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                <text>NEW ARCFTTECTURE MOVEMENT LOEDOLig I R  ,SAY 22, 1976 &#13;
ATTENDENCE LIST  &#13;
N s, -F1eM S tio tIftvliSSW) M1911\43, rkti/ &#13;
67 Rmilly Road, Lond6n, N4, 01-359-0491 —ANSON, Brian, 16, Claremont Gdns. Surbitbn Surreys 01-636-0974 &#13;
&#13;
,444=1„....l.adamwb, 610 Finchley Rd. London Y.W.11 &#13;
, CARTER'., Peter, Green Ban Action Committee, e Nurtha &#13;
&#13;
(&gt;4 EDMONDS,S.P., 26, Runneymede 'FEMME 131 Brickfield Rd. oreshore Rd. London, S.E.8 en End, Kingsthorpe, 14a1941.&amp;% N ek-eettitr, 68,Ranalagh Rd. London W.5 &#13;
4 &#13;
Birmingham, 021-773-7811,-------OZUga &#13;
Rd., Whitton MiddlesexThornton Heath, Surrey. 5 &#13;
&#13;
&#13;
-voir7 HOOPS, R. 226, North Mapte, Green Bay, Wisconsin U.S.A. C/./4""")  &#13;
&#13;
7 La T('URELLE, Dean, &#13;
&#13;
5 &#13;
Schoril of Environmental Studies, UniverSity Gower St, London, W.C.1 Architectural Society, P.C.L. 35, Marylebune London W.1 &#13;
w /6, &#13;
MARSH, J, School of Architecture, Scroope Terrace, Trumpington Cambridge Marjoram, Kevin, 444, Northampton Buildings, Rmsoman St, London, Maltz, R. 11, -iklmdale Rd. Lond©n N.W.6 -MalsAsy."--44A-r, Architectural Association, 01-636-0974 geTte117-N-e7ille, 610. Finchley 9 PLea4149-5,9-Alexander Road, Hedloway. London N 19. body, Giles,-76B Loveridge Road, London NW6 &#13;
&#13;
Rd, &#13;
St, At 36 Bedford Sq. London, W.C.1 &#13;
Rd., &#13;
Londln &#13;
N.W.11 &#13;
-CEP. Acram7-50-Bargate Rcad, Belper • &#13;
&#13;
Derbyshire. &#13;
01-636-0974 14 CV giV VOA &#13;
&#13;
RA ONVSantt, 51 Landsduvme Road, Lon-dinn Wll &#13;
o CBC Bank, 49 Berkely Street, Londo 11 &#13;
&#13;
hill SHORT D., 108 Lenten Boulevard, Nottingham.   &#13;
&#13;
&#13;
61C ' TINKER Mark, School of Architecture, Scroope Terrace, Trumpington Street,' fraw c)-Livi 75 40. sawX✓ 41//k-470142t)-4 ,:2681.66N uitel-iiemirrtrlT97gzm 5 &#13;
thAVIM Cambridge. &#13;
2,t ULLATHORNE P, 47 Claudia Place, London SW19 &#13;
WREN Elaine, 26 &#13;
Bourne Road, &#13;
Bromley, Kent. &#13;
01-464-8666   --ffer,4 &#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Irv/ 9 dua - Dot_upyl Ftrows. &#13;
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                <text>HARROGATE CONGRESS, NOVEMBER 1975 &#13;
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 hit&gt;LEg,Meuse oT&#13;
The N.A.M. Congress was heid at the Royal Baths Conference Centre, Harrogate, from 21st/23rd November, 1975. It was chaired by&#13;
Mr, Peter Whelan and Miss Nikki Hay, both freelance writers and non-architects. The congress was initiated and organised by the Architects Revolutionary Council (1.R.C.) which handled all the advance publicityand accomrodatiion, but emphasised that their function was one of organisation only. The congress having begun, A.R.G. became fust one viewpoint anong many.&#13;
The conference particiuants repre ed wide spectrum of the architectural profession,: incir ; laried architects, principals, technicians, students, teachers, es well as non architects.&#13;
The coneress was based on the nremis that therc exists a rapidly growing dissatisfaction with the arc itectural profession. This premise was borne out by the congres 's misgivings about&#13;
Min. ee si 2 - Alun ae aa 2 7 1 7 The many issues debated included&#13;
What eifect Jo centralisa nh anu bureaucracy have on architects in Local government :&#13;
4 SelfManagenent&#13;
What woud be the implications orofits were chared by principals private vee&#13;
5 Redundancie&#13;
What will be tne effect of in architecture * Could&#13;
if both responsibility and and assistants alike in&#13;
ths growing aumber of redundancies&#13;
alternative forms of practising &amp; nionisation&#13;
architecture ?&#13;
this spur on ane movenent&#13;
towards&#13;
what shouic the cpproach of architects be to the Unions which already exist ?&#13;
i Hducation&#13;
Rees Keenst&#13;
2% suail sector of&#13;
? Should architect-&#13;
jLic, and if so, how&#13;
Do architects need their own union ? If so, in what way would the function of vnat union differ from the R.I.B.A.? If not,&#13;
Who should control accessibility to and certification of architectural education ° What sort of education should that be °?&#13;
&#13;
 @&#13;
"7TEMP«&#13;
25rd November, 1975&#13;
The conpress:. decided on. the following course of action for the immediate future: ‘&#13;
The members of the congress would begin setting up discussion groups in their own ereas to debate relevant issues. These groups would include all those involved in the built environment, designers and users.&#13;
A second congress would be held in about three months' time. Volunteers from this congress have agreed to organise this and to act as liaison and contacts until the next congress only, after which a new liaison group would take over, thus hopefully avoiding the creation of a bureaucracy.&#13;
The congress agreed to pool its experience of working for change, including failures as well as successes, and to&#13;
build up a body of written work based on this experience, that could be circulated for disucssion before the second congress.&#13;
Contact address: 10 Perey Sirest, Loudon W 4&#13;
&#13;
 PROPOSALS ON EDUCATION&#13;
The 2 'A' level entry requirement to architecture schools is not a worthwhile criteria for selecting students, and that the special entry facility should be used more fully.&#13;
School leavers should be encouraged to spend a year out between school and college, and that colleges should offer deferred places to allow this to happen. Greater opportunities should exist. for mature students and special courses established for mature technicians,&#13;
That college prospectii should include a student written section.&#13;
That all schools .of architecture should have student societies with funds and self-government. nes&#13;
Encourage all schools to fully participate in the Schools of Architecture Council.&#13;
Tx Ensure staff and student representation on college academic and governing bodies. 8. Encourage staff and student exchanges nationally and internationally.&#13;
9. Students transfering colleges should need only the consent of the new college.&#13;
10. Expendpart-timecoursesandensuretheiradequaterepresentationonallbodies affecting then.&#13;
11. Gain student representation on a reformed ARCUK Board of Education.&#13;
12. Establish responsibilities between local schools and practices.&#13;
Establish links between schools and the community.&#13;
14. Allow teaching staff time and resources to develop their own courses,&#13;
1D Encourage employment of short term staff, and discontinue the practice of&#13;
academic appointments for life.&#13;
46, Inadequate staff should be dismissable at the instigation of staff and students, serie Encourage the development of self motivated courses and projects as these give&#13;
greater educational benefits.&#13;
18, Course structuring should not be so rigid as to forbid random/spontaneous&#13;
activities on occasions.&#13;
19. Traditional exams are an inadequate guide to the educational development of&#13;
students and should be replaced by sensible forms of continuous, assessment.&#13;
20. Part I should be regarded as notionally equal in all 38 schools, while main-&#13;
taining individual characteristics; this would allow transfer between all&#13;
colleges at this stage.&#13;
2A. Part II courses should include students from other courses though the final&#13;
. qualifications would be different in name.&#13;
226 Part III, as in the EEC, should be taken while at college.&#13;
23. The RIBA "Visiting Board" system, to be replaced by an ARCUK body that has&#13;
13+&#13;
equal public, studént, staff and practitioners representation,&#13;
&#13;
 26 a 4.&#13;
Ie Cn 3e&#13;
PRACELCH /ROPOSALS&#13;
PROPOSALS RELATING TO THE PROFESSION&#13;
By adopting the following Principles&#13;
environment."&#13;
"For the benefit of the public, environmental practitioners, practices and education are to maximize their potential to create a socially responsible&#13;
The new movement can truly claim that its interests lie not with the finanoial client but with the public. Instead of starting from a charter that beiins,| with "the advancement of architecture", we start from a social commitment to the public.&#13;
While in the past a professional has been able to exist by being competent and&#13;
honest, we place his usefulness to society&#13;
Natuaally, his usefulness will also rely on him being competent and honest. That ARCUK be reformed by government so as to ensure an adequate accountability&#13;
to the public.&#13;
That architectural education is controlled by a reformed ARCUK Board of Education&#13;
equally representative of the public, academics,&#13;
That the Scale of Fees charged by architects be controlled by the government.&#13;
as the future deciding factor.&#13;
practitioners and students.&#13;
To relate architects directly to clients and users.&#13;
Draw up 2 list of professionals willing to do voluntary work.&#13;
That all offices introduce worker participation in the management, to include all staff.&#13;
To instigate situations where architects have responsibilities to specific&#13;
communities, either through adopting local government offices or by setting up a new situation,&#13;
Town Planning and Building Regulations be revised to wake them more applicable to the principles of serving the public without waste of resources etc.&#13;
To speak out on all controls that deprive the environment of a humane and responsible development: i.e. cost yard-sticks, individual building programmes, large scale developments, property speculation.&#13;
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                <text> NAM HANDBOOK 1978/1979&#13;
&#13;
 ARCUK&#13;
CARDIFF EDUCATION FEMINISM&#13;
GREEN BAN ACTION&#13;
MONOPOLIES PROFESSIONALISM&#13;
PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE SLATE&#13;
UNIONISATION&#13;
CONTACTS LIST BIBLIOGRAPHY&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 INTRODUCTION —&#13;
The intention behind this hand- book is to draw together in one publication the various strands of activity undertaken by the New Architecture Movement (NAM).&#13;
In so doing it is envisaged that a&#13;
gap in NAM’s presentation of itself and its ideas to a wider public will have been filled. The handbook also sets out to explain the structure and workings of NAM, to counteract any assumptions that NAM is in any way a closed circle. It seeks to attract to the movement further people who ‘ agree broadly with its aims, and to give pointers to the areas of work&#13;
still to be undertaken. It is hoped a useful tool will.thus have been created for the present and potential future membership.&#13;
and structure of the movement, much of which still holds true today. Sev- eral local groups were established, and a Liason Group delegated to maintain and extend contacts , and to organise the annual Congress. In the three years since Harrogate NAM has continued to grow in strength and , with well over&#13;
a hundred members and a growing&#13;
list of significant campaigns in the previously complacent world of prof- essional politics, is now preparing itself for its fourth annual Congress.&#13;
NAM’s strength undoubtably derives from. this success in campaigning against the anti-social and undemocratic aspects&#13;
of current practice, in giving voice and&#13;
form to the criticisms of those who, like the majority of architectural workers , are frustrated, isolated and exploited, alienated from the products of their labour and powerless in the face of architectural employers who have for so long jealously guarded&#13;
The loose-leaf format was adopted&#13;
to allow future addition and amend-&#13;
ment , thus enabling the handbook&#13;
to be kept up to date. The handbook&#13;
is subdivided issue by issue in accord-&#13;
ance with NAM’s working arrangements&#13;
Additional material will be distributed&#13;
in future issues of Slate, the NAM news- ural and allied workers in order to letter, whenever groups feel.the need&#13;
to restate their position or bring the&#13;
account of their activities up to date.&#13;
ORIGINS OF NAM&#13;
The New Architecture Movement was founded in November 1975 at the Harrogate National Congress. The significance of this event lay in the formalisation of a growing body of people with the shared belief in the need to reform architectural practice, The Congress achieved a consensus on the essential direction&#13;
bring about radical changes in the practice of architecture . NAM seeks to restore control over their environ- ment to ordinary people , and social responsibility and accountability to the work of architects. In particular&#13;
it seeks to fundamentally change&#13;
the existing system of patronage , the power structure in architecture domin- ated by architects who are principles,&#13;
both in private and public practice, and powerful corporate or bureau- cratic clients. NAM seeks notonly to challenge the existing relationship&#13;
of architect to client and user, but also&#13;
the status-quo.&#13;
NAM was formed to channel effect-&#13;
ively the collective action of architect-&#13;
IN’ TRODUCTI ON&#13;
&#13;
 the existing industrial relations between employer and worker,to restore avoice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and to those who use its products.&#13;
STRUCTURE&#13;
Despite the changeover to paid membership in 1976 NAM’s struct- ure remains very much as established&#13;
Programmes for action are formulated at Harrogate ~ that of a network.&#13;
from detailed critiques of the current situation and its background and to this end NAM exists as a network of groups which have over the past three years campaigned on specific issues in pursuit of these agreed aims. If the advance is to be maintained then NAM must continue to develop its critique across the spectrum of architectural&#13;
practice and thus through regular discussion new areas of work: are determined and new issue or working groups are formed in response.&#13;
MEMBERSHIP&#13;
The majority of NAM members are salaried architects in either private or&#13;
public practice, although students&#13;
and teachers also provide a substantial&#13;
Work is undertaken by locally based or issue based groups in furtherance of the overall aims of the movement&#13;
Policy is ratified at Congress, an annual national event, by the membership as a whole and not by a central steering committee. Central functions are undertaken by the Liason Group and are largely administrative. It is hoped that NAM has thus avoided the pitfalls of bureaucracy and celebrities and&#13;
also a two-tier organisation of the leadership and the led. Any group&#13;
or individual is free to present work or propose changes in policy and thus take part in the refinement of NAM’s aims.&#13;
Much of the work of NAM, the det- ailed development and presentation of policy on specific issues, is undertaken by issue groups which are self formed and self-directed in furtherance of over- all NAM policy. The continuing work&#13;
element. Initially membership of NAM of such groups is communicated to the&#13;
was based solely on a agreement with&#13;
and involvement in pursuing the Move-&#13;
ment’s aims. As the scope of activities&#13;
increased an independent source of&#13;
finance became necessary and member- Congress. Local groups, which hold ship fees were instituted at the Second regular meetings in a number of National Congress at Blackpool in 1976. major cities provice both a forum Whilst voting rights at Congress are&#13;
retained by fully paid up members only, NAM is nevertheless keen to mainain contact with all interested parties and to this end all NAM events are open to and publications available to the public at large. It is intended to involve as many people as possible in the development of its ideas and activities by the full participation of its members and supporters in either issue groups or discussion meetings.&#13;
for discussion of general issues and a potential for organisation around local issues.&#13;
movement as a whole through the newsletter ‘Slate’, is presented for dis- cussion at local meetings and forums, and is endorsed as NAM policy by&#13;
CAMPAIGNS&#13;
In terms of democratic control over architectural practice NAM seeks a lay controlled governing body. ARCUK, though established as a ‘public interest’&#13;
&#13;
 body, has for its entire existence been controlled by the RIBA thus effectively regulating practice in favour of the architectural establishment. While NAM’s elected presence on ARCUK Council is growing at the same time&#13;
so is disenchantment with the RIBA amongst architectural workers,&#13;
NAM’s proposals for a reform of ARCUK are a component of its submission to a government sponsored Monopolies Commission report into architectural practice which concluded in favour of the NAM case that existing practice constitutes a monopoly oper- ating to the prejudice of the public interest. NAM continues to campaign for the abolition of the RIBA instituted mandatory minimum fee scale which restrict the availability of architectural services to the wealthy, corporate or bureaucratic.&#13;
In the belief that the State represents for many the only means of access to resources NAM proposes a Public Design Service ,a reform of public sector practice, deriving froma critixjue of existing Local Authority departments. It seeks to establish locally based design and build teams directly accountable to tenants and usets — the abolition of existing hierarchical arrangements in&#13;
favour of participatory democracy at a decentralised local level.&#13;
In May 1977 NAM’s work on the unionisation of architectural workers , an essential component of the demo-&#13;
* cratisation of architectural practice, culmin ited in the setting up of the&#13;
Buildiiig Design Staff branch within AUEW-TASS specifically for architect- ural workers. The responsiblity and initiative fo rthis work has now passed to the Union.&#13;
NAM has therefore, in the three years since its inception, sought out specific issues around which to campaign in furtherance of its aims . The recent successful formation of a NAM&#13;
Feminist Group is an additonal example of NAM’s ability to seek out real issues as a centrepoint for concerted action.&#13;
REPRESENTATION&#13;
The New Architecture Movement was established as a decentralised democratic organisation rather than one with a dominant centralist org- anisation. To this end the annual&#13;
INTRODUCTION&#13;
&#13;
 Congress, held each year throughout&#13;
a weekend in November, is the all-&#13;
important democratic event at awhich&#13;
the work of issue groups is endorsed&#13;
and the tasks for the coming year&#13;
determined. In addition the Liason,&#13;
Group undertakes to organise a number whilst fulfilling that function, has of forums in different parts of the&#13;
country throughout the year in order to bring together as many people as possible in the discussion of current work by issue groups who themselves give further account in Slate .&#13;
Whilst the open democratic nature&#13;
of NAM is undoubtably advantageous&#13;
in enabling and encouraging the full&#13;
participation of all members , the year&#13;
to year dependence on Congress a s the banner, and also to attract a wider sole mandating event may as NAM&#13;
continues to grow present drawbacks&#13;
in terms of speed of response to&#13;
events and accountability and the whole uced in London-by.an independent matter of constitution as at present&#13;
under consideration by a working&#13;
group.&#13;
LIASON GROUP&#13;
The Liason Group exists to provide essential services to NAM as a whole, a servant rather than an executive body. It currently has nine members drawn from various local and issue groups who meet regularly to under- take the coordination necessary to link together the dispirate elemenis that make up NAM. The Group answers or forwards all corresspond- ence and enquiries, administers fin- ance, handles publications and org- anises the annual congress and cer- tain other NAM events throughout&#13;
the year. It is NAM’s practice to redelegate the entire group at each congress, thus ensuring a flow of members who have made themselves familiar with the workings of the movement.&#13;
NAM group who are, like all NAM groups, accountable to Congress. It is published bi-monthly and sent free to all members but may also be bought by subscription or from many bookshops.&#13;
SLATE&#13;
A Publications Group was first established at Blackpool in 1976 with the aim of producing a NAM newsletter. Slate, as it soon became,&#13;
outgrown its original brief, in terms of size, circulation and also ambition. Whilst still serving the needs of the membership in providing up to date reporting of NAM’s activities, the Slate Group has set out to give coyer- age and generate discussion on a wider range of architectural and environmental issues than necess-&#13;
arily fall under the current NAM&#13;
audience to NAM’s aims. Articles are commissioned both from with- in and outside NAM. Slate is prod-&#13;
FURTHER DETAILS&#13;
Further details about the New Architecture Movement, forthcoming meetings and any of the issues cont- ained in this handbook may be ob- tained by writing to NAM, 9 Poland Street, London W1.&#13;
NAM is independent of all other bodies and relies solely on its mem- bers subscriptions to finance its activities. Twelve months member- ship, which includes a free subscrip- tion to Slate is £5.00 for employed people and £2.50 for unemployed people, students and pensioners. A membership form is included at the back of this handbook.&#13;
July 1978&#13;
&#13;
-e*—~all ARCUK a Nam ISSUE GROUP&#13;
 ARCUK GROUP&#13;
Our interest in the Architects’ Registration Council UK (ARCUK) originated in the early discussions&#13;
of the North London Group, which was established at the Ist NAM Congress, Harogate, November 1975.&#13;
The North London Group was primarily concerned with the prob- lems of private practice; the relation- ship of architects to clients and users, and the industrial relationship bet- ween principals and salaried staff.&#13;
The first of these issues - as applied to the public sector led to the setting up of the National Design Service Group (now the Public Design Service, or PDS Group q.v.). The second led naturally to consideration of trades unionism culminating in the major step of setting up the Building Design Staff section within the AUEW-TASS&#13;
in May 1977. (An aspect of NAM’s work that is well documented else- where.&#13;
However this still left the old North London Group- or Private Practice Group as became known when the issues had been thus refined - with&#13;
the questions of accountability and&#13;
control within the profession and the general problems associated with the concept of “professionalism”. It became clear that the system of self- government that is operated through ARCUK is central to the processes&#13;
of architectural education, admission to the register and the regulation of practice by Codes of Conduct and Conditions of Engagement.&#13;
Moreover, historical research into the origins of ARCUK and study of its constitution began to show that the unbroken tradition of RIBA domination severely limits ARCUK’s&#13;
intended role as a “‘public interest” body. The initial conclusions of our study together with draft prop- osals for anew ARCUK Council were presented in the “Private Pract- ice Report”, to the 2nd NAM Cong- ress, Blackpool, November 1976.&#13;
ARCUK Councillors represent- ing the professional associations are invariably appointed by the Councils of those Associations, but the Annual election of councillors to represent “Unattached Architects”- i.e. those simply registered with ARCUK who choose not to become members of any of the professional associations listed in Schedule I of the 1931 Architects Registration Act - offered an opportunity to gain access to the Council and raise some of the above questions directly in the context of ARCUK’s activities.&#13;
The 1931 Act prescribes that the number of councillors representing the varipus “constituencies” shall&#13;
be reckoned at one per 500 members or part thereof. Thus the “‘unattach- ed” elections of 1977 seven seats were&#13;
&#13;
 available, six of which were sucessfully taken by NAM candidates. In 1978 owing to the increased number of unattached architects the number of possible seats rose to nine, and eight NAM candidates were returned. In addition, by virtue of a so-called. “gentleman’s agreement” councillors from each constituency are entitled&#13;
to nominate further representatives to sit on certain ARCUK committees&#13;
adding a turther two to the NAM contingent. The early work of the North London Group has&#13;
thus produced a new NAM/ARCUK. issue group consisting of the elected councillors and any other interested in the field.&#13;
tising - ensuring equal-rights for un- attached architects, South African investments - urging ARCUK to dis- pose of anti-social holdings and re- view its investment policy, ammend- ments to the Code of Conduct - esp- cially in relation to the monopolies issue (q.v. Monopolies Group), arch- itectural appointments - endevouring to prevent discrimination against the unattached in job advertisments, the question of limited liability and of course the monopolies issue itself.&#13;
The NAM/ARCUK Group meets immediately before Council Meet-&#13;
ings to allow discussion at greater length of the numerous and often complex issues. In addition,&#13;
meeting are arranged whenever possible when non-London councillors are visiting to attend ARCUK comm~- ittee meetings.&#13;
Some progress was made at the&#13;
3rd NAM Congress Hull, November 1977 in identy fing selcection criteria for NAM candidates in the unattached&#13;
_ elections, and in establishingthe principle of councillors “stepping down” after an agreed term to allow otherstostandforelection. In&#13;
such circumstances, to ensure the hard-won experience of outgoing councillors is not wasted, it is&#13;
clearly desirable for prospective can- didates and any others interested to participate in group meetings and familiarise themselves with the pro- cedures of ARCUK in advance of the annual elections.&#13;
In accordance with NAM const- itution, the Annual Congress and Group Forums allow an opportun- ity for the group to report back to the movement as a whole - and we have also endevoured to give regular accounts of our activities in SLATE Anyone interested in contributing to the group’s work is very welcome to contact in the first instance the NAM Liaison Group. July 1978&#13;
Although the unattached are the second largest constituency in ARCUK after the RIBA, the latters’ outright domination in Council, the Board of Architectural Education&#13;
and all the committees has made it difficult for the NAM/ARCUK rep- resentatives to win motions in debate.&#13;
Moreover the 40years undisturbed RIBA control has allowed us to be easily out manoeuvered while still “learning the ropes”. Nonetheless the very presence of a new and unfamiliar voice has had a certain dynamic effect which may be measured in at least one way by the extent that ARCUK affairs are now given considerably more press prom- inence.&#13;
Issues with which we have been concemed include; corporate adver-&#13;
&#13;
 CARDIFF&#13;
A NAM LOCAL GROUP&#13;
While the Cardiff NAM group was still in the throes of discovering just what is was supposed to ve about and where it was going, other things happ- ened which led to the idea ofa comm- unity design service. As the word spread that a group of radical archi- tectural workers had come together community groups were contacting&#13;
us and it quickly became evident&#13;
that they were primarily interested&#13;
in us as a source of advice and ex~ pertise, interested in our professional capacity,that is.&#13;
NAM nationally had already in- itiated discussions about what a National Design service might be, and it seemed that, at that time,&#13;
we in Cardiff were in a position to initiate some such scheme. In view of the potential clientele there dev- eloped the idea that the project coul.] be run in an entirely different way to traditional practices. What we hoped to set up was a prototype community based design service which would begin to look at what terms like accountability’ and ‘a more democratic architecture *were really about -&#13;
An apparantly ready source of finance at the time was the Manpower Services Commission (MSC) who were financing certain projects under their Job Creation Programme (JCP).&#13;
In order to approach the MSC we needed to demonstrate that a poten- tial demand existed for the sort of design service we were proposing. We preparedaletter outlining the range and broad type of service we would be able to offer, and since we were hoping to use any responses we&#13;
might get to back up our application, we asked respondents to say if they would use such a service if it existed and also HOW they would use it.The ' letter was circulated to residents associations ,community groups and voluntary organisationisn South East Wales.&#13;
Response was extensive and positive from abstract encouragement to specific requests for help, some of them urgent. It came mainly from&#13;
the run down older residential ateas of Cardiff, and from the mining valleys to the north and west.&#13;
These responses raised questions about the catagories of work which should be undertaken by a design service such as the one we proposed . Should we be helping residents groups to provide voluntarily and out of their own pockets what government resources should be paying for, or designing kitchen/toilet facilities for the Church in Wales? These are questions that we had not even begun to discuss. Neither had we considered in any detail the ways in which the nature of the design service we would be offering would differ in essence from the sort of&#13;
design service the RIBA might en- visage. The difficulties and short- comings of the sort of service we proposed would be enormous but&#13;
I think it could be said that the demand for it had been firmly est- ablished.&#13;
We agreed that in order to learn more about the mechanics of submitt- ing a JCP application we would need an early informal meeting with some one from MSC, Our first meeting was with the assistant to the MSC Cardiff&#13;
CARDIFF GROUP&#13;
&#13;
 area assessor. After outlining who we supposed lack of ability of the group&#13;
were and who we represented we iden- to oversee the project, In order tq_&#13;
tified the need for a design input by have made the. application acceptable the community groups we had contact- to the MSC we would have had to&#13;
ed and the linked need for employment have worked with local RIBA&#13;
in South Wales for architectural workers groups and within the Local Author-&#13;
To our surprise response was enthus- iastic. He thought the idea of a design service for community groups was very worthwhile attempting. He was full ofideas of how the project could be set up and along what lines it could progress. He even supplied us with&#13;
the names and addresses of pecple and groups we should contact for letters of support.&#13;
Towards the end of October 1976 we had a second meeting with the same assistant at the MSC, and this time the Cardiff area assessor was present for part of the discussion&#13;
For this meeting the group had&#13;
drafted out a JCP application. Once again the assistant was very enthus- iastic and helpful but the assessor&#13;
was much more reserved about every aspect of the scheme, The wording and emphasis of the answers to some questions was altered to suit the assessor, Words such as credibility cropped up and he suggested that&#13;
the workers employed under the JCP should be paid less than the negociated market rate for the job. However some kind of agreement was reached on the content of the form with particular attention to the comments of the assessor who it seemed would ‘judge’ the credibility of our apglication.&#13;
A couple of weeks later after this final meeting the application, in its ammended form, went in with all the accompanying material.&#13;
At the beginning of December we received a letter from the MSC inform- us that our applicatinn had been turned down with no reason for the refusal.&#13;
We later heard mention of the lukewarm response of the local RIBA and the&#13;
ity structure.&#13;
The rejection of the JCP application&#13;
made us realise that any work we did would have to fund itself. We are now doing improvement grant work to terraced houses in a previously blight- ed area of Cardiff for low income owner occupiers. This is being done through and with the encouragement&#13;
of a local community and advice centre. The nature of these jobs and , more importantly, the financial’ status of our clients excludes a full percent- age fee service. Work is there fore being undertaken on a time charge basis.&#13;
Extract from Slates 2 and 3 June 1977&#13;
Anyone wishing to contact this group should refer to the contacts list at the end of this handbook or write to the secretary of NAM.&#13;
&#13;
 EDUCATION ANAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
Contary to statements made by NAM’s critics, only a small proport- ion of NAM membership is made up by students. Architectural students have always been reluctant to take action to alter the direction of architecture as a whole, or the direction of their education system. This apathy has contributed to NAM’s failure to arrive at a coher- ent educational policy, but it also demonstrates that a radical basis&#13;
is required for students to identify and become involved with.&#13;
Students have, however, consist- ently voiced legititmate complaints regarding the content and method- ology of architectural education. These include limited option opp- ortunities, lack of diversity both within and between schools, exces- sive emphasis on irrelevant academic and technological teaching, no com-&#13;
EDUCATION GROUP&#13;
munity involvement or accountab- ility, too many deadweight staff awaiting retirement, restrictive and elitist entry requirements, excessive power weilded by school heads, and soon. What is lacking is a crystal- lization of these grievances into an education policy, backed up by research and analysis.&#13;
NAM'’s first education document, for the 1976 congress, was based on the need to “de-professionalize” the schools to create a radical acrhitect- ure, and encompassed student griev-&#13;
ances in an analysis of education along Ivan Illich’s ‘de-schooling’ theories. It made proposals for action based around three aims:&#13;
to enable a wider section of society to enter schools thus breaking down the middle class, elitist stature of = architecture; to ensure a more dyn- amic, adaptable and capable teach- ing staff; to dis-establish the schools make them democratic and account- able to the community and to real- ise the schools’ potential as a resource centre for use by all. This policy contained many excellent points and received support from students and&#13;
staff in schools, but was not adequ- ately backed up by research and has never been developed.&#13;
NAM’s recent activity in educa- tion has been confined to an analy- sis of the roles of the professional institutions and outlining the scope’&#13;
of an education policy. But the failure of full-time institutionalized architectural education to provide the ‘new architect’ to improve the image, relevance and ability of&#13;
&#13;
 architects as a whole has promoted the establishment to call 1978 the year of the ‘great debate’ on arch- itectural education, the results of which will almost certainly be proposals for an even more rigid and irrelevant system. It is now of great importance that NAM can speak coherently on the issue and propose radical alternatives relevant to a more socially acceptable and democratic future role for architect- ural workers.&#13;
It is necessary to formulate a pol- icy on three fronts: an analysis of the past and present education system, the pressures that created it and the results of it within a social, political and economic framework; the future direction for education to acheive a democratic, accountable architectural&#13;
practice; and a programme for action within the system as existing to ach- ieve the needed. change. To be of any value and to have any effect, the formulation of this policy requires the participation and involvement of all NAM members, and the collective action of students and staff.&#13;
July 1978&#13;
NAM Calendar 1977&#13;
&#13;
 FEMINISM &amp; ARCHITECTURE A NAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
At the 1977 Congress in Hull NAM became tentatively aware of&#13;
a gap in its radical approach to&#13;
with and for women who are looking gq for an approach to design and build- &amp; -ing which embodies these feminist wR&#13;
ideals. We have been contacted by 8 several groups of women for help and &amp; intend to set up a cooperative practice Fea} _in response to this demand. &lt;&#13;
architecture — that the ideas and&#13;
experience of the Women’s Move&#13;
-ment are as fundamental to the&#13;
achieving of NAM’s aims as are those&#13;
of the socialist movement and that&#13;
they are intrinsically bound together. _ ised as follows: 8&#13;
Throughout their lives women live, work and study in an environment&#13;
designed and built primarily by men and, more importantly, which reflects a male structured society. At present women who have beer successful in the architectural world have done so by taking up the values and modes of identification of that society and have therefore succeeded only in continuing men’s work,&#13;
By working within the women’s movement and the labour movement as a whole we believe that a feminist architecture can exist. At the same time the circular nature of the relationship between buildings and society means that attempts to demonstrate the possibilities of an architecture where women are&#13;
involved can be influential in the restructuring of that society. It is cherefore crucial that, as a group, we explore the alternatives both in theory and in practice,&#13;
The theoretical discussion has developed along the lines described below and is outlined in SLATE 8 which is devoted to Feminism and Architecture and published an account of most of our work done up to that time. Qur action in practical terms is also summarised below but in partic- -ular it centres on the use of our skills&#13;
Education — The conditioning of = girls away from technical subjects is a&#13;
4 Process which begins in early child &lt; hood and is reinforced throughout = schooling. As few schools will a encourage girls to take up building&#13;
Our current work may be summar- x&#13;
&#13;
 telated subjects, we hope to organise a series of lectures for schools and colleges presenting architecture and building as a possible career for women. In order to facilitate this we are making a video film which will show women in this capacity.&#13;
Women at Work — We have so far looked at the discrimination against women within our present economic&#13;
system and the heirarchical organ- isations which exist in architectural practices.&#13;
A Feminist Approach to Design — This centres around the relationship between the design of buildings and the role of ‘women in society todav and throughout history. We plan to&#13;
show how design guides and hand- books tend to perpetuate the con- ventional role of women within the nuclear family and later kope to pro- duce a model design for a communal home.&#13;
Women and the Press — We are investigating the ways in which architectural publications of all types promote the dominant role of men&#13;
in the building industry and the conventional role of women in the home or as sexist aids to advertising.&#13;
National Legislation — We have already made our reccommendations in the press that national legislation should require that a certain minimum percentage of women architectural workers be employed in all offices; that it should be mandatory for all larger offices to provide nursery&#13;
Slate 4 and Slate 8&#13;
facilities and allow part time working and flexitime; that the goverment&#13;
should actively encourage retraining schemes for women who have stopped work to bring up children; and that the government should support positive discrimination in schools in order to prevent conditioning of girls away from subjects requiring technical expertise.&#13;
History of Women in the Construction Industry — The construction industry is supported indirectly by a number of manufact- -uring trades which employ mainly women. We are hoping to research more fully the facts regarding the employment of women in these trades and also to expose the part that women played during two world wars, and still do in many developing countries, in providing the main workforce for the industry.&#13;
REALLY vo IiTTLE @RT) ‘SHOULD BE GiVEN&#13;
&#13;
 |&#13;
j Mowever, the treasury argues that specific rants tto sc 4 tresures must fe te&#13;
Petition with otter public expenditure and therefore be under treasury control.&#13;
‘Ee sept rom he Eagenae Crmiie 19727 The Neti Lan&#13;
Women architects demand a&#13;
wore&#13;
_ stag Sind plant in fespect cl&#13;
better deal&#13;
Troe | National tesislation should require that a certain p,&#13;
Pang&#13;
eovirnmen&#13;
in Bish&#13;
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‘of women architectural workers be employed in |&#13;
“2-7&#13;
The proportion ot womeg | abour 5 per cear. Thy&#13;
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open eerie atten&#13;
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ABILITY /&#13;
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ERIFiC HAVING WOMEN AS”&#13;
is encee agrees mt&#13;
he USN&#13;
wont.&#13;
omen Who must be eniplt whe meeung broadly&#13;
fr&#13;
‘cs and ‘should also support positive di ‘er to preveat conditioning of girls&#13;
“TBA survey ¢&#13;
The Feminist Group has been meeting regularly since it was formed in November 1977. Initially meetings. took.the form of informal discussions around our own experiences at work and as students. We then organised a few widely publicised open meetings with guest speakers on topics such as the communal role of women in early societies and women at work today.&#13;
These meetings have been successful in many ways: as well as providing valuable material for research through the exchange of information and ideas, and a public platform for the views of the group and NAM asa whole, they have enabled us to practice skills in which many of us felt we lacked experience such as preparing, organ- ising, coordinating, chairing and&#13;
speaking at largish public meetings. By November 1978, in time for&#13;
the fourth NAM congress, we intend to have published a booklet chronic-&#13;
4s employing more than 20 people to prav’ sities and ta allow part time working o¢ flexiry “ovemment should actively encourage retra “en who have stopped work to bring up&#13;
.&gt;&#13;
AncTheceTU?RE, THEYIRE OnLy Gea Lcom;NG FOR A HUSBAND&#13;
ABOUT KiTCH!&#13;
so he les generous iecatment of industrial bully ciation allowances for tax purposes may be at least cesposible for te lke nton devoued to produce&#13;
x&#13;
a&#13;
Architecture Movement is planning to ra ce. The idea isto form a design andaild group whi sig. Already Oup’s activity&#13;
gem part of the Group's contribution to the spa’ Women, Architects" exhibition being eNgbours in Pacis, starting on the 13&#13;
belandiatetitwudes: The tess&#13;
1») They feel chit women van ci.&#13;
|&#13;
technical devaiting,&#13;
(b) They feel that women cannot expe st angressve cop.cactor on site,&#13;
(c) They may have never employed 2 theredofnoavreventhink of thepossbilit (d) They feel rh: women are tnund children anyws&#13;
fe) They may fet threatenedat&#13;
eauld da the sume woe as theinselves&#13;
may icel comtraimed by th the | axgainst werner.&#13;
Several large a! swounen arch&#13;
ehtch&#13;
Pats get first job&#13;
ron txsomewhat ma&#13;
+&#13;
carlyeighteenctehnt, ornerof thesite, Orenedfy&#13;
Per (ales and cente, The evtof the workaround £40 00)&#13;
8 sgomber of the Federation sold icttheefhebling theAJthashewasvery&#13;
soup, but thc the eorapertive ting dened oy a indemiey insurance quicly 35 they want the work © 88 Beomen areca valved&#13;
|butts ilnoegalconatined,&#13;
The scheme currently being put forward Borough Council forthe rejcena’&#13;
varket area AT 16.8.78 =&gt; “ehop thatthe m&#13;
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FEMINISM &amp; ARCHITECTURE&#13;
fed work. design for a communal home for several families. This eclbped tbe propa ur ihe. pape,&#13;
alo rewvmmended that it should be mandutney Je&#13;
gt nytenesmeanfobicbeenepi e-apeatveprstcet up rece by NAS Peri&#13;
&#13;
 -ling our research and findings on the above issues. We also have been represented at the Centre Beauborg in Paris this September at the exhib- -tion of the International Union of Women Architects.&#13;
Contact with the group may be made through any of the members listed in the contacts list at the end&#13;
of this handbook or through the secretary of the New Architecture&#13;
Movement. July 1978&#13;
EEN A WOMIANON A&#13;
FR COURSE SHE ONLY GOT 7 a”&#13;
{CAL CLD HARRiDAN= FEMINIST 1&#13;
AN ASSCC TATE 6Y SCREWING Bae STAND THESE.&#13;
AGSRESS&#13;
ur&#13;
&#13;
 GREEN BAN ACTION A NAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
A Green Ban is&#13;
the action taken by groups of workers who refuse to&#13;
work on socially and environment- ally harmful projets. The Green Ban Action Committee believes that only by creating a broad alliance involving ordinary working people as well as dedicated conservationists can effective action be taken to protect and improve our environ- ment. It is therefore composed of members of trade unions, commun- ity organisations and environmental groups, and seeks to involve a very&#13;
wide range of people in its campaigns. The collaboration among those who live in the local environment includ- ing those who create it by their labour, results in a very powerful force. It raises the prospect of people working together to encour- age projects of a socially useful and environmentally desirable nature, rather than leaving profit to deter- mine the sort of environment in which we live.&#13;
The Green Ban Action Committee was formed at a public meeting in Birmingham organised by people&#13;
GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE&#13;
&#13;
 opposed to the destruction of the splendid Victorian Post Office in the city centre.&#13;
The first actions of the comm- ittee were to start a petition (which collected 20,000 signatures ), hold&#13;
a public rally, and to seek resolutions of support from trade unions such&#13;
as EEPTU, AUEW-TASS, ASTMS* NUPE; NALGO, UCATT and TGWU. Support was aslo forthcoming from local MPs, and county and city councillors.&#13;
Following the rally in March 1976, NAM was asked to prepare a planning report on the implications of the re- development with respect to the city and the financial return that was to be expected. Part of the report re- appeared in the first Green Ban Action Committee’s broad sheet which listed the arguments against the development, the support for&#13;
the campaign and a brief explana- tion for the Green Ban idea. The broadsheet was distributed through all the local TV branches and schools as well as the people of the city, The campaign was featured in the local and national press, many magazines and journals and on Radio Birming- ham. The 24 hour occupation of&#13;
a giant crane on an adjoining site&#13;
in support of the campaign was feat- ured on television.&#13;
During the summer of 1976 alternative proposals were formulated by the committee for the use of the building. NAM gained access to survey the building and prepare a feasability study on the reuse of conversion of the post office as a city recreation and leisure centre,&#13;
In Novembera delagation rep- resenting the GBAC, the West Mid lands TUC and the Victorian Society met with the City Council and the Post Office Board - a meeting result- ing from pressure mounted by GBAC.&#13;
The aim was to discuss objections of the proposed redevelopment of the GPO site. The leader of the City Council (now Tory) refused to consider revoting planning consent, and left it to the postal board to make. concessions. But in spite&#13;
of detailed arguments about Birming- ham’s heritage, about planning for people instead of profits, and about the huge over provision of office space, the Postal Board remained totally fixed in its determination to demolish the Victorian Post Office and build&#13;
offices.&#13;
At the first AGM of the GBAC in&#13;
March the following year, NAM pres- ented outline proposals for the use of the building as a leisure centre where they received unanimous approval. Following on from the meeting the alternative plan was brought before the UCATT regional committee and&#13;
a resolution of support was passed. The proposals were brought up at&#13;
the next Birmingham Trades Council meeting, received considerable support from the delagatesand a resolution of support. At the AGM of the West Midlands TUC the proposals received the unanimous approval from officals of just about all the unions of the West Midlands.&#13;
Thus NAM has taken part in a revolutionary and historic depart-&#13;
ture in the development of the British Trade Union movement and at the same time helped strengthen the support already given to the campaign. It may be too late to save the Vict- orian Post Office in Birmingham.&#13;
That would be sad but it would not&#13;
be end - rather the first step in a difficult and exciting process.&#13;
The approach taken by the Green&#13;
Ban Action Committee is a new one in Britain and it is hoped that it will be taken up in other cities and local- ities throughout the country.&#13;
July 1978&#13;
&#13;
 landscapers, students and , of course, unemployment.&#13;
The group meets regularly on the first Tuesday of each month holding extra meetings when necessary. In its activities to date it has not concentrated all its collective effort on its own specific issues but has tried to spread awareness of NAM’s existence and primary concerns.&#13;
One example of the groups efforts on the part of the movement is its distribution system for Slate. Each member buys two copies of two successive issues and distributes them to lacal offices and the School of Architecture as well as attemipting&#13;
to organise selling through bookshops. Another example was by visiting the majority of architectural offices in Leeds and Huddersfield to try to&#13;
obtain signatures for the petition against ARCUK investment in South Africa. Also, contact has been made with the Wakefield and Barns.ey branch of the RIBA, the Huddersfield RIBA branch, Leeds City Architects Dept&#13;
and people working in local practices, for the purpose of discussing the&#13;
work and policies of NAM. *&#13;
Anyone wishing to contact this group should refer to the contacts list at the end of this hand book or write to the secretary of NAM.&#13;
July 1978&#13;
LEEDS&#13;
A NAM LOCAL GROUP&#13;
2s&#13;
The Leeds Group which consists of about eight members was formed a year ago. The occupations of the members are varied and include workers in private architectural practice, construction workers - including building cooperators, self employed builders, designers and builders working on theatres, comm-&#13;
8 Members of the group are very 8&#13;
unity centres and housing cooperat-&#13;
The following list is of some of the organisations in which members are active as individuals: NAM liason group; ARCUK Council; local branch of AUEW&#13;
ives, working with Women in Manual Trades (formerly Women in Construc-&#13;
tion) , adventure playground workers,&#13;
BDS-TASS; Women in Manual Trades; UCATT; ARCAID — this is a local org-&#13;
conscious of the many possibilities&#13;
for expanding the range of activities&#13;
in terms of both local and national&#13;
issues. Although in dividual members&#13;
are separately engaged on most related&#13;
issues, the group as a whole does not work on them as such.&#13;
anisation which was started in response toa need for architectural and related services such as financial advice,-design, construction or refurbishing for local groups; tenants groups; community groups; groups concerned with local housing policy; building cooperatives and the Anti Nazi League.&#13;
=&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 LONDON&#13;
Perhaps unayoidably, owing to&#13;
the size of its constituency, the Lon- don group has proved the most signif- icant generator of NAM policy and action. Its form and role have chan- ged during its short history, according to the needs of its membeis, and the development of NAM as a whole.&#13;
At present the London group provides a forum for NAM members to discuss a range of topical, theor- etical and practical questions which fall both within and outside the accepted body of NAM issues. Its meetings are held on amonthlybasis ate widely advertised and open to the public at large, so serving&#13;
additionally as an introduction to the New Architectural Movement&#13;
_ for those interested in a radical anal- ysis of architectural practice. This arrangement is , however, a relat~ ively recent innovation.&#13;
At first, following the founding Congress in Harrogate in 1975, two separate working groups, the North and Central London groups, were est- ablished concentrating on distinct areas of interest and activity. In these the problems and contradict- ions of private practice and profess- ionalism were discussed, the case&#13;
for union isation developed, the&#13;
first National Design Service prop- osals formulated and the NAM sub- mission to the Monopolies Comm- ission undertaken. The first London seminar held in April 1976 in Covent Garden Community Centre, was well attended and provided the first pub- lic platform for much of this work. . Later, at the second Congress in Blackpool, the issue group structure&#13;
LONDON GROUP.&#13;
A NAM LOCAL GROUP&#13;
Nick Wates&#13;
&#13;
 co x»&#13;
Ss An&#13;
was formalised and distinct groups were formed to pursue the work on unionisation, the National Design Service, and the Monopolies issue, and to produce a newsletter for the movement which became Slate. A NAM characteristic had been estab- lished - that of the self-formation of a group of people through disc- ussion of an issue, resulting in a commitment to undertake the nec- essary work in terms of research of&#13;
and formulation and presentation ofideas. Of necessity much of this work is undertaken in London and many London NAM members found themselves heavily committed to issue groups, or to the Slate or Liaison groups. In line with such developments it is hoped that the presently evolved format fulfils&#13;
two functions. Through regular discussions it seeks not only to in- form and allow the membership a&#13;
say in the work of issue groups, but to generate discussion and interest across a broader spectrunrof concern. Thus recent discussions have included presentations by NAM groups on the aftermath of the Monopolies Comm- ission and NAM’s proposals for the&#13;
immediate future; Slate and Arch- itectural Journalism, centering on the problems of press accountability,&#13;
and Women at Work, a discussion led by the recently formed Feminist Group on the current position of women in relation to architectural and building work and possible act-&#13;
ion for future change. In addition&#13;
meetings have been given over to&#13;
discussion of the GLC Architect’s Department, the results and implic-&#13;
ations of the drastic policy changes&#13;
wrought by the Tories, and Altern- 3 ative Forms of Practice, a meeting&#13;
at which representatives from co- operatives and other practices disc- ussed their experiences. The next meeting, planned for early September, will centre around Cynthia Cockburn’s book “The Local State’.&#13;
London group meetings are usually reported in Slate and the weekly arch- itectural journals. They are adver- tised in these magazines and in “Time Out”, and anybody interested is wel- come to attend. Further informat- ion may also be obtained from, and suggested topics for the future prog- ramme send to the New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland Street, London, WIV 3DG: July 1978&#13;
&#13;
 MONOPOLIES A NAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
The ‘monopolies ’ issue - so called after the Monopolies Commission’s recent enquiry into architects’ fees has been a major element of NAM’s work since shortly after its form- ulation in November 1975. Dis- cussions originated in the old Central London Group and were continued in the North London Group early in 1975 until a specific Monopolies Issue Group was. needed to develop the work in detail.&#13;
In September 1973 the Depert- ment of Trade and Industry asked&#13;
the Monopolies Commission - a gov- ernment service department - to pursue the investigation of the arch- itects fee system which the National Prices and Incomes Board had begun. to reviewin 1968. The Commission set about gathering evidence from all parties considered to have an interest in the affair, ranging the RIBA (res- ponding as the monopolist) who through the statutoryAuthority&#13;
of ARCUK make their fee scale and Conditions of Engagement binding on all architects; to many ‘consumer groups’ - including private organisation ations, public corporations and nation- alised industries. Towards the end&#13;
of the evidence-gathering period NAM became interested in the issue and submitted its report “The Case Against Mandatory Fees”, in May 1976,&#13;
The Commission was required to report on whether the fixed fee system used by architects was a&#13;
that the way in which architects are paid led directly to the heart of the profession, how it is governed and the system of checks and balances that relates architects to each other and to those they claim to serve.&#13;
Our report, which was closely cross-referenced to the RIBA sub- mission, was presented in three sec- tions. First we attempted to show the falsity of the Institutes’ central argument that the fixed fee scale is&#13;
needed to sustain the architect’s “assurances” of integrity, unlimited liability, competence, accountability andaltruism. Next we juxtaposed some of the many incompatible statements within the RIBA docu- ment, and queried the inferences drawn from their statistics. Lastly we endeavoured to contsruct a definition of “the public interest” of broader application than the narrow formula adopted by the Commission.&#13;
Asummary of the NAM position was featured prominently in the Commissions report, “Architects Services”, which was published in November 1977. The Commission concluded that the existing fee system was indeed a monopoly operating&#13;
to the prejudice of the public interest and therefore recommended its abol- ition and the establishment of an independent government committee to determine new recommended fee scales.&#13;
As the Minister accepted the report,&#13;
monopoly(33% of the defined market) the Office of Fair Trading were asked&#13;
and whether it operated to the prej- udice of the public interest. As our analysis developed it became clear&#13;
to discuss with the profession how to ammend its rules to permit fee competition. At the same time,&#13;
MONOPOLIES GROUP&#13;
&#13;
 the basic NAM position having been vindicated, the Monopolies Group began to prepare proposals for anew fee system. These proposals, together with suggestions for Code of-Conduct ammendments and for the independ- ent Committee were published under the title “Way Ahead” and were pres-&#13;
ented to the Office of Fair Trading by NAM representatives of Unattach- ed Architects in March 1978. :&#13;
In May 1978 the OFT reported back to the Minister that no progress had been made with the RIBA or ARE€UK, leaving him to decide whether to use compulsory powers to enforce the Monopolies Commi ission recommendations. At the time of writing (July 1978) no further government action has been taken but the profession is active in lobbying both the Department of Trade and Industry and the DOE in an effort to persuade the Minister to set aside or modify the requirements.&#13;
At the Third NAM Congress in Hull, November 1977, the Monop- olies Group’s interim report, “Do Not Pass Go - Do Not Collect 6%’. was presented and accepted, and&#13;
the group was mandated to continue with the néce ssary follow-up action. A leaflet summarising the back- ground to the issue and the main proposlas of “WAY AHEAD” has therefore been prepared by NAM representatives of the Unattached Architects in order to bring our view point to the attention of the widest possible audience.&#13;
There is much to be done, and with limited resources so that anyone wishing to contribute to the work&#13;
of the Monopolies Group, which meets regularly in London, is very: welcome to contact NAM Liaison Group.&#13;
Anyone wishing to contact this group should refer to the contacts list at the end of this handbook or write to the secretary of NAM.&#13;
July 1978&#13;
&#13;
 PROFESSIONALISM A NAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
The current mode of professional organisation of architects in this country can only be understood in its historical context. In the early 19th century, new skills and areas of knowledge arose in response to the needs of rapidly expanding industry, and the traditional fields of expertise in the “professional” occupations were increasingly&#13;
invaded by those possessing these new essential skills. Architects, seeing their territory being eroded by, for example, engineers and spec. builders, responded in a similar way to other threatened “professional” occupations. They defined the area which they considered to be their concern, and attempted to control the practice of skills which operated within that area.&#13;
not gain entry to the profession. They could guarantee integrity,&#13;
they claimed, by setting down a&#13;
Code of Conduct, which those gaining entry to the profession must undertake to comply with. The profession sought to exclude the “unscrupulous and unfit” in order that the credibility of the profession should not be brought into disrepute.&#13;
Well, you might say, what does it matter whether the motive for prof- essionalising was one of self interest, if the “guarantees” offered by the profession stem from what is, arguably, a need for ensuring compet- ence and integyity within the profes- sion. But this would depend not&#13;
only on whether it is DESIRABLE to ensure competence and integrity, but also on whether it is POSSIBLE to“guarantee” these through a professional mode of organisation. Let us look at the “guarantee” off- ered by the architectural profession in terms of integrity - the Code of Conduct.&#13;
(n an age where tree competition&#13;
was “ deified”, how did professionals&#13;
so successfully manage to organise to&#13;
protect their own interest? Unlike&#13;
similarly motivated attempts at organ-&#13;
isation by industrial labourers of the&#13;
period (which met with powerful&#13;
and sustained opposition) “profess-&#13;
ionals” did not identify themselves&#13;
as a group whose interests were in&#13;
opposition to those of their employers. action. In fact, the Code is prim- Rather, they identified their interests&#13;
WITH those of their employers, and&#13;
used this “common interest” as the&#13;
basis for their organisation. They&#13;
argued that, by organising, they&#13;
would be albe to offer employers a “guarantee” of competence and integ- tity. They could guarantee compet- ence, they argued, by setting down certain minimum qualifications, without which practitioners would&#13;
arily designed to cover relationships between principal architects and other principal architects, and bet- ween principal architects and clients. There is little applicability to salaried.&#13;
The Code, in order to be compre- hensive, would need to cover the relationships between all the parties involved in an architectural trans-&#13;
architects, and the users of buildings hardly get a look in (a mention has recently been made of them in Princ- iple 1 of the Code, but this is not supported by any of the Rules which follow from that Principle).&#13;
PROFESSIONALISM GROUP&#13;
&#13;
 In addition, the effectivity of any guarantee will partly depend on its enforceability. In practice, there is a reluctance to act on the Code until such time as guilt has been proved in acourt of law. The pot- ential effectivity of the Code asa “guarantee of integrity” can also&#13;
be viewed in another way. It is said that the Code acts as a “moral oblig- ation”. Whilst not denying the pot- ential ofthis view, it can be argued that the weight of the Code as&#13;
“moral obligation” can only be ass- essed when it is balanced against all the other pressures which operate on architects, such as the profit motive, the increasing bureaucratisation of&#13;
the architects’s job, the contradictions of the salaried architects’ positions, an and the simple need to makealiving. The question that has to be asked here is, “what weight do moral obligations have against pressures such as these?” The major argument about “profess- ional guarantees’, however, is whether they are necessary at all. Society&#13;
has moved on from the laissez faire atmosphere of the 19th Century when when professionalism was seen as&#13;
the major counter to rampant indiv- idualism, Legislation, in the form of the Trades Description Act, Con- sumer Protection Act, etc., aim to offer the public protection, to per- form the very same function that the “professional guarantee” set out to perform..&#13;
So the Code of Conduct could be said to be incomplete and unenforc- eable, to carry little weight as “‘mor-&#13;
al obligation”, and to offer the pub- lic little more than it is already offered offered in law.&#13;
But it could be argued that it is nevertheless harmless enough for the profession to formally specify the way it would like its members to behave, even if this specification&#13;
carried little weight. The trouble is that the profession is laying claim to a “social responsibility” it cannot ensure, and together with this, the profession lays claim also to the ad- vantages which accrue to “altruistic” professional groups in terms of status, self administration, etc.&#13;
“Professional guarantees” are in- complete, ineffective, superfluous, and operate as figleaves, hiding from the public the way that the profession actually operates - in its own self interest.&#13;
Currently, professional controls&#13;
in architecture are undergoing change in response to pressure from within and from the Government. NAM seeks to add its voice to the debate and to contribute to future develop- ments through its representation of ‘unattached architects’ on ARCUK, its report to the Monopolies Comm- ision, and in its call for the reform&#13;
of the Architects Registration Acts. (described elsewhere in this hand- book).&#13;
For a fuller discussion of profess- ionalism and the Code of Conduct, see SLATE 3, and Way Ahead, the report submitted by representatives&#13;
of “Unattached Architects” on ARCUK, to the Office of Fair Trading following the Monopolies Commission Report of Architects’ Services.&#13;
Also ‘A Short History of the Arch- itectural Profession’: all available from NAM.&#13;
&#13;
 A NAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
NAM’°s initial call for a radical change in the hegemony and patron- age in architecture led to two main points of action. Firstly the call for unionisation in private practice (explained elsewhere in this Hand- book), and secondly for a&#13;
National Design Service&#13;
which would meet&#13;
the right of&#13;
everyone&#13;
to exercise control over the&#13;
buildings which surround them and in which they live and&#13;
work.’&#13;
This idea embodied the ‘commun- ity architecture’ approach, but also recognised that the existing system of public patronage would have to be challenged. Control over design could not be separated from control over resources. The NDS group developed their analysis in papers presented to NAM Congresses and&#13;
in open meetings, culminating in a Conference in Birmingham in May 1978, which put forward several proposals for action.&#13;
is that under the present economic&#13;
system the majority of people gain their rightful&#13;
access to environmental resources through the various layers of the State. The Public Design service&#13;
is therefore visualised as a radically modified form of Local Authority (where most of the resources are in fact already distributed) rather than as a new parallel system which would have to wrest control from these pow- erful institutions. This approach led to careful assessment of Local Authority design departments and their potential for change. While&#13;
the PDS group recognises that these are mostly bureaucratic instruments&#13;
of social control necessary to support private capital, they also see them as susceptible to vigorous popular press- ure from below, being the lowest teir of government, The frustration engendered by local authorities could be directed into action for beneficial change rather than being spent in need- less and destructive criticism.&#13;
PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE GROUP&#13;
&#13;
 LA Architect departments (and their logical partners, the direct labour organisations) are currently under attack from many quarters. The consequent weakening of these departments leads to the letting of design and building work to outside private architects and contractors, whose profit interest remove them further from accountability and control by the users. The PDS group is therefore in direct oppos- ition to any moves to dismantle&#13;
these essential areas of public service.&#13;
To help retain public control over resources, while trying to improve their distribution the PDS group&#13;
are trying to develop the potential for joint action amongst Local Auth- ority Architects and workers, tenants federations, appropriate trade unions and direct labour organisations. The first point of NAM’s involvement will be to interest and organise LA arch- itects to defend their services, to promote their responsibility to the community, and to research and analyse the idea of a Public Design Service.&#13;
There is much work to be done in trying to link the methods and exper- iences of the different local author- ities, to learn from the various uncon- ventional approaches already being tried, and in trying to take design&#13;
and building to where it really counts counts - into the hands of Local Authority consumers.&#13;
The PDS group has contacts through- throughout the country and anyone wishing to help or get further inform- ation should contact NAM, 9 Poland Street, London, W.1. July 1978&#13;
&#13;
 SLATE&#13;
THE NAM NEWSLETTER&#13;
Slate was first published in March 1977 asa resultof a resolution passed at the second NAM congress calling for anewsletter. Subsequently it has app- eared at two monthly intervals.&#13;
The Slate Group sees the newsletter as having three main aspects: firstly as a message board for NAM’s dispersed membership by collecting and publish- ing information about NAM’s work in the various issue and local groups; secondly as an outlet for news coverage uncompromised by the need to pander&#13;
to the whims of architects or to allow influence to be exerted over content&#13;
by advertisers, as characterisesthe ‘straight’ architectural press; and thirdly as a way of building up a body of rad- ical theory with regular feature sections.&#13;
Recent issues have included features on education, community architecture and Local Authorities. The latest issug is devoted to Feminism and Archi- J. tecture.&#13;
The group sees the preoccupation \ * with form as displayed by most of&#13;
the architectural ‘glossies’ as symptom\’, atic of the avoidance by the archit- ectural world of the crises faced by todays architects during a timeof. economic stress. In an attempt to&#13;
compensate for this attitude,Slate has produced specific features on issues such as Government cuts in Local Authority architects depart- ments but, more importantly, given consistent coverage to currents of radical change within the profession and to the political background surr-&#13;
ounding clients and their buildings which our profession so often chooses to ignore,&#13;
SLATE GROUP”&#13;
BUILDING A FUTURE FOR WOMEN. IN ARCHITECTURE&#13;
&#13;
 |&#13;
Aa&#13;
The Slate Group, which is respon-&#13;
sible for the production of the news- letter, is largely autonomous, It con- sists of approximately ten members who are elected each year at the&#13;
i&#13;
a=&#13;
A&#13;
IS&#13;
&lt;a&#13;
has been established acting in offices&#13;
and schools throughout the country. j Trade distribution is now handled by the Publications Distribution Cooper-&#13;
ative with the result that circulation is steadily increasing. Currently the print run is 1000 copies.&#13;
It is hoped that readership will ex-&#13;
tend to include more building workers and community activists than at&#13;
present, but the success of this dep-&#13;
ends largely on contributions andin- volvement by people outside the group. 9 Slate welcomes any letters, articles or information suitable for publication&#13;
and also offers of help in editing and production.&#13;
Anyone wishing to contact the group should refer to the-contacts list at the end of the handbook or write to the secretary of NAM.&#13;
ea annual congress. Most of the produc- tion tasks such as editing , graphics, typesetting, paste-up and some of the i printing , is carried out by the mem-&#13;
mej bersofthegroupitself.&#13;
A distribution network of agents&#13;
sléte!, n,n. &amp; vit, 1. Idinds of groy, green, oF bluish-purple rock easily split fato fat smooth plates; piece of euch&#13;
e used as roofing-material; pieco of It ramed in wod used for’writing on&#13;
&#13;
 UNIONISATION A NAM ISSUE GROUP&#13;
Trade Union organisation is a major feature of modern profession- al, as well as industrial occupations and most architects in public employ- ment or in large Housing Associations have recognised Trade Unions at their place of work. Why then are only a tiny proportion of the 50,000 workers in the private sector of building design, Trade Union mem- bers?&#13;
For architects the traditional ans- wer has always been that private arch- itectural practices are small liberal “families” of equal professionals sharing the same abilities, interests and goals.&#13;
Within this “family” the hard- working architect of ability rises&#13;
naturally to partnership, employs younger architects himself, thus pro- viding equal opportunities for the next generation. Trade Union org- anisation, it is argued, is thus of no long-term interest to the architect in private practice.&#13;
Whether this image of architect- ural practice was ever more than myth in the past, it certainly bears no resemblance to today’s reality.&#13;
Private architectural practices comprise some two-thirds of the pro- fession and are, by and large, business- es in which the 90% of salaried employ- ees have little hope of achieving any share in the control of the work they do, or ¢-£ their own salaries and cond-&#13;
itions.&#13;
In the pursuit of business&#13;
ION’ —WHAT ON&#13;
1WEWANT NN A OMION FOR T!!&#13;
\&#13;
PD &lt;)&#13;
UNIONISATION GROUP&#13;
&#13;
 efficiency more practices are expand- ing, becoming heirarchicai and bureau- cratic. The smaller practice where it still exists uses the “family” metaphor to justify the low salaries paid to emp- loyees and to evade the obligation to provide good working conditions.&#13;
They claim low profits - but invari- ably refuse to disclose figures to their salaried staff. Partnership law exempts practices from the inconvenient obl- igation to disclose trading figures but the declared earnings of principals in private practice recently* showed differentials of 50 fold between partners and salaried architects in&#13;
some large practices - a far cry from ~ the equality preached by the profess-&#13;
ional myth.&#13;
The salaried architect is, typically,&#13;
overworked, underpaid, and as much at the mercy of the market as any other worker.&#13;
All architectural workers are now beginning to realise that better pay and conditions, job security, and control of the work they do can only be gained by acting together to bar- gain for these rights at their place of work.&#13;
MANY UNIONS....7&#13;
At LUCAS AEROSPACE workers&#13;
have refused to. accept that the manu&#13;
facture of military hardware is the only expediency, architectural workers useful work available and through their remain unorganised and illequiped&#13;
Trade Union organisation, are prom-&#13;
to protest at the cancellationof&#13;
oting an inventive new range of soc- ially useful products as an alternat- ive to redundancy. By contrast in 1977 at a well-known London arch- itectural practice salaried architects set to work on the design of gallows&#13;
for a middle-eastern prison, were *.....iN no position to complain.”&#13;
Architectural workers are the&#13;
first to be affected by the use of&#13;
the building industry as an “econom- ic regulator” in the pendulum of gov- ernment spending. Whilst hospital workers and teachers are actively fighting, through trade union organ- isation, for an end to socially destruc- tive cuts in social services made in&#13;
the interest of short term economic&#13;
&#13;
 Louis Hellman&#13;
essential medical and educational buildings. =&#13;
In any previously unorganised. occupation there is the danger that several rival unions, including “craft” or quasi-non TUC affiliated unions may emerge, encouraged by employ- ers, which divide workers and prevent effective united action. To avert this possibility and to encourage organis?- tion of ALL employees in private&#13;
practice architectural workers in NAM set out to examine the options open and to launch a campaign to encour- age membership in strength of single TUC affiliated Union, by all workers in private sector building design.&#13;
In 1976 the Unionisation Work- ing Group of NAM Central London Group submitted a draft report to the NAM Blackpool Congress prep-&#13;
osing active Trade Union organisa-_ tion for architectural workers in the private sector. The Congress set up a national Unionisation Organising Committee to develop realistic prop- osals for organisation and to initiate an organising drive. The committee published the report - WORKING FOR WHAT?- setting out the case for trade union organisation in private sector building design and began detailed research into the options open. The committee exam- ined the possibility of forming a. wholly new union for building workers but this was considered im-&#13;
practical without the financial and organisational back-up of an existing TUC affiliated Union.&#13;
After detailed research the Organ- ising Committee held a building des- ign workers conference on May 14 1977 attended by over 70 delegates from throughout Britain. Briefed by a 10,000 word research report the delegates debated and chose TASS by a clear majority as the one Union within which building design workers should organise. TASS&#13;
was chosen because of its record as&#13;
an effective Union in enginéering design and for its high quality “back- up” of officials, publicity, legal and research facilities. TASS pioneer- ed equal rights for women (having&#13;
If you refusetf&#13;
iate withus. ther bor,&#13;
tnion TASS will tate forus:.-&#13;
a&#13;
Angus Slate 3&#13;
UNIONISATION GROUP&#13;
&#13;
 the first national Womens’ Organiser) and is linked with the powerful AEUW- - Britain’s second largest union.&#13;
By 31 May 1977 a Building Design Staff section had been set up within TASS and the first Branch (BDS - London Branch) inaugurated.&#13;
With the formation of BDS-TASS main responsibility for the organ- ising drive among architectural work- ers transferred from the NAM Org- anising Committee to the BDS-&#13;
TASS membership though since many of these are also NAM memb- ers close links are maintained.&#13;
A National Advisory Committee (NAC) of BDS members co-ordinates membership at national level, proy- iding a focus for BDS-TASS members in general TASS branches through-&#13;
out Britain and dealing with general recruitment. The NAC publishes&#13;
a BDS NEWS and recruiting literat-&#13;
ure aimed specifically at building desi&#13;
BDS- LONDON Branch meets monthly at Polytechnic of Central London, 104-108 Bolsover Street, London, W.1.&#13;
Each meeting holds a general forum open to non-members and alternate meetings have an invited speaker. The branch has become perhaps the only place where many building design workers can discuss important issues outside the pressur- ised atmosphere of the office.&#13;
The Branch research has produced a “model” contract of employment to assist members tied down to oner- ous (and sometimes illegal) condit- ions of employment, and joint con- sultations are in hand with public sector Trade Unions to form an “Architectural Workers Alliance”&#13;
to represent the voice of all workers in both public and private sectors.&#13;
A monthly Branch bulletin pub- lished by BDS London Branch giving full details of branch meetings can be obtained, free of charge, to- gether with further BDS—TASS lit-&#13;
rature from:&#13;
The Secretary,&#13;
Building Design Staff National&#13;
Advisory Committee, Onslow Hall, Little Green. Richmond. Surrey. TW9 1QN&#13;
July 1978&#13;
&#13;
 CONTACT LIST&#13;
ARCUK&#13;
c/o NAM, 9 Poland Street, London W1.&#13;
CARDIFF&#13;
Sue Barlow&#13;
205 Arabella Street, Roath, Cardiff.&#13;
EDUCATION&#13;
Hugo Hinsley&#13;
449 Mile End Road, Bow, London E3. tel: 01-251 0274&#13;
FEMINISM&#13;
Frances Bradshaw&#13;
14 Duncan Terrace, London N1. tel: 01-278 5215&#13;
GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE&#13;
David Roebuck&#13;
25 St Georges Avenue, London N7. tel: 01-&#13;
LEEDS&#13;
Norman Amold&#13;
9 Midland Road, Leeds 6, West Yorkshire.&#13;
LONDON&#13;
Ken Pearce&#13;
127 Fairbridge Road, London N19&#13;
MONOPOLIES&#13;
c/o NAM, 9 Poland Street, London W1&#13;
PROFESSIONALISM&#13;
Anne Delaney&#13;
28 Pane Place, Cathays, Cardiff.&#13;
PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE&#13;
David Green&#13;
Show House, Bardney Orton.Goldhay,Peterborough.&#13;
SLATE&#13;
c/o NAM, 9 Poland Street, London W1.&#13;
UNIONISATION&#13;
David Berney&#13;
23 Arthur Road, Kingston-upon-Thames, Surrey.&#13;
&#13;
 BIBLIOGRAPHY .&#13;
ARCUK&#13;
Private Practice Report NAM November 1976&#13;
Professionalism Cardiff NAM Group, November 1976 Arcuk After 40 Years in the Wilderness Slate 1, March 1977 Professional Government 3 part feature in Slate 3 July/August 1977&#13;
EDUCATION&#13;
FEMINISM&#13;
Women Who Are Builders&#13;
Building a Future for Women in Architecture&#13;
GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE&#13;
NAM and the Green Ban&#13;
GBAC sends PO plans to Council&#13;
MONOPOLIES&#13;
Slate, Issue 6&#13;
Slate, Issue 4 Slate, Issue 8&#13;
Slate Issue 4 Slate, Issue 7&#13;
NAM November 1977&#13;
Services — A Straightforward Guide Slate 5&#13;
Do Not Pass Go — Do Not Collect 6% Monopolies Commission Report on Architects&#13;
Who Pays? — Who Gets It?&#13;
Way Ahead&#13;
End Architects Fixed Fees&#13;
PROFESSIONALISM&#13;
Professional Government Way Ahead&#13;
A Short History of the Architectural Profession&#13;
PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE&#13;
A National Design Service Building for Whom?&#13;
Way Ahead&#13;
UNIONISATION Working for What?&#13;
BDS/TASS News, Issue 1May 1978 NAM July 1978&#13;
Slate, Issue 3 _ NAM July 1978&#13;
NAM 1975&#13;
NAM 1976&#13;
Slate, Issue 7 NAMJuly 1978&#13;
NAM 1977&#13;
&#13;
 NAM Calendar 1976 Soa.&#13;
*!&#13;
ge E==) Crxodus$0”Asthetica&#13;
Andit was said “God is in the details’&#13;
the People trembled fore the might ofthe Word,&#13;
they saw he light on ae They Sid&#13;
without the Word nd their Selves&#13;
Nant&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 PUBLICATIONS AVAILABLE FROM NAM&#13;
Way Ahead New report proposing new fee system, changes in Code of Conduct and making suggestions to forthcoming Government Committe in the light of the Monopolies Commission recomm- endations.&#13;
£1.50&#13;
Do Not Pass Go .... Do Not Collect 5% The only independent evidence to the Monopolies Commission arguing the case against mandatory minimum fees, plus proposals for a more representative, lay controlled ARCUK.&#13;
£1.00&#13;
Public Design Service Conference Papers Analysis of the origins and role of Local Authority departments of architecture, and interim proposals for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users,&#13;
£1.50&#13;
National Design Service Initial critique of Public Sector design , considering alternative structures to allow local control of design and resources.&#13;
£0.75p&#13;
Private Practice Progress Report @nference papers on a new model of architectural practice, the need to reform the Architects Registration Acts,&#13;
and the case for trade unionisation organisation of architectural and allied workers.&#13;
£0.35p&#13;
Short History of the Architectural Profession&#13;
From its first origins to the present day.&#13;
£0.30p Prices include postage and packing.&#13;
Back Issues of Slate — £0.35p each&#13;
Slate 1 Slate 2 Slate 3&#13;
Slate 4 Slate 5&#13;
Slate 6 Slate 7 Slate 8&#13;
Community architecture&#13;
Professionalism — the myth and the ideology. ARCUK -—insignificant or not?&#13;
Women who are builders and feature on Construction in Crisis.&#13;
Report on 1977 NAM Annual Congress. Guide to the Monopolies Commission Report. Education special.&#13;
Building for whom? - Local Authority primer. Women in Architecture special.&#13;
&#13;
 DIDUINY NYANMLY 88&#13;
MEMBERSHIP FORM Please use block letters&#13;
Name Address&#13;
Telephone ___________ home —_______. work&#13;
enclose a cheque/PO payable to the New Architecture Movement for the sum of £&#13;
Membership fee for twelve months including subscription to Slate is £5 for employed people and £2.50 for students, OAPs and claimants,&#13;
Please make all cheques and postal orders payable to the New Architecture Movement and send to NAM, 9 Poland Street, London WI.&#13;
Are you an unattached architect?&#13;
I would like to become a member of the New Architecture Movement,&#13;
The following information will hetp the Liason Group serve better its membership and readership:&#13;
If employed, nature of work If student, name of school&#13;
Unemployed&#13;
Name of Trade Union, if member&#13;
&#13;
 Ofer aL LEAS NAM Handbook 1978/1979&#13;
Published by NAM Liason Group 1977/1978 Design and Artwork by NAM Liason Group Typeset by Maggie Stack and NAM Liason Group Printed by Islington Community Press&#13;
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                <text> &#13;
 CONISTONE &amp;KILNSEY CRAG&#13;
Holiday Centre for the&#13;
Yorkshire Moors &amp; Dales&#13;
Harogate, one of the most beautiful towns in Europe, builttoatractvisitors,liesinthe centreofBritain.Itis easily reached by road, rail or air&#13;
YORK we —. iv&#13;
Mi oea eed CS enreas&#13;
es&#13;
a beautiful countryside, the town combines a sense&#13;
lined avenues and of being an urban centre with its elegant tee ers ura&#13;
Ee aee&#13;
Feeen rn&#13;
SR aLe ae&#13;
Sa ee eeeeeee&#13;
jelight and car parking isplentiful&#13;
prising that, with these amenities, Harrogate&#13;
Barncat) Barn Fel)&#13;
an ens ores&#13;
Doo eeaeeeen ee aea teeming with history, and in close proximity to the National Parks oftheYorkshire DalesandtheNorthYorkMoors.&#13;
eet&#13;
leastoftheseoneofthewonders uc ta) Ree et oftheworld,Fountains&#13;
and the most picturesque of country towns and&#13;
UU Licemetne&#13;
Uns aL ts eeeora Plentiful and coach excursions are regularly provided&#13;
MOORS Vir PARK ASO&#13;
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                <text> s&#13;
A NEW ARCHITSCTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
The Architects Revolutionary Counzil understands the need for a new architecture movement, and is glaé to instigate it. ARC has no intention / of becoming a mass movement itsel?.&#13;
The new architecture movement wii be seriously concerned with the Social responsibility of architecss and the framework in which architecture is practiced. ARC hoses to bring a moral and social consience to the architectural prozession. It hopes to end architecture as an elitist profession and direcsly relate architects to those who them the most, our true allies, th: people.&#13;
.3. So that people may control their environment. At the moment people have insufficient control of their environment in terms of planning and the use of resources. The Green Paper on Neighbourhood Councils now passing through Parliment gives only limeted participation to the people and by its lack of power reduces these Councils to purely advisory bodies easily over ruled. .Action must be taken with the goverment to give real power to the Neighbourhood Councils,&#13;
4, The environmental professions Should be subject to the democratic control of the public. In 1938 the Architects Registration Act came into being, due to the pressure from the RIBA to create a legal closed shop for the profession, while the Governments responsability for the public was sufficed by protecting them from sham architects. In todays society of worker control, user democracy and public accountability the Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom is obviously unacceptable, ARCUK must be reconstituted by Parliment to ensure that the public has adegate control of the architectural profession,&#13;
Below are just some of the reasons for forming a new architecture movement:-=&#13;
1. To create a situation where arczitects work for the real clients&#13;
the users. This can only be achieved if the users become the clients with the control of the capital fo&gt; projects. Decentralisation of power and increased democracy are essens:al concepts of this direction and architects should play an active vole in obtaining them. But as individuals architects have no power, because they are controlled by the providers of the resources fo&gt; projects. When architects combine they have only limited power whica is quickly shattered by the non- essentialality of their position in society. Thus architects have to gain public support for socialisirg their task, to be able to exert any worthwhile pressure. With this in nind a new movement could aim at putting architects talents at the aisposal of the public and because this idea is truly in the interests of the public it is capable of mobilising public support.&#13;
2. To make arthitectural services ay2ilable to all sectours of society. At present the architectural profession works for just two areas of society, firstly the rich minority and the powers of industry commerce and finance: secondly for local or national goverernment bureaucracies distant from the public they vainly try to serve. The majority of the population has hever had access to the aechitectural profession and so have been restricted in improving the quality of their environment. The self help attitude can only help a few people, while an architectural service could help those without ¢he time or resources of their own.&#13;
The national health service was not created by doctors or patients on their own, but only came about when enough pressure was brought on the goverment to create it, Similarily neither architects ror the public on their own can create an architectural service that&#13;
with all the ills of our present environment,&#13;
movement will have to be responsable for taking action government,&#13;
with the&#13;
SS ee&#13;
effectively deals A row architecture&#13;
&#13;
 ye reeve&#13;
5. Architectural education should be controlled by a body equally representative of the public, the profession, the teachers and the students. At present architectural education is controlled by the RIBA, a private club, through its Board of Education, which has powers of recognition delegated from the RIBA controlled ARCUK, Government funding of architectural schools and students is dependant on this recognition, Thus the public pays for an architectural education over which it has no&#13;
control, to produce architects over which it has no control, to create bad environments it can do nothing about. A reconstituted ARCUK could operate a new democratic Board of Architectural Education,&#13;
6. So that the RIBA's pretence at speaking as the "voice of&#13;
architecture". ends. The RIBA is effectively controlled by a small group - of principal architects, and its "voice" is stongly in line with their&#13;
own minority interests. Most of the group belong to the Association of Consultant Architects, a private practice organisation, Evidence for&#13;
this the RIBA's determination to save the fixed fee scale now under&#13;
attack by the Monopolies Commission. Their lack of interest in the&#13;
dangers exposed by the Summerland Fire and the use of High-alumina&#13;
eé@ment. Their reluctance to expose incompetant and corrupt architects,&#13;
A new architecture movement must stand for all that is socially&#13;
responsible in architecture,&#13;
7. The RIBA is not a progressive body. Many people have tried to create change within the architectural profession through the RIBA, most have totally failed. The RIBA is glad to absorb progressive ideas and people, in an attempt to portray an outward looking front, but in reality to smother people and their ideas in tedious committees and lengthy red tape. The result being to tire people out and make their ideas so impotent as to be harmless to the continuance of the RIBA's status quo. A new architecture movement must not be a stagnant tedious body, but vital, fleixable and ever responsive to the changing needs and ideals&#13;
of progressive people.&#13;
The first five points indicate the need for Goverment action, while the last two show the great inadequacies of the RIBA. Together they reveal some of the logic behind forming a new architecture movement.&#13;
Once a new architecture movement has gained a wothwhile base in the architectural arena it can begin to gain the Support of the public in accomploshing its objectives.&#13;
The first stage along this road will be to found a movement at a national conference of all interested parties.&#13;
ARC hopes that its responsible role in this is understood, we are not trying to force anything upon anybody, we welcome critisism and&#13;
constructive ideas, we abhor dogmatism.&#13;
We would be grateful for as much help as possible-in this, and are asking for help, to get as Many people as possible to the conference, to make contributions, to help with the conference organisation&#13;
e+.-. to make architecture socially responsible,&#13;
CONFERENCE FORMING A NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT FRIDAY OCT. 31st 3pm. to SUNDAY NOV. 2nd. 5pm.&#13;
MORECAMBE&#13;
Bed and Breakfast £2.00 plus evening meal an extra £1.00 Conference fees £1.00 or what you can afford.&#13;
Booking and information from:-—&#13;
ARC 11 Percy Street, London w1&#13;
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                <text> PROFESSIONALS. TOGETHER /&#13;
09gL8KS Rio&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
Harrogate Congress&#13;
21:23Wev Costs from £1059 inclusive Info from Wew Architecture Movement 10 PERCY STR. LONDON WI O17 636 0798&#13;
&#13;
 NEW ARCULSECTURE MOVEMENT CONGRESS - 21st to 23rd NOVEMBER 1975 Royal Baths Conference Centre Harrogate&#13;
FRIDAY 21 NOVEMBER TIMETABLE&#13;
13.60 to 15.00 1. Registration of Delegates and Guests at Royal Baths Conference Centre.&#13;
15,00 to 15.30 3. Afternoon tea.&#13;
15,0 to 17,00 4, Opening Plenary Session.&#13;
i) Initial address&#13;
ii) Discussion and Initial Motion.&#13;
17.15.%o 19.60 5. Working session groups (1 to 6) to formulate approach and assess validity of the task.&#13;
6. Bar open between 19.00 and 22.30. 19.00 to 20.00 7. . Cold Buffet.&#13;
20.00 to 22.00 8. Optional Plenary Session. 22.30 9, Conference Centre closes. SATURDAY 22 NOVEMBER&#13;
10, OO: te 11,00 1. Plenary Session. dO%6T23202.Morningcoffee.&#13;
11.30 to 13.00 . 3. “Working Session&#13;
15400. to-14..00 4. Conference Session. 16.00 to 16.30 5. Afternoon tea. &amp;B.30 to 18.00 6. Conference Session.&#13;
7. ‘Bar open between 18.90 and 23.00 29.00 to 21.00 8. Buffet Supper.&#13;
21.30 to 23.00 9. Optional Conference Session. 23.00 10. Conference Centre Closes.&#13;
SUNDAY 23 NOVEMBER&#13;
10.00 to 11.06 54 20.06 Lis Ti .30 €6 13.00 55.00 to. 14.00 14.00 to 15.00 £3.30&#13;
Conference Session.&#13;
Morning coffee.&#13;
Closing Session.&#13;
Meeting of Elected Officials. Buffet lunch.&#13;
Conference closes.&#13;
23.06. 06 15.30 2. Registration of Delegates at hotels and guest houses.&#13;
13.00 to 15.00 Free time, no lunch given. An onportunity to view Harrogate.&#13;
DH uv &amp; W DN EH BeilOeeeRe&#13;
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                <text>NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
HOW IT ALL BEGAN - A PERSONAL DESCRIPTION &#13;
&#13;
User involvement in Design &#13;
As the project architect of the new Edgewick Primary School in Coventry, I was briefed by the City Education Client Officer, a helpful, experienced and committed client. But when I asked him how I should accommodate useful suggestions from the new Head Teacher about the design of her new school he said, “Just ignore her”. I decided instead to ignore him and went on to work closely with the Head teacher, staff and pupils in developing the design of a successful and well-regarded Primary School adjacent to the existing Victorian Primary School, situated near a large Courtaulds factory and not far from the centre of Coventry.&#13;
For me this was proof that the users of a building must be fully involved if the design is to be successful. It was a very important lesson and my respect for the committed Head has stayed with me ever since. &#13;
&#13;
Working for Tenants and Residents &#13;
In the early 1970s many architects while working in offices were also providing free design advice and alternative schemes to tenants and residents groups faced with unacceptable redevelopment proposals. This work was in stark contrast to how they were earning their living during the day, but it taught both sides the benefits of having a design service available to and accountable to the people who used buildings.    &#13;
I was working for tenants in Newham while during the day I worked for BDP. BDP incidentally was a very good firm whose idealistic founding partner Grenfell-Baines stated it should be multi-disciplinary and fully involve and reward its staff. (3Rs, Responsibility, Recognition and Reward) (These ideas subsequently influenced the NAM Public Design Group’s proposals). &#13;
&#13;
At that time, my wife Ursula was working in a Community Development Project in Canning Town. Through her I became involved with West Ham tenants.&#13;
&#13;
Most private firms were not so good as BDP for salaried staff, hence salaried architects desire for change. The RIBA was seen to be a mouthpiece for private Architectural Practice.&#13;
&#13;
These ideas became more widespread throughout the profession both amongst salaried architects and teachers in schools of architecture.  At the same time, new young Labour councillors, who had emerged from tenants’ struggles, were beginning to be elected and this encouraged the development of NAM ideas in councils, for example Haringey.  	&#13;
&#13;
Architects Revolutionary Council (ARC) &#13;
While working in BDP, we used to occasionally visit the AA in nearby Bedford Square at lunchtimes. There was also an AA Studio in Percy Street near the BDP office. There I met the tutor, Brian Anson and his students. Brian had established with his students the Architects Revolutionary Council (ARC). &#13;
&#13;
They talked to us about ARC’s proposal for a New Architecture Movement to develop ARC’s ideas and especially to take on the RIBA, ARC’s bête noir. They were trying to encourage sympathetic architects, teachers and students to attend an inaugural conference to establish the New Architecture Movement. After I talked to Brian about my interest in public design he asked me to make a presentation about a national design service at the proposed conference.&#13;
&#13;
In November 1975 an advert appeared in the architectural press inviting participants to attend the inaugural congress of a hitherto unheard of New Architecture Movement in the unlikely setting of Harrogate.  The congress, organised by ARC after discussion with sympathetic architects, brought together a considerable number of like-minded salaried architects and students.  &#13;
NAM was born&#13;
&#13;
The New Architecture Movement  &#13;
Harrogate is a very attractive and stylish former spa town in Yorkshire. No doubt ARC chose it for that reason. &#13;
I presented a paper on a National Design Service to the Congress. Apart from meeting many like-minded architects, the main thing I remember about the congress is the debate about the proposed structure for the New Architecture Movement.&#13;
&#13;
NAM Structure&#13;
ARC proposed that an elected Leader and committee should govern NAM. This resulted in an animated debate. The women at the meeting persuaded the men that the New Architecture Movement should be structured like the women’s movement; ie, groups of people interested in particular issues who would come together as necessary, not at the diktat of a higher body. In retrospect I think this was NAM’s great strength so we didn’t spend our time nit-picking as would inevitably have been the case if we had agreed to the centrally controlled body that ARC wanted. &#13;
&#13;
It was eventually agreed that NAM should be structured as local groups. There was also to be a liaison group, whose role was to coordinate the different campaign groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual congress. Groups would report to each other through a magazine called SLATE. &#13;
&#13;
Liaison Group&#13;
I was involved in the first London liaison group and in due course we got a grant from the Rowntree Foundation, which enabled us to set up an office in 9 Poland Street. &#13;
&#13;
During the first few months after Harrogate, we discussed how NAM should develop. We drafted NAM’s objectives (attached) and organised our first meeting in May 1977 in Covent Garden to encourage more salaried architects to join.  Anne Karpf reported the event very favourably in Building Design.&#13;
Groups&#13;
The following campaign groups developed over time:&#13;
•	Alternative Practice &#13;
•	Education &#13;
•	Feminist Group &#13;
•	Professional Issues  (A number of us were elected to ARCUK to represent ‘unattached’ architects) &#13;
•	Public Design Group&#13;
•	SLATE &#13;
•	Trade Unions and Architecture&#13;
These groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress. &#13;
Although I was involved in the liaison group and other groups, my main interest was in developing the ideas for a National Design Service. This eventually became the Public Design Group. It included one of Brian Anson’s AA students and architects and students from Sheffield and Nottingham. So we did a lot of travelling, usually meeting in Sheffield. &#13;
See separate report on how the Public Design Group evolved and how its ideas were eventually developed in Haringey.&#13;
&#13;
NAM’s ideas became more widespread throughout the profession both amongst salaried architects and teachers in schools of architecture. &#13;
&#13;
John Murray&#13;
NAM Founder Member&#13;
31 August 2015&#13;
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                  <text>21-23 November 1975</text>
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                <text>A National Design Service Doc 1</text>
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                <text>Paper presented by John Murray  to the first NAM Congress at Harrogate 21-23 November 1975 as requested by Brian Anson</text>
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                <text> 1.0 Introduction&#13;
A NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE Paper No 2. May 1976&#13;
At the Harrogate Conference last November we called for a National Design Service which would meet the right of everyone to exercise control over the buildings which surround them and in which they live and work. This is a right denied in part or in total to most people in this country.&#13;
We saw that the present system of patronage is such that 80% of the population have no real control over what is built, where it is built, and who uses it. They must adapt to an environment which is imposed upon them, at best through a system of spurious choices, and usually not even that.&#13;
Architectsworking arrangements are similarly affected. Larger and thus fewer practices are required to handle the big jobs. At present&#13;
36% of medium and large private practices carry out 81% of the work. These same offices employ 82% of increasingly frustrated salaried architects. The bigger the jobs, the greater the profit, so it is not surprising that the principal dominated RIBA, while commisera-&#13;
ting on the ‘crisis’ in architecture, looks everywhere for the&#13;
answer except towards the real cause - a system of public and private patronage, inwhichinitial access and subsequent control is severely limited. The remedy for this will not be architectural. It will only be achieved when society's values change.&#13;
Within the present economic system it appears to us that it is only through the state that the majority of people can gainetheir. right= ful access to the resources necessary to have control over their environment.&#13;
In our opinion therefore, the existing service provided by local government offices, provides, albeit in a very limited and unsatis- factory manner, the basis of a national design service. We recog- nise that to achieve our aim, the present power structures must be&#13;
radically changed. Nevertheless we shall press for a freely avail- able national design service in the form of decentralised local government offices, coupled to local accountability and control.&#13;
The patrons, a minority of rich and powerful organisations and indi- viduals effectively control the direction of architecture. The&#13;
design and type of buildings reflect their structure and values. The tendency for these organisations to grow larger by incorporating smaller and weaker ones, results in fewer and fewer patrons commi= ssioning bigger and bigger buildings.&#13;
&#13;
 The purpose of this paper is to examine the present processes at work in each case of current architectural patronage and to try to draw out factors which will help to clarify both the kind of service which would be désirable and the means by which that might be achieved.&#13;
2.0 SYMPTOMS AND CAUSES&#13;
2.1 Curing symptoms&#13;
From school of architecture onwards architects are conditioned to accept the context in which they work, and to look for the solu-. tions to the problems of architecture in the symptons of the malaise. After all, anything more searching would involve questioning the status quo. So the architectural establishment, the schools, the RIBA and the magazines have elevated physical form to the position where it is widely accepted that bad design is at the root of all architecture problems. The contention is, of course, that&#13;
universal good design would solve everything. This preoccupation&#13;
with form has led us to view in their time, structural expression, modular coordination, prefabrication, rationalised traditional and&#13;
so on, as the panacea for all ills. Now energy conservation is being dressed up for this exacting role.&#13;
To all of these we are.told, must be added the ingredient of creati- vity. Improving the ideas of others is not accepted as valid in this concept -— even though we know that the various elements jn the Parthenon had been around for centuries before the architect put them together ina particular way. He wasn't asked to invent them.&#13;
Creation has come to mean innovation — and in a substantial way and from scratch. But to innovate is to experiment with the people who will use our buildings. As we do not know who these people are,&#13;
there is a tendency for the large buildings created for their use to be anonymous also. This is where innovation comes in, where we use a variety of devices to add visual interest. The result is always false and frequently foolish as well. In this respect schemes like Park- hill in Sheffield are at least a more honourable expression of the brief than those produced by people like Darbourne and Darke who, to the delight of the magazines, attempt to conceal the monolithic&#13;
-nature of the brief by the use of complicated and arbitary forms. The latest "answer" as per participation in Bykker, looks suspi- ciously like yet another attempt to fool the working class.&#13;
Without the demand and feedback from the users, all designs are carried out in a vacuum, and it is naive to look for a new archi-&#13;
&#13;
 3.0 LAND&#13;
tecture in the means of construction and form, while ignoring the basic issue of patronage.&#13;
‘The designs which we create reflect precisely the values and aspira- tions of the patron and John Berger has described how this has been true - with one or two exceptions —- of art throughout history.&#13;
We believe that there will only be a new architecture when the patronage base is radically extended to enable the majority of people to control the design of their environment.&#13;
2.2 Examining the Causes&#13;
Money and land are necessary prerequisites of architectural patron- age, but the ability to raise and control finance is the key aspect and the basis of all patronage, for it enables the patron to gain control over land. Clearly in our society, only the state and a minority of private organisations and individuals can hope to be in this position, and the distribution is 40% by value private and 60% by value public architectural patronage.&#13;
We should have a clear understanding of the present system, if we are to discover where advances can be made towards‘a more equitable distribution of patronage in the short term, and a complete redis-— tribution in the long term.&#13;
The next three sections discuss briefly the role of land ownership, the link between control of resources and control of architecture, and the resulting effect on design, architectural practice and the relationships between user and architect.&#13;
The last official comprehensive register of all land holdings in this’country was produced in 1874. Today there is no official register of private land holdings and all attempts to create one&#13;
have been systematically blocked in Parliament. From this we can perhaps deduce that the majority of land is in private ownership.&#13;
While we do not know-the average division of land between private and public ownership, we do know that in working class communities the proportion of publicly owned land is very high; as high as 80%&#13;
for example, in-parts of the East End of London.&#13;
&#13;
 Although the ownership of land is a necessary prerequisite of archi- tectural patronage clearly the converse is not true, as most owner occupiers have no direct contact or control over architects services.&#13;
Land takes its value not only from its present use but also from its potential use, and it is at its most expensive under the pressure&#13;
of competing useS5 as in city centres. The use to which the land is put is dictated by the profitability of the use; hence prime sites are taken by those activities which yield the highest profits.&#13;
Although the free market in land is tempered somewhat nowadays by the local planning authority, this intervention in itself results in changes in land values.&#13;
Because private profit is the motive underlying the free market in land, working people cannot penetrate this market far less control it, except through the medium of the state. But the inadequacies&#13;
of public finance quite often results in cheap and unsuitable sites being bought for public use, and the need to optimise even this,&#13;
leads to gross over:use. High densities are therefore accepted as the norm for public housing, giving rise to balcony access and other manifestations virtually unknown in the private sector. Under the present system of land ownership this is unlikely.to change.&#13;
4.0 PRIVATE PATRONAGE&#13;
The building sector financed by private patronage falls into three broad sectors — Industrial, Commercial and private housing. This work accounts for around 63% by value of all commissions undertaken by private practice.&#13;
h.|) The Patrons&#13;
The major patrons are those companies and individuals who control these sectors. Financial institutions now own controlling. share- holdings in British companies and through their executives and directors dictate the patterns of investment throughout the economy. These are the main private patrons of architecture, and although private individuals exercise patronage, the value is minute in comparison.&#13;
&#13;
 4.2 Reasons for Patronage&#13;
4.3 Affect on Architecture&#13;
The architecture will reflect the directness of the relationship between profit and the building. So if the activity yields the profit, as in industry say, then the building is required merely to house the activity, and little in the way of cosmetics are applied beyond that which is necessary to satisfy the Health and Safety at&#13;
Work Act and the Planning Officer.&#13;
4.4 User Control of Design?&#13;
Capital in any company is accumulated by profit. On the basis of its profitability, shares in it are also bought through the money market, which together finance further development with a view to&#13;
creating further profit. The money market determines into which sectors resources should flow to gain the greatest return.&#13;
On the other hand, speculative housing and office development, are in themselves the means of achieving profit. Sufficient money wil] therefore be directed into the appearance, commensurate always with&#13;
the market for which it is aimed.&#13;
Where it is more profitable, the patrons will elect to build their own offices, which will fulfil the dual function of housing their activities and presenting the required public image. The Commer-— cial Union Building is therefore designed to create an aura of&#13;
prestige, restrained good taste, wealth and stability, while con- cealing the rather squalid nature of its source of wealth. It ful- fils this function admirably.&#13;
Real user control over the design is achieved when the architect is designing private villas for the directors.&#13;
In other instances those same directors and executives wi 1] certainly control the design process of a new office or factory but they will almost invariably be absentee clients. Where they are not they will be well insulated from reality in the penthouse, surrounded by solar reflecting glass&#13;
and Barcelona.chairs.&#13;
Money will therefore only be put into buildings in the first place if that is, or will lead to, the most profitable way of using the&#13;
money. The type of development, whether industrial, commercial or private housing will be chosen according to the same logic.&#13;
&#13;
 The workers on the shop floor or in the offices, on the other hand, are still unable to control the design of their environment,&#13;
(although it is in the interests of the more enlightened manage- ments to indulge in participation) even although that design, as&#13;
in the case of open plan offices, is a direct function of decisions to change working methods to increase productivity.&#13;
There is no element of user control in speculative housing either. 62% of this market is designed by private practice but architects and users never meet. Although people who are able to buy into this market gain a certain amount of control through choice, the choice is initially limited by income and location, and further&#13;
limited in terms of accommodation and design. . These have more to do with the developer's profit margins than the buyer's real needs.&#13;
But the relationship between house prices and earnings is so organ- ised as to exclude half the population and in some working class&#13;
areas, over three quarters. Ina free market house prices wil] always be out of reach of the majority of the working class. Any- one who doubts this should consider what £60 per week buys in the London housing market and remember that many people earn a lot less than this.&#13;
4.5 Public Accountability?&#13;
The executives who control the building design are responsible&#13;
only to their shareholders. Their job is to ensure maximum return on investment. The public good does not feature in this equation - nor can it. The people affected by private buildings have no control over the developer's actions other than indirectly through Planning Control.&#13;
Even where the Planning Officers. do profess to have some regard for the ethic of public service, they will be in conflict with, and wil] often be overridden by the local political requirement for rate&#13;
income. The argument is that the interests of the public as a whole takes precedence over the interests of a few local people, no matter how disastrous the effect on their lives may be.. Planning Control has failed too often in these situations in the past for us to have any confidence in its ability to safeguard the public interest.&#13;
Private practice in turn is not accountable to the community&#13;
affected by its designs. Not only is the partners' liability to&#13;
the client, but the practice is also dependent on the client finan- cially. Not surprisingly therefore, private practice rarely opposes the client's demands.&#13;
&#13;
 4.6 Conclusion.&#13;
Control over design cannot be separated from control over resources. In the private sector these resources are controlled by a minority - formerly rich individuals, now the representatives of giant instit— utions. The Private patron of architecture adopts this role solely to create more wealth, and is not accountable in any meaningful way to the people affected by his buildings. -Simi larly, Private prac- tice is in business to service these interests. Under a system of private patronage the needs of working people will be in conflict&#13;
with the dictates of the client. Profit sharing and cooperative working arrangements may increase the material well being of the&#13;
salaried architect but they will not altar this basic fact.&#13;
5.0 PUBLIC PATRONAGE:&#13;
Public patronage of architecture comes through the central state, the nationalised industries, but in the main through local authori- ties. Jt accounts for all the work produced by public sector architects, and 37% of work by value of private practice. In total the state is responsible for 60% of the Building industry's annual turnover.&#13;
5.1 Reasons for State Patronage.&#13;
It has often been argued before that the state fulfils two basic functions. The first is to try to promote or maintain the condi- tions in which economic growth is both possible and profitable for&#13;
‘the private sector. Secondly the state trys to maintain and pro- mote the conditions for social harmony, and make the existing social order seem acceptable.&#13;
Both factors are at work when the state finances building. On the one hand, the state must intervene in the arena previously described, to provide enough housing, hospitals and schools to&#13;
prevent the population from becoming restless. On the other hand, a well housed, healthy and reasonably educated working class are necessary if economic growth is to be achieved and sustained. The main, organ of this system of control is the local Authority.&#13;
&#13;
 5.2 Local Authority Finance:&#13;
The largest part of local Authority finance is in the form of central government grants. A much smaller proportion comes from rates. The services provided from these funds, constitutes the&#13;
return we. get on taxes and rates paid by us the public. Pressure&#13;
to hold down rates and taxes results in a short fall of finance,&#13;
and local authorities are forced to resort to the private money market to make up the difference. This is a very lucrative business for the private money lenders, to the extent that 1/3 of the housing expenditures of an Inner London Borough goes into paying back&#13;
interest to the finance companies.&#13;
5.3 Control over Resources&#13;
The directness of the flow of resources to the state is in inverse proportion to the extent to which the public are able to control, or even understand the mechanism for producing what we have paid for, local authorities are the local arm of the central state, and are obliged by law to carry out central policies, whether or not local politicians believe that these are in the interests of their constituents. All public resources are therefore controlled from the centre through grants, approvals and regulating machinery such as cost allowances and Housing Yardsticks.&#13;
5.4 User Control of Design?&#13;
Control of architectural patronage at local authority level is exercised by the relevant spending committee, a large part of that power being wielded by the committee Chairman. The committee Chairmen are serviced by their departmental chief officer whose advice is backed up by arguments prepared bya large team of specialists. In the face of this formidable array it is little wonder that the full council can do little more than rubber stamp committee decisions, and that even ward councillors are unable to play an active role in controlling services to the people they represent, let alone the users themselves. Except, for example, where a head teacher is involved in the design of a replacement school, there are few other opportunities for the user to gain control over the design. It is a system in which a certain product is demanded of individual architects in return for continued employ ment. The product is imposed or "sold" to local groups by a poli- tical leadership which has no doubt as to where "participation" begins and ends.&#13;
Whatever the source, the public pays it eventually, either through increased taxes, rates and charges, or by the reduction in services for which we thought we had already paid — witness the present&#13;
expenditure cuts.&#13;
&#13;
 5.5 Design&#13;
We are only too familiar with the effect which scarce, minimum re- sources and the lack of user control has on the buildings. Whi le there is just not enough money, the design decisions which have to be made by the architect in the absence of user instructions, un=- doubtedly.mean that what money there is will often be allocated wrongly.&#13;
5.6 Public Accountability of the Architect?&#13;
The local authority departments - education, housing, social services, architecture etc. are concerned with the provision of city wide services and by and large they treat the city as a whole. Sectional interests, whether of wards or of classes of people are generally subordinated to those of the. general population.&#13;
5.7 Conclusion. .&#13;
Centralised offices follow naturally from this city wide view, the departmental chief officers are accountable to the Counci| via the Chairman of the relevant committee, and a hierarchal pyramidal structure must follow. The individual job architect who actually produces the work is responsible to the Chief Officer through a series of steps in the hierachy. The chain of accountability of job architect to user is through: group architect, principal architect, Chief architect, spending department chief officer, committee chairman, committee, ward councillor, User. Seven steps between architect and user. Those steps are so immovable and con= cerned with prestige,screening and face saving operations that in&#13;
practice the local authority jobs architect is not accountable to the user at all.&#13;
The changes which are necessary to convert this monolithic structure into a freely available and locally controlled National Design&#13;
Service are substantial indeed.&#13;
However, in setting out the ills and authoritarian practice of government structures it is important not to lose sight of the more fundamental fact that these structures directly or. through grants supply the resources, and buy the land necessary to meet basic — social requirements. It is not possible for people to demand control over the design of buildings if there are no resources to build them. The relevance of public resources to the question of control is seen most clearly in housing. In old working class communities up and down the country there are millions of people&#13;
living in clearance areas in which badly built spec housing of the last century has rotted for decades. Housing which needs redeve=~ lopment not rehabilitation. The long-term cuts in public spending in order to make good the lack of private investment in the economy&#13;
mean that people in these areas are faced with the fact that re= sources for new homes is not to be made available. These areas&#13;
have become marginal, peripheral and in the end expendable. Patched up rehab. is what people will be offered alongside increasingly under maintained existing counci|] developments.&#13;
&#13;
 6.0 ALTERNATIVES&#13;
The third area of patronage is interesting in terms of the poten- tial for raising expectations of what can be possible in the way of alternative practice.&#13;
6.1 Source of Finance:&#13;
In the private sector it includes grants from developers like Wates to Assist or the Ealing project andtrust funds of one kind or another to enable the provision of special buildings and services.&#13;
Such sources of finance usually ultimately rest upon less than respectable activities and hence the importance of philanthropic gestures to buy an honest and respectable image. This is not an argument against pursuing such funds; merely a reminder that such grants are only renewable insofar as they fulfil this hidden motive. They usually dry up when they fail to do so.&#13;
6.2 Control of Finance:&#13;
The source of finance is provided throughadiverse range of public and private grants which to varying degrees cover land, design and development costs. Grants from public sources include H.A.A.'s, GIA's, Housing Associations via the Housing Corporation and possibly Urban Aid in resourcing community design services.&#13;
But once secured they often create considerable discretionary power over handling such resources, within the overall terms of the grant. This power is expressed in the growth of resident=controleld&#13;
housing associations which employ technical services on their own terms. This is by no means general. Local Authority controlled H.A.A.'s usually strictly limit the role of residents and on the other hand many Housing. Associations are merely private practices masquerading in disguise. Control of their activities by local&#13;
residents. is not on their agenda either.&#13;
Lfwebelievethatcompetenceandqualityareintegrallytied-up with who controls the process, then it should also give rise to designs which are welcomed and liked.&#13;
&#13;
 6.3 User Control and Local Accountability:&#13;
But because of the facility for innovation there is scope for change in the traditional pattern of patronage. It is possible for the resident organisation which controls and manages the resources to be both client and user.. In employing the services of an architect there is no ambiguity about accountability. Where resources are controlled via the 'professionals' a serious attempt to place such structures in aposition of accountability to a locally controlled Management Committee can be innovatory. However a major drawback&#13;
is the same as that which arises when work is done on a voluntary basis. Real power rests on being able to change your designer if you don't like them. Limited access to alternative source of such skills distorts the relationship on either side.&#13;
6.4 Practice Structures:&#13;
The further by-product which ‘alternative projects' can create is&#13;
in the office structure. Hierarchal power structures normal to private and public offices can be replaced by collective authority:| and cooperative working relationships. A further choice is to&#13;
work for a reasonable salary turning the excess fees over to the public interest, rather than merely extending the sharing of excess profits.&#13;
C ONC LUS |ONS&#13;
This summary of the three ways in which architectural patronage is exercised provides the foundation for a more realistic discussion of what strategies can be employed to begin to lay the basis for&#13;
a national design service within the real control of ordinary working people. —&#13;
Local Authority Services&#13;
Local] Authorities are clearly, centrally important as the main structure through which people can exert demands and gain the necessary access to land and resources created by taxation and&#13;
rates, They are also equally important structures of authoritarian social control which cannot afford and have no intention of giving © away power to the grassroots. In principle, local authorities are structures which cannot be radically changed in our present society —- of that we should have no illusions. However, as the lowest tier&#13;
of government they are not only necessary from above but are also susceptible to the threats of vigorous pressure from below.&#13;
&#13;
 In our view we must campaign to support the demands of those local groups, who represent the interests of future users, and who cal] for a direct relationship of control over local authority architects delegated to design peoples future homes etc. - control which&#13;
“extends to rejection of unsatisfactory proposals. Such a demand will inevitably be strongly opposed and in NAM we need a strategy which can help sympathetic architects to organise inside local authorities, to demand direct accountability to users and the creation of small locally based offices. To protect individuals, we need to secure the support of public service unions and UCCAT&#13;
for the principle of this demand.&#13;
Alternative Initiatives:&#13;
No-one who has worked in a local authority can listen to talk of changing Local Authorities without asinking heart! This leads&#13;
on to the second conclusion, which is that one of the best ways to&#13;
raise expectations of what people's real rights over design are, is to increase the number and range of alternative short-term initia- tives.&#13;
Where they are successful in winning public support they can be used&#13;
as practical examples to pressurize local: councils into incorpora- -ting changes. More widely, we must never ignore the basic fact&#13;
that small scale alternatives are based on the limited sponsorship of private or public sources of finance which can usually only meet the demands of a small number of specific groups of people. But they can offer the means to work and demonstrate how local groups and neighbourhoods can effectively extend control over decisions and resources effecting peoples lives. Local design centres which place themselves in a formal relationship of accountability to the community have a contribution to make in this process. We need a strategy for pursuing sponsorship of such initiatives.&#13;
These two major conclusions and the way they should be carried forward are suggested as the basis of discussion.&#13;
What does this imply in terms of a national design service? Local Authorities already control.a national structure of public sector architects. Do we wish to or change this existing structure or&#13;
provide a parallel service?&#13;
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