while buildings stand empty. 457-5 fees fodaty.... Budi dings are Vf! i SIP OLT: all the same, everyones4 i expected to he the same... f uy rs chinA Kenic 1¥ i) g £ y %a SS Seaoe «ee Ge Pedestrian Or Consumer. On A Lighter ‘Note. apply to any habitable room (ACIPHER FOR ALL SEASONS) Evidence for this vested interest and Oppression is literally all around us, (in as. much as noone's interest can be held above another's, so the furtherance of any interest vested solely in oneself cannot fail to require the exploitation of others,and exploitation is only possiblbey the repression, .either overtly or subliminally, of the exploited). The streets that we walk down, the houses we inhabit, the buildings in which we work, shop, relax, pray in or visit, all are concrete mirrors to the purposeless patterns of our daily lives, the purposeless lives of pedestrians, members of the 'eeneral public', producers, consumers, holidaymakers, churchgoers and tourists. The majority of people in our society live in urban constructions that are not natural expressions of the lives of its people, fully lived, but are expressions of a society of human components, a machine of human parts relega ted to less than humanity. Bureaucracy is an inextricable, primary mechanism in our so- cial machine and accordingly manifests itself everywhere, particularly as all buildings are subject to some form of bureaucratic control. The rule of this law can be seen in the tower blocks, which have grown .in height and numbers ra- pidly in recent years all over the world, largely for commer- Cial reasons. ifter the main vertical dimensions have been fixed by econo mies of cost (the minimum possible), the depth of a plan is resolved on section according to regulations on light angles and permissable daylight factors - Appendix aH: ‘this regulation (Open Space, Ventilation and 'Todaye..buildings are all the same, everyone's expected to be the same...'- John A, Friend- 28-12-74, eS fe f Hei1ght °ofRcoms))shsahall a SOE Zeal — (except a room used for the lawful detention of persons other than mentally disor- dered persons) which has (ae rs rm Maivan po a Possi#LE Tr HEIGHT. MAX POSSIBLE — py DEPT SIIIL one or more windows! Building Regs. 1965- Pri- BLY 7 - maimed sons ae ae Sone El presumably, constitute alongSee habitablebuildings fg § (author's emphasis) ~p.62 FOR EXAMPLE. The depth of the floor, plan is thus. fixed, the length of this plan is then only dependant oh the Shape of the building site ‘indeterminacy!?, standard plan to be chopped off by the yard or mile SS A> ROOM V LET This plan form is generally repeated on each side of the access corridors and 'service cores! (lifts..etc..) which are often incorporated into a central supporting structure- CORRIDOR, The structural requirements of the floor slabs and the need to incorporate the ‘service runs! (pipes, wiring, Ducting...) determine the dimension between the floor and ceiling of vertically adjacent units, this distance is as small as pos- sible in order to cram as Many units as is structurally feasible in the smallest overall height- ri] i” CoO a \ The height of the tower is then limited by further planning conetraints, which vary from place to place but are often established during some form of dialogue bteween the develo pers and the authorities (Rarenseft and Cardiff...). It is a not unknown phenomenon for developers to try and'work a fast one' on the authorities by illicitly adding a couple of stones to a tower's height (very valuable stuff, ‘indeterminacy'), after all, who notices wether a block is 30 or34 storeys tall? Clad your tower in mass-produced concrete panels,'express! the top of the lift shaft where the lifting machinery is housed (functionalism) and,do and behold- a build- it- anywhere, super- architectural, bog standard, highly profitable office block (A design award is assured if youcréateawind-swdearpk,tg;ro*und floor 'concourse! by raising the building on stills, Ka arr YY tS TELL PLZ. Tg PIT The distance between tower blocks is controlled by further bureaucratic constraints wherein the endlessly varied kalie- doscope of natural light is once more conveniently transposed into a Cipher for all reasons 4 fine example of these laws of the concrete jungle in action is provided by the bureaucrats themselves, with the Department of the Environment headquaters in London, a building which eae oye been designed to incorporate every cliche in the ook NEW YORK evennesseks Leas nesberweseesl aoe ering: -96F Baeon BPscerenn ed ae es s piers Pea ®7ese Sterility for Everyone Ugly Heads & Evil To a large extent, the sterile dreams of the middle men (chapter 4) are responsible; the high-rise blocks and endlessly repetitive filing cabinet architecture which epitomise mass housing, are directly the result of the obs essive intellects, slitted consciousness and puerile emotional mechanisms of such men as Walter Gropius, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe and Le Corbusier (a self-affected nick- name). Their original vapid imaginings unfortunately gained credence amongst fellow intellectuals and architects during and since the early part of this century and subsequently the mechanisms of capitalist economics ensured that their dictrines, and similarly derived doctrines held sway, MASS HOUSING (THE BUILDINGS RISE AS THE PEOPLE FALL) Nuts and Bolts. rganisation of the mass-production process, as it has been "evolved', demands the subjugation of people to machi i are therefore i panels of Centre Point to the che Council flat, Mass society with its 'mass'-orientated mentality and its capacity for mass-production, not surprisingly best exhibits its cultural sterility in 'mass' housing. In this instance, pictures probably speak louder than words (illustration -'mass housing"), but one does well to consider how much such an im posed solution constricts social forms to 23 children families and hence helps mould the social structure. Now let us consider how such monstrosities came about and why they still raise their ugly heads. Early practitioners of the art of eople-packing were often professed radicals, Le Corbusier believed Him self to be a communist, and Gropius set up the 'Bauhaus', a school of industrial art and design, which was to become a target for fascist reaction when and as Hitler rose to prominence in inter-war Germany. Despite this, the newly evolved consciousness of a mass society and uncritical adulation of the machine ensured a dearth of concern for the indiv- idual human being, Industrial society, with its concurrent is bound to exhibit Instances in which thi by our society are far too numerous to mention, mass-produced nuts and bolts of our culture. It is this essen- ole of mass-production in our culture which is Gropius in 1924: "The majority of citizens of a specific country have similar dwellings and living requirements it is therefore difficult to understand why the dwellings we build should not show a similar unification as Say, our clothes, shoes or automobiles... ." in 1931; --..the one-family house will remain reserved for a higher stratum of the population... . because the.... rented dwelling in an apartment house is better adapted to the needs of the more mobile working class....who.... lack the time required to care for a house and garden if they are not to deteriorate, " (15) * EXPLOIT -utilize (person etc) for ones' own ends, esp. derog. of -ing colonial Possessions, the working class ets, =Concise Oxford Diahinnne Cracked government l upon ones! versal Demockeracy pte cantakeplace,soanin-crowdofexpertscangetthewhip- nd, one of the more famotisly evil events of our he way for much re-building, it provided Town movement. It also created a massive need for new housing and it provided an excuse for thousands of Suppressed megalomaniacs to impose their ideal of the ‘good life! on the weary and unsuspecting populations of war-torn Europe. Any substantial number of people contain individuals of so many different temperaments and attitudes that it is really quite hopeless to expect those people to wholly agree on anything 'en-masse!, However, small groups may be perfectly capable of achieving a co- hesion of purpose and direction whilst ensuring that the uniqueness of each individual within that group is respected, interaction between such self-regulating bodies of inner-directed individuals can be at least as successful to the mtitual benefit to all concerned, but never can one person or group of persons presume to tell others what to do without their active assent. This assent must be conscious, active, not a result of conditioning or cohersion, it must be an assent arising from the free agreement of equals , there must be no im posed authority. It is most certainly the most extreme form of arogance for a few people to presume to be able to successfully provide, for thousands of others, something as immensely important to them as the places in which they have to spend their entire lives. To force people to live in upgraded chicken coups, in those battery farms of the industrial work force, is an act of premiditated violence, a form of torture, it reaps its rewards even now as people become increasingly hostile towards such blatant acts of repressionTh.e awareness is dawning and cracks are appearing in the conditioning cells, ultimately the whole edifice must crumble, and A bugeoning population required expanded facilities and more homes. So the answer was to thump them all out on great production lines. The absurdity of forcing people to spend their lives doing repetitive, mindless, routine tasks in order to produce repetitive, characterless dwellings to which they go home to rest from producing those rep- etitive, souless artifacts never seemed to occur to sucha systems' theorists and propagandists. If it did, and they too believe that humanity is destined for greater and better things, can only be regarded as totally malicious, then their actions totally unpardonable evil, Cranks in the Meantime In the meantime the machine cranks heavily onwards, and most of its cogs seem to mesh well enough to ensure its continued function for the few more revolutions that the dwindling oil supply will fuel and lubricate. AL ‘) Ta Mik yor tenole we cars ~ bub cars Rul & moutim pestle. He Joa of oy Transient Suites ensures Kak much (moe POPE usere belle fey rote aecieds of. Morlicer Heard Man wtre.Aabled i.Me seme year tr theon-going cuntWu, Mare:peaple- eye _bdlek Ayroad Pie & he Gey “SA age HE.Aled n ARE Same gearunLhe Weta, unery chepotlen.ifaMAnufaTed one,irsIsqucisrefulable,AsalnuDupentbp. dhe frre piace f Ds ik is, She parblems exot: dad intend of hetpcag us de rd curselses of such pablans de, radically, rofhinkind Lhe need far such Thing o4 perenal Ttaanport Veclrotoyues usuch Withpeople and stead ét ra ig any atlept te de-mifistoane Toe 4édhaotsyes , planners & bureaucrats ptsdince dea shalisre: panded. )in Codified dos and dents, As Shak ub eseryone ull zur raw The dame proper ,£ cventone will prelend he sume realdicg , A ull won. pst fine. Eivenslhing A dhe qerden usth be lesrecl athe. The: experts truss done Enough (esetach F eshabhohed Te Selituur. eabenabie CorrPOMRLse-5 cadifued, “The- MECEVAN pallems of ehasrur and. nculcated UE desired. (Expenses . ~ Ie canashide, nest back efcayoy oC, Coste, & cansewrumnale aes a 5 jae BAe theSe) HE OFeerHME. (Gus, Meade hdr come LE ue tom PARA NovA ) The Gods Of Progress THE MOBILE SOCIETY Acceptance of the ability of imposed authority to shuffle around masses of people when it so chooses is another part of the ethic forced on a society whose people are only pawns ina game. The historical precedence for this are numerous, the mobilisation of entire pop- ulations in war time provide obvious exam ples, but there are others "The ambitious and proud country gentleman sets great store by his elegant house, his rolling parklands and the view from his windows. A squalid village spoiled the view, and the village fields interrupted the parkland; but when the landlord owned an entire village - as some landlords most certainly did - then the obstacles could be removed. Villages were depopulated so that parks could be made. "' (16) The man of wealth and pride Takes upa space that many poor supplied; Space for his lake, his park's extended bounds, Space for his horses, equipage, and hounds. Oliver Goldsmith 1770 (17) So the lords of the marors used to mow down villages if they obstructed the view on their newly landscaped estates, the aesthetic predilection of the ruling class had thus obvious gécial consequences. Now however, the lords of the environment would mow down villages to build airports, those great manifestations of a society which moves its favoured few around the globe as fast as sound itself! The rest of us must be content to travel slightly slower, but travel we must, for our social system is dependant on physical mobility and people's homes and fertile food-producing farmlands are sacrificed to the god of progress that is the motor car. This need to continually transport people and goods all over the country has has produced a massive road network; 200, 000 acres of farmland disappeared between 1957 and 1972 to make room for roads - The Isle of Wight is only 94, 080 acres! Valid Jams and Defence There are more skills , energy and materials invested in a single car, designed to last about four years, than in the typical home, house or hut, that serves most of the worlds! peoples for a lifetime. Cars are invested with a similar emotional currency to that found in connecton with homes, and the highway system consumes land ona scale par with buildings whilst setting patterns on the landscape of at least as much force and importance as the buildings which they connect, generate and destroy. If the structures erected by a society respond to and reflect the structure of that society, then the structures of vehicles and the surfaces that carry them are equally as valid as manifestations of a society's ideology as are its buildings. The traffic jam is a built form. The infrastructure of a country provides physical and metaphysical maps of certain characteristic elements of that society. The dictionary definition of 'infrastructure' is "a system of airfields, telecommunications and public services forming a basis for defence, ' There is evidence (dark hints and rumours) that the motorway system has also been conceived as an integral part of the 'defence! transport networks. It is also an ins- tructive definition '"'for defence" in that it presupposes massive social and technological orientation to militaristic ends. in spneo useless IGM DE beenbuilt er compaparis develop intrinsically for tho seme aninunt of mons; Concorde, Gist: CAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS OF ANSANTTY «...then they bring them to the factory, machine is strapped across their sheviders and then the kerosene is brought down from the casiles by insurance men who go where the heart attack quality houses, or, in am sonic aircraft rather th: OTe Ws me banish poverty by effecting an exuitabl< @ Sure indicator as to the morality aud culture, Taking Stock A society with its entire structure founded on A capitalism is bound to produce toiems of its culi, Pi; 1s one purpose-built structure embodying very part cx Muchange peculiar to the economy which produced it, itis a eita; 1 of capit- alism, home of those forces which generate all social relationships > Functions in society. The Disease Takes Hold check to see that no-one is escaping to Desolution Row. - Bob Dylan - (18) War and Welath and Weapons The extent to which a society builds architecture rather than oh artifacts, or vice versa, can itself hecome a oui i and aspirations of that society. ‘Treo Crosby. the environment z2me," compares the coct of Vietnam or 6 hrs, j Pie ilesize of 4. Just as any individual is primarily limited by their economic means ( outside of any more sensible realities ), so ‘tthe. same proeccesses of the capitalist economy produce very strange social rala “Onships ( bourgeoisie, worker, capitalist etc). It is inevitable that the organ- isation of the productive forces in society, formed in response to capitalist ethic with its concomm itant machinery for the manufacture and exchange of goods and services, will embody these relationships. British capitalism enables individuals to hoard money, encourages the centralisation of resourse use and manpower, materiais and energy, ignores the social and environmental consequences of its activities requires massive systems of control to regulate the myriad activities of many people to the advantage of a few , falsely values all things and reduces all things to commodities, Hence a small area of land in Central Londen can be priced at £13 million because it is a prime site in the world's money capital, and a £5 million building can then be produced for that site with the employ of people who will never use or need that buiiding; the result being an lump of concrete which then proreeds, somehow » to gainin money value just by being there! Such buildings invariably faii to house people because that makes a building unprofitable... .and profit is the mainstay of the capitalist system. Nightmares Office blocks house some of the totally non-productive functions of the social machine, people are forced to do meaningless (as opposed to meaningful) tasks in order to control the flow of an imaginary commodity, money, in order to mainiain the existence of factories which then control the lives of people who actually produce something (though that 'something! may well be useless!). The factories may be producing pre-cast concrete panels, for instance. The ultimate, almost realized absurdity, would be for a company to construct an office block to house employees to administer factories which make panels to construct office blocks to house employees to administer money to finance companies which build office blocks....There are obviously innumerable ways in which human behaviour and inter-personal relationships will become distorted in such ‘endless cartwheels d insanity.' This social structure of ours contains a multitude of unnatural relation- ships between People, including those of consumer to producer, producer to controller (boss, executive), controller to financier, financier to government, government to consumer, it is no surprise that the cities of this society are such cancers on the land and its people. And the devaluation of the lives of these people to ciphers in the great consumer / consumed Spectacle is complete when their 'hames! roll off conveyor belts, tended by more beings regulated to lives where they are extensions of machines for half of their waking hours and dutiful consumers for the other half, with the sleeping hours f! ‘9d with dreams of possession and nightmares of work. To jibe about the quality of design of a machine, house or concrete panel in such circum stances, is to advertise one's candidancy for the post of chief ostrich and betrays sadly misplaced priorities, OTT —- Sa = eee (AEs|eelStehe zi ee ———} NENG “e -fTM \38acre ied junction- ee aoruar ay i)\= i| CODDD00000000000058 >“BOCSd6O) MIERARCH ITECTURE Ours! Short term gain at an incalculable long-term cost, where ‘someone else! will Pay ~ that is the ethic made concrete and cosmic In nuclear power stations, buildings essential to modern western industrial society in which the citadels of political power require citadels of energy. The Funeral Marches On Poison Power The central theme apparent in all analyses of social, and hence political, organisation is that of power, the power of pecple over - people. But thesocial structuring which centralizes its authority and political power is as requisite on power from energy as are all the other functions of a technologically advanced society. So huge i gies whose secrets can only be used by the few, and then only at the behest of the political power- wielders, come into being. These structures and their technologies P01son the ground for incon i some nuclear Laypeople Lose In an essay entitled "But', in May 1973, I used the pyramids of Egypt as examples of particularly strong expressions of a power structure of an unmistakeably authoritarian and hierarchical form. The structure of that society, with its Slaves, divine kings, and hierarchical distribution of power through priests and slave drivers, etc., — found its ultimate expression in the pyramid which was used, liter- ally, to entomb the values and aspirations of that society. The Pyramid is perhaps the most obvious expression of hierarchical form, with its implication for human society of an authoritarian System of distributing the control by 8 few of the many, and its validity asa symbol for such a power structure is as valid now as it ever was. Itis an excellent aesthetic expression of political purpose, In October 1973, the winning design for the proposed offices of the new Northampton County Council was a nine-storey, glass-sheathed Pyramid. The architects and councillors who comprised the bulk of the assessment panel thought the building was wonderful, their Support for the building was unconditional in that any criticism (Hee sthe planning of the two lower floor levels and entranes.... might be .... improved.... ") was virtually ignored in favour of the schemes "audacity, imagination, and.. +. comprehensive underlyin _logic!’ which they could not objectively fault.' Significantly, one nopes, this ‘lyrical structure' did not impress the only two lay &Ssessors on the panel who believed the design was "'an im posed solution" because, because, amongst other things, it was " an intellectual concept, ingeniously worked out and seductively presented;"inflexible; required unproven technologies; used too much energy; was ''reminiscent of a mausoleum and the dead pharoahs;" and was dominated by the council chamber in a manner foreign to the new conception (sic) of democracy and participation. is 'new concept? of democracy and participation had not either, reached the bunkers, for the building also had to include a 'Civil Defense Base- ment,' for which very few members of the public will have much use in any contingency, but then, the important people would survive. Making LightofitAll The Northampton pyramid succeeded in taking the ideal of an immortalized bureaucracy to a logical conclusion; at mid-day* on April 5th, at the start of the Financial Year, the sun's rays (assuming the sun shines!) were supposed to pur down ashaft in the structure so orientated that ihe beams would illumine the treasurer's desk? * assumed time. "WAR IS PEACE FREEDOM IS SLAVERY e IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH Myth is Reality (21) TRIE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US "The Ministry of Truth - was Startingly different from any other object in sight. It was an enormous pyramidal structure of glittering white concrete, soaring up, terrace after terrace, 300 metres into the air....Scattered about London there were just three other buildings of similar appearance and size....They were the homes of the four Ministries between which the entire apparatus of government divided." (22) was Circumscribed Souls "The G.P.O's microwave system is a pretty paradign of the 20th. Century. Functional, sophisticated, technological, monumental, its towers stride across the land: publicly thay are described as the distributors of the garbage of television;in fact they link the instru- ments of sudden genocide, and implicit in their construction and siting is their use to repress revolt." (23) The woman or man on-top-of-the-street is not normally aware of the existence of the fortress because it is not visible outposts, but it circumscribes the entire existence of each and every soul on the globe. Internationally, it constitutes the rerve system of the biggest war-machine of all] time, in peace-time it also carries electronic opiate to the masses through the air waves, and internally in Britain it constitutes an immense net of power connecting key government hideouts so that order can be maintained in the event of social un- rest and civil-war, The enemy is within and it is the government, and as one wise woman has said, "It's hard to fight the enemy who has outposts in your head, " Electric Fortress (Cowardly OldWorld) Humanity's greatest constructions have always reached to the realm of the fantastic, the Pyramids maintain their marvel for us today, and the greatest cathedrals of the past extended humanity's capacities and technologies to produce a vehicle for reaching heaven. Currently, the most massive constructions of our culture are those built with the mighty resources of nations! defence budgets and those utilizing the most advanced of available technologies. When the two strands of achievement in mechanis «tion: of people, in the military machine, and of micro-technological electronic wizadry in the industrial machine, when those two strands inter weave in the military- industrial complex cloak of secrecy, the result is the most extreme manifestation of our society's insanity as is humanly practical. The result is the Electric Fortress. In such times as ours, to worry about the esthetics of architecture without setting it firmly in this social context is an insanity of the split consciousness which plays into the hands of those who want us to forget the ugly social realities which really give shape and substance to our daily lives. "I do not want art for e few any more than cducation for a fez,or freedom for a few. "Willian tiorris, 25 Those of us who are involved in the business of buildine, those of us who care about the enviromient because we care about people having to live in that environnent,those of us who enjoy designing,who despite the apparent ugliness of the world still wish to create better things and better places.How do we best use our energies and imaginations?Where do we go from here? Bankrupt The architects' role is so tightly defined by the imperatives of the economic system,that any pretensions to control over that system can only be pretensions.The architect can have no power without an econornic basc.At the same timc the arrogance of presuming to be able to design for clients who profess to express the "needs" of people they do not Imow is untenable and presumes a degree of control denied by the economic base.The architects! power base,such as it is,is given by control over a store of knowledge either actual or imaginary,that is providdd by the myths surrounding the architects! role.The architects! power is constructed on an ethical base,when in fact the architects! position is morally bankrupt. Corbliney! The power of an economic base and its concomitant form of social organisation precedes the power of an idcology.Idcas shape future material conditions only in so far as they are products of existing material conditions and only inso far as material possibilities actually exist which enable the rcalisation of those ideas, Le Corbusiers' visions cf a "new architecture"were based on his preference for a certain aesthctic derived from a fascination with the Machinc.He failed,however,to comprchend thc technologies the mechanisms and applications of machines,and designed buildings which looked like machine products but which did not have a technolegical integrity-stucco was rendered as smooth as streamlining only to suffer the weathcr and flake off,Corbusiers! visions did,however affect the future form of buildings,he held out for an ideological power,a pewer realised when the material conditions of capitalism enabled the application of high technologics in a manner of building which was consistent with a box-like machine aesthctic.The itself did not demand flat rocfs,for instance. Le Corbusier prefessed t be a socialist while at the same tine his"new architccture,his aesthetic visions were only realised with advanced capitalist technolcgy.He connections,to analyse the context o of his architectural werk anc he thus failed to ensure the compatability of his social ideas with his architectural ideas.Those of us who propose sccial change and "New Architectures"must cbvicusly thought must be, acutely aware of the comecticns between things. Connections Material conditions,the environient provides material for cerebration,imaginaticn.The imagination percieves possibilities . Those p_ssibilities are cnly realisable under certain material imperatives of technology failed te make essential avoid this fracture of Had Le Corbusier not writtcen"Towards a New Architccture"thc later architecture of the time when the technologies were extant to realise his visions would not hav e looked as it did.That is to say,his ideas shaped the application of the tools of future matcrial ccnditions,At the same time his visions cculd not have ecne abcut without the existence of certain material conditicns, WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE °? conditions,in a particular social and cconomic environment.The possibilities seen by the imagination arc limitless as imaginings but limited in the material environment by that cnvironment.In propesing possible visicns,ic.as for the futur. abcut building ond so forth,it is necessary fcr those visions to- be intinatcly, t tally, connceted with certain cconcimic and sceial conditicns ana those conditions must be rcalisable and decucible from existing trends in present conditions.e can dream the impossible, but cannot achicve the inpessible,'c can fly in cur heads, just as people were doing leng befcre the first air ballcon,but we cannot achieve flight without an air craft,without cccnoi.ic enc social crpanisation capable of ccnstructing an air craft. Icshoulebasevisionsonrcalityvandutiacnreascn,pessibiliti&cs n focts,the petcential cn the realisable.We should keep our fect cn the ground,our heads in the clouds,and be very aware of what connects then] Lifestyle There is really no point in being dogmatic about"styles"and so forth,There is no way of providing a style,a new architectural aesthetic for democratic architects to rally around because democratic architecture has no'style".As architecture realised by the will of the pecple,even if those people utilise the services of individuals specialising in biulding design,cannot be a provided "style"by definition.Those who are concerned about the sorry state cf building design these days will nct find a sclution with a new brand of style-mongering of the ilk of Le Ccrbusicrs'"new architectureio"r other apestles cf "Demccratic architecture"such as Frank Licyd Wright.A new style cannct be provided by sone aesthetic gurrwithout being undemocratic.The ve ting in,by popular support cf any new stylc,though,perhaps an improvement on present conditions,would not be a truly cemocratic way cf building, The Urge to Create "I finc I'm satisfied by just living.The greatest creative experience of my life was building this house." So the only tenable architecture}the cnly way .f building compatible with a truc,direct democracy,is builcing users,If architccture is to belong to the people there can be nc architects.Intthe meantime those who hold in truth the skills of designing and constructing buildings those skills more readily availahle fighting the forces of mystification which set out to cestryy the stewardship of those sjlls in order the better to hoard knowledge and thus maintain the precarious power. The architoots'pawer being based on & monopoly of knowledge buildin uncertaken by should be working to make to lay people.Thcy should thus be position of privelege,prestige anc It is only when pecple are directky involved in the processes of Cesigning and building that the architecture can truly be said to come from the pecple,and in such a situation cf direct Cemocracy the word"architecture" would lose currency just as the word "acsthcitics"had no currency for the cottager whose craft and art were part of her life.If people were ever truly free to realise their creative potential their buildings would be the most henestly and beautifully useful that this world has ever known, because no-one would be suffering economic deprivation in créer to construct those buildings.Repressive societies may have produced Art for the few sweated from the brow anddbled from the veins cf the struggling"értist,but the art of builcings most admired as places to live in rather than as mseun pieces were produced, are produced by pecple making for themselves a place to be using tobest advantage materials and skills immeadiately available, and expcrtise, rathcr than cc n‘mie necessity, then the mre that mm oly is unt rmincc, the mere thet ver can be or “cd. This much can be “cne in cxisting circumstances, but t+ merely er vc the p-wer of architects with ut at the same time c nscicusly anc actively w rking t. provice means of returning the knowlecge to the pe*ple is t>» act c unter t the interests f£ the people. That "the urge t cestrey is 2 creative urge" is only truc insofar as Cestructi n of repressive “instituticns unleashes the creative petential repressed by those institutions. For architects t sect up an alternative "R.I.B.i..", fer instance, is counter-rev luticn- ary.e To sct us "Community Architecture! practises which only ffer cheap expertise an? which fail te invelve anc educate people in the activity of cesigning buildings, is c:unter=rcvcluti nary. Only the approach to building which frees people tc be erdative, to builc for themselves from cx:ericnce of their own ncecs, only the approach to building which frees the creative urge is revol- utionoary.Such a way of beilding ipossibi<e onlywith ragically different social, political and eccnomie crganisaticns to thse previcec by capitalism. Such a way of builcing is net easily achievec, for obvious reascns. It requires social revoluticn. ‘ ; : ; +47 . ¢eo f nee «af pee 12° fi Een a a~~ ,ns ry Ra4es Si cil ial Cae ate Neyee Open ert Ase yee i: Eriea = s oo —— ieee: _e — aoe i Naty : =—~ a“iWAallerofHE H iy yNecA ya 4 PNtCCCceicy cle 'ive { BH fi Option i LW RaatTh 2 ae th fi) as i,ee §- ayy neB:/ gz ro ProetSetbyiae”Ki (tor) IEwas our hope tocombine the efficient and ecologically sound principles of Communism withtheexcitingandunpredictablefoorfcreatsive. anarchy... We wantedit ways... Fierce individality within 9tyht: communistic, tribal-framewore.. Our experience, so-far has proven that thetwoidkdlogies arenotneccessarily exclusive... wv? 4 unifs connecting tunnel-Jinked towers embracing compactly a quarter of a million people housed, fed, transported, working and entertained in a controlled environment. (Cars are significantly absent, conveyor-belt seats taking care of movement between units. This vision of what could be is a machine for living linked with a supply of energy from a network of nuclear reactor islands for which plaas have already been developed by concerned experts neem > ae t “ wy, Ss Vz \ / Thesurvivingcify(below)xsacomplexofmoving Ae 2 : nt Ye LDSwwrmes a MART RRE THESE ANSTHILL (DEAS OF THIS MAN FOBLERI? GNE MAN CANNOT DESIGN FOR THE MASSES. |WANT AHOME, NOTA HOLE s AZeis, ELECTRICFORTRESS | t} dis a ara {}i | < BITE EPe 1S4 F¥ing4 ‘ vu Wwe WHADOTYouMEAN7—n “YOU WAUNA GO OUTSIBE! ———— SS NOVANOAH1~FLOATINGCITYFae40,000péopus! ne SOLERIS HUMAN ANTHEADS INA CONCRETE MONSTER..... WE WANT DECEAT-HOUSING” —ONEOFTHE‘BaitetcoRARMGeSAT'AHeese CONFERENCE0KLOSPYGELES,SERT:97Z. PUTUUe _ Mein GPO microwave system. The chain of concerts touters | PES8sabotagc:-preotlinkbetweenthemeprcitanidiesevside,ntly 4hy| Lj MONUMENTAL MANIFESTATION OF AN IAAPOSED IDEOLOGY tntended‘to governmentcommanicationsdaring atimeof civildisturbance.Therest thesystenservespienedeNariel of othereeItiseenshoesseveralnewlybuiltBB2CTV sd transmn iteame intentedSerdve,£necnssasamircryou,sve Hy APPENDIX CHAPTER 7=FOR EXAMPLE a)Architects ac»pted the statutory schocls'requirement of a 2% ‘aylight factcr tc office block design where it attained an effectively statutory status-a"rule of thumb"grounced not in practical experience but in the arbitrary impositions of rule=- makerSe Hout Tar BeBe ' 1Py AAS b)The large size of windows that the enforcement of the 2% Caylight factor procuced,meant that kics sitting near the wincows sufferec unculy from the glare of the sun,to such an extent that it caused permanent damage to their cyesight.This was made worse by opticiens(cpcrating within their own myopic specialism)giving the kics glasses to counteract their cye= sight problem,without realising that it was artificially incuce’,se thoir cyes never recovered. | «€.amstake ~ is should have Toah acae ae°heeinFOREXAMPLE Screws Let The Sunshine In Without Question The overall size of such buildings is determined by plot ratios which define the amount of floor space that can be provided ona site of a given area, for instance, 'Development Permits! are required for offices over 10,000 square feet. Colonel R. Seiffort has been an architect much in demand for office block designing, not because his clients think hig buildings are master-pieces of sculptural expressionism, but because Sieffort is famed for his knowledge of the various regulations controlling office block development (particularly in Central London). Sieffort is thus able to help screw the maximum return (profit) from a building by getting more Square footage of floor space on a site than anyone else. He epitom - ises the role of 'architect' in one of the most blatantly exploitive areas of operation in our exploitive society. Indeed, the infamous Centre Point development in Central London , a Sieffort creation, has become a totem » 4 symbol for that exploitive process of ! devel- opment for profit!: "on Friday January 18th at 5, 30pm., Centre Point, the 34 storey office block in Central London which had been empty since it was built 10 years ago, was taken over by 100 demonstrators in a protest against the scandal of property speculation.... 'We have occupied Centre Point,' said the squatters press statement, ‘because it has become the concrete symbol of everything that is , rotten in our unequal society. It insults the humanity and dignity of the homeless. It exposes the hypocracy of politicians who profess to care, but refuse to act." (14) The general form of school buildings that has evolved over the past few decades in the U.K. has been partly the result of educational theory with its expression in the ‘Open-Plan vs. Class Room! debate, and not least because of the need to comply with equally theoretically derived arbitrary regu.ations governing 'daylight factors' and hence window size and room depth as per the above office block examples. The windows in these buildings (offices and schools), in order to produce the deepest possible plan forms, have been huge floor to ceiling walls of glass which have aggravated the problem of heating and cooling the buildings, due to the well documented '! green house effect.' When the sun shines hot its very hot, and when its cold, its freezing, (see appendix). Only a society which accepted, unequivocally, the application of standard solutions to dituations with a multitude of possible responses (the school) , only a society which placed its faith in anonymous bureau cratic panaceas (arbitrary minimum'daylight factors! )for all events when the reality is an ever-changing sky and people of intelligence and feeling ( neither of which can be considered the preserve of bureaucrats!) well able to deal with each situation as a unique and worthwhile case, only such a society could mass produce such inadequate and unimaginative buildings as we are now well used to. The teachers, parents and pupils will know far better what is required of a school building than all the bureaucrats in Whitehall, or in the various ‘councils! of the land. REFERENCES ‘Credits Thank you, IGrady Clay Close-up Pith 2In conversaticn with a fricicjJchn A.Fricne(;. st-crac welcing techn logist)28.12.7h 3Alan Lipman qucte? by Martin Paulcy the ik trn M vuncnt ete.cssay P.F.D.P.7 4Minonu Yamasaki qucted by Robert Goodman After ‘the Planners P.132 5Jchn Carter Afantasy in seven actsAd 15.1675 P.li2(129) 6Swani Kriyananda Ananda Domebook 2 P.96 ?In conversation with a friend,Dave Becnyon("architect stucent")11.b75. 8Danicl Burnham quote? by R bert Gooeman After the Planners P.1)}1 Manicl Burnham quoted by Robert Goodman After the Planners P.1li1 10Danicl P.Moynihan quoted by Robbert Goodman iifter the Planners P,1hi€. 11icolf Hitler quoted by Robert Gaodman After the PlannersP.1)8: 12J,M Richards fin introcuction to Modern architecture P.98 13In conversation with a friend,John A,.Fricnd 28.12.71 ikirticle in frchitectural Design(periodical )February(?)197h 15Walter Gropius quoted by Martin Pawley The Mocern Movement etc.cssay P.F.D.P.5 16K..J 11ison Deserted Villages P.}j3 17Oliver Gclcsmith quoted by K.J.illinson Deserted: Villagus P.l3 18Bob Dylan"Desclation Row"from"Highway.61 Revisited!1965 197Theo Crosby How to play the environment came P.96-97 20Northampten Competition assesors A)31.10.73 P.1026 21George Orwell Nineteen Eighty-four P.7 ah peeeonee Orwell Ninetcen Eighty-four P.7 3Peter Laurie Beneath the City Strects quoted in Uncereurrents no.7 2kSally Kempton Resurgence VOLY., No.1 25William Morris Innate Socialism Sclectud Writings and Designs P.10 26Libra inhabitant gueted by Rbert. Huurict Getting Back Together 27In conversation with a friend,Dave R.Picklus("archit.stucent")20.1075~s Special thanks are due to typists Isabelle, Jenneth and Chérie, and to tireless helper and critic Dave Peace Pickles.- Special, special thanks to Chérie, super typist, printer, and worker against all odds. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul F Downton Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov-76 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/07427136600206bf3eaee4316bd3e912.pdf 9a4925a45c456eabae628f8804f34bdf Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Liaison Group Including London Group Subject The topic of the resource Liaison Groups: NAM was initially structured as local groups. There was also a Liaison Group whose role was to coordinate the different groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual conference. NAM campaign groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress. The seven different campaign groups listed had members from a variety of local groups. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1979 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 2nd London Seminar Subject The topic of the resource Programme for the event Description An account of the resource AGENDA 10 00 Chairperson's introduction | 10 05 Historical perspective on NAM 10 25 Reports from NAM groups 1100 Coffee 11.15 Presentation of papers and discussion on Unionisation, a critical history of the Profession, proposals for a National Desing Service, and others 30 Project presentaion 00 =Lunch 00 Group workshops 30 Open debate and 00 Tea Open Topic 00 Review of seminar 30 Preparation of press 00 Seminar closes CHAIRPERSON : Peter Wheelan FURTHER INFORMATION FEE: £ 2.. 00 AND BOOKINGS : NAM, 36, Elm Grove, London N8. individual statements and proposals for future statement action TO BE HELD ON SATURDAY 22ND MAY AT COVENT GARDEN COMMUNITY CENTRE, SHELTON STREET, LONDON ,WC2. , “NEWARCHITECTUREMDVEVENT -LONDONSEMINAR The New Architecture Movement was set up at a national congress in late 1976 by a group of architects, most of whom are in practice, who know that the way forward for architecture is not through any new aesthsteic dogma or revamping of the profession but the radical revision of the architects role in society. NAM's two principal propositions are the appropriation of the priviledge of architectural patronage , now vested in the bureaucracy, by the 80% of the people who currently have no say in the use of their environment and, secondly, the institution of forms of practice rid of the economic and spiritual exploitation of architectural workers. The Movement is constituted to act both as a voice for change in the profession and as a platform for action in the field of architecture, building and planning. The structure of NAM lays stress on decentralisation: autonomous local groups are engaged simultaneously in theoretical analysis and immediate action, supported by a liaison group whose function is to maintain contact between groups. Recent years have seen considerable changes in architectural theory and practice ; the ideas of the Modern Movement, whose mainstream adoption in this country corresponded with the consumer boom of the fifties and sixties, have finally brought about their own demystification. Industrialization and systematization meant ugliness and insensitivity in the streets, and boredom and frustration in the office. The reaction on the streets is well known: the Community Action movement has been instrumental in blocking or ameliorating certain notorious projects and has, in some degree, been responsible for reformist legislation in planning and housing. The majority of architects, however, have continued to tolerate increasingly repressive working conditions, while the RIBA takes a protectionist line and they retreat in their attitude to design to a sort of effete romantiscism which even the fathers of the Modern Movement would have found reactionary. - (G28 The London Seminar has been called to review the progress of the Movement in a concerted way. It is open to all who wish to attend. Those who share our views but who are not yet involved with NAM are especially welcome, not simply to offer their tacit support, but to contribute to, and expand our area of action. Dw ESEwNh=p Ww So "NEWARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT - LONDON SEMINAR Recent years have seen considerable changes in architectural th the ideas of the Modern Movement, whose corresponded with the consumer boom brought about their own demystification. meant ugliness and insensitivity the office. The réaction on the movement has been instrumental projects and has, in some degree, planning and housing. The majority tolerate increasingly repressive protectionist line and they retreat ry and practice ; mainstream adoption in th country effete romantiscism which even reactionary. in their attitude to design to a sort of AGENDA 10 00 Chairperson's introduction 10 05 Historical perspective on NAM a hinaniiollon. Ca.-7,) —v.b.¢, Gr/be)- 30 Preparation of press statement 00 Seminar closes CHAIRPERSON : Peter Wheelan FURTHER INFORMATION AND BOOKINGS FEE: £ 2.. 00 : NAM, 36, Elm Grove, London | N8. “ | (a, of the fifties and sixties, ha Industrialization and syst@matization in the streets, and boredom and frustration ~ streets is well known: the Community in blocking or ameliorating certain in Action notorious been responsible for reformist legislation of architects, however, have in continued to working conditions, while the RIBA takes a the fathers of the Modern Movement would have found finally CR TO BE HELD ON SATURDAY 22ND MAY AT COVENT GARDEN COMMUNITY CENT E, SHELTON STREET, LONDON ,WC2. , 1025R fromNAMgr ~BoteyOnEna.) icc... - 2g [NEG [Lig[4Ree.. ) | The New Architecture Movement was set up at a national congress in late 1976 by a group of architects, most of whom are in practice, who know that the way forward for architecture is not through any new aesthsteic dogma or revamping of the profession but the radical revision of the architects role in society. NAM's two principal Propositions are the appropriation of the priviledge of architectural patronage , now vested in the bureaucracy, by the 80% of the people who currently have no say in the use of their environment and, secondly, the institution of forms of practice rid of the economic and spiritual exploitation of architectural workers. The Movement is constituted to act both as a voice for change in the profession and as a platform for action in the field of architecture, building and planning. The structure of NAM lays stress on decentralisation: autonomous local groups are engaged simultaneously in theoretical analysis and immediate action, supported by a liaison group whose function is to maintain contact between groups. The London Seminar has been called to review the progress of the Movement in a concerted way. It is open to all who wish to attend. Those who share our views but who are not yet involved with NAM are especially welcome, not simply to offer their tacit support, but to contribute to, and expand our area of action.. 11.15 Presentation of papers and discugsion on Unionisation, a critical history of the Profession, proposals forja National Desing Service, and others 30 Project presentaion 00 =Lunch 00 Group workshops 30 Open debate and individual statements 00 =Tea 30 Open Topic 00 Review of seminar and proposals for future action | T4784, DUI & Ew Nh= Pp gcissetg ons vt pls 388 Soe , #OGHGs .T33a1 igtudos3ino ws ai espns ofdsise 2 sven etasy tnesseh a3 of het hacia Meoigenism seorw .snoms aiebok oft to essbi ac d ,e9itxie bie esistit eft Fo mood +snuencs oft dsiw bebnogesstco , yiisar? noiseasitegeteye bas noisesilsinteubal .noiteaitizeymeb wo tied? ivods relpuotd ni.#oisgeyv!47bremobsi]6d—=~2d9siiesndfioe brieeesniipudnssm noeistoA yvFicuemed siz Paw 2] edeauze ait as £56149689 of? .651Tto ont zvoiiagan sist+95 Sirkaad Fae 40 prititoold si fsinsmuiteni need ean ‘Inemevem ni nolssizipel szimiots: 207 std enoqesy nesd .osipsb-eméa fi .2en bas 2iastory ot bovAlinos averi ,yevewod ,atastidayus to yiivoism of? .prieuord bane oninnsig 6 2eoies AGIA eda sflinw janoitibnes onisdyow aviezesigeay ylanics Yot1026otApiesboFabutisistioddai36SOO DAS bnue? oven bluow JnemeveM aisboM edd to azartis* or neve do ABNEY ols =,ah4 \ _ AtHaaz Mie, nolstouboutni a'aesisqrisdd 90 G1 | MAH no ovisoeget9q lesivotziH 20 OF: i aquowpMAWwo7?etyogsh afOF sstied «00. 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For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Later NAM Congresses, 2-5 Subject The topic of the resource A further 5 NAM Congresses after the initial Harrogate Congress in 1975, plus other documents Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Letters to the Press Subject The topic of the resource AJ Report on Cheltenham Congress 15/11/78; NAM letter to AJ 04/05/77 querying RIBA Earnings survey; NAM letter to AJ re Assoc of Consulting Architects' report Description An account of the resource NAM LETTERS TO THE PRESS 6 @ Students wanted explained the proposers. PIG would be a kind of ‘mop up’ group enabling NAM councillors to play a More positive role by taking initiatives. Congress formally endorsed the work of the eight NAM councillors, and aslate of candidates has been drawn up to x = : "awth PIG isborn To back up the work of NAM members acting as unattached representatives on ARCUK council and those working on the mandatory fee scale issue,Congress Set up a Professional Issues Group (PIG). The councillors have their work cut out responding to day to day issues contend the forthcoming unattached elections as it is anticipated there will be a further increase in the number of unattached representatives. Fee scale abolition endorsed Although there was a handful of dissenters Congress endorsed the work of the Monopolies Group which produced the report ‘Way ahead’ recommending The fourth annual national Congress of the New Architecture Movement was held at the School of Architecture in Cheltenham last weekend, In between wholesome meals and arejuvenating bop toa punk rock group, over 90 people thrashed out the neat year’s policy of a movement which in only four years has signiticantly altered the face of architectural politics in Britain. Tension over alternative practice the abolition of the mandatory fee scale and the introduction of a fee system ‘based on standardised clements of Service and ranges of cost to safeguard the public against unreasonableprice increases and check the profession from unhealthy price cutting’. An end to secrecy Symbolising an end to the cloak and dagger secrecy that has been a feature of the movement until now, it was agreed that telephone numbers of spokespersons for the different issue groups should be circulated to the press. Speakers however reiterated that the movement should avoid creating ‘leaders’, because issues and ideas then* casily became obscured by personalities. € out by the ARCAID group in Leeds and *Support in London, both of which After virtually the only contentious debates in the whole weekend, Congress agreed to set up an Alternative Practice issue group “to develop the theory and practice of NAM members involved in worker controlled private sector organisations with the aim of providing socially responsible alternatives’. New constitution A constitution for the Movement was adopted which firmly establishes it as a federation of issue, local and working groups accountable to the annual Congress and working for the general aim of promoting ‘effective democratic control of al people over their environment and by design and construction workers over theirworking lives’. A Liaison Group iselected each year to conduct administrative and financial affairs and to ‘act for the Movement’ between Congresses. Membership of NAM has increased over the last year from 92 to 120. Participants were shown work carried Operate in the private sector but work co-operatively for poor clients such as tenants and community groups. Members of these groups believe that in the short term this kind of work provides the best way of making architects’ skills available to working class users. But several people believed there was a danger of the group clashing with the already established PublicDesign Group which recently submitted its Own report on community architecture to Minister of Housing Reg Freeson.* This report argues forcibly that a community architectural service ‘should be based on the public sector and not on the private sector’. Despite initial tension between these Two views, itwas generally accepted by both groups that they could work in parallel. It was likely to take years to achieve reforms in the public sector and unul that time the private sector experiments could provide valuable experience, a vehicle for propaganda, and a means of providing working class people with services they would otherwise be denied. *Community Architecture: apublic designservice, available from NAM, 9 Poland Street, London W1. ii. StudentNAM groupsshouldbesetup in schools of architecture, butthey should be autonomous groups and not controlled by any central body or the already established Education Group. This was the outcome of a debate in which some speakers advocated a recruitment drive among students. Few students are members of NAM although more attended the Congress than in previous years. Monday and the millenium “The Movement isgrowing inmaturity as its critique of the profession grows more refined’, said John Allan, a founder member at the opening of Congress. A substantial body of literature has been developed and the Movement’s magazine Slate isimproving with each issue.What isnow needed istotranslate quality into quantity. The profession ison the defensive, he said. While the trades and ‘para Professions’ are becoming more Professional with the introduction of codes and guidelines, the traditional Profession is being forced to become | more secular. NAM could take i advantage of the consequent instability. Referring to the inherent tension between long term aims and short | term tactics, he said that while the | former could not be achieved quickly, | some of the obstacles barring the way | could be removed immediately. } “Our predicament isnot aquestion of i the millenium or Monday’, he said, ‘but | an affirmation of the millenium and Monday.” a eseses—te The Architects’ Juurnal 15 Novernber 1978 The editor reserves the right to shorten letters unless writers specify otherwise. Short letters can be dictated to Jane Pike over the telephone on Thursdays, for possible inclusion in the following issue of the Af. as fees are exempt from the ‘social contract’, inflation has created something of a bonanza for the partners. For example it appears that it is not unusual for partners’ incomes (clear of overheads but not taxed) ina medium/large firm to range from £45 000 to £65 000. Other returns show even higher incomes, next visit to one of our sites in case he should run into one of the World’s End team. Peter A. Kreamer London SW1 Henry Herzberg replies: Iam sorry that Mr Kreamer feels that we failed to give sufficient credit to Bovis. No ‘side swipe’ was intended: the words complained of are a plain statement of fact. Bathing for warmth From G. Wigglesworth RIBA Sir: I very much agree with Christian Hamp’s letter (AJ 13.4.77 p674) about the oriental or Japanese bath. I too enjoyed using it in Japan. It is not only very economical because the hot water is not drained away, but topped up and re-used, but it is akin to the sauna in that it is relaxing. Washing before entering the bath is, of course, essential. In the past, the Japanese used energy sparingly in their houses; there Was no attempt to warm the house, but only the person. Before getting into your padded bed, a hot bath was essential; once warm in bed, you could remain warm all night even when the room temperature might be just above freezing. G. Wigglesworth London SE1 Earning survey wrong? From M. F. McCarthy RIBA Sir: The 1976 RIBA earnings survey (AJ 6.4.77 p635) shows that the increase in architects’ earnings between June 1975 and June 1976 was significantly greater in the public sector than in the pri- vate sector. The explanation for While we are not surprised that the RIBA’s interpretation attempts to show that there is a trend towards the reduction of differentials between partners and salaried staff, we would point out that our 1976 submission to the Monopolies Commission showed the exact opposite. Itappearsthatitisthemethod of presentation of the RIBA’s results which isparticularly misleading. All your readers know that the income ofa medium to large sized practice, doing medium to large sized jobs is considerably greater than that of atwo person firm cking out a living on kitchen conversions. Consequently the RIBA), these firms received 81 per cent of al fee income. In 1972 the same group of offices employed 82 per cent of salaried architects in private practice. 3 At the same time as partners in medium/large firms were averaging £22 327 per annum, the average income of all salaried architects in private practicewas£4743. The differential between partners and salaried architects thus increases in relation to the size of practice. Weare in the process of updating our data, and we would welcome further information from salaried architects regarding their partners’ profits. At this preliminary stage itappears that World’s End (AJ 20.4.77) claims not to attempt to discuss the architectural, but to concentrate on other things. One would have thought that such a disclaimer would have prefaced at least some passing reference to the form of contract used to build the majority of the project. One would have thought that since that form of contract is a fee based one, and that the builder concerned is fee remunerated for all his work, that his name would be deemed worthy of a mention among the other professionals involved on p734. But no. Henry Herzberg, itseems, is 50 concerned with slanging what he regards as the evil main contractors of the ’sixties (p743) that he doesn’t have Space to describe how the ultimate contractor on this job managed a disaster into a success story. While taking a side swipe at the client for accepting the higher of two so-called ‘tenders’ to Table I Average annual income per Architectural Partner by size of Architectural Team Size of practice arch team 15 6-10 3778 5591 8992 11-25 6108 9040 14537 26 or more 9381 13 6&4 22327 Sources: National Board for Prices and Incomes report om architects’ 1968; Updating Factor—RICS building cost information March 1976. Size of practice een 1958 1960 1962 1064 1900 1068 1972 31-50 51 and over 95 13:0 145 15-5 15-6 i596 2-0h16:3 programmepromisedwhen employees areoneofthelast Average income per architectural partner 1966 1970 1974 £L £ £ 2575 3811 6129 partners’ profits are greater as well. Profits vary with the size of practice. The RIBA’s method of averaging out apparently random samples, or of relating partners’ income to age is therefore of dubious value as a source of knowledge about the state of the profession. Presumably for this reason, the National Board for Prices and Incomes, in its 1968 Survey of architects’ fees and costs, used size of practice as the only relevant yardstick for comparing) incomes. This was also the method used in our submission to the Monopolies Commission, and we enclose copies of the relevant tables showing figures references and sources. We would draw your attention to the main findings: 1 There is a considerable difference between the average income of partners in small and large firms. In 1974 these incomes were £6129 and £22 327 respectively. 2 There is an increasing trend ‘The Architects’ Journal 4 May 1977 817 TERME 5 NAMquestionsfindingsof towardslargeroffices,the DanBullen RIBA earnings survey From Dan Bullen of the London Group, NAM Sir: percentage of medium and large practices almost doubled between 1958 and 1972. The Prices and Incomes Board London W1 What about the builder? From Peter A. Kreamer of Bovis Construction Lid Sir: We would take issue with the findings of the RIBA’s 1976 carningssurvey(AJ6.4.77p635). (32-1percentaccordtiontghe HenryHerzberg’sarticleon found that while comprising only 30 per cent ofall practices costs and fees TableIfAveragesalaofryallemployedarchitectisnallprivatepractices tomentionthattheworkwas ‘theexistenceofincremental 1966 £1993 1970 1974 £2950 £4743 _ pleted by the ch contractor well within his estimate of prime cost. He also fails to mention that the management team involved achievedeveryphasedhandover by the original date promised. Finally, in his last sentence he scales for public employees which were allowed to operate during the Incomes Policy’. I believe this to be a fundamentally wrong interpretation. Local authority pay review periods run from July to July cach year whereas the Incomes Source: Ibid. Note: All technical salaries in 1967 formed 34°5 per centof costs; RIBA handbook suggests approx similar figures. Table[ilDistributionofprivatepracticesbysize1968-1072 743 69:0 634 61-7 618 67-9 ; . : . 7 . grudging acknowledgm: August. The effect of these 0-8 1:3, Hav PRR MehPydseraperg to wear a disguise before his aeuuRAEDPS: gear. | Between June 1975 and June 7 ‘ toavoidevena PolicyrunsfromAugustto Mninehacinitmicdenientivrar 15 Aa DO ere anaes eae oars ih thecompletiondatealsometthe periodsisthatlocalauthority plete the project, he fails this disparity was attributed to “Source: RIBA Submision to Monopolies COmmisstorr Nay P97t6————————— NAM's tables: see Bullen’s letter. 4 TheArchiJoturnealc4tMasy1’977 “976 local authority employees were not “entitled to their annual increments on top of the £312 per annum which was the maximum increase allowed in the first year of the Social Contract’ because their pay award for that period was made in July 1975, before the Social Contract came into force. It follows that for the year in question normal negotiating procedures applied. The £312 per annum cost of living award under the first year of the Social Contract will be reflected in the next RIBA earnings survey, and itcan be expected that a closer correlation between the sectors will be shown, The 4 per cent or £4 & week second stage of the Social Contract will not be awarded to local authority employees until July of this year. When the results of the 1978 RIBA earn- ings survey are published the relative positions of the two sectors over the whole period should have balanced out. p691), but wish you to note that approximately one-third of the illustrating photographs related to ‘the only non-standard house’, and also accounted for half of the interior shots. These photographs demon- Strated, in most cases, major design features which are not attributable to Royston Summers, set within an adaptation which paid respect to the overall design idiom and constraints imposed by his system. The only departure from this discipline is also the only feature that your article attributes to “different architects’, namely the placing of three windows in what would other- wise have been a blank wall (photo 22), due to a good, practical requirement for change by the client when the building was well under way. Unfortunately, the Royston Summers approach did not permit a less inharmonious solution at that juncture. Jeffrey Mansfield continued the Vauxhall Bridge Road through another lens. is currently much 1@.. onapossiblestage3 workbegunbyRoyston was not to ‘chop a road through Petworth’s incomparable park’ but to tunnel under the park— this following an evaluation of over 20 alternative schemes, public meetings and even a referendum of the locals. Thecountysurveyor,Mr Harrison (not Hutchinson), actually commented that the one virtue of the postponement was that it would enable the dialogue on Petworth’s traffic problem to continue. The problem of Petworth is extremely difficult. Not only is it a town of great architectural and ~ historical interest but itisalso set in an outstanding landscape. Iconsider the council and its officers have acted and are acting in awery responsible Iwould hope the Architectural Press would act in an equally responsible manner. B. J. Seaman Chichester, Sussex Sorry about the Hutchinson error. The council did propose to chop a road through the park—though a short tunnel was to run in front of the house. Astragal = Credit for code From Bob Giles RIBA, chairman SAG Sir: item in your issue of 13 April (p675) with a picture of the nearly completed first phase. The photograph, which I guess to be taken with a wide-angle lens, gave the effect of an isolated building surrounded by largeareasoftarmac. This misses the whole concept of a building designed as a link between two differing urban scales, The high mass of the building fronts Vauxhall Bridge Road, safeguarded as an urban clearway for the GLC and with high buildings on its north side, and the rest of the building tapers down to match the domestic scale of the Victorian terraces to the south of Tachbrook Street. Similarly, the text could be misleading. As you know, many local authority architect’s departments have some kind of hierarchical structure and design teams containing several architects. In this context I feel it is difficult and possibly invidious to single out one individual to whom the design can be attributed. However, your news item contrasts with a similarly brief item on the next page of the same issue by not naming the job architect; instead itattributes the design to the person who was the group leader. As job architect, I of the Social Contract. Whatever happens, local authority employees will be forced to fund stage 3 inflation from a stage 2 increase in income. It is well known by trade unions that pay awards are held down prior to the entering of a formal period of Pay restraint, and that there is considerable advantage in having an annual pay review date at the beginning rather than the end of statutory periods. I believe that at the end of the period of Incomes Policy the public sector will be seen to have lost ground. Incremental scales of pay are inflexible and can be criticised on a number of grounds but they should not be blamed for discrepancies in earnings of cts in different sectors. FMcCarthy London WS Lakeside Drive designs From Michael Wilson RIBA Sir: I do not wish to deny credit to Royston Summers for his overall design scheme and commendable standard detailing system for Lakeside Drive (AJ 13.4.77 Summers for two years following his resignation from the commission, and handed it over to myself early in 1972 in close liaison—particularly with reference to the above-mentioned house which he had already designed in outline. The design work to this house, and to others requiring variation, was continued by myself and my former partner, Gerald Harvey. Michael Wilson London SES Petworth county line From B. F. Seaman RIBA, West Sussex county architect Sir: Astragal’s Petworth reprieve (AJ 13.4.77 p672) must get my nomination of the year for the most inaccurate and sensational piece of journalism. Anyone who knows Petworth will certainly support a plan by West Sussex County Council to divert heavy traffic from the narrow streets of the town and anyone in the area will certainly know that the dialogue between the county council, the National Trust and the local people has been going on for many years. The council’s plan Your otherwise excellent report | designed the overall layout of of the work of the RIBA the redevelopment for which Salaried Architects Group (AJ | planning permission was 30.3.77 p579) was marred by a misleading description of the group as ‘the leading force’ in the work of revising the Code of Professional Conduct. Although SAG was involved in the production of the final draft the present code is the culmination of nearly 10 years’ work by successive working groups under the direction of David Waterhouse, to whom just credit should be given. Bob Giles London W1 Vauxhall Bridge Road From H. A. P. Quince, architect Sir: Inoted with interest the news obtained, originated the design of the building illustrated and supervised itsdevelopment up to tender stage. H. A. P. Quince London SW17 Tax alternatives for practices incurring losses From K.$. Slade ATIT Sir: One reads ofa recession in the building and construction industry which indicates that some of your readers in private practice ontheirownaccountare suffering from a diminution of income which, in the more serious cases, means that the practicies incurring aloss. The Editor The Architect's Journal 9 Queen Anne's Gate London SWI 9BY Sir: enough patrons. The New Architecture Movement Central London Group 10 Percy Street London W | Tel: Of 580 2621 4 March 1976 [veus We welcome Hellman's letter arguing for more equitable forms of architectural practice. This contrasts with the findings of a report sponsored by the Association of Consultant Architects which con@ludes that the ilsof architecture are eaused by there being too manyarchitects. Amoresearchinganalysismighthaverevealedthattherearenot The fact that the present patrons of architecture are rich and powerful Individuals or organisationsIsreflectedInourarchitecture. Thepeoplewhoarenotpatronsof architecturecompriseover80%ofthepopulation. Theremedyforthiswillnotbe architectural. 1twillonlybeachievedwhensociety'svalueschange. A paper was given on this subject at the Harrogate Conference of the New Architecture Movement. One of Its conclusions was the need for a National Design Service. Since then the North London Group of NAM has been studying the practical implications of such a service, In conjunction with methods of achieving cooperative office structures. Any changes in existing practice must be set in the context of the need to expand resourcesInvestedinhousing,educationandhealth. Therecentexpenditurecutsseem torepresentanattempttoreducepermanentlysuchprovision. ForpeopleInclearance areas the question of redevelopment v. rehabilitation Is being replaced by the fear that they will never secure a decent home. The current direction of resources into non-resident controlled housing associations Is no substitute. Itmaybringworkandprofitstoprivatearchitectsandotherprofessional groups, but it is at the expense of working people. We believe that any new form of architectural service must include a formal mechanism of local control through which architects are accountable, not only to thelr clients, but tothosewhooreaffectedbythelrdesigns. Onlyinthiswaycancompetenceandquality of service be measured. Although we would encourage co-ownership In architects offices, it is clear that without local accountabllity such a development would merely extend professional elitism and allow a wider distribution of profits within the profession. The Editor The Architect's Journal 4 March 1976 In our opinion, the basis of a National Design Service already exists, albeit in a very Inadequate way, In the service provided by local government offices. At present access to local authority architects ts restricted to the spending committees whoselinktothepeopletheypurporttoserveIstenuous. ThearchitectsInvolvedare solelyresponsibletothesecommitteesandthenonlythroughthelrchiefofficer. This Is unsatisfactory, The New Architecture Movement will press for the principle of a national design service In the form of small scale collectively organised offices, coupled to local accountabllity and control. Our initial work will be sufficiently advanced for this to be the main subject of our next conference in London at the beginning of May. Yours faithfully David Roebuck and John Murray Central London Group New Architecture Movement 10 Percy Street London W |! i NAM CONGRESS TRADES UNION CENTRE 12,14, PICARDY PLACE, EDINBURGH: NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT SIXTH ANNUAL CONGRESS 7th,8th&9th november1980 TRADES UNION CENTRE ,EDINBURGH . This years congress takes place in a period of gathering gloom,unprecedented since the 1930's,for the economy as a whole as the country plunges further into recession, for the building industry in particular,as the government expenditure cuts begin to bite,and for those in, housing need as the government dismantles the mechanisms of public housing provision. This governments refusal to intervene in the economy or to modify its policies has pushed unemployment to over 24 million,and this figure is expected to grow.This year has seen a continuation of unprecedented attacks on the living standards of the mass of people in this country by denying access to decent housing ,decent health care, public services and jobs.The effects of this policy on the building industry is to make it unable to respond in an upturn of the economy. It is in this context that the New Architecture Movement Stages its sixth annual congress.The Majority the the weekend will be devoted to an examination of this deeping crisis,with a view to exploring constructive avenues of opposition.This is a major opportunity for those concerned and frustrated by the destructive impact of government policy to debate and initiate courses of action for an environment that is democratic and that does respond to the needs of the majority,not the few. Swuneren saunter e LOCATION: CHECK ACCOMPANYING MAP THE TRADE UNION CENTRE BUS STATION TRAIN STATION CALTON STUDIOS THE CAIRN HOTEL 8 THE OSBOURNE HOTEL THE ABERCRAIG HOTEL THE CARLTON HOTEL THE ALBANY HOTEL IN ADDITION TO THE LIST OF HOTELS THE ONES LISTED ABOVE HAVE BEEN GIVEN PRIORITY DUE TO THEIR NEARNESS TO THE CONGRESS VENUE.CRASH PAD FLOORS WILL BE AVAILABLE FOR A SMALL FEE TO COVER BREAKFAST, NAM oe CONGRESS 1980 TRANSPORT CHECK THE TRAIN TIMETABLES IN THE PACK. FOR LOCAL TRANSPORT TO THE CONGRESS SEE. e INDICATED TO MICK BROAD BY He FYENING OF 5TH NOV, TELEPHONE FORD (MID-LOTHIAN) 320564, NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT SIXTH CONGRESS 7TH, 8TH, 9THNOV TRADEUNTONCENTRE12-14,PLAPCE,IECDINABURGHD.EHY13JT TELEPHONE 031-556-3006, CRECHE A CRECHE WILL BE MADE AVAILABLE IF THEIR IS A PRIOR DEMAND FROM CONGRESS GO'ERS,SUCH A DEMAND MUST BE FOOD YOUR CONGRESS FEE INCLUDES MEALS AND WILL BE OBTAINED BY THE USE OF YOUR CONGRESS FooD VOUCHERS, ISSUED ON REGISTRATION PROBLEMS sEE MICK BROAD, KEN PEARCE OR BARRY SHAW, A That 5 ts \Meadowban natestshih een oe = oees s ?O> eaetee “ 5 y TM SAR R iJ ae = ieee {7 fi& Eh jos BS ae Uy Seu 5i it Se< he es — Ly i OSes sQy- =F ost Cors ER 1 \\\ q‘3 - er \ ees = Xs \ > Ch Baw SAW oEwef PSV Fi ae aN i ars ech. (or aaClear NAY ENie)(RN SUNDAY 9th WORKSHOPS DESCRIPTION Coffee'’Another day begins" NAM Annual General Meeting Coffee ARCHITECTURE, COMMUNITY & POLITICS. PROGRAMME FRIDAY 7th'nov 18.30-19.30 19.30-20.00 20.00-22.00 SATURDAY 8th 9.30-10.00 10.00-10.15 10.15-12.30 12.30-13.80 13.30-15.30 15.30-16.00 16.00-19.00 19.00-20.00 Registration Buffet supper/Bar opens Discussion and meeting ‘Political Economy of Tory Policy 'Decay ,Deskilling, Deindustrialisation,Destitution and Disaster.Guest speaker George Robertson M.P. Coffee'The day begins' Introduction to the Workshops WORKSHOPS : Lunch WORKSHOPS Tea Plenary session Supper Group meetings 20 .00- 9.30-10.00 10.00-11.30 11.30-12.00 12.00-13.30 The way forward 13.30-14.30 Lunch and farewells. WORKSHOP 3.COMMUNITY ACTION; democratic control of the environment;tenants federations; housing co-op's; community enterprise and alternative community; developments;design for the WORKSHOP 1,.WELFARE STATE; housing and social services; privitizaticn of housing;designing for the state;Public Design Service; accountability in the public sector; planning; transportation; power and energy WORKSHOP 2.BUILDING INDUSTRY; unemployment; craft skills; design and build;direct labour; unionisation; co-operatives; aJternative types of practice;building defects;training and education,ARCUKand professional issues;women in building. saving; (LH) - Licensed “otel Edinburgh Accommodation Register ' prepared July 1980 AREA 1. = Edinburrh Bast End AREA 2, = Edinburgh West Ena AREA %, - Edinburrh South Side (ULH)-~ Unlicenced Hotel sts WO vA2 (GF) - Guest House é 385 (Pri)- Private House B&B g 5838 : B ni ABERCRATG (LH) paon Ved (GU 2 Picardy Place 01,69 EHL ZT or6257 Uhee Som. OF Ss eos OG CSHDMTX z 3/5 Forth Strect 1616 EH10 4JS |ge (GE) 55671h—ye 0397 a eiiGeniasGoniGeno 18.00 25.80 CSHIMTCc | 9 Albany Street | EHl 30Y or0298 (LH) §556, 111 36 2 49 CAIRN 10/18 Windsor Street 2807 EH? SIR CLIFTON (UL) DOG) 13 Hopetoun Crescent 1180 EH7 hAY COLROY 7? Hopetoun EA? LAY EOPETOUN 8 Hopetoun Crescent EH? LAY HALCYON (ULH) 8 Royal Terrace FE? 5AB GREENSIDE (ULF) 5. 8.00 8.00 14.50 17.50 CIMTCcxX Royal Terrace PH? SAB DD Leah Ie) 0022 1s]ab ane 90) 8.51 13.80 17.02 CHT 21 Royal Terrace EH7 SAH BELMONT 1O/11 Calton Terrace ER7 SDD (ULH) Crescent P20 ea) 6469) (ULE) hls eal ec ei Sh 5001 SeecoebeeelOs00n2400CIMTCex me rete este so Beg = 23533 -= seats Chg Clee) OSROURNE (LH)DOOtLieLUGyee7ORSOliDa24.00o/a 52/59 York Place 5746 EH14JD oresh5 VICTORTA (ULE) 556i eb EL Seely GCHEDMTCc el GON aye 50 9-20 14.95 GCSIMCcX te e ieee cules Siete 75 9.50 pe oldest 4e50 4.50 9.00 9.00 9.50 CDMTCcx DO) eG Gen eal Gila GeOO 6.50 127500) 22.00 CSHTCcX 1033 ARDEN (LH)56)aseOGIESPCHOeLeleOSTaelGelo21.85CHWEDMTCc 18/20 Royal Terrace 8688 EB? 5AQ LOCHEWE (LH) DDG)plasG 6749 maou Ace aG) 9-26 18.40 18.40 CSEMCc : (LE). 56) DG lei 6116 Ge al 6.50 8.62 13.00 16.10 CDTCc cHTcc REGENT TERRACE (ULH) OSG Set Si § Regent Terrace 2578 EH7 SBN ALEXANDER (ULE) 261) even 2l Spring Gardens LES? ate layne 5-00 8.00 10.00 16.00 EH8 85U NORTHESK PRIVATE(ULH) Bou a WOR 23&48 Pilrig¢g Street 4205 EH6 SAN BALFOUR HOUSE (LH) SSR Nee IG) Gal ee zalo 5-00 7.00 10.00 14.00 GCSHMTCcxX 92 Pilrig Street EH§ SAY 2106 . came 5-50 ofa 10.00 ofa ; Sie, Ww fs) AS 6.90 10.40 CGSDx 11.50 GCSHMTCcxX GCSIMCcX New Architecture Movement ARKLE “CL5) ki Coates Gardens 11 EH12 SLY ARGUS 14 Coates Gardens Eml2 SLB BERESFORD 22 Coates Gardens (LH) 10 6.50io50 6275 1 BOTSDALE 9 Coates Gardens BH1? SLG (LH) 5m to 6121 (LH) 337.2 1134 (ULH) 237 1045 15.00CSHWDMTCcx ofa 0.00 o/a CSDTCcX BUCHAN 2 Coates EH12 SLG Gardens 8.00 8.00 12.00 PIRIES ke& Coates Gardens (LF) 337 2 1108 17.00 CSWDMTCc EGLINTON (LH) 15.00 GCSH _ _ 4.50 o/a pala 4 hy50 1116 55, 4.50 5-50 3327 =O) 9-70 5) 6.00 10.00 ofa EF 10.00 11.00 GCTVCcx 6 -00 Mre§SPEPREN (GF) 55h 1 4.50 "Craigard" 82 Pilrig 7528 Snes Bue SAS 10.00 9.00 2.50 "C1;siren 68 Pilrig 5M Meeee N (PrH.) 554 1 P500 Street EXE SAS (Pra) 5! a L.50 5-008.009.00 11Site5250)€00 11,0012,00€SPTCc 5.00 13.00 12,00 CSDMCc 15.00 CD&c w all THAM & CCH) >> aemen EEDDEN. »"Glenburn"'9318 >> Pil rig Street EH6 5Ad Mrs M.DAVIDSON, "Rigville" Street EH6 5AH Mrs N FERGUSON (GH) "Balquhidder" o4 Pilrig Street (GH) 1 Pilri¢ SAY 6 A NESS"Alness'""(GH) 554 1 27Pinte Street BHE 5 1187 (C0) SG7b al "Barrosa" 2] Pilrig 3700 Mrs %fe eeamet Street EHE 5AN MrsMROSSpepo Ge2)55ie ; h€ Pilrig Street EH6 SAL Mr W SKIVINGTON 6605 (GE) 554 1 “iaranathal 90 Pilrig 2106 ~ . nN nD AS] 1 sn H mt se OY 8 8Oe 26/20 Eplinton Cres. D. CHEFTHAM & (GH) 554 SEEDDEN ,"Glenburn'9818 Pilrig Street > 5AT 5 M »DAVIDSON, (GH) 554 lettiSee 1116 NESS"AIIness"(GH) 554 1 - 4.50 - 4.50 a 4.50 ofa Oat: 9.00 10,00 9.00 11.00 GCTVCcx Pilrig Street , aes M PRETTY sal Oe eirsey a0! Street BHE SAN VINGTON (GE) 554 a! 90pilrig 2106 so 1, (GE) Ssh ipard" Ro Pilrig 7528 i 4 4 a k . 50 10.00 GCSDX DEW OmmeGGSDX 12.00 , rn (Pru.)55h1 Cla ymo re! &8 Pilrig 2500 )10.00 11.00 GCSHDMTCc 900 9.00) CD) 12.00 CSPTCc 15.00 CD€c 12,00 CSIMCc 15. O0CSHW DMTCcx ofa CSD?'CcX 17.00 CSWDMTCc 15.00 GCSHDM> <2. Street EH 54S an EH) eb oly 5.00 €.00 UO Pil Lri¢ St. ARKLE ue Coate: s Gardens LLy coarer e Gardens Efl2 5LB BERESFORD ites Gardens BOTS DALE 9 Cones Gardens BHI? SLG BUCHAN 7,Coates Gardens EH12 5LG PIRIES he& Coates Gardens - 6.62 az Mal | Syvolo EH6 SAY Bec H) (GH) 55L (LH) 337 6159 (LH) 337 6121 (LE) 337 1134 (ULH) 237 1045 (GE)F 337 1108 10 1187 1 9.70 ) 10,00 = 5.50 ofa 8.00 8.00 Va Uae G0) ele. OO) 10 5 5-00 Ce ew20 8) theSO) 11 8 5.50 NM ma a) - 0 nN JT EGLINTON (LH) 337 20 Belinton Cres. P61 POPA o-eber, y Cres. 2602 ith Rd i4/16 archhol1 Cres.27h% (ULE) 6F7 22 Gl enorchy Ter, 5708 9 2] Mr“I FlEMING Mayville 5Minto St 1 7 1RG KEYPLAN FI TLETS (GH) 467 = 21 Causewayside 7500 | ofa denotes vrice on annl SERVICES G Pri Cc Cchadren S Reduced EH Central Heatine +t} W Suit le for the D by erranrement M (Cther Meals hooked ThroueUlrn tss (aeH) 229 el one FE? Soog 2ZIC® (LH) 667 9 zo: > GCSHDee GCSHDCc GCIMTCc -00 CHMX 00 GCHIMTCe 12.00 GCHTVNCc i for oré67- (LE)|667— (GH), 667 6107 for younr child ~ Ww yw ~) TM us VU N WN 1 vate senees, or Privete Parking D Dogs acc-nted Wire-=- 1? Edinb ae TRAVEL INFORMATTON e } Friday; Sundays 16.15 17.15 17.15 18.25 18225 change at York 19.56 change at Doncaster 21.16 Cardiff 09.42 Bristol Edinburgh eS 15. 33 20.40 Change at Birminrcham 18.45 18.45 22k? 22 2 05.31 (with sleeper) 05.31 Edinburgh Wo AS Bristol no food eae! Cardiff etl 23.40 235.40 changes Rristol TMeads (with sleener) 08.11 ch. Newcastle 20.56 21.59 change at York CARDIFF/PRISTOL -— EDINBURGH : 22.47 Cneé e ¢€ e 2nna Hane sal Cheltenham 705% a ae Zz .arrive 17.10 by ch. Bir 11.46 " " uw Change at Brisiol Parkway 16.08 P1.30 (with sleeper) 02.22" (with sleeper) ch. Bristol Park.9.05 NOTE, Minibus € Edinburgh Bitrapiesy 15.15 16.15 Kings Cross 19635 ms NAMé Fricays Kings Cross - Ecinburreh 23-55 Sat. 01.00 Sundays Friday Sundays 13.00 14.00 15.00 1£.00 17.00 18.00 18.0% 24.15 (with sleeper) (wit sleeper) (with slecper) 06.40 06.51 09.2% Sat. Sat, Sat BN 1G) LONDON < EDIN®U RGH ; : SFEFFIFILD/LEEDS - EDINBURGE Sheffield Leeds Edinburgh 13.18 17.53 change at York 13.20 DS 17.47 Edi nburgt 21.58 17.59 21.58 Change at Newcastle change at Newcastle 18.44 19.58 20.46 = “East Coast 21.58 22,58 Friday Trave Recommended book seats 20.25 21.22 2P.12 Not recommended Leeds Sheffield 4Cockburn Square phone: Ford -320564 Pathhead Midlothian 031-557-2403 two weeks in advance * + € to 9 pence per mile + seater £13 to £15.20 per day 17 seater £16 +9Dpper mile +VaT New Architecture Movement J TRAVEL INFORMATION RAIL Friday € Sunday sleeper) ) Liverpool cchance at Preston nofood nofood BI RM INGHAM/MANCHFSTER/LIVERPOOL 12.05 DAW UNG Edinburgh free 17.15 12.08 18,08 witch after: Carstairs 22.31 22,01 chanre Preston 12.50 ch. Wigan 17.10 12. L° witch after Preston 20.14 16.16 P0.1k chanme Preston 18.42 dj ch, Wigan 1: 17 seater £16 per day seater £14 ton a Dia New Architecture "4 RL arenamponBR. eee Sy ied OG phone: Ford -320564 031-557-2403 re Pathhead Mildioth!: + NAM CONGRESS 1980 2 ‘For the sixth time radicals and activists involved in the built environment will meet to discuss and exchange {deas, Provoking plans of action for the coming year,using NAM as the springboard for activity. These last 18months of monetrist Policies have decimated the building industry,we must build aNew Architecture Movement with a loud voice, that can unite users,producers and designers to challange the assumptions and ambitions of the dominant class, CONGRESS FEES(including meals) &8 .00p We/] woUld like to attend the1980 NAM Congress and enclose PO/cheque made payable to New Architecture Movement,sent to 9,Poland Street,London,W1. “The sixth NAM Congress is to be held in Edinburgh over the weekend 7th,8th and 9th november:iat the Edinburgh Trades Union Centre, conveniently located in the middle of the city, In the last 5 years since the founding Congress at-Harrogate NAM has done much to challange the status quo in the design professions;campaigning for structural changes through ARCUK launching TASS/BDS the union for Private sector design staff Gnd encouragingthe NAM Feminists,Public Design Services, AlternativeMethodsofPraSclate,iEcduecat,ionandDesign Theory, No of places unwaged sat only unwaged &5,.00p_ &5,.00p7 &@3,00p No of people requiring transportation Depending on the response and accessability to NAM centres of activity various types Of. powered transport will be arranged, Name Address Acconmodation required HOTEL yes/no CRASH PAD | yes/no ; Street © LEdrly_bookiwnilgl save the congress committee alot of energy] tS ATOM MOI At TM CTPCCT tanmeat us | 47zji VLU W OPMECI LUAU AL Dear “i 6th NAM Annual Congress EdinburghoS / 6,’7,8, November 1980 Congress time is fast approaching again... We are concerned that a rigid group orientated workshop structure, common to all previous congresses may not best suit NAM at this time. Given that NAM remains in some respects at a crossroads, less than two If it is te prove constructive it that all interested parties be consulted in the formulation of a suitable programme. To this Ken's house, 127 Fairbridge hkoad, at 2.30pm, and we would call me (home- 249 0020, work- (272 0580) if you have any queries, = a) oe Sayy_ aH (for NAM Liaison Group) days is remarkably little time. would seem advantageous end we propose a meeting at N19, on Saturday 11 October be glad if you could come. 405 3411 ext135) or Ken Pleas protests, problems, etc. Vt ADCLITECTHOO NOVCPCNT Now npriTreenior “th 1 Puy hI TECTURE VEL ENT NeW ARCHI PEC TUNE PUVEDE Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Architects Journal Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978, 1977, 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/08a2b26de39f293c97bbeefabbf30da7.pdf da6af44da53bf9f5d1003534f83997cf Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Harrogate Founding Congress Subject The topic of the resource The Harrogate Congress was the founding of NAM. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 21-23 November 1975 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ken Thorpe Presentation Subject The topic of the resource Ken Thorpe's presentation to the 1st NAM Congress at Harrogate Description An account of the resource HARROGATE CONGRESS, NOVEMBER 1975 ALLAN, John 67 Romilly Road, London N 4 ANGUS, David Architectural Association, Bedford Square, London ANSON, Brian 16 Claremont Gardens, Surbiton, Surrey BEAVAN, P J 18a Melbury Road, London.. W 14 BROWNING, John 36 Elm Grove, Hornsey, London N 8 BURRELL, Andy, Architectural Association, Bedford Square, London DELANEY, Anne Geulan Felen, Pentre Court, Llandysul, Dyfed FARMERY, David Beech Lodge, Beech Lane, Woodcote, Reading RG8 OPX FILEMAN, Brian Architectural Association, Bedford Square, London FINEBERG, Barry 82 Antrim Road, London NW3 FLEURY, Clive Building Design GIMSON, Mark Architectural AssOciation, Bedford Square, London HAGNESS, Einar Edinburgh College of Art, Edinburgh HARIVEL le, John P 9 Fullerton Crescent, Troon KA10 6LL Ayrshire HEDIN, Jennifer Edinburgh College of Art, Edinburgh JARRETT, Margaret Architectural association, Bedford Square London JOHNSON, Peter 3 Moore Street, London SW3 LEACH, Wilf 69 Davy Street Dean Bank, Ferry Hill, County Durham LERWILL Ken 49 York Road, Teddington, Middlesex LYNDON, Peter Architectural Association, Bedford Square, London LITTLE, Stephen 36 Whitechapel Street, Didsbury, Manchester LUCKING, Dick Canterbury College of Art, Canterbury McINTYRE, Bill Architectural Association Bedford Square, London MANN, E Building Magazine, 51 Beech Ave, Whitley Bay NE26 1DZ MOLONEY, Peter Architectural Association, Bedford Squgre, London MILLS, George 60 Beech Street, Paddock, Tuddersfield MILLS, Rosie 60 Beech Street, Paddock, Huddersfield MURRAY, John 5 Shilton Avenue, London N 6 MURRAY, Mrs J 5 Shilton Avenue, London N 6 PEBODY, Giles 17 The Mansions, 33 Mill Lane, London NW6 POWELL, Nigel 43a Woodhouse Lane, Leeds 2 PURSER, Adam 50 Bargate Road, Belper, Derbyshire DE5 1NF RIDDEL, T Renton Howard Wood Levin Ptnrs. 22 Little Portland St London W1N 5AP ROBERTS, Marian 37 Greenham Road, London N 10 ROEBUCK, David 0/0 9 Glyn Mansions, :7ammersuith Road, London W 14 SLOTE, Jon Miami Exchange Student, Architectural Association SOMERWELL, David Dept of Arch, Edinburgh College of Art, Edinburgh STEWART, Lachlan Dept of Arch, Edinburgh College of Art, Edinburgh TAYLOR, David Architectural Association, Bedford Square, London Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ken Thorpe Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 22.11.75 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/59fe7299ad1f94f55513a53ba33092c9.pdf 82afade476dd9ab8a61903b1b091eeb4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brian Anson/ARC pre and post Harrogate Subject The topic of the resource Various documents describing ARC ideas and activities See below Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARC Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975-1976 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Start the New Architectural Movement Subject The topic of the resource 2 sided Flyer. Start the New Architectural Movement. Description An account of the resource ¢c£Ia Tn i nteoceebeona functionsoraotaticind.Stopsupportinga. 2°‘ Commence spiesmllge gave se cities, offices, colleges er ee les eae to uw 3 Fooegocanaycomittmtehenrttotsheeit and weee Souren Savi sonnen OtTnnoGtE screwing it for all itRiceeecen Come together and begin to organize a system of z design education which we can implement through Bay golgtecuni cep ste cesses tthe reeee universities, and polytechn to plac the present archaic Work ‘for auakmentien wes in a national Sonvention aueCCeCbeny teae tone eee eett en Ene ene ng i We see the establishment of these as paramount if we are going to have aworthwhile « neanen tes The present ,for the reasons stated,is incapable of the radical change ‘neccessary to ressurect architecture from its oe eeaeSao Councilisescalatingits activities to bring about the radical changes it envisages. We need committed people to make the architecturel revolution.Ifyourequirefurtherinformoraatssisotance oeetieoerganization,contact the following people at the ARC > ) 2843 JO OBNQe aN3 mo" *<tpucooS Donoeesaes,ewte%TaTSoSUT‘MoUSTTTa go} rx oe 9 46U U3 Gpauvacy pua zOz Supy1om ooumuso0o puu agouetoouoo azouy ie a03ouyow youn uoye o = |~- OB138qYPuaB,oBo tastrond per ge Mma mary SSHCHUAONTBT 0} guoT t x 4 83Gon ood mane | weanoge’sitecan soto | doony 30 L942. u obsFuosYsonar © nayep , 9u3 UNI Ta pua wewaguanasp HOO3 ; Om 2042 ‘osunod uoTZ00 ArUmZad ao oF JESTISAQ Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARC Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/59bb91c0ca54de8a9ed7ed4611ec55c2.pdf 3d147a9fdcb9455b42e2c2b531a118e2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Highbury Hopes Subject The topic of the resource A contribution to Islington Borough Plan by Highbury Plan Group (chair John Allan) Description An account of the resource A CONTRIBUTION TO ISLINGTON BOROUGH PLAN BY THE HIGHBURY PLAN GROUP cAcleek! ns ee aoe AacQlk Ss, cee :=a SS Orca OV oeQ ¢ Miele ai uw Vousi: Carer’ “ TeaeLsore aptGoesPlQ,.Ce Geecats Orr Hw thresh Ce Wentay Veen On a Cac PolipOeOSG SenteWOON|Ofte A Ang & 4G ups Ole ae Ree Pre a frertink & & Abbr. CREANlotrel ts.foun BEN Bell; / L200 ,a& CAO Br 9 AAG, ikAe — ThyOven. EO DA uk&yeuneAO 7 AOGnolaefeNSUCWOOe W&Sh.& Connsctni, fate. A hor” el a ADP, Crore, Le ch7le BO5Q,, Are ROKR AcarlOte Ur Andantino Nau a4 7 Prsfemsrok 4 PoxRepoOE)OEBececeAee Ochs, a @ (drfrraun.al Cerarearea.(7!)Qe Flog A, oe GO C@@Aava Prynin HAg ek Crk, plesGsCESnDPsenagers Pua hint. =Ca a ANR f Wo AL Oo uw & LONG A)ph& Ru A020 OCR ACD, EUROS(QUE ES ep. ; : Pi Cxas 3 Chew Bak oe Ai J COLL b y Can AQ Goul@ vy Zassyal NDI RO Ley) 718 Ay 2 \Pxs S Qe HR ARE BD overt ee i ay wy) Ose hing, Xo Occ G R064,aoGN sQaAxpLa5 —————EE HIGHBURY HOPES Proposals For Progress A contribution to the Islington Borough Plan by the Highbury Plan Group. June 1977 SEER HIGHBURY HOPES : PROPOSALS FOR PROGRESS A contribution to the Islington Plan by The Highbury Plan Group. ONE: TWO: 2.1 2. THREE: Sind 3.2 FOUR: 4.1 -2 PART FIVE: Letter of Submission to The Borough Planning Officer. Introduction How this Report came to be written; and why. A pennyworth of participation; Highbury's first impressions. Summary of Aims and Means Aims: Main Conclusion and Proposals. Means: Journey to the Unknown. Main Report What is Highbury like now? Housing in Highbury. The Disadvantaged. Transportation in Highbury. Shopping in Highbury. Schools in Highbury. The Environment in Highbury. Appendix I : List of groups and numbers who participated in Highbury District Meetings. Appendix II: Map of the Highbury Plan Area. K.G. Blythe, Esq., The Borough Planning Officer, London Borough of Islington, Plan Department, 227 - 229 Essex Road, London N1 3PW Dear Sir, Islington Plan, Highbury District Meetings As Chairman of the~Highbury Plan Group I have pleasure in enclosing a copy of our report: "Highbury Hopes ....proposals for progress." In so doing we trust we have brought the initial discussion Stage of the participation exercise to a fair conclusion, and hope that the report may contribute usefully to the Borough Plan as a whole. I should like to emphasise that the work of preparing "Highbury Hopes" has been undertaken by numerous individuals and sub- groups, and so, within the limits indicated in Appendix I, can claim to be at least reasonably representative of the area. You should also note that although this formal submission is to the Borough Planning Officer, the Report will be circulated widely among Councillors, the local press and other interested parties. We regard this submission as only a beginning, and renew our challenge to the Council as a whole to trust its nerve and proceed from these hesitant first steps towards a state of real popular participation. Yours faithfully, \ASARS John S. Allan Chairman, Highbury Plan G: Pp The Highbury Plan Group, 220 Blackstock Road, Islington, London N4. 29th June 1977 Te . ere ‘ | ee HIGHBURY HOP! INTRODUCTIO! How Report came to be written, and why The effect on our Group, when early in 1976 the Chairman of Planning Committee announced the need for our extinction, was to continue our task, and attempt, so far as possible, to bring the business of the first phase to some honourable conclusion. We have more to say later on sharing information, but one of the factors contributing Significantly to our understanding of Highbury was the Highbury District Study - a long report prepared by the Planning Department in the early 1970's but shelved before any action was taken. |E In setting about this task the Council decided the only valid method was to proceed in close conjunction with the people of Islington. The Highbury Plan Group (H.P.G.) is one of the groups that came into being inthis way. With the exception of the H.P.G. all the Area Meetings folded up after the second or third occasion. Some only lasted one meeting. In mid 1975 Islington Council embarked on the ambitious Scheme of formulating the Borough Plan. This was to be a coherent strategy for development over the next ten years. The Highbury Plan Group elected its own Chairman and Secretary at the second meeting and carried on for over a year. We had a dozen or so full meetings, with further smaller discussions continuing thereafter between those involved in finalising this Report. Participation with the public was to take several forms: the production of Fact Packs to raise the level of knowledge; Survey Questionnaires to canvassviews in selected areas; the use of "Focus", the Council newspaper, as a questionnaire; and the arrangement of District Meetings to d uss the issues at greater length with groups in the Community. The Borough was divided for this purpose into seven areas. Despite our earnest belief to the contrary, it presently became clear that the Council had already decided how much participation would take place and how long it would last. = The data in this document, which was kindly made available for our studies, has enabled this Report to be geared more specifically to Highbury than would have been possible by Simply referring to the Fact Packs. Statistics, unless otherwise Stated, have generally been taken from this study. This Departmental study, plus the results of the group's discussions over its period of meeting, plus various other data emerging from the Plan exercise generally, make up the background of this present Report It is again emphasised that the work — particularly that of analysing the Highbury District Study - was shared by many people. Lastly, this Report does not represent the only fruits of the Highbury Plan Group. (The real benefit, probably unquantifiable, is the raised consciousness and increased contact of those taking part.) However, when the Council announced its withdrawal of Officers from our discussions and also of help in arranging our meeting places - it became clear that we were ourselves ‘homeless’ and had better find our own place. This partly accounts for the uneven coverage of different topics, and the fact that some issues, which are given 'ChoicesPapers' in the Council's second stage are not given separate sections here. Thus, while “Highbury Hopes" will supplement the Choices Papers Response, we trust it will also make a contribution of a different order. Membe: of the Highbury Plan Group along with people from various other local associations became involved in the struggle to retain the modest but pleasing terrace of Georgian houses in Blackstock Road threatened with C.P.O. and demolition. One of these, number 220, is now our base, and we have endeavoured to promote its use as an 'Environment Shop' such as we propose in Part 3.2.4, by mounting maps of the area and details of possible changes, etc. All are welcome to visit ttre 2 2.5 A Pennyworth of Participation: Highbury's first impressions. The question thus arises - if officer activity is inadequately monitored by those whose seats depend on it - who is to be held accountable? ; Participation about power. Sharing information is sharing pov - A council that embarks on such a programme unaware of its implications, does so at its peril. Put simply, the need for participation grows out of two main factors. Firstly the desire of Councils to procure a real mandate for their policies. With the increasing volume and complexity of particularly Metropolitan Councils' affairs it has become clear that a twice per decade crossed ballot paper is a quite inadequate level of involvement of people in their local government. The need for participation originates at the ‘front entrance’ of the Town Hall - from the desire, more or less mutual, of electors and elected to keep closer to each other. Despite all the flag-waving and breast-beating of the last 10 years,participation - that is real power sharing - in environmental politics has hardly begun. It seems that if real progress is not achieved soon the game will turn sour; Councils (like Islington) will wonder 'what else to do', and the people (the supposed beneficiaries of the whole exercise) will return to resentful acquiescence, their initial Scepticism confirmed. Secondly there is a growing awareness among people themselves that the Council - whether of their own party or not cannot reliably be left to get on with its 'own' business. Many have discovered this the hard way - by being displaced from their homes, or unable to find adequate schooling for their children, or if elderly, unable to meet others of their age for any social contact etc., etc. The majority of disaffected ratepayers simply read the papers and keep their eyes open — and witness all manner of financial blunders presided over by the Council, and paid for by themselves. The main business of participation however must take place through the 'rear entrance' of the Town Hall — where the officers come in. For it is precisely the size, the statutory powers and the technical sophistication of centralized planning departments which has created the sort of officer autonomy that so reduces the capacity for effective member scrutiny and control. The answer is that only by much closer liaison between local people and the Council's officers can the gap be bridged. It follows that for this process to actually cut ice - the results must be different from the outcome if no participation took place. Hence the danger of embarking frivolously on the participation bandwagon. Working people have learnt their history too well to lose their instinctive suspicion for the 'benign' council officer, and if, so soon after the "new beginning", groups of genuine if disorientated participants are informed that they are becoming over-diligent the old crust of cynical disinterest is quick to reset The residual question that the Council - members and officers - must ask itself is: Are the consequences of real participation - a journey to the unknown - more to be feared than the cumulative consequences of denying it? The question is now squarely on Islington's Agenda - and the time for answering it is running out. oe sea HIGHBURY HOPES PART THREE SUMMARY OF AIMS & MEANS 3.1 Aims: Main Conclusions and Propos In the H.P.G. Chairman's interim report to the Council of 7th January 1976 appeared the words - “in planning, more than in any other discipline, the goals one sets are in the event transformed or reinforced by the methods used to achieve them." To practise what we preached, this section is arranged in two parts: the first summarizes those opinions we have gathered which, in effect, form our current aims. The second part, recognizing the way in which these will change, either in outline or detail over a period of time, Suggests methods of continuing the participation process to monitor whether we are still on target - and enable us to change direction if necessary. Highbury is an established area which does not need large scale change. It consists of a number of geographical 'cells' or villages which have their own communities, and would lend themselves to individual tailor-made improvements. Theoretically there are more families than homes for them but in fact if all the empty houses were filled and the derelict land, especially railway land, exploited, the problem would almost vanish. Large scale redevelopment in Highbury is unnecessary and irrelevant. Forms of housing and types of tenure should be becoming more, not less, diverse. The more monolithic the housing stock the greater the problem of "exceptions' - and diversity is the essence of successful housing policy. The Council should not confuse their obligation to progress towards a well-housed population with the desire to supervise the whole operation. The most needed (and feasible) immediate action is on empty houses, most of which are publicly owned. There should be as much variety of control of this housing as possible, while council tenants, who wish to do so, should be encouraged to manage their own estates. A major drive to stimulate 'self-help' by private landlords is urgently needed to provide basic amenities in otherwise structurally sound properties. Two age groups, the under 5's and the elderly are getting a bad deal - both in overall terms and in comparison to the rest of the Borough. Highbury's claim for priority treatment is reinforced by the population structure. The right places for social services are centres in the local community which can involve both the Council and local organisations. There is no other effective way to find and help the people who really need help. Too many commuters pass through or park in residential streets. The answer is not to widen the main roads as car numberswill expand to fill the available space. Intelligent inh iting of private car movement must be coordinated with improved public transport services. The Blackstock Road accident blackspot could be eliminated cheaply within weeks by adopting our proposals. Since only one-third of Highbury residents aré car owners, greater emphas must be placed on pedestrian safety, a greater proportion of Highbury traffic comprising "strangers' to the district. The patronizing belief held by architects and planners, that other mortals only use their eyes for steering, must be debunked, and the Council meet its obligations to maintain the dignity and cleanliness of public areas. Outside the well publicized Conservation Areas the Council Should develop small derelict areas as gardens and sitting Out spaces. Highbury has a rich variety of small shops which planners must resist the temptation to "tidy away". With careful help and encouragement this shopping structure Suits very well the predominantly pedestrian and/or elderly shopper. Grandiose centres such as Wood Green would benefit only those who can use Wood Green already. Rather the 'High Street’ character of Blackstock Road and Highbury Barn should be reinforced by partial pedestrianization. There are plenty of schools in Highbury but they are inadequately used outside school hours. It would make more sense to bring this spare capacity into constructive use, than devote scarce resources to new building projects. The decline in overall pupil numbers should be used as an opportunity to reduce average class sizes and improve facilities. The immediate target should be maximum class size: 30 and two form entry. Even when this is achieved it will not necessarily be time to close down schools on the basis of dubious ILEA forecasts. More generally we need trees especially in North Highbury. Hundreds of 'em. Lastly, the Highbury Plan Group is disappointed with the recent designation of Housing Action Areas. Firstly the Group were denied any knowledge of the forthcoming prog- ramme - despite the obvious relevance this would have had to our discussions. Secondly the Finsbury Park Triangle HAA, one of the key areas in Highbury, was rightly desig- nated top priority but then demoted to last in the "adjusted" list apparently to avoid some official embarrassment. MEANS, JOURNEY TO THE UNKNOWN 3.2 It is not possible to know in detail either the future requirements of specific areas of the resources available to meet them. The most ambitious plans may look foolish at a stroke, if the Arab Emirates change the price of Galil, After deciding broadly what matters and what doesn't, we must set up procedures whereby specific policies can be formulated as part of an ongoing process. Planning departments should decant into local branch offices — ngt unlike Social Services Area Teams - where teams of about 5 officers can work directly with area groups. This would help to lessen the impenetrable ‘them'/'us' image foremost in people's mind when they think of planners. Planners and other servicing departments for their part would begin to work with people instead of data. If officers however fail to meet their direct obligations to communities, this decanting will simply be regarded as a more effective form of spying. Standing Advisory Committees of teachers and governers, parents and children, and ILEA officers should be encouraged to establish regular programmes of consultation to establish schooling priorities in detail Active encouragement must be given to form Committees of residents to liaise with the Council's area teams. Half- hearted attempts to do so have tended to make some existing community groups cynical and suspicious. Street Committees should be formed similar to HAA Joint Advisory Committees before any work is contemplated in a specific area. Raising people's expectations and planning knowledge could be assisted by setting up neighbourhood ‘Environment Shops' where local planning matters and proposals may be Studied and discussed. This might be combined with 3.2.1 so long as these centres did not just become branch offices of the Planning Department. 220 Blackstock Road, the rehabilitation of which has been undertaken by several groups and individuals (including members of the Highbury Plan Group) is a first step in this direction. Associations of shop owners and traders should be convened to formulate shopping street policies, and benefit from the effects of strength in numbers. Most of Highbury's shops are in distinct concentrations. We support the idea of an Industrial Aid Bureau to liaise between the Council and the local business community. To be successful however people must know of its existence and how it can help them. afey 5 a 5 % “ fet Ina continuing period of economic stringency, which allows politicians to defer their dreams and hence their bilities, short-term solutions have a vital role. wa Sure such as the Job Creation Programme , correctly used, can tackle several problems simultaneously. combats the type of unemp and also suits some of the immediate tasks we have proposed in connection with environmental improvements, etc. These proposals all aim to give identity and structure to groups of people that already exist but have no incentive to meet because the Council holds out little encouragement and its officers defend their own knowledge. If real participation ever develops the Council must bite the bullet and realise that they will be unable to completely control it. While parti ipation remains manageable by the Council it Can never become real ® HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR MAIN REPORT What is Highbury like now? Highbury, like most of central London, has experienced a loss of population over the last decade, but at half the rate of Islington as a whole. There were 340 thousand living in Highbury in 1891, and by 1981 there are expected to be 32 thousand - roughly the same as in 1828. These astounding statistics have been a major influence on Highbury. The major features of Highbury are: a) Highbury Fields: a splendid urban park surrounded by fine terraces and providing much needed recreation facilities. Other green spaces include Highbury New Park and Newington Green, both of which are designated conservation areas. Finsbury Park Station: an important transport interchange with bus, rail and tube facilities used by a population much larger and more dispersed than Highbury's. Arsenal Football Stadium. A club of national importance, again attracting many thousands of "outsiders' and imposing occasional irritation to nearby residents, but benefittinglocal trade. Blackstock Road/Highbury Park: from Finsbury Park to the Barn is Highbury's local High Street offering an excellent range of shops - and, with its turns and gradients, having a definite character and identity. There is one principal zoned area of industry - namely Queensland Road and Ashburton Grove, which also includes the major Borough Cleansing Department establishment. This area merges with the vast acreage of railway land - a significant proportion of which is probably underexploited. |f | In this section we look at the ex sting tuation in Highbury in general terms, before studying particular topics in more depth. The Group accepted the Planning Department's boundaries of the area. These are, ofcourse, to an extent arbitrary but may be defined as the district enclosed by the Kings Cross and North London railway lines on the west and th, Holloway Road on the south west and the Hackney / Islington boundary on the north east; an area of approx— imately 300 acres. P ‘ a Structure and character : the area is a patchwork of smaller segments - distinct urban villages — some with outstanding architectural qualities, like the Fields, but otherwise mainly consistent and comfortable What a few years ago would have been viewed in disfavour — namely the absence of much comprehensive redevelopment - may now be counted as a blessing. The predominant land use is residential with minor industry well absorbed into the general grain. o we Physically the most obvious differentiation is between the southern sector with its mature trees and greenery and the "Finsbury Park triangle" area which could well have the lowest tree count of any area in Inner London. e Most of the housing stock is Structurally sound, or easily made so, but in many cases lacking in what are now classed as basic amenities. The rate of decline of Highbury's population being half that for Islington generally has resulted in our area having an increasing share of the Borough's population. This is distributed relatively more in the very young (under 5's) and 30 - 35 age group. One-fifth of Highbury's population are children of school or pre-school age. Two-thirds are of working age (of which four-fifths actually have a job) and less than a fifth are retired. The national trend towards more and smaller households is reflected in Highbury, but the presence here of more than the average number of children, young adults and large families means that provision for the young is particularly necessary. The socio-economic pattern shows a relative rise in more affluent (e.g. professional or employer) groups against a reduction in services and unskilled labour. These trends are more exaggerated in Highbury than the Borough as a whole, and are doubtless the result of inward migration rather than mass upward social mobility. Eighty per cent of Highbury residents (1971 figure) are British born. 13 per cent are of Commonwealth origin and 7 per cent from elsewhere. This mix is average for the Borough, which is generally becoming more cosmopolitan, but shows that many immigrants are second generation or older. In 1971 it was estimated that one-fifth of the total housing stock in Highbury was either derelict or vacant. If the Council truly wished to dent the housing problem in Highbury it need look no further than this. Of the other various options open to the Council (or the G.L.C.) to tackle Highbury's housing problems, redevelop- ment appears singularly inappropriate. It is too expensive, takes too long, adds to the wrong tenure section and would involve demolishing property not unsound enough to justify demolition. It is also unlikely to produce a net housing gain. Development of railway and other unexploited land may deserve serious study but the main impact, apart from restoring the empty houses to full use, must be made in improving or stimulating others to improve existing stock mainly in the private unfurnished sector. Short life use of existing unused property must be consid— ered a serious possibility if its owners - public or private continue to acquiesce in its dereliction. The Council should not feel inhibited about permitting genuine Squatters to occupy and improve unoccupied dwellings particularly if owners are persistently obstinate in improving them. Where the Council itself is the n HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR _ sa The statistics quoted below from the Highbury District Study give as good an insight as any into the housing problems of Highbury. The area population (1971) was about 34,000 and the number of households just over 13,400. This gave an average household size of .2.3 persons - a Significant drop from 2.7 in 1961. The broad pattern, typical of London generally, has been for owner-occupation to remain about constant, council tenancy and furnished accommodation to increase, but private unfurnished lettings to fall markedly. There are almost 3,000 fewer dwellings than households, a deficiency which is made up for by sharing. In 1971 12% of households were living at more than 1.5 persons per room - or, in other words statutory overcrowding. S than a quarter of the housing stock needs major repairs to extend its life by 15 years. A third of the tock, the majority of which is pre-1916, needs some improvement - usually in the form of additional ameniti Only half the total number of households have exclusive use of basic amenities - the other half representing mainly the private unfurnished sector. 4.2 Housing in Highbury In 1971 it was estimated that one-fifth of the total housing stock in Highbury was either derelict or vacant If the Council truly wished to dent the housing problem in Highbury it need look no further than this. Of the other various options open to the Council (or the G.L.C.) to tackle Highbury's housing problems, redevelop- ment appears singularly inappropriate. It is too expensive, takes too long, adds to the wrong tenure section and would involve demolishing property not unsound enough to justify demolition. It is also unlikely to produce a net housing gain. Development of railway and other unexploited land may deserve serious study but the main impact, apart from restoring the empty houses to full use, must be made in improving or stimulating others to improve existing stock mainly in the private unfurnished sector. Short life use of existing unused property must be consid- ered a serious possibility if its owners - public or private continue to acquiesce in its dereliction. The Council should not feel inhibited about permitting genuine Squatters to occupy and improve unoccupied dwellings particularly if owners are persistently obstinate in improving them. Where the Council itself is the n HIGH 'Y HOPES : PART FOUR The statistics quoted below from the Highbury District Study give as good an insight as any into the housing problems of Highbury. >area population (1971) was about 34,000 and the number of households just over 13,400. This gave an average household size of .2.3 persons - a Significant drop from 27 Lneloole SEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE The broad pattern, typical of London generally, has been for owner-occupation to remain about constant, council tenancy and furnished accommodation to increase, but private unfurnished lettings to fall markedly. There are almost 3,000 fewer dwellings than households, a deficiency which is made up for by sharing. In 1971 12% of households were living at more than 1.5 persons per room - or, in other words statutory overcrowding. Less than a quarter of the housing stock needs major airs to extend its life by 15 years. A third of the stock, the majority of which is pre-1916, needs some improvement - usually in the form of additional amenities. Only half the total number of households have <clusive use of basic amenities - the other half representing mainly the private unfurnished sector. Conclusion: If it was more widely known by electors that a major Slice of their rates was devoted to depriving them of their homes there could be public disorder. = SUSE 5- J The only appropriate response to the housing problem in Highbury is a pluralist programme. No one answer and no one agency is the right solution. a the obdurate owner such an option at least provides accommodation which is after all the primary objective. In the U.K. as a whole each year only 2% is added to the housing stock, and we must look to what already exists for the 'new' supply. In other words rehabilitation and conversion give best value for money. Derelict property if all restored to use would cut homelessnes by one-fifth. Meanwhile, nine per cent of L.B.I. land is vacant. Occupier satisfaction is a more useful criterion of acceptability than Statutory definitions in a crisis and Saves needless expenditure on second priorities. The Council's major role may well be an indirect one in persuading, and ipporting financially if possible, other agencies including private individuals involved in providing accommodation. Improvement Grants must be less restrictive if the benfits of full take-up are to be gained. Before extending its direct involvement the Council should face the unpleasant fact that it is the agent principally responsible for the housing shortage. (Housing Fact Pack p.14 states that nearly } of rehousing in 1974 arose from decanting from areas of Council activity.) HIGHBURY HOPES PART This abominable word describes a familiar enough phenomenon : the very young and the very old, in other words the dependent sections of any community. These are not necessarily at a disadvantage, of course, only more vulnerable to it. If the demand for general social services is probably inexhaustible - the resources to meet it are certainly not. The question therefore arises how to identify those in need and deploy resources to best effect. The first group clearly in need is the pre-school age under 5's, and the population figures quoted earlier indicate an above average proportion for Highbury. Provision of services for the under 5's may be made as follows a) Nursery Schools - full or part-time, provided by the Education Authority or privately. (3 - 4 year olds.) b) Nursery classes attached to primary schools. ce) Primary Schools : admitting under 5's or the so-called "rising 5's". d) Day Nurseries : full-time child minding for children any age under 5. e) Child minders : registered or otherwise. 3) Play Groups : Council sponsored or voluntary. Such services generally benefit not only the children, by promoting educational and social development at a critical age, and offering an alternative (and in cases better) environment - but also their parents by enabling the mothers to take part or full-time work, make more social contacts in the community or give better attention to younger babies. The Government, the ILEA and LBI are all apparently in ? favour of improved provision for the under fives, but the situation in Highbury is not encouraging. In 1972 less than 200 out of over 1200 3/4 year olds were in pre-school education and only about 300 out of over 24 thousand 0 - 4 year olds were benefitting from any other provision. In Islington as a whole only 26% of the 0 - 4 age group are catered for, but in Highbury this figure falls to 19%, 5 6 The Disadvantaged a We clearly need priority treatment in this area, particularly since precisely those households where conditions are poor are more numerous in the young families sector. The elderly of Highbury are also especially badly off. Whilst Council can do little to influence national pensions, there is a shortage of P. day facilities, to which resources could be directed. There are 52 luncheon clubs in Islington, but Council officials were (at the time of enquiry) unable to name one in Highbury. A third area of concern is the maladjusted child or young person. All must recognise that the responsibilities arising must be shared equally, but many people in Highbury feel they are already carrying their fair share. Conclusions A major objective should be to provide more nursery education in Highbury - preferably in the form of nursery classes in existing primary schools, as this is most economical, or creches or special nursery schools. Currently the trend looks to be heading the opposite direction, with Elizabeth House risking closure for lack of funds. Day facilities for the elderly must be improved, with consideration to adopting suitable existing premises as well as building new centres. Until at least some progress has been made on these items there should be no more adolescents' hostels etc. in Highbury. The difficulties of making and sustaining contact with those in the two groups in need could be eased if environ— ment shops or centres such as 220 Blackstock Road are encouraged and fostered in other parts of the district. The Social Services department must be closely involved, but the contribution of which voluntary agencies are capable must be given full support. Transportation in Highbury Car parking is not a major problem in Highbury so far as residents are concerned as ownership is only about 30%. Incoming parkers cause difficulties however, especially in connection with Arsenal. The Council should give special priority rights to residents in Arsenal's "parking shadow" who endure this invasion week after week during the ever-lengthening 'season'. Finsbury Park Station - the area's main interchange- is a squa disgrace of which the Council, the G.L.C. and British Rail should be utterly ashamed. Highbury faces two basic problems of movement, the rush hour (affecting all modes of transport) and the concentration of traffic on particular roads. 2a is surrounded by major roads - Holloway, Seven Green Lanes, St. Pauls Road — but traversed by s Several minor roads, Gillespie Road, for y_ far too much through traffic, which is not generated locally. Intermediate size roads, such as Blackstock Road in turn carries too great a volume for its pedestrian/shopping character. Figures indicate rates of eleven thousand vehicles per day for both Green Lanes and Blackstock Road = when the former is suitable for such a volume, and the latter manifestly not. Drayton Park/Gillespie Road likewise carry up to two- thirds the volume of Holloway Road during rush hours, the latter being in effect a national trunk road. Because of these and similar overloadings of inappropriate roads Highbury has more than its share of accidents. In particular nearly half of all the di tricts vehicle/ pedestrian accidents occur along Blackstock Road/Highbury Park - and one-third of all the accidents on the same stretch of road. This is quite Simply because the character and use patterns generated by this road are quite incompatible with any "through route" function. The western zone of the district is quite well served by Tube lines, but public transport elsewhere is hampered both by the congestion described above, and the singularly tupid operating habits of London Transport whereby buses are dispatched in groups of 3 with hour-long intervals between. The North London Line is generally reckoned to be under- used but the British Rail services at Finsbury Park provide important links with the city centre. Conclusion All the authorities involved should combine to give Finsbury Park Station the mother and father of a facelift. Successful traffic management consists of mastering the problems of scale A 14 wheel lorry at 40 mph may be acceptable on par of Holloway Road, but it is not so on Blackstock Road. A stream of private cars at 20 mph may be acceptable in Green Lanes, but only doubtfully so at Highbury Barn. Through traffic will revert to its proper channels if the disincentives to go elsewhere are made strong enough. These can consist of additional traffic lights, culs-de Sac, pedestrian crossings, and "broad hints" such as planting, seating, changes of texture, etc. etc. (Think of Oxford Street 5 years ago — and now. ) Accident figures show that Blackstock Road carries too much traffic for its alignment and character. Traffic lights should be installed now at the Gillespie Road/ Mountgrove Road and Monsell Road/Brownswood Road crossings. Consideration should be given to pedestrianizing the section from these junctions or even Seven Sisters Road to Highbury Barn - i.e. the main shopping portion. On-street parking is not so awful really, and looks 0.K. if shaded by trees. It is als cheapest and allows drivers to get as near as possible to their destination - a desire nobody will ever succeed in changing. So any money now ear-marked for the nonsenseof off-street parking should be spent on trees to distract the eye from on-street parking. HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR eeOL 4.5 Shopping in Highbury d) Highbury Barn 5.7% T.F.S. e) Newington Green 13% T.F.S. f) Drayton Park 8.3% T.F.S. 8) Highbury Corner 13% T.F.S. The 'cellular' village character of Highbury which has already been described in detail also characterises the shopping patterns of the area. The distribution of shopping facilities in Highbury is roughly as follows: a) Finsbury Park 35% total floor space (P19 3,) b) Blackstock Road 15% T.F.S. ce) Highbury Park 8% T.F.S. Although there are also many smaller concentrations of shops it can be seen that Finsbury Park/Blackstock Road /Highbury Barn - carrying nearly two-thirds of total floor space - acts as the "high street' for the area as a whole. The above inference is also Supported by the fact that 75% T.F.S. is given to food sales. J MOA This distribution suits the district's notably low car ownership level - since most (70%) shoppers walk to their local shops - and must therefore be preserved. The problem with shopping in Highbury is not the shops, which are numerous, friendly and traditional and offering wide choices, but the hazards and discomfort involved in using them. This leads straight back to traffic as discussed earlier. Conclu: The G.L.C. proposal that resources should be concentrated on strategic centres such as Wood Green would benefit only those already able to take advantage of such facilities. Running down one centre simply results in more car traffic to the others. The Blackstock Road high street must receive the main encouragement and improvements, with idicious face-lifts and rapid re-letting of premises fal ig vacant. 4 Also ethnic food requirements - a significant factor in Highbury - are better Satisfied in a structure of The existing patterns suit residents generally and especially the elderly, who can walk to nearby shops, receive personal service and purchase small quantities. numerous small shops of wide diversity. ey ————--—— arr HIGHBURY HOPES :PART FOUR a FOUR 4. 6 Schools in Highbury Secondary Education. Nearly 2} thousand Highbury children are of statutory secondary school age. There are three schools for them to go to in Highbury : Highbury Hill (490 Girls Grammar — 3 form entry), Highbury Grove (1250 Boys Comprehensive -— 8 form entry) and Shelburne Upper School (680 Girls Unselective - 5 form entry)’. Many children travel to schools outside the area. Conclusions The school population in Highbury is apparently declining, a trend the I.L.E.A. predicts will continue. Proposals The decline in numbers vill have least effect in Mildmay and North Highbury. 75% of Highbury's schools are provided by the Public Authorities, 16% and 9% being Roman Catholic or Church of England respectively. Infant and Primary Schools. There are eight such schools in Highbury of which five are County,one R.C. and two of C. of E. I.L.E.A. have Suggested that the County provision must be reduced by nearly half by 1981! There are not enough R.C. places however, and generally the schools, although well located in relation to demand, are near major roads causing hazards to children. Once again the I.L.E.A. expects a decline in demand — such that Highbury Grove would reduce its intake and the two girls' schools amalgamate. -| ————————E School buildings are too important a resource to be used only for direct education. They can be open outside school hours for children, and a variety of uses by voluntary groups, adult education. Such activities promote better use of equipment and facilities, as well as closer liaison between parents and teachers, home and school With school buildings usually open only seven hours a day, two-thirds of the year, the latent potential is enormous — and this must be explored before resources are allocated to brand new facilities. The Council must strongly resist any school closures. must be retained, while class sizes reduce, with the “community centre" function expanded to the maximum. Affording a second caretaker's Salary is cheaper than funding a new building. HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR ————eeOUR 4 iG The Environment in Highbury The majority of Highbury's residents do not live in conservation areas however. From Aubert Park and Kelross Road northwards the area contains no public open space whatsoever, and north of Gillespie Road there are barely mord than a dozen trees in public places. one of the most treeless in the whole of London. This area has to be The sort of place in which you find yourself when you walk out of your front door exerts a major influence on the morale of a community. How does Highbury rate on this basis? The quality of environment depends on numerous interlinked factors, many of which have been mentioned already under separate headings Clearly the condition of housing, the streets and shopping areas and the volume of traffic passing through them have a major effect. The adoption of our proposals on these issues would greatly benefit the environment in general But other measures must be considered in a direct effort to improve the environment in Highbury and the mundane aspects of these should not disguise their importance. Islington's free skip scheme is an almost revolutionary measure deserving recognition at national level. Unfortunately, however, other refuse collection measures are less consistent. Is it really necessary for dustmen to leave half the garbage on the street after their wild passage? If they cannot be tamed (they almost certainly deserve better pay) then the only solution is to programme the street sweepers to follow immediately behind. A major percentage of visible public ground is tarmac or paving slabs. The Council has responsibilities to ensure that these areas are not only just safe, but maintained in decent condition. Builders, etc. must not be permitted to mix up cement on the carriageway causing permanent staining. Areas of broken or disfigured paving must also be replaced. These details all add up to an impression. (Look at the pavements in Hampstead for comparison.) Of the sixteen conservation areas in Islington, only three are in Highbury. Of these Highbury Fields is the most important being Islington's principal green space. Conservation areas naturally,and to a point deservedly, receive priority attention in environmental matters - and it may be fair to say that the current level of protection, if maintained, is adequate. HIGHBURY HOPES : PART FOUR ee OE 4 4 The Environment in Highbury The majority of Highbury's residents do not live in conservation areas however. From Aubert Park and Kelross Road northwards the area contains no public open space whatsoever, and north of Gillespie Road there are barely mord than a dozen trees in public places. one of the most treeless in the whole of London. This area has to be The sort of place in which you find yourself when you walk out of your front door exerts a major influence on the morale of a community. How does Highbury rate on this basis? The quality of environment depends on numerous interlinked factors, many of which have been mentioned already under Separate headings Clearly the condition of housing, the streets and shopping areas and the volume of traffic Passing through them have a major effect. The adoption of our proposals on these issues would greatly benefit the environment in general But other measures must be considered in a direct effort to improve the environment in Highbury and the mundane aspects of these should not disguise their importance. Islington's free skip scheme is an almost revolutionary measure deserving recognition at national level Unfortunately, however, other refuse collection measures are less consistent. Is it really necessary for dustmen to leave half the garbage on the street after their wild passage? If they cannot be tamed (they almost certainly deserve better pay) then the only solution is to programme the street sweepers to follow immediately behind. A major percentage of visible public ground is tarmac or paving slabs. The Council has responsibilities to ensure that these areas are not only just safe, but maintained in decent condition. Builders, etc. must not be permitted to mix up cement on the carriageway causing permanent staining. Areas of broken or disfigured paving must also be replaced. These details all add up to an impression. (Look at the pavements in Hampstead for comparison.) Of the sixteen conservation areas in Islington, only three are in Highbury. Of these Highbury Fields is the most important being Islington's principal green space. Conservation areas naturally,and to a point deservedly, receive priority attention in environmental matters — and it may be fair to say that the current level of protection, if maintained, is adequate. Conclusion The Council's Refuse Department and Street Cleaning section must realise they provide one of the most anything, more manpower is needed. There are several areas of derelict or unexploited land in the northern half of the area which would lend themselves to redevelopment as 'vest-pocket' public gardens. These are cheap and easily applied solutions and have a disproportionate effect on environmental "morale'. Although there are 16,000 trees in Islington a major area - North Highbury - is without any. There must be a period of 'positive discrimination’ here both in Parks Department's own policy and in such measures as the Tree-for-Tree scheme. valuable of all services and be paid accordingly. If PART FIVE APPENDIXI Finsbury Park Community Group Central Islington Community Party Highbury Social Services Department Highbury Fields Association Central Islington Liberal A: ciation Christ Church, Highbury Highbury Park Residents and Traders Association Islington Community Housing Association South Highbury Residents Association Mildmay Community Association Round House and S. Highbury Residents Association Drayton Park Social Services Department North London Teaching Association North Highbury Tenants Association Pyrland Road and Area Residents Association Aberdeen Park Tenants Association Friends of St. John's Association Plus approximately 25 - 30 private individuals Officers from the Planning Department, Housing Department and Islington Council for Social Services also attended some meetings. The Highbury district Planning Group consists of representatives from the following Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Highbury Plan Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Jun-77 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/93d41bd15f750908561e618903735d57.pdf 55b07b994ad225f0ea9322c8abed0401 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Liaison Group Including London Group Subject The topic of the resource Liaison Groups: NAM was initially structured as local groups. There was also a Liaison Group whose role was to coordinate the different groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual conference. NAM campaign groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress. The seven different campaign groups listed had members from a variety of local groups. Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1979 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Tower Mill Subject The topic of the resource Programme for Weekend meeting in Norfolk 2 pp Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ian Tod Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 5 Feb 1980 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/7e73b781a0d1ae475b0c9926f5e5847d.jpg f56923c3f4298b497545e8d0bad422ec Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Later NAM Congresses, 2-5 Subject The topic of the resource A further 5 NAM Congresses after the initial Harrogate Congress in 1975, plus other documents Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 5th Annual Congress London Subject The topic of the resource 2 Posters and Conference papers incl motions - for 5th Annual Congress 36pp total Description An account of the resource EW ARCHITECTURE FIFTH A\\UAL CO\GRESS. N VIWEMENT 1,11 1979 at the Bedford Community Centre , Emerald Street LO Themes: Accountability to the user Democracy in the building industry Registration: £8 waged. L5 unwaged- includes meal papers, floors to sleep on.... Creche Other Congress events include: • Open discussion on the topic THE ARCHITECT IN SOCIETY with leading architectural practitioners and critics on FRIDAY EVENING 9th NOVEMBER at 8pm. open at no charge to non-registrees ' EVENING OF ENTERTAINMENT including a theatre performance an SATURDAY EVENING (open to weekend registrees only), and Discussion on NAM's ROLE IN THE FUTURE on SUNDAY ' Congress opens at 6 00pm 9th November and closes 3 30pm on 11th November. Fee includes entrance to all sessions, refreshments entertainment and four meals • Day registration available for Saturday only for E2 00 for further details contact NAM 9 Poland St London W1 7 \GRESS CONGRESS Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liaison Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov 1979