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                  <text>A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing&#13;
as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by&#13;
the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on&#13;
such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional&#13;
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                <text>Letter to AJ re more equitable forms of architecture from John Murray and DR NAM Central London Group</text>
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                <text> The Editor&#13;
The Architect's Journal 9 Queen Anne's Gate London SWI 9BY&#13;
@ Sir:&#13;
We welcome Hellman's letter arguing for more equitable forms of architectural practice. This contrasts with the findings of a report sponsored by the Association of Consultant Architects which conludes that the ills of architecture are @aused by there being too manyarchitects. Amoresearchinganalysismighthaverevealedthattherearenot enough patrons.&#13;
The fact that the present patrons of architecture are rich and powerful individuals or organisationsisreflectedinourarchitecture. Thepeoplewhoarenotpatronsof architecturecompriseover80%ofthepopulation. Theremedyforthiswillnotbe architectural. Itwillonlybeachievedwhensociety'svalueschange.&#13;
A paper was given on this subject at the Harrogate Conference of the New Architecture&#13;
Movement. One of its conclusions was the need for a National Design Service. Since ; then the North London Group of NAM has been studying the practical implications of such&#13;
‘® a service, in conjunction with methods of achieving cooperative office structures.&#13;
Any changes in existing practice must be set in the context of the need to expand resourcesinvestedinhousing,educationandhealth. Therecentexpenditurecutsseem torepresentanattempttoreducepermanentlysuchprovision. Forpeopleinclearance areas the question of redevelopment v. rehabilitation Is being replaced by the fear that they will never secure a decent home.&#13;
The current direction of resources into non-resident controlled housing associations is no substitute. Itmaybringworkandprofitstoprivatearchitectsandotherprofessional groups, but it is at the expense of working people.&#13;
We believe that any new form of architectural service must include a formal mechanism&#13;
of local control through which architects are accountable, not only to thelr clients, but tothosewhoareaffectedbytheirdesigns. Onlyinthiswaycancompetenceandquality of service be measured.&#13;
Although we would encourage co-ownership in architects offices, it is clear that without local accountability such a development would merely extend professional elitism and allow a wider distribution of profits within the profession.&#13;
The New Architecture Movement Central London Group&#13;
10 Percy Street&#13;
London W |&#13;
Tel: 01 580 2621 4 March 1976&#13;
pee&#13;
&#13;
 The Editor&#13;
The Architect's Journal 4 March 1976&#13;
In our opinion, the basis of a National Design Service already exists, albeit in a very inadequate way, in the service provided by local government offices.&#13;
At present access to local authority architects is restricted to the spending committees whoselinktothepeopletheypurporttoserveistenuous. ThearchitectsInvolvedare solelyresponsibletothesecommitteesandthenonlythroughtheirchiefofficer. This is unsatisfactory.&#13;
The New Architecture Movement will press for the principle of a national design service In the form of small scale collectively organised offices, coupled to local accountability and control.&#13;
Our initial work will be sufficiently advanced for this to be the main subject of our next conference in London at the beginning of May.&#13;
Yours faithfully&#13;
David Roebuck and John Murray Central London Group&#13;
New Architecture Movement&#13;
10 Percy Street&#13;
London W |&#13;
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                  <text>Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp;amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production.</text>
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                <text>TASS chosen as architects' union by NAM</text>
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                <text> TASS chosen as architects’&#13;
union by NAM conference&#13;
Why TASS?&#13;
The main advantages of TASS were stated as being its | efficiency in recruiting and in providing technical back-up when needed: It is reputed to have the best research depart-&#13;
ment of any union of its size.&#13;
TASS, formerly DATA (Draughtsmen and Allied Techni- cians Association), has over 140 000 members which makes it the second largest white collar union in the private sector. Although part of the 1400 000 strong AUEW, TASS remains largely independent with its own finances, staff, headquarters and a large degree of autonomy over its own industrial and political policy. Architectural workers will be able to have their own branches within the union which will allow them a large amount of autonomy to develop in their own way. At&#13;
All people employed in private sector offices in the building&#13;
professions where no union is already recognised are urged to the same time they will retain the advantages of being in a join TASS: the Technical, Administrative and Supervisory large powerful union which will be capable of providing&#13;
Section of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers&#13;
(AUEW). This is the recommendation of a special one-day&#13;
conference on trade unionism in architecture and the allied&#13;
building professions, sponsored by the New Architecture TASS considers it is already connected with the building in-&#13;
Movement in London last Saturday. An organising committee&#13;
has been instructed by the conference to make a recruiting&#13;
drive.&#13;
The decision comes after six months of debate and research&#13;
into which union would be most suitable for architects and&#13;
other allied workers. A committee set up by the New Archi-&#13;
tectureMovement’sCongressinBlackpoollastNovemberhas sectionofUCATT tobetheobviouschoice;beingtheunion had negotiations with officials from ASTMS (Association of most firmly connected with the building industry. But speakers&#13;
Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staffs), STAMP (Sup- pointed out that STAMP has extremely poor back-up facilities, ervisory, Technical, Administrative, Managerial and Profes- would be unable to provide much support for recruitment, sional section of UCATT), TGWU (Transport and General and that architectural workers could not have their own auto-&#13;
nomous branches.&#13;
Conference chooses TASS for private sector&#13;
GO-AHEAD FOR DESIGN UNION&#13;
muscle in the eventuality of industrial disputes.&#13;
TASS also organises actively on the part of women who com- prise over 11 per cent of the membership.&#13;
dustry through its link with the AUEW’s Construction Engin- eering Section and because of the several hundreds of em- ployees in building professions who are already TASS mem- bers; mostly architectural and engineering staff in industry. The decision of the conference to select TASS will come as a surprise to many people who would have expected the STAMP&#13;
AMID growing calls for unionisation from&#13;
private sector employees, TASS, the 160 000-&#13;
member Technical, Administrative and Super- union should recruit among all among architectural staffs, and&#13;
visory Section of the AUEW,, is to set up a “union the building professions. the widening gap between Most of the 70 participants private sector salaries and within the union”’ for building design staffs. at the conference were archi- conditions and those in the&#13;
This action follows last Saturday's decision of a special tectural employees, but eng- public sector. Despite the&#13;
NAM-sponsored conference of architectural employees ineering, quantity surveying — profession's declining work load, several architects present&#13;
called to launch a trade union organising drive. and town planning were also complained of understaffing,&#13;
A ten-person committee set engineering design and _ its represented. Salaried architects&#13;
excessive overtime and the resultant decline in the quality of service provided for clients and users.&#13;
up by the conference met on progress in organising pro- Monday evening with Harry fessional engineering consult- Smith, TASS National Organ- ancies. Meeting behind closed iser, to begin planning the doors in London, the confer- campaign. A London branch of ence chose TASS from options TASS for building design staffs which included ASTMS, EMA, will be launched at an open STAMP, TGWU, and forming meeting on May 31 at the New a new union.&#13;
were in a clear majority, although several technicians and secretaries also partic- ipated. Less than half of those who attended were NAM members, and one of the organisers described the turn- out as the “tip of the iceberg.”&#13;
Nearly all participants came in individual capacities, but the members employed in the ference rejected a NAM 145-member Staff Association&#13;
Ambassadors Hotel. An Advis-&#13;
ory Committee of rank-and-file In choosing TASS, the con-&#13;
building professions will be set committee’s recommendation of Robert Matthew, Johnson- up to co-ordinate the organis- to set up an autonomous Marshall and Partners Edin- ing drive nationally. section within the TGWU but burgh office sent a delegate&#13;
The conference considered endorsed the committee's view who reported that since its proposals to join building that organising should include inception last year, the unions but chose TASS largely al employees — professional, RMJMSA has been looking at on its record of organising technical and clerical — within the question of unionisation among white-collar staffs in the same union and that the with increasing interest.&#13;
BD Reporter&#13;
Discussion of priorities for union action centred on redun- dancies, declining real income&#13;
Workers Union) and TASS. Detailed briefings were prepared by the committee on the advantages of each, and last Satur- day’s meeting was called specifically to decide on one union. Seventy people attended of whom 25 were NAM members. The majority were salaried architects in private practice. Despite a recommendation from the committee in favour of TGWU, a secret ballot clearly showed TASS to be the choice of the conference.&#13;
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                  <text>A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing&#13;
as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by&#13;
the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on&#13;
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                <text>Memorandum to Unattached re forthcoming elections for 1989-90</text>
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                <text>Next year the 'unattached' have 13 places on Council and in order to make eure that an election will be held we require at least 11+ nominees.&#13;
Before the next Council meeting on December 19dd, therefore, I require the follov:ing information from each of the nominees who intend to serve next year:&#13;
	1 .	A letter expressing willingnese to serve if elected&#13;
	a.	A statement containing the following in not more than 200 words &#13;
Date of admission to the register&#13;
Architectural constituent bodies of which candidate i e a mergber (i.e. 1 unattached' )&#13;
Present professional poet and previous experience  Committee experience&#13;
Personal statement&#13;
3. Your nomination form ( due to be sent out shortly) with your signature, serial number and date only&#13;
Your signature on two separate blank sheets of paper&#13;
Please also note the following:&#13;
A press ' conference' for the 'unattached' will be held at&#13;
11.00am on Wednesday December 1988 at 73 Hall am Street. The 'unattached' pre-meeting will there-fore be held from 10.00am on the same day. Any response you have had from the sample circulated in the summer should be brought along. The prees release will be based on the paper prepared in June by Torn Markus.&#13;
The reaf30n for the 'unattached' numbere going down this year is related to the timing of RIBA reeigrmtions. See the enclosed correspondence between Bob Adams and Mike Jenks.&#13;
Please also find enclosed copy letter from F E Paul and copy correspondence re the Profeseional Liability IRevie\iJ Study Team.&#13;
Alistair Blamire		25 NOV 1988&#13;
&#13;
Alistair Blamire BArch (hons) MArch	Alison Blamire DipArch MArch ARIAS</text>
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                <text>25.11.88</text>
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                  <text>A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing&#13;
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                <text>9 page report on aspects of the professional in architecture</text>
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                <text>ANNE DELANEY&#13;
Cardiff NAM Group&#13;
November 1976&#13;
PROFESSIONALISM&#13;
CONTENTS&#13;
1 0 The "ideal type" professional 0&#13;
Area of controversy in the theory of professions.&#13;
Disatisfaction with the profession o? architecture&#13;
40 Barriers to "positive" practice of architecture.&#13;
5. Professionalism as ideology.&#13;
60 Archi tecture re—located.&#13;
Re—location of architecture illustrated,&#13;
Conclusion.&#13;
90 References.&#13;
&#13;
	1.	TYPE"' PROFESSIONAL&#13;
Much has been •written about the "sociology of the professions" 0 From the mass of literature on the subject, three 0012B ecsentialg of the ideal type professional emerge. &#13;
. a knowledge base.&#13;
autonomy&#13;
	3.	service ideal&#13;
		1 . knowledge'&#13;
It is seen as a responsibliity of a professional to be• knowledgeable. large part of this professional knowledge is considered to come only from experience. Possession of this knowledget is seen to carry with it some degree of exclusivity, which is explained by the fact that the knowledge itselR is "exclusive" Or esoteric or specific to that profession.&#13;
 2. autonomy&#13;
This implies the professional's right be be judged by his/her peers&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
were no planning control at all, there would be a great deal to scream about, and aesthetic chaos would reign. Just think of all those unimaginative clients you have had; just think of all those nol'Ä architects getting away with plain murder". (2)&#13;
The professional's justification for •allowing only architects to get- away with plain murder, is the cl•åim to specialised knowledge outlined above.&#13;
3 9 service ideal&#13;
The Service ideal is implicit in the professional t s supposed view of his work as a "vocation" or •n calling't o The •base for this "vocation" in architecture seems to be a combination . of what might be called evangelism, utopian vision, and social conscience. Another R IBM quote; "The obj ect (of architecture) is to demonstrate that ordered human activi ty• is wonderful that human life really is worthwiile and can become miraculous when developed, and that poverty of feeling and thought ig the real evil and tthe root of econimic poverty" 0 (3) The second arm OE the service ideal is the supposed vi al truism of  professionals. This altruism is said to take several forms professionally. The first is non—comercialismo RIBAJ quote nog 3: "The essence of professional practice is service; profit, if there be any, should always take second place in the motivation". (4) The second form altruism is said to take is that of disinterestedness, balancing the "often contradictory demands (of clients) by maintaining a rigid, and often detached, professionalism" 0 (5) Altruism is further seen as necessary in enabling the professional to be advocate of the "long term View'% Quote; "The battle i'g to persuade or force someone who has a partial view to accept that there are overall considerations which must averride his requirements.&#13;
&#13;
it is a in these sorts of terms that "professionalism" is discussed in sociological theory.&#13;
&#13;
	2. AREA OF CONTROVERSY IN 	THEORY OF PROFESSIONS&#13;
All this is not to suggest that such a discussion is purely academic or neutral. An area of controversy appears to exist around the subj ect, and two main themes or viewpoints about professionalism emerge. first I've termed "POSITIVE", the second "NEGATIVE".&#13;
&#13;
1. First the "positive"&#13;
What are some of the defences of professionalism? To put it crudely who thinks professionalism is a "good" thing, and why? &#13;
 early defend(rof professionalism was Emile Durkheim who considered "that the break—up of the traditional moral order initiated by the fragmenting division of labour, would be rectified only by the formation of moral communes based upon occupational membership". The function of the professions was, he believed, to bring cohesion to a society "lacking in stability, whose discipline it is easy to escape, and whose existence is not always felt". He saw the professions as distinct from industry and trade, where "individuals, while connected by competition, (were) almost entirely removed from the moderating effects of obligations" (6)&#13;
In 19219 R H Tawney was saying that we lived in an "acquisitive society" where community interest had been almost entirely subverted self— interest 0 He saw professionalism as the "major force capable of subjugating rampant individualism to the needs of the community". (7)&#13;
It has been suggested that professions are to be distinguised from other occupations by their "altruism", which is expressed in the service" orientation of professional people. A 1939 argument against state control ran as follows: "(Individualism) may mean the belief that the individual is the true unit of service, because service depends on individual qualities and individual judgement supported by individual responsibility which cannot be shifted onto the shoulders of others. That is the essence of professionalism, and it is not concerned with&#13;
&#13;
	self—interest but with the welfare OE the client"	(8)&#13;
Talcott Parsons, too, held the view that professions are activated by the cormon good, and could be dis t inguised by their "collectivity orientation rather than self—orientation". He took this as an assurance that "science would be applied in the service of man". (9)&#13;
As recently as 1970t Paul Halmos has written about the "personal service society", with professionals as "the leaders in the creation of a new moral uniformity, a moral order influencing all industrial societies, whatever their political structure" 0 (10) &#13;
In this context, the professions are seen as one of our most effective counter—revolutionary forceso In 1933 Carr—Saunders and Wilson were claiming that the professions "inherit, preserve, and pass on a tradition&#13;
• they engender modes of life, habits of thought, and standards of judgement which render them centres of resistance to crude forces which threaten steady and peaceful evolution . the family, the church, and the universities, certain associations of intellectuals, and above all the great professions, stand like rocks against which the waves raised by those forces beat in vain". (11)&#13;
2. What about the "negative" viewpoint? Who thinks professionalism is a "bad thing, and why? &#13;
Max Weber did not distinguish much between the consequences Of profes— sionalism and bureaucratisation seeing both processes as expression of the increasing rationalisation of Western ciVi1isationo The professional, as technician or expert, was caught up in the bureaucratic machine, his/her function being to bring "knowledge to the service of power?? • (12) C Wright Mills feared that the professions were increasingly succumbing to what he termed a "managerial domiurge" • "Much professional work has become divided and standardised and fitted into now hierarchical organi— sations intensive narrow specialisation has replaced self—cultivation cmd wide knowledge successful professional men become more and more  the managerial types". (13)&#13;
Michael Young in "The Rise of the Meritocracyt has argued that the fusion of knowledge and power has created a new kind of professional—technocrat who is in process of replacing existing ruling groups. This has been termed the "managerial revolution" and it has been suggestdd that this revolution consists of a "drive for dominance, for power and privilege, for the position of ruling class" by managers and professionals.&#13;
3.0 DISSATISFACTION WITH 	PROFESSION OF ARCHITECTURE&#13;
This begins to describe the theory of professions, but what about the practice as opposed to the theory? How does this theory manifest itself in practice?&#13;
&#13;
Peter Shepheard, in his introduction to Malcolrn Mac-Ewen's book t Crisis in Architecture' gays that architects "seem oblivious or even contemptuous of the fact that much of their work is hated by the poeple who live with it. They tend to accuse the public of lack of taste for not appreciating the formal qualities of brutal and inhuman buildings whi h one can only assume to have been built for the admiration of other archi tects. Nothing is more urgent for the future of architecture than that architects should develop a deeper sense of responsibility as the creators of large parts of our environrnentqc	(15)&#13;
Malcolm MacEwen says "if architects have used human needs as a camouflage for other motives, and have succumbed to mechanistic fallacies, they have&#13;
&#13;
been almost alone in tending to see their buildings in a human and social context rather than, . as the other design professions, as technical solutions to technical problems. There. remains in architecture a solid, core of able men and women who want to serve society, if it will let themj and have useful skills for doing (16)&#13;
This seems to be borne out by Alan Lipman's findings in his analysis of&#13;
&#13;
"architecural belief systems" that "architects tend to place the satisfaction of human need at the centre of their professional objectives"' (17)&#13;
We could think of Alan Lipman t s architects as potentially opitomising what I have called the "positive" view of professionalism. How they? can we explain his findings in the light of evident current dissatisfaction with the architectural profession? Architects purporting to support the 49positivect view of professionalism 9 when their theory does not find expression in their practice, c•on be explained in a mumber of ways.&#13;
1 . Their proclaimed aggreement with the ."positivett view is a convenience which allows them the privileges afforded to professionals by virtue of, their supposed "positive" aspects,&#13;
William Goode has described the process of professionaliéation as a series •of bargains struck between an occupation and society; in return for increased social status, the occupation imposes restraints on the behaviour of its members in the public interest. (18) For instance, one of the advantages of being termed "professional" is, as I said th&#13;
&#13;
.earlier, the degree of autonomy that implies. Peter Shepheard has touched on this when he talks of architects building "for the admiration o? other archi tectset . And there are advantages in terms of status and power to architects setting themselves up as arbiters of taste.&#13;
20 Another explanation might be that architects might well be motivated by the"positive view of professionalism, but find barriers in the way of their bringing that view to bear on their practice.&#13;
4. BARRIERS TO "POSITIVE" PRACTICE OF ARCHITECTURE &#13;
It would be a sterile exercise to attempt a guess as to what proportion of architects fall into each group It seems more constructive to assume that there are some architects who fall into the second category, and to look at some of the "barriers" they might encounter in attempting to put their theories into practice.&#13;
The first barrier is the simple need to make a living. "I now question whether a big practice can over •remain truly professional. 	big fish needs lots to feed on, and I know how desperate a matter it can become to cover overheads and maintain prestige work teams" 0	(19)&#13;
second barrier is the imposi tion of statutory constraintso &#13;
Malcolm MacEwen has said "In the public sector, governments have deliberately depressed standards — of accommodation, services, facilities, landscape, and design through ruthless use of the armoury of controls at their disposal 0 The architect's job can be reduced to, a dehumanising exercise in cutting costs and already low standards". (20)&#13;
A third barrier is the profit motive. MacEwen again: "the biggest and most important jobs in development work rarely go• •to the "best" architects. They go to those who can satisfy the criteria . of the public or private developers, who, need a professional service, but may not require a sense of responsibility to those who live in or use the buildings, or a high level of design skill, or the determination to achieve a reasonable standard of quality for all the users. Architects who practice in the private sector confirm that the aim of the developer is the maximum exploitation of the site but this has important implications for the choice&#13;
&#13;
	of archi tecto	(21)&#13;
Quote from Owen Ludor: n In comercial development, the most successful architects are those who understand property values and the mechanics of property development, as well as a clear appreciation of building costs. ffhough the archi tect's ability to produce "good architecture" had been relatively unimportant in the past, this had changed because good design and environment (my emphasis) help to sell the scheme" (22)&#13;
Barrier 4 can be called the bureaucratisation of the profession. The Bains report on management in local authorities spelt it out — once the architect has reached "middle management, he/she must abandon architecture if he/she wants promotion. (23)&#13;
Gordon Wigglesworth, chief housing architect of the GLC, 1973: "It offers  no encouragement to the man or woman whose talent lies in architecture, and it ensures that design is always entrusted to the least experienced, and that leadership passes into the hands of those who, from necessity or choice, have ceased to be practicing architects" 0	(24)&#13;
Barrier 5 can be found in the contradictions presented to the profession by virtue of the growth in the number of salaried architects. Louis Hellman has described the "bitter resentment of the bureaucratic and hierarchical structure of the large offices" where salaried architects are O'reduced to the status of non—persons by such practices as being required to sign letters in the names of their chief officers, or by the crediting of designs on notice boards and press releases to the department or chief officer" 0	(25)&#13;
5	PROFESSIONALISM AS IDEOLOGY&#13;
But underlying all these "barriers'% the root cause of the lack of correlation between theory and practice, is the relationship between architect and client the patronage system.&#13;
Quotes from the RIBAJ: "To a frightening extent, the clients are certainly the masters, and I have yet to meet the architect who will gainsay a client". (26)  "My employer, , the partner in charge, has a continuous battle with the representatives of corporate clients, who are generally motivated by expediency: we are always being pressed to work for short term. results or for easier administration" (27)&#13;
But I don't want to talk, at length about the question "Who SHOULD be the patrons of architecture?" I feel that is an utopian question phrased in terms uhich suggest that the possibility for changing the system of patronage is at hand. Since the possibility for patronising architects depends on the possibility of gaining access to finance for the subsequent building operations, I would suggest that any substentit.re change in the system of patronage is not possible under capitalism. But that 	long story. To get back to the current plot; I want to talk about patronage in this paper&#13;
&#13;
because iC is a FACT of the present practice of architecture.&#13;
So far my discussion of "professionalism" has remained within the realms of theoryø I have only discussed 'Vprofessionaligrncv as an ideology. To quote from Marx: "In the social production of their existence, men inevitably enter into definite relations, which are independent of their will, namely relations of production appropri ate to a given stage in the development -of their&#13;
&#13;
material forces of production. The totality of these relations of productoon constitutes the economic structure of society the real foundation, on  which arises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness.' The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social, political, and intellectual life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but&#13;
&#13;
their social existence that determines their consciousness". (28)&#13;
The discussion of "professionalism" as ideology corresponds to architects' "consciousnes I want now to begin to look at architects v n social exi stence"&#13;
6. ARCHITECTURE RE-LOCATED&#13;
The most useful definition of professionalism I have come acress in this context is that elaborated by Terence Johnson in his book "Professions and Power"	(29) This paper leans very heavily on Johnson t s book (most of the quotes in section 2 are used by him)' I have merely attempted to apply Johnson q s theories about professions generally to the architectural profession specifically, I will not attempt to justify the legitimacy of basing my arguments $0 completely on Johnson' work.. I would suggest reading the book&#13;
&#13;
and deciding for yourselves the legitimacy of such a move.&#13;
&#13;
Johnson defines professionalism as a TYPE OF OCCUPATIONAL CONTROL, the function of which is to resolve tensions in the producer/consumer relationship. He elaborates as follows: "Dependence upon the skills of others has the effect of reducing the common area Of shared experience and knowledge, and increases social distance 0 social distance creates a structure of uncertainty in the relationship between producer and consumer, so creating a tension. in the relationship which must be fres01ved9V&#13;
He defines three broad resolutions of this tension which are historically identifi able o&#13;
1. in which the producer defines the needg of the consumer and the manner in which those needs are catered fore He refers to this as COLLEGIATE control, and identifies two sub-types - PROFESSIONALISM, and GUILD CONTROL.&#13;
2 in which the consumer defines his own needs and the manner in which they are to be meto Three forms Qf this type of control are identified OLIGARCHIC PATRONAGE, CORPORATE PATRONAGE, and COT.NUNAL control.&#13;
3. in which a third party mediates in the relationship between producer and consumer, defining both the needs and the manner in which the needs are met. This type of control he refers to ' as MEDIATIVE, and under this heading he includes CAPITALISM and STATE MEDIATION.&#13;
I would suggest that architecture has, moved out of the category of&#13;
"professionalism". Potential for "professiOna1ismf' in architecture existed at the time when building trades were relatively homogenous. Building craftsmen, architects, and speculative builders between them exercised complete control over building operations, and there was certainly potential for them to define both the needs of the consumer and the manner in which these needs would be meto When architects separated themselves off from the other building trades, their potential for control, and therefore for "professionalisingV was lost. It is ironic that in striving to attain&#13;
		"professional" status, they eliminated the possibility of ever doing soo&#13;
Architectural Uprofessional n ideology has taken on a life of its own. It&#13;
&#13;
exists without basis in the present "social existencd" of architects.&#13;
Architecture has moved out of johnson's category of "professionalism" and ' into the category of up atronage'% alongside rennaissancé artists and craftsmen, or, more currently, the prostitute. In fact, the prostitute is on firmer ground than the architect, since demand for her services remains unaltered with fluctuations in the economy 6&#13;
I would argue that architects as; Johnson's "producers" no longer' if they ever did, define the needs of their consu;ners and the manner in which those needs are meto I would argue that today? s "consumers" of architecture define their own needs, and 7, to a very large extent, the manner in which these needs are met 9 for the reason that architectural '"consumers" (unlike, for example, "consujnerscv of medicine) are a small, powerful group o? individuals or corporate bodies with (necessarily for the n consumption" of building works) substantial financial backingo&#13;
7. RE-LOCATION OF ARCHITECTURE ILLUSTRATED&#13;
To illustrate my contention that architects are more correctly defined as operating in the "patronage" category, I will outline Johnson's own charac— terisation of patronage as a form of occup ational control (chapter 5 of his book), and attempt to illustrate this in an architectural context where appropri ate 0 &#13;
10 ti Pu11y developed institutiong of patronage arise where consumers have&#13;
&#13;
the capacity to define their own needs ax'. the manner in which their needs are catered for. In such cases the -inembers of occupations applying esoteric knowledge are themselves the "clients" having neither exclusive 	nor final resp . tnsibility for their services; ultimate authority in the assessment of process and product lies with the patron or patrons. This arises where the dominant effective demand for occupational services comes from a small, powerful, unitary clientele. This can occur where an aristocratic elite, sharing, cormon interests, monopolises services. Similarly, a patronage system can develop where a few large—scale corporations are the major consumers of "expert" services. Compare this with the way johnson talks about "professionalism" &#13;
"only where there exists an effective demand for the occupational skills  from a large and relatively heterogeneous consumer group can the institution of professionalism fully emerge 0 Consumers will normally have diverse interests; they are unorganisedt dependent, and exploitable" There appears to be no "effective 0 0 • o o demand" for  skills from such large sections of the community, primarily, I would argue, since  their demand cannot be effective without access to finance.&#13;
&#13;
2. "Under patronage, recruitment is based on sponsorship 0 	criteria for sponsorship are shared values md statuses; that is to say, the • "professional" shares the values and to some extent the 	status of the patron. Technical competence is not the sole or even a major criterion of evaluatione	Rather, the practitioner is expected to be socially acceptable" 0'&#13;
&#13;
TLS Eric Fromm put it; "Personal identity takes on an exchange value as all are dependent their material seccess on a personal acceptance&#13;
&#13;
		by those who need services and employ them". (30)&#13;
&#13;
MacEwen has said: "the most t successful r postwar practitioners were those who had no social or political conscience". (31)&#13;
&#13;
Louis Hellman tells the following story: "There' $ this I worked with — he wore. jeans, had long hair, in days when it was unheard of. What he didNas get rid of his drawing boarde All of us nerks lined up with our drawing boards, and he got rid of his and got a  tablea I said, why do you want a table? He said, you come into a room, look at the drawing boards, where do you go to? You go to the  bloke with the desk. TWO yea?s later. he's made a partner."&#13;
&#13;
 30 In traditional systemg of patronage, entrance to "accepted" and exclusive occupational organisations is severely limited, while a developed corporate system results in the hegemony within the occupational association of practitioners working for the more powerful corporations, whether as employees or consultants"&#13;
4. "Professional" practice, (under the patronage system) is not a continuous and terminal shared byo all. Rather, in oligarchic forms the practitioner seeks "preferment" which in the most successful cases loads tot "landed leisure", while the corporate practitooner  can look forward to "plum jobs" on boards of directors.&#13;
 5.	'professional': firm (under the patronage system) moves up the prestige hierarchy according to the size and influence of its patrons.&#13;
The more big ac• ounts it attracts, the higher its prestige".&#13;
"The homogeneous community which is characteristic of "professionalism" is deplaced by hierarchical forms of occupational practice and organisation. The architect and phsician under oligarchic patronage share to a limited extent the social position of their patrons. They rise in an occupational hierarchy throügh their association with more and more powerful patrons. Their prestige is social rather than narrowly and technically defined".&#13;
I would argue that this is true of architecture — compare the status of Lasdun as architect, National Theatre as patron.&#13;
&#13;
60 "The hierarchical fragmentation of. the occupation may even be systematically expressed and institutionalised as dual systems cf practice within a single occupation• The hierarchy associated with corporate patronage may also be rationalised by the creation of subordinate technical grades of practitioner, allowing for greater specialisation and the sloughing off of routine tasks by the occupation's leaders" 0 &#13;
7. "Patronage systems are characterised by practising contexts in which the practitioner must know and. do what is expected of himo Under those conditions, knowledge tends to be local and basic research associated with the application of knowledge limited. The pursuit Of basic knowledge is stressed less than knowledge specifically related to the needs of the patrone A major criterion of theory vill be its applicability to patron needs" e&#13;
 Try substituting "architecture" for "accountancy" in the following  quote: "The evolution of accountancy techniques has been severely practical. Individual accountants in the course of their duty, frequently come across problems peculiar to their particular branch of endean-m and apply their basic training to solve special problems. It is rarely that any one particular system or the variation of a system is adoptee-I by various firms facing the same problem, as each oncl every progenitor of a new method or technique in accounting prefers to utilise his own particular brainchild". (32)&#13;
&#13;
Johnson says: "This tendency is not a product of the accountsnt's peculiar individualism as a personality, but stems from an orientation to local problems deriving from a system of control of the occupation which is fundamentally patron—based" •&#13;
80 n Loca1ism also introduces an ethic of limited responsibility, contrasting with that of zrofessionalism — a situation in which the "professional" does not look beyond the consequences of his actions for the patron"&#13;
Peter Malpass, in an RIBAJ article, has said that "there remains architects who would happily replace Durham cathedral with a multi—storey car park if the client wanted this and was prepared to clear the site" 0 (35)&#13;
90 "Such practitioners tend to be apolitical, where the expressions of political views or political action may embarrass the patron" 0 One of the Cardiff NAM group y who works for the local authority, has received a warning from his bosses about letters the group have published in the local press regarding the redevelopment of the central area of Cardiff. There must be many more similar cases.&#13;
10. "Theoretical knowledge is less important than knowledge which is applicable to the current practical needs of the patron. Practitioners are more likely to stress monist explanations which can be simply and immediately applied in policy o? therapy'%&#13;
Johnson himself gives the following example: System design which allows for variations in structure within certain limits laid down by the basic system is related to the specific needs of a single corporate patron with large scale construction needs. The one—off t design related to the specific needs of a single 'client' is declining in importance as part of the architect's work"&#13;
80 CONCLUSION&#13;
It is beginning to be understood that salaried architects are subj ect to a&#13;
&#13;
contradi ctiono Whilst architects are educated as if. they would all one day&#13;
&#13;
become principals in private practice, less than 20% of architects are currently in that position.&#13;
"For the rest, it remains an ideal desire — the possible fulfillment of which is an enducement to work in a manner at logger—heads with it 0 The working class work socially in production for the private property of a few in the h2pe of individual private property for themselves" 0 (34) &#13;
But it is not only salaried architects who are subj ect to contradiction. I would suggest that the concept of architecture as a "profession" holds only in the ideology perpetuated by the R IBA, the so—called •professional" body. I would argue, as I have said previously, that architecture is more correctly defined as operating within Johnson's characterisation Of "patronage" 0&#13;
"Ideology which looks backwards for its rationale is, nevertheless, crucial for the present: without it, people might hanker back to the past as a "golden age" ;once utopianism of any sort occurs 9 after looking backwards, it is liable to look forwards and thus endmger the status quoo The family (in this case, but try substituting "RIBA") thus embodies the most conservative concepts available; it rigidifies the past ideals and presents them as the present pleasures. By its very nature, it is there to prevent the future"	(35) If we attempt to rid ourselves of this inappropriate "architect as professional" ideology, it would be interesting to monitor RIBA reaction.&#13;
"The ruling class interests that pose, in the first place, as universal interests, increasingly decline into "mere idealising phrases, conscious illusions, and deliberate deceits. But the more they are condemned as falsehoods, and the less they satisfy. the understanding, the more dogmatically they are asserted and the more deceitful, moral ising and spiritual becomes the language of established society" — Karl Marx, The German Ideology. (36)&#13;
9. REFERENCES&#13;
&#13;
William S Bennett Jr., and Merl C Hockenstad Jr. , "Full time people workers a-Id conceptions of the professional", Sociological Review Monograph&#13;
"årchitects at work" series, RIBAJ, Jan—Dec, 1972	20&#13;
30 ibid&#13;
ibid&#13;
ibid&#13;
Durkheim, Professional Ethics and Civic Morals, 1957&#13;
70 R H Tawneyp The Acquisitive Society, 1921&#13;
8. quoted in T J Johnson, Professions and Power, Macmillan 1972&#13;
9	ibid&#13;
10. P Halmos, The Personal Scrv.ice Society, 1970&#13;
110 A M Carr—Saunders and P A Wilson, 'Ihe Professions, 1933&#13;
M Weber, Theory of Social and Economic Organisation, 1964&#13;
C Wright Mills, White Collar, 1956&#13;
M Young 9 The Rise of the Meritocracy, 358&#13;
P Shepheard, introduction to M MacEwen, Crisis in Architecture, RIBA 1974 160 M MacEwen, op cit&#13;
17. A Lipman, "Architectural education and the social commitment of contem— porary British architectsf% SociologicalReview, March 1970&#13;
18 • W Goode, "The theoretical limits of professionalisation", in Etzioni, ffhe Semi Professions and their Organisation, Free Press, New York, 1969&#13;
"Architects at work" series, op cit&#13;
M MacEvenp op cit&#13;
ibid&#13;
O Ludor, quoted in MacEwen, op cit&#13;
23. Bains Report, HMSO, 1972&#13;
G Wigglesworth, quoted in AJ, February 21st 1973&#13;
L Hellman, "Democracy for architects", RIBAj, Aug 1973&#13;
"Architects at work" series, op cit&#13;
27	ibid&#13;
K Marx, preface to Critique of Political Ecomony 1859&#13;
T J Johnson, op cit&#13;
13 Prom, The sane Society, 1956&#13;
M MacEwen, op cit&#13;
32a Stacey, Egnlish Accountancy, 1954&#13;
P Malpass, RIBAJ, June, 1975&#13;
Juliett Mitchell, Woman t s Estate, Penguin, 1971&#13;
35	ibid&#13;
36. K Marx, ffhe German Ideology, 1845/6&#13;
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                  <text>A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing&#13;
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                <text>Letters to K. Forder (ARCUK Registrar) and replies re issue of Limited Liability (16 pp total)</text>
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                <text>1 96 Albany Road&#13;
Roath&#13;
CARDEN&#13;
K. J. Forder&#13;
Registrar&#13;
73 Hallan Street&#13;
LADON WIN. 6B 29 May 1978&#13;
Dear Mr Foraex•&#13;
Thank you for your prompt and informative reply to my last letter re Limited Liability. i have discussed your letter with several of my fellow unattached representatives on A?-CUK and we would to make the following points in response to your letter of 13&#13;
1 • There does appear to be some conflict between the Act ana the Code on the issue of limited liability.&#13;
We would like to see this anomoly corrected, and in order to do this several courses of' action seem to be available:&#13;
could revise its •Code.&#13;
A change in the Act could be pursued.&#13;
ARCIJK could. acknowledge publicly the Eerhaps unpalatable fact that where the Code and the Act are in conflict, the Code is secondary to the Act.&#13;
Point 2 above addresses the legal aspect of the conflict between the Act ana the Code, but what are the practical consequences of this? I . In practical terms, unlimited liability does not in effect exist whilst architects are covered by indemnity insurance&#13;
2.7/hi1st not supporting the usual argurnents put forward in favour  o? limiting liability (ego the need for architcets to be able to work on a more comærcial basis) we would point out that. the drive for Etofit already exists in the current of  a-na that limited liability has ærtain advantages in terms of., for example, the provisions made under Compeny Law for public accountability and access to information.&#13;
Vie have said that, at  ae facto limited liability exists through insurance. ARCUK should clear away any anonnlies. g should either ensure that liability in architecttme is EFECTiVELYPimitea, or acknowledge that it is not. It is unhealthy that mel±ers o? the public should think that, ana nzmbers of the profession argue that, architects have unlimited liability when in effect they do not.&#13;
5. The discussion in ARCIJK on limited liability should be based on the R3ALIQIES of current zwies of practice. To this end, we feel the following information should be made available to aid discussion: &#13;
&#13;
&amp; inflormation on the scope, cost, ana availability of professional indemnity insuran ce •&#13;
information on the differences between partnership company law, ege on issues such as public disclosure of information.&#13;
Yours sincerely&#13;
&#13;
		Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom&#13;
	ESTABLISHED UNDER THE ARCHITECTS (REGISTRATION) ACTS 	TO&#13;
	73 Hallam Street London WIN 6EE 	Tel: 01-580 5861&#13;
in due course.&#13;
&#13;
Ms. Anne Delaney 196 Albany Road&#13;
Roath&#13;
Cardiff&#13;
&#13;
Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom&#13;
Registrar: Kenneth J. Forder M.A.&#13;
13 April 1978&#13;
Dear Council Memb er,&#13;
Limited Liability&#13;
I enclose a copy of a letter I have today sent to the architectural constituent bodies of the Council.&#13;
I do not know if the members of Council nominated by the Unattached have a corporate view on this matter but if they do, I shall be glad to have it. Otherwise individual replies will be collated for submission to the Council.&#13;
Yours sincerely,&#13;
&#13;
Reglétrar&#13;
Miss Anne Delaney&#13;
196 •Albany Road&#13;
Roath&#13;
Cardiff&#13;
Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom&#13;
	ESTABLISHED UNDER THE ARCHITECTS ( RE Of" RATION) ACTS 	TO&#13;
	73 Hallam Street London WIN 6EE	Tel: 01-580 5861&#13;
Registrar: Kenneth J. Forder M.A.&#13;
13 April 1978&#13;
Dear Sir,&#13;
Limited Liability&#13;
At its meeting on 15 March, 1978, the Council accepted the following resolution "that all issues on policy regarding limited liability and unlimited liability should be clarified by inviting opinions from constituent bodies"&#13;
The debate in the Professional Purposes Committee of ARCUK which originally submitted the recommendation was far ranging and appeared to call for opinions on policy from the profession as a whole. One hesitates to try to summarize the material which might be covered because on the one hand ARCUK would not wish constituent bodies to devote a disproportionate amount of time and labour to research, and at the other end of the scale there is need to avoid omitting important elements. Broadly speaking, one would expect any account in this field to cover four main sections:&#13;
the extention of the architect's individual liability resulting from the decision in the Anns vs. the London Borough of Merton case; the economics flowing therefrom; and what compensating measures might be available including insurance and amending legislation;&#13;
the service company as a limited or unlimited liability company; controlling abuse thereof; tax advantages of limited and unlimited liability companies seen as variables in the light of the Chancellor's budget annually;&#13;
the employment by a limited or unlimited liability service company of the architectural staff of the practice; the implications thereof and whether the service company might then be regarded by the public as practis ing architecture;&#13;
Section 17 of the Architects (Registration) Act 1931 and its implications; whether the prohibition on an architect practising as a limited liability company imposed by Rule 2.4 is merited; the consequences for clients if the rule were abrogated; whether benefit would accrue to architects; how the problems of monitoring and control by ARCUK might be overcome.&#13;
Constituent bodies are asked to forward their views to the undersigned by 31 May, 1978.&#13;
Yours faithfully,&#13;
Regi st rar&#13;
. . . /2&#13;
NOTES&#13;
Section 17 of the Architects (Registration) Act 1931 as amended by Section 1 (3) of the Architects Registration Act 1938 states:&#13;
17. Nothing in this Act shall prevent a body corporate, firm or partnership from carrying on business under the style or title of Architect:&#13;
if the business of the body corporate, firm or partnership so far as it relates to architecture is under the control and management of a superintendent who is a registered person and who does not act at the same time in a similar capacity for any other body corporate firm or partnership;	and&#13;
if in every premi ses where such business as aforesaid is carried on and is not personally conducted by the superintendent such business is böna fide conducted under the direction of the superintendent by an assistant who is a registered person.&#13;
Rule 2.4 of ARCIJK t s Code of Professional Conduct reads:&#13;
2.4 An architect shall not carry on his practice in the form of a limi ted liability company.�196 Albany Road&#13;
Roa€h&#13;
Cardiff&#13;
K J Forder&#13;
Registrar&#13;
ARCUK&#13;
73 Haller: Street&#13;
LONDON WIN 6EE&#13;
May 10 1978&#13;
Dear Mr Forder&#13;
1 am attempting to draft a response to your letter of 13 April re Limited Liability. However, before I can answer the issues raised under (a) to (d) 1 need clarification on the following questions:&#13;
Wnat reference does the Act make to professional misconduct or Code of Conduct?&#13;
Since no definition of professional misconduct' appears to be offered in the Act, what legal standing does any definition ..i%nplicit in the rules and principles of the Code of Conduct have?&#13;
Would a legal interpretation of 'misconduct t in a court of law conform to that enshrined in the Code of Conduct?&#13;
Has this ever been put to the test?&#13;
Wnere, when, by whom, and on what criteria was the Code brought into being?&#13;
Was recourse to the Privy Council made for the adoption of the Code?&#13;
Has recourse to the Privy Council been made for any alterations or additions to the Code?&#13;
in a situation where the Act and the Code might be interpreted to be contradictory, what legal standing does the Code have?&#13;
Has the situation described in 8 ever been put to the test, i.e., has&#13;
ARCUK f s decision on misconduct ever been appealed against in a court of&#13;
i apologies for imposing such heavy demands on you but 1 would appreciate an early response since you have asked for replies by 31 May.&#13;
Yours sincerely&#13;
Anne Delaney (Ms)&#13;
Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom&#13;
&#13;
	ESTABLISHED UNDER THE ARCHITECTS (REGISTRATION) ACTS 	TO&#13;
	73 Hatlam Street London WIN 6EE 	Tel: 01-580 5861&#13;
&#13;
KENNETH J. FORDER, M.z&#13;
12 May 1978&#13;
Dear Ms Delaney,&#13;
Thank you very much for your letter of 10 May. I think it might help if I reply immediately on the more straightforward issues that you raise, and I will write to you further on other points as soon as I have managed to carry out the research.&#13;
I think many of your points are answered in the enclosed copy of a summarised history of the ARCUK Code, together with a copy of the first edition in 1936. The following are my preliminary observations on your questions:&#13;
. The only reference to disgraceful conduct is contained in Section 7 of the principal Act (copy enclosed) . There is no reference to a Code in any of the legislation.&#13;
I find myself in some difficulty here because of the wording you use. The Code has no 'legal standing' but it is a guide which the profession follows. Strictly speaking one can be guilty of disgraceful conduct without breaking the terms of the Code and conversely there are circumstances in which one can break the terms of the Code without committing disgraceful conduct .&#13;
It is my view that disgraceful conduct has never been formally&#13;
interpreted legally but I will look into this.&#13;
 5. The enclosed history will tell you all you need to know.&#13;
No.&#13;
No.&#13;
The question is a little too sweeping. If a situation arose where the Act and the Code appeared to be in conflict then clearly the Code would have to give way but only to the extent that the Act takes precedence. &#13;
The usually quoted case where an appeal vas lodged to the High Court against a decision of the Council vas the Hughes v ARCUK in 1957. I enclose herewith a copy of the relevant passage from the Judgment. I will check whether there have been any other cases .&#13;
&#13;
Regtgfrät&#13;
Ms Anne Delaney&#13;
196 Albany Road&#13;
Roath&#13;
Cardiff</text>
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                <text> UnitStaff&#13;
EISSSOOOO'S cc ccc&#13;
AA Intermediate School&#13;
REVIEWS Unit 1 1974/75&#13;
&#13;
 PHILOSOPHY&#13;
The Unit came into existence in 1971 on Unit one in the Intermediate School is re- architecture is neither used as a weapon&#13;
HISTORY&#13;
In the name of architecture we proclaim theworldofpeople'sarchitecture.&#13;
We cannot yet put right al that is injust in our social system under which archi- tecture exists, but we can determine that&#13;
The members of Unit One have always beeninterestedintheirownprofession's “figure-head’ and its attitude towards those instigating social change. The Present members of the Unit's acceler- ating disgust for the institution that Purports to advance the course of architecture has manifested itself in ARC, To learn how to direct our art and create effective change within its application and performance we must understand&#13;
PROJECTS&#13;
The “Onshore Impact, Study and&#13;
threattothelandscape,itseems,isafar Disasterbuilding more important issue than the threat to&#13;
the social structure of an area, foronly capital city of Macedonia&#13;
ed bird sanctuary) are certain proposals Central area and rendering thousands of&#13;
would only be available to houses with a&#13;
demolished and the land redeveloped in the context of a master plan.&#13;
the wave of publicity over the Covent nowned for its rejection of conventional Garden campaign, an issue with which architectural theories and practice. Since Unit Master Brian Anson, was deeply in- it came into being four years ago it has volved following his dismissal from the&#13;
when development threatens a stretch of Yugoslavia. In 1963 a serious earthquake picturesque coastline (or a long establish- hit the city, destroying a major part of the&#13;
Pope Street fell on one of thearbitrary border lines drawn by the LA planning&#13;
G.L.C."s Covent Garden planning team&#13;
So, from the very start, the Unit was in-&#13;
extricably linked with community and&#13;
political action, This naturally led to a&#13;
deep interest in the nature of particip-&#13;
ation and a fundamental belief in the throughout England, Ireland, Scotland myth and prove it is a fraud in the guise Preferably confuse into assistance, ideaofaco-operativesociety. andWalestheUnitmembershaveattempt-ofarchitecture,&#13;
Infactifthereisonemajorelementin edtorelatedirectlytotheordinary GEORGEMILLS,ARC&#13;
the structure of the Unit's philosophy and people in their work, not to the powers&#13;
one idea that has permeated its work over that pretend to represent them. It has&#13;
thelastthreeyears,itisthisideaofwhat alwaysbeenfundamentaltotheprogress&#13;
impact of recent oil discoveries in the&#13;
ment, which is our base, the need for a new system of values based on co- operation is urgently needed.&#13;
Through working with a community&#13;
abused and ignored by these agencies, and Sbscurity isadvantageous.&#13;
they are an obstacle in our desire to work +The Unit Master is sort of unusual?&#13;
radical reassessment of role in — education&#13;
— profession&#13;
so the project was established w.thin the not, be based solely on a single resource AA in 1973 and has now been built into a or demand. Clearly this lesson has yet to&#13;
be learned; and at sucha price,&#13;
are,ofnecessity,takingaradicalreview of the very nature of the architect and his role in society&#13;
alternativeapproach tosocialproblems. In general we are engaged in the conti- nuity process of constructing a meta- language in the untried, unknown, or&#13;
jobsonthenewdevelopments exceptper-&#13;
haps as cleaners or gate wardens? Most of traffic-free narrow streets of the old city,&#13;
The Unit has always been interested in the more equitable distribution of know- ledgeandpowerwithinSocietyand Particularly in architecture.&#13;
To our knowledge we are the only Unit Perhaps in Britain to use resources to employ local community people to funct- ion as teachers of the environment. Often they are the experts. The great American organiser Saul Alinsky said:&#13;
We know why this is so. What is the point ofhavingskillsthatonlyaprivilegedfew Content&#13;
MACRO FRAMEWORK&#13;
So what is this vital issue? Most people knowa few distorted facts. Very few haveanyknowledgeofallofwhatis really going on, except for the oil developers themselves and those with the power and wealth, And they are not concerned with the damage to coastline OF community.&#13;
Only in the light of the national crisis have some of the North Sea Oil issues been seen in any form of perspective, A sad reflection on the national press and mass media, which have misinterpreted, under-rated,andinsomecases,under- played the massive changes which face the people of Scotland. But only the dramatic issues, such as the massive tax loopholes,arereportedbelatedlyata national level, while the gradual social erosionoildevelopments,whichwill eventually directly affect thousands and indirectly affect the entire nation, grind ‘on inevitably.&#13;
ThousandofacresofScotlandarenow directly controlled by London and U.S. based multinational companies, while newoptionsonhundredsmorearebeing takenupalmosteveryweek.Thereare sitesofstaggeringproportions;2,000 acres and more, twice the area of central London.&#13;
All this has not occured merely in the last two or three years, as some believe; the footsgobacktenyearstowhen thefirst legislationpassedthroughparliament.&#13;
During this time, the U.S. and U.K. commercial sector moved in quickly. Only now, when the first physical signs of development appeer, are there any signs of public alarm.&#13;
‘Yet the concern so far has been mainly for the physical beauty of the area, The&#13;
continue within the AA for at least an- other year yet despite our modest successes the task ahead isstil monu- mental.Wehavereallyjustbegun.&#13;
500 houses. Unit One continues to advise the association and recently we have acquired a building within the area which isbeingconvertedintoayouthclubtoa Unit One student's design and specification We have also been able to gather money from various charitable sources for the association. At present we are working on @ scheme to rehabilitate the area in&#13;
general and to put forward design options for the improvement of the dwellings. In conjunction with this we are looking at the redevelopment sites and putting for- ward designs for new housing to replace theold.Wearedoingthisinsuchaway&#13;
as to allow the residents to control the financing and rate of building. We hope to do this by extending the residents’&#13;
“The University of Chicago spends hun-&#13;
dreds of thousands of dollars on socio-&#13;
logistsinordertofindthelocationof people.Occasionallythefruitionofits houses of prostitution when any taxi- beliefs and philosophy manifest them- driver could tell you that in five minutes,”” selves in a physical form. More often&#13;
But we must practice what we preach for than not they can be found in the defence&#13;
out of asituation, itself isaprocess of nature,trulyconceptualthoughtisintheacupuncture&#13;
wecanhardlyspeakofcommunitiesand of working with them if we are incapable ofgeneratingacommunal spiritwithin our own ranks.&#13;
ofpeople'slife-styleandculture,orinan attack on the system that makes us both creativelyimpotentandsociallyin- adequate.&#13;
{any combination&#13;
PopeStreetisanexampleofanurban associationintosomesortofco-operative area which suffers from the latter form housing association which could then ofexploitation.Thestreetconsistsof26 undertakeagradualrebuildingoftheir houses which were built towards the end area. By building on small vacant sites in of the last century. They were built as ‘the area we can rehouse enough of the minimal working class accommodation to existing community to then demolish serve the Mersey docks nearby. They and redevelop their houses. The important sufferfromthedeteriorationinthe pointisthattheresidentswillbeincon- building fabric brought about by a life of trol of the development rather than the&#13;
are outside the dwelling in a small back- yard.&#13;
Unit One's involvement dates from the decision of the local authority to at last turn its attention to the improvement of this area. It set about this task by dectar- ing part of the area a G.1.A., meaning that houses with a 12-point standard with the aid of a grant from the L.A. This grant&#13;
ways been present in schools of architect- ure. Throughout its history, in project&#13;
The people in their ignorance think that this is architecture. We must destroy this&#13;
lobby to communities in Scotland. Parallel fishing based communities and so Scot-&#13;
of the Unit to develop and maintain the invaluable links with our real clients, and to respect their life-style, customs and cultures.&#13;
Fabric suggestions&#13;
MICRO&#13;
to the street to assess the situation and&#13;
residents led to the forming of a residents’ association.&#13;
co-operation means and how it can be&#13;
achieved. Society isbeginning to realise,&#13;
and the young have realised it for some&#13;
time now, that the new world must be&#13;
based on co-operation and one of the&#13;
major struggles is against the 20th&#13;
century cultofindividuals looking after Members get involved deeply in the rarely expounded to prospective unit — other tutor associations theirowninterestsalone, politicsofarchitectureandgovernment, hunters,asthestudent,actingonhearsay —other cli jati&#13;
more than thirty years. Even if the Prefabricated dwellings, which as well as People of Scotland do ‘prosper’ (whether Causing servicing problems threatens&#13;
The Unit is always wrongly accused of being totally political. It is true the&#13;
resultant direction that the members of the Unit have external to AA&#13;
they wish to or not) this means that before the next century is more than a few years old. Scotland will again face widespread economic depression, as it&#13;
to encroach on to the limited agricultural land on which the city is still largely dependent for food.&#13;
for the people who are worthy of our attention, The discovery that one’s skills are being prostituted to be a destructive,&#13;
and accept the ‘condemnation’ hapilly.&#13;
architectural design isvery frustrating.&#13;
looking for and if I'm seen trying to find out...&#13;
inadequacies likely to corrupt an induced information flow.&#13;
erchitecture acquire a level of homo- geneity.&#13;
Some of us redefine ~ architecture — society&#13;
— neither&#13;
The participation game (MYTH)&#13;
—it's a game because, when completed, the symbols can all be forgotten, the tablecleared,andlifecanresume ‘Make the bastards participate or we'll&#13;
a very wide ranging study of the history of the situation, the present and future implications, the effects these are having. Itwould be far easier, no doubt, to narrow the field of investigation, an academic might argue. But this is not an academic project in any sense of the word: it does not break off during the Easter vacation, nor does it end after the&#13;
leave their work camps, and who pay no tax to this government.&#13;
The wrench from the academic to the real world isahorrendous one for most archi- tecture students. The much cherished&#13;
There’s a lot of assumptions made in any situation, Ifwe're uncertain about any- thing we assume the facts, conditions, and consequences. If life is so complex that we require to make assumptions then it is imperative that we have a substantial framework with/in which to construct,&#13;
Since the work has started the political&#13;
situation inScotland has developed con- fringe, they are a large enough group not siderably. This makes our continuing to be ignored even if only by throwing contribution more important than ever. the Housing 's mul&#13;
We have continued to monitor the situa- Statistics into total confusion!&#13;
tion and publicise our conclusions via TV&#13;
can afford? What are the reasons behind the complete divorce of our cherished skills from ordinary people's desires?&#13;
same position, and can only differentiate itself gradually, in accordance with the level of development, including that of the organ of thought.” (Marx)&#13;
The analysis, the ideologies, the time scale,andthechange,needyourhands, By constructing a language (semantic, analytical or practical) you are set to communicate and to progress.&#13;
Anyone who has stuck with the Unit or&#13;
returned to it, will tell you that it is a hard ideological constructs. By professing an and demandind existence, but well worth ideology one necessitates a change in the struggle. The Unit has never set itself society.&#13;
limitations or goals, it simply responds to “Since the process of thought itself grows&#13;
understand&#13;
nothing&#13;
environmental injustice as iteffects&#13;
public relations&#13;
Many people cannot live up to the fundamental unit philosophy. But the&#13;
A second year architectural student, if he&#13;
hasanyqualityatal,mayhavethe&#13;
Position of a professor in relation toa&#13;
skilled dock worker in matters pertaining&#13;
tothephysicalenvironment.Likewise group,&#13;
thedockworkerifhehasbeeninvolved OurphilosophyisbasicallyrespondingtoMISANTHROPYmustbeaguidelineto&#13;
inlocalcommunity actionisanenviron- mental specialist in relation to his own factory manager who may never have stopped to think about the environment.&#13;
People,notmanipulatingthem,being creative with them, not destroying their way of life.&#13;
viewingtherespectiveinstitutionsatti- tudes to those instigating social change. As bodies they should protect their members and advance their specific sub- jects. In what manner can a subject @dvance or members be protected to-&#13;
Related to this work is the more academic research. This covers al aspects of hous- ing including rents, land values, labour, materials, etc. The information and pro- cessoftheworkisrecordedwithinthe Unit and will be communicated to the&#13;
The embodiments of social/political mix peoplewhohavestayedthecoursehave intheformofspecificinterestgroupsin-&#13;
found it incredibly rewarding in many different ways, both individually and as a&#13;
cludes the professional institutions. ACCEPTANCE ISMAINTENANCE IS&#13;
a hundred years with little maintenance L.A. whose redevelopment process would fromlandlords.Theyarelackingincertain requirethemassexodusofthecommun- basicfacilitiessuchasbathrooms, ity. efficientwatersupply,etc.EventheW.C.&#13;
Architecture is a powerful weapon, we&#13;
AndtherecanbenoquestionoftheUnit believeitshouldbeatthedisposalofthe getherwithanadvanceinsociety?The&#13;
Successive generations have lived in these&#13;
housesanddespitethesediscomforts,&#13;
have consolidated amongst themselves a&#13;
strongcommunityspiritandadeepsocial architecturalprofessionasapleafora Personal inter-relation:&#13;
Masterbeingabovethegroup.Likeevery- majority,notadministeredbyfinancial, _situationchangesconstantly,wecannot alacttoachievethegreatesteffectand&#13;
One else he must at times function as teacher, student and comrade.&#13;
This type of work is difficult and it takes along time to achieve any meaningful results but we can attempt it daily in our work as a Unit together.&#13;
multi-national and commercial interests, CONTROL change, nor should we wish who represent the privileged section of our to — but we can DIRECT change.&#13;
change the direction in which architecture is moving.&#13;
Are you going to assume — or are you going to assume?&#13;
. Sure, we'll bite your head off, but we'll help you mould a new one.&#13;
ANDY BURRELL, ARC&#13;
more sensitive approach from the pro- fessionals. The students who have been involved in the project have been intro- duced to the reality of the implications of architectural decisions and have deve- loped a more responsible awareness of their potential for society.&#13;
society. In the hands of the right people architecture could once again become a socially creative element, not an ugly, economic and brutal force aimed against the ordinary people of our society.&#13;
_Institutional directors, not correctors,&#13;
Production platform.&#13;
against large sections of the people nor its potential value denied these people.&#13;
Advisory Group” is essentially con-&#13;
brought to public attention. homes uninhabitable. The aim of the&#13;
Even the local residents of proposed de- Project was to look at the way immediate department, which meant that houses on&#13;
FRAMEWORK&#13;
The intrinsic and intricate philosophy (ies) internal group discussion, consultation and&#13;
first became interested in the early&#13;
stages of North Sea Oil development.&#13;
Since that time, development has&#13;
escalated at an incredible and alarming&#13;
rate and their initial and personal interest&#13;
has now been forced into ful time in- did after the coal mines were run down Skopje isacity of enormous contra- street had been built at the same time,&#13;
More about something&#13;
The association's aim was to fight the planners’ decision and itcommissioned Unit One to act as its environmental advisors. The houses on either side of the&#13;
adopted and adapted over the years are — other college associations but the Paramount reason for this is and superficial ; assumes the If. through partici&#13;
i .theywereprevent- andtheshipbuildingindustrydwindled dictions.Whilemanyyoungsterpeople wereequallystructurallysound,andhad ed from continuing the work in Scotland away. An economy cannot and should show obvious enthusiams for the new equal potential for improvement. In&#13;
In the sphere of architecture end environ- because our skils and principles are unkown and convinces himself that&#13;
international style city centre with its bright shopping centre and tall luxury flats, the cultures of the many different enthnic groups that make up the Mace-&#13;
Scotland itself, the primary area of in- who are losing their homes, theirvillages,&#13;
vestigation. The first task, therefore, was their way of life, how many will be given Pursue their own way of life in spite of&#13;
discussions with the P.H.1. we confirmed that the houses were to be demolished merely asaplanning convenience interms of the redevelopment site.&#13;
This meant that an existingcommunity would be destroyed, merely to give the L.A, architect a ‘choice’ site for his re- development.&#13;
s#ggestions&#13;
‘The framework in which we combine and never get planning permission’.&#13;
{Contemporary Times).&#13;
You study the problems everyday — now here's how to overcome them:&#13;
understand everything and all permutations&#13;
regulate information and with which we analyse and compare situations are our&#13;
_—‘To direct implies understanding a&#13;
situation, pushing ahead constantly.&#13;
_correct To is retrospective, wasteful and&#13;
damaging.&#13;
the forces, the complex manipulatory Paths, and the psychological disguises that we must inevitably counteract, or&#13;
seas of northern Europe and the threat&#13;
To explain the above we must look at the micro-frameworkinwhichweattemptto assimilate our ideologies in practical, educational and philosophical relation- ships.&#13;
Ireland, Cornwall and Norway. The over- ment rates, faces the ultimate irony of Ten years later the city has almost rebuilt disastrous blow to the tight-knit commun- allaimbeingtoestablishanetworkof massivedevelopmentwhereitisneither itself,withmanymajorchanges,many ityofthestreetandsomeoftheresidents&#13;
Emotive, alittle frightening, he doesn’t&#13;
dress in a ‘representative’ manner (or does varied projects&#13;
he), he has nothing to do with the first = sometimes interconnected&#13;
year ‘lucky-dip instant exposure machine’, = sometimes rambled&#13;
he hasn't won any architectural design application of principles derived from competitions, and he doesn’t write for&#13;
any magazines, except perhaps the&#13;
letters page — obviously sub-standard.&#13;
I've heard about the unit though, nothing&#13;
One of the obvious faults in our society&#13;
is that many people who have talent in&#13;
various subjects are prevented from using&#13;
that talent and thus gaining from it, due&#13;
to accident of birth, background and&#13;
location. This isnot only injust but it&#13;
limits the true development of intelligence skills and principles many of them up-&#13;
and in fact eventually prevents the more hold throught their education, that they&#13;
priviledged amongst us from getting the have defended vehemently on occasion,&#13;
intellectural stimulus needed for our own are inconsequential when they start de-&#13;
development. signingtoearnaliving.Therealworldofandthatwerelegateasfaraspossiblethethelastview. summerterm, andcertainjournals.Theworkwill nowrepresentsanareainwhichthereare&#13;
Clientele, which by and large doesn't have Not creative force in society, is ahard one the economic power to emply them as&#13;
conventional architects, the Unit members to accept. Because of the diligence of the&#13;
Where will the money go to, who will it donian population are still very much in benefit? And what of the present un- evidence. Turks, Albanians, orthodox&#13;
Unit's members in seeking out the source&#13;
of our environmental problems, we are&#13;
eccused of meddling, agitating and being&#13;
too idealistic. Say that to ex or present&#13;
members of the Unit and they will smile good, so Isuppose they can't be what I'm unsure areas where social and individual&#13;
tosetUpaseriesofresearchprogrammes&#13;
to act as a general educational backup.&#13;
These were rounded off by a tour of the&#13;
Scottish coastline affected by oil deve-&#13;
lopment. The group is now committed to and other imigrant labour who never&#13;
the authorities’ rather vain hope that&#13;
— practice&#13;
Work within the Unit began in May 1973.&#13;
Some members of the group were un-&#13;
familiar with the situation and also with employment? How many of the locals Macedonians and gypsies still doggedly&#13;
— both&#13;
We see ourselves, by necessity, adopting&#13;
The success of these 26 families provided the g areas which suffered from similar problems. At present the Residents’ Association&#13;
constitute&#13;
— powerless bodies&#13;
— semi-powerful bodies pregnant with&#13;
committees —aconstitution&#13;
blame inflation employanarchitect{thereof opt OUT&#13;
OptiNn&#13;
Opt&#13;
Theaboveareyourtoolsforsuccess. The process you know well.&#13;
However...&#13;
AGITATE&#13;
EDUCATE&#13;
ORGANISE&#13;
This is an indication of the process in&#13;
which our ideologies are finding a plat- form. We judge the situations, the levels, thetimeandthemannerinwhichwecan&#13;
Gypsywomanwithchild.&#13;
Pope Street, Bootle&#13;
cerned with the social/environmental&#13;
One side of the street would stay for 30 years while people on the other side would be moved out of the area to new houses in snother part of the city.&#13;
The speculated planners line was a&#13;
velopments areas do not know what lies ahead for them, and their families. Most developments are proposed in rural or&#13;
Studies are also being carried out in land, with its history of high unemploy-&#13;
disaster problems were overcome, how People reacted under sudden unexpected disaster conditions, and how the city has rebuilt itself since the earthquake took place,&#13;
posed by the powerful oil development&#13;
needed nor desired, and the continuation&#13;
groupsandindividualspreparedtofight ofadepressioninareaslikeClydeor broughtaboutbytheneedtocreatesafe&#13;
against the exploitation of people and Dundee, where the development could&#13;
resources wherever this may occur. greatly benefit the area, little time for overall planning consider-&#13;
TheGrouphasitsoriginsatDundee,&#13;
1970, where a small number of students North Sea Oil is not expected to last for spread out city of low density, mostly&#13;
asked Brian Anson who had been born andbroughtupinthestreettohelpthem.&#13;
tight-knit group of about 6 students.&#13;
the jobs at present are filled by Italians&#13;
north of the river, indicate uninterrupted Pursuit of the old Turkish way of life and commerce. Thousands of gypsies con- tinue to inhabit ‘Skopje Field’ and al- though many have moved out to the more remote settlements on the town&#13;
gradual re-education can be achieved. The&#13;
At all times in the campaign the residents were treated insensitively by the L.A. who branded them as a ‘political’ pressure group. The residents gained the support of a local councillor, the press, and some local students and eventually, after 12 months, managed to get the planners’ decision reversed and the houses were saved and thus the community.&#13;
in Southern&#13;
constantly questioned and attacked The AIBA has usurped the power of acceptedmodesofarchitectureandtheir TMchitecture. relevancetosocietyandthisincludesa Thousandsofmenandwomenareunder fashionable escapist ideas that have al- itsspell.&#13;
AgroupfromtheUnitvisitedSkopje,the 30vearlife.Alotherhouseswouldbe&#13;
Permanent housing at a speed which leaves Some Unit One students went with him ations.Skopjehasbecomeanenormously theresultofourdiscussionswiththe&#13;
esses&#13;
&#13;
 the average male unemployment rate rises The specific projects that |have been up to over 30%. working on this year are as follows:&#13;
In the last six years of violence, Derry has 1. The Cottages and Farmhouses for the lost over 200 shops, pubs and garages due Arts Council Exhibition.&#13;
to bombing, many houses have been&#13;
burnt and over 50 civilians have been shot 2. A continuous 24 hour study of Covent&#13;
Parallel with the needs of the Partisan Army.&#13;
by the military&#13;
Garden the week before and the week after the fruit and vegetable market left the area.&#13;
centralised Health Service was not for many reasons possible. But the evaluation of the partisan case gave us some under- standing of medical care as such.&#13;
Paul Simons, 4th Year 74/75&#13;
|have been working with Brian Anson&#13;
since Unit One was formed in 1971. My&#13;
role as an active unit member has de-&#13;
clined over the last two years as |have&#13;
concentrated my work on studying&#13;
British Vernacular Architecture. However&#13;
a firm understanding of the past gives&#13;
backing to arguments concerning today’s&#13;
environment and the functioning of the recorded partisan camouflaged hospitals, chance to work directly with architects&#13;
AA/Cincinnati exchange&#13;
Covent Garden Ealing&#13;
Derry&#13;
Derry city in the North of Ireland has one architecture profession. Our experience&#13;
of the highest unemployment rates in the from studying the past and being in-&#13;
U_K.; currently it is 15% but hes been as volved with community orientated pro-&#13;
high as 20% in recent years. But as most jects become closely related when think- care was an ad hoc system, which grew in of the city’s employment is for women, ing of planning for the future.&#13;
The majority of the housing stock is old&#13;
and in very poor condition, and only&#13;
since 1970 has there been any attempt&#13;
at providing new housing and clearance of shire. Material is being edited in order to For example:&#13;
the existing slums&#13;
Derry has been nominated aStrategic Development Area and within that plan great attention has been paid to re- development of the inner city area — | believe it was the wrong kind of attention&#13;
With the military in virtual control of the city, | believe that they were able to in- fluence decisions about selec’ Se- molition, changes in design and layout etc&#13;
publish a booklet to create interest in this watermill’s future,&#13;
4. A design scheme to incorporate the 14th century Guesten Hall roof that has been repaired at Avoncraft Museum of Buildings.&#13;
5. A design scheme for the restoration and presentation of a timber framed gem, Tyr-Mawr, discovered in the Montgomery shire hills near Welshpool.&#13;
— Centralisated versus decentralised systems&#13;
6. The recording and dismantling of Nailors Row and the Barrack St areas were timber framed structures in Watford and&#13;
—community hospitals — Self Health Centres.&#13;
Alongside the complex institutionalised structure of the NHS, a new network of self-help is slowly emerging, e.g. the Self Health Centre in Islington.&#13;
Our seminars were rather intensive because we al had some definite interests: Ken brought to our discussions comparisons between the NHS and the&#13;
demolished with a rapidity that was out of keeping with the development plan&#13;
both these areas, once demolished,&#13;
allowed easy access and viewing of the Bogside for the military. The original&#13;
new flats in 1966 had 3 high rise blocks and flat roofed maisonettes, after the 1969 riots the plans were changed and new buildings all had pitched roofs. The stair wells had boarding that ran horizontally, which acted as a ladder to allow access to the roof, later this was re- placed with vertical boarding&#13;
Car parks and open spaces were provided — missions. This is to stimulate the drift most of these were unnecessary and their back to using locally available materials.&#13;
New roads, and a flyover, and excessive&#13;
work concerning the newly formed Worcester and Hereford Architecture Record Group (WHARG).&#13;
9. A catalogue of available traditional&#13;
building materials for technical sub-&#13;
institutionalisation of services. Penny carried through the term her particular interest in the Afan Valley, a declining community in South Wales; she would like to design a community hospital for its needs. Dag concentrated on a criticism of the existing structure of NHS and is&#13;
3. A survey of Stotfold Mill in Bedford-&#13;
We invited different people to our seminars to give us their views about NHS.&#13;
Chalfont St Peter for reconstruction at the proposed open air museum in the Chilterns.&#13;
7, A measured survey of all the surviving monastic buildings surrounding Ely Cathedral&#13;
8. GSSU Thesis on the Recording of&#13;
Vernacular Buildings, in conjunction with educational system — the problem of&#13;
only function seems to be to split the At the same time a collection of tradition publishing an article “A Layman’s View&#13;
community physically — like Haussman’‘s al building materials is being put together&#13;
Paris.&#13;
A high rise bridge that spans the River Foyle isproposed that will allow shipping into the docks — at the same time they Proposed @ motorway along the docks&#13;
So we can see what part the military play in Ulster’s Town Planning, but surely if we look closely enough we will se&#13;
similar things happening here.&#13;
for eventual exhibition.&#13;
HaSS Project&#13;
In Autumn 1974 five of us started con-&#13;
The Architects Revolutionary Council has published a draft manifesto calling on all architects and others involved in the built&#13;
versations about National Health Services&#13;
in England and we called our project HaSS: environment who believe that we should Health and Social Services, their level and cease working only for the rich and quality.&#13;
The project was partly built on experience dictatorships of central and local govern- which some of us gained during the ment to offer our skills and services to summer of 1974 in Yugoslavia. There we the local communities, which have little&#13;
which were built by the National Liber- ation Army during the German occupat- ion from 1941-45, The partisan medical&#13;
and architecture. ARC believes that the profession, as it stands, is a luxury and that the RIBA propagates this narrow luxury characteristic and is thus directly responsible for the malaise of architecture and the state of our cities.&#13;
Basically the movement isone of social ency system and 4 government controlled, concern. ARC believes that the problems&#13;
A comparative study between an emerg-&#13;
of architecture are al around us, but that people who suffer from them cannot affor afford architects to solve them; neither can architects afford to tackle them. ARC wishes to break this trap. It is well aware that to achieve a new framework for architecture there will have to be radical changes in our political and economic system. Nevertheless, first architects and students must demonstrate that they are Prepared to fight for a new system in their own art.&#13;
In a long, prolix and rather ungrammatical explanatory note, the ARC explains that ‘the new system of architecture will need to be based on a mass movement’ but the revolutionary council does not regard itself as the embryo of the movement. ARC is,asitwere,themidwifewhichwill help to bring the movement into being, after which it will adopt the role of stern tutor to ensure that the movement does mot become a bureaucracy intent on pre- serving itself to the detriment of society.&#13;
At present the movement consists of one cell in London with embryonic cells in various other countries. In the autumn, the London cell will divide to produce three new cells — on the east coast, in the north-west and in Scotland. ARC wants to build up other units of architects, technicians and students and urges anyone interested to get in touch with 11 Percy Street, London W.1: It is better to have four people who can trust each other&#13;
than a loose unit of 10. A national&#13;
convention is planned for the autumn. of the NHS". He hopes that the article A.J, 26th May, 1975.&#13;
will bring a dialogue between medical and architectural students which would then result in exchange of practical knowledge.&#13;
At the end of the term we held an Open Forum — adiscussion between thePar- ticipants of the seminars and ourselves. Our conversation did not give rise to any specifically new ideas, but it enabled us to reach an understanding between our- selves.&#13;
The graphical analyses represent the development of the seminars and of our critical attitude towards NHS. They also make some recommendations.&#13;
—&#13;
— —&#13;
The application of the re-organisation of NHS from April, 1974&#13;
The problems of District Hospitals New approaches towards community health care:&#13;
~changed role of a General Practitioner&#13;
—health centres&#13;
powerful minority or the bureaucratic&#13;
New industry issituated on the east bank of the river — if they redraw the border the majority of the population will be left on the west bank.&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Local area control over resources &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Design teams to be area based &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Project architects to report directly to committee&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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                <text> There is little doubt that architects in general are well intentionea, their aim is basically to benefit society in (seme vague way) and people Cin&#13;
they are imprisoned in their traditional role of entrepreneurs for the ruling elite, whose objectives may be very different. Thus, even when engaged in projeects of the highest. social relevance - housing.’ schools, etc. - the architect may fiRi that he is forced to accept&#13;
Subsstandard)sites,‘ee costlimits, ’ shoddy workmanship- and all the other&#13;
Architects may talk about technological solutions,. velitical solutions or secial solutions »- anything to absolve themselves of&#13;
sponsibility for the unhappy state of buildings&#13;
today... birt..the anchitect.isneithen.politisien or industrialist end he has Little influence in either field (thanks mainly to the RIBA) Radical Chenves in architec pg can only come about when&#13;
society itself, first undergoes a transformation - +&#13;
when the balanceof tenAisi?&#13;
Yet society is changing end architects will be&#13;
ef ordinary people, is a significant feature&#13;
These groups will grow in strength and number over the next few years until opposition te the interests&#13;
The Labour Party, at their recent conference in&#13;
Blackpool, committed themselves to a policy of&#13;
some form of land nationalisation. While ©&#13;
welcoming this step, there is an obviousdanger Oaiteleadingtoevenmorecentreslisetionand oSRRCOMMEt:clear(adil:oa erosionoftherightsofindividualsandsmall wee :&#13;
communities.&#13;
O&#13;
‘ i;&#13;
;&#13;
en Pee(8oy American (town pldnnin? «is&#13;
they a can no longer ¢ Be. Getting City Hall in New Yor&#13;
to Amentify wad othe &amp; given (8)jane Jacobs once elias “aatke&#13;
atte ae Wey. [Serpea “Neighbourhood control” is&#13;
REFORM OF LOGAL AUTHORITY PLANNING AND ARCHT TECTURE&#13;
- piedHe. J" forced eventually to adant their&#13;
F ee:)ir ;re*: When John’ Ruskin trefused toaccept its.&#13;
whole outlook end working methods, whether they want to or not.&#13;
Gold Medal in 1874 he wrote; “The.—&#13;
The emergence of local amenity groups, community&#13;
pom oo oe te exalt the power of their own proiession over the imiind OL the public, power ‘Deeng if in the preseat century synonymous with&#13;
i 4&#13;
i, ai&#13;
ree. onsandneighbour!&#13;
d - Ne Ae 9 goty * Qe&#13;
oS ACOcd aS V1L0Mn srouze&#13;
of and&#13;
%&#13;
all kinds, dedicated tofighting bad planning,&#13;
architecture which cares nothing&#13;
for the needs&#13;
wealth’&#13;
a generalised sense). However, as professiorials,&#13;
manifestations of the meagre value thet a middle-class&#13;
dominated society puts updén provisions&#13;
under-orivileged. Society gets its masters demand ... high rise workers to live in, feceless:office others to work in.&#13;
ghettos for the towers for&#13;
ce Tis Bae ian ated spl governmeat&#13;
- at apt ee lienated local government and big&#13;
.&#13;
t now obsessed with erentasa tion, Americans are conzing&#13;
usiness wil ave 1B .,“ioe teenoe providsdfor&#13;
f realise.“Ghatbigcityadministra.: tluns are such jugzernauts thar&#13;
constitutionally.&#13;
for the the buildings&#13;
—&#13;
&#13;
 Such a policy must, we believe, be combined with&#13;
the legal recognition of community organisations&#13;
and a constitutional change to ensure that they&#13;
have a say and control overlocal issues - planning,&#13;
+&#13;
education, welfare, etc.&#13;
Radical local authority architects can assist in the emergence of such local power structures not only by supporting their local groups and lesking information to others, but also by giving constant and wide publicittyo alternative methods of designing housing, schools, towns, etc. which will encompass full participetion (before decisions are reached) for thoseaffected. Letus examine&#13;
some alternatives.&#13;
Participation&#13;
much abused, devalued and misunderstood. Participation simply means a return to the architects! traditional role - that of interpreter of the client's requirements and the fulfilling&#13;
of these in accordance with the latters best interests. No worthwhile architecture has been, or will be, achieved without a healthy&#13;
relationship and understanding between designer and client. Prior to industrialisation, the architect's client was usually on the same wavelength as himself - the cultured patron who could discuss 'styles', knew the latest fashions and tastes. Or, for the majority, it was a case of getting Fred the builder down the high street&#13;
o kneck something up ~- using tried and tested craft based technioues and forms. For the&#13;
peasant it was often a case of build it yourself - the perfect intekration of client, builder and architect, or ‘participation’.&#13;
Client Today we are informed that our real client must be anonymous. We refer to him/her by the abstract term'people', 'the users' or 'them'. We have a false client to compensate - the administratorwh,o interprets what is best for the real client yet who is even more out of touch with&#13;
'them' than we are, sitting all day on our behinds, trying to conjure up attractive shapes which have little relevance or meaning for the human beings who will be forced to inhabit or work in them.&#13;
The whole parevhernalia of the social sciences - surveys, computer predictions, ‘rational’ appraisals, density evaluations - are employed&#13;
as substitute for real contact with those who&#13;
we are really responsible to. These techniques are sectioned officially for they are merely another side of authoritarian control in fasionable pseudo-objective garb - the statistics are in the hands of the authority to be manipulated as they think fit - often they are not even disclosed, Beware of those who justify their actions with spurious technological/&#13;
Illustration, by David Knight, MSIA, from the Skeffington report&#13;
The word 'participation' has been&#13;
core The mnainsprings of local government,&#13;
activity in the London of future wih lie in the k&#13;
with which people ident ¢&#13;
‘through which they express their yneeas and deniands.&#13;
' For all their faults, the Lon-&#13;
don boroughs are beginning to /understand this and aet upon if, They are the’ real successes. of&#13;
'these first five vears. If Lenron local government. is to live again, it is they who deserve the en ‘courageiient and the suppor.&#13;
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The aim is to describe objectively the subjectivo views or.&#13;
this to be the case.&#13;
The numbers are used in a comparative way: one thing is&#13;
3 isaSS reainecethtataene&#13;
conceptualisations of these people and if possible to put: numbers on to both these concepts and the patterns which underlie them. Putting numbers to subjective experionce is something psychologists have done for many years— worker ratings, discretionary awards, public opinion polls and even the hit parade are common situations in which subjective experience is turned into numbers. So it seems likely that people can use numbers meaningfully to express their thoughts, and many psychological studies have proved&#13;
better or worse than another. It is only a short jump to: introduce degrees into this comparison and to label therm.&#13;
&#13;
 Lological mumbo jumbo. We need more designers who can apprise the problems through historical enalysis and social and cultural criteria drawn from direct empirical experience. A job which one would expect&#13;
equipped for.&#13;
fmuveus&#13;
tell the ; from, a Dui affeet them&#13;
©&#13;
‘T have a Vision of the F uture, chum,&#13;
The workers’ flatsin fields of soya beans&#13;
Tower up like silver pencils, score on score: | And Surging Millions hear the Challenge come&#13;
From microphones in communal canteens “No Right! No Wrong! All's perfect,&#13;
fevermore. ©&#13;
[] High-rise towers have proved a disastrous experiment in urban dwelling. They give many of their occupants acute uneasiness. Some people arrange their furniture so as to avoid any view of the ver- tiginous plunge from their thir- tieth-floor window. Fer mothers with small children, they present insoluble problems ofplay and supervision. The eleySion become places of dirt and danger. The wholesale buildozing of little streets and houses to make way for them destroys delicate net- works of service and friendship which are simply not recreated between different floors in new apartment houses. The ground areas between the towers, which were supposed to provide needed air and space and greenness, can become windy deserts below vast buildings which tunnel the weather down their vertical sides as dco mountain ranges.&#13;
Some town planners even main- tain that. the claim made for high-rise dwellings — that other- wise even more little houses would be scattered over the countryside — is not borne out by economic or spatial necessity. In a number of cities, areas of similar size, with alternations of four to eight floor blocks round enclosed gardens and courtyards, can house virtually the same number of people and provide the intimacy and security which parents in particular jook for.&#13;
Objections&#13;
contact with the eventual users of our buildings at the briefing stag Objections from architects to this are always in terms of operational problems, not on vrinciple. In&#13;
the field of housing they can be summarised as follows:+&#13;
‘People do not know what they want!&#13;
"How can progress be made - people only like what they know!&#13;
(3) 'If you ask people what they went they will say a ‘house and garden', and&#13;
of course they cannot heve thatti!&#13;
The first statement is3 a i anybody who has&#13;
We ask nothing less than direct&#13;
ever had anything to do with community action&#13;
will tell vou. people can usual.&#13;
7 ‘ee&#13;
hen it concerns them directly&#13;
X environmental iy and coherently - it is&#13;
thers to ask them.&#13;
statement is an insult to us as a&#13;
Ith» The variation - it is to imply that,&#13;
ata&#13;
ULUEQ, the user will ask for some outlandish&#13;
personal folly which will be. totally unsuited to future occupants. If we are unable to conduct&#13;
vith clients, putting forward&#13;
alternatives and discussion&#13;
limitations, construction techniques, elc. we are not much use as a profession. One suspects&#13;
hat these sort of objections stem from experience in private practice where the architect has to deal with a power elite, used to bullying their own&#13;
way through. Ordinary people tend to be much more receptive and co~opverative.&#13;
Private&#13;
¥&#13;
mind.&#13;
the architect to be&#13;
new solutions, cost&#13;
3&#13;
Sector if we wish to find solutions to&#13;
woTM (yy&#13;
The third objection usually comes from an architect who himself lives in a house with a gerden. What arrogance, to deny anyone what he has himself!&#13;
Those who really believe in the 'scarcity of land! myth should themselves rent a flat at the ton of the nearest point block. We would go a long way to bettering buildings if architects designed&#13;
with themselves in&#13;
the participatory design of mass housing, let us turn to the private sector - wheré consumer pressure exists. You would not find too msny&#13;
system—built concrete towers here. Whatever&#13;
&#13;
 our job is, or should be, we seem to be more concerned with side issues or irrelevant conceptalisations.&#13;
The growth of a separate'management:' structure&#13;
in Local Authority departments is worsening&#13;
this situation. Architects at the top do not concern themselves with the design of buildings any more, but employ a whole range of irrelevant management tools such as ‘coordination’,&#13;
'rationalisation', -‘decision centralisation’, etc. The results are often a sort of bureaucratic architecture designed to be understood by administrators - simplified components and grid layouts (see Ronan Points, MACE, Thamesmead). It is with the entrenched attitudes of 'management' that our biggest struggle lies. they will stoutly maintain that they are mere architects, tools of the councillors, while simultaneously playing puny political games behind locked doors. We&#13;
shall be tackling ways of breaking these barriers down in future editions of ACID news.&#13;
Workload There are more architects in Great&#13;
Britain than in any other country. This shows&#13;
up in a vast local Authority like the GLC where&#13;
qualified architects are doing jobs well below&#13;
their capacity - often quite menial jobs. Yet&#13;
we believe that there is enough work to be spread evenly.&#13;
One fault is that jobs are just too BIG - especially housing jobs. A vast estate like Thamesmead is designed, it seems, in the nineteenth century Beaux-Arts tradition of&#13;
a master plan with the architecture conforming to a coordinated and consistent master plan.&#13;
The designhierarchy is similarly archaic - a&#13;
small group of policy makers delegate sections&#13;
to groups who must conform to the overall technology and style. The end product is often a sea of&#13;
ugly, grey, inhuman concrete ~- and highly&#13;
uneconomic as well. All in the name of&#13;
consistency - the sort of thing only&#13;
architects appreciate - so long as they do not&#13;
have to live there. It is design by balsa wood&#13;
and birds eye view autocrats and has nothing&#13;
to do with people or living or anything.&#13;
Scale of Work To implement the kind of 'real client' participation outlined above and&#13;
@)&#13;
They say a camel ‘is a horse designed by a committee,&#13;
“but in my experience that is a pretty, good shot atit.[should expectahorse- designing committee to come up with something possessing several different kinds of legs, and also much smaller .than the original expectation. A spider would be near the mark.&#13;
@&#13;
THE GREATER London Coun- til and the Inner London Educa- tion Authority together bave an annual revenue budget of £350m, and an annual capital budget of a further £150m.-—-£500m. a year&#13;
-total spending. This, as Desmond Piummer, the G.L.C.’s leader, is fond of pointing out, is “big business by any standards.” (Compare for instance, Ford Moior’s annual turnover of £488m.) .&#13;
How is this vast organization,’ with over 100,000 full- and part- time employees, managed ? What replaces the profit motive which motivates managers in the private sector ?&#13;
/&#13;
Mr. «Gaffney, who is Tory “member for Ealing, regards recent&#13;
changes at Counly Hall as pari of&#13;
“a major revolution&#13;
‘through local government. Value ‘for money has become a_ substi- ‘tute for the profit motive”, The ‘traditional approach that you had&#13;
certain services to provide, and pro- vided a first-class service froma&#13;
the available resources, has had to be modified in the face of.“ scream- ing inflation” and the huge scale of the G.L.C’s activitics, “It is not now enough to offer a first: class service. You must do it at the least possible cost”, says Mr. Gafiney.&#13;
This is where the management ‘tool of planned programming and |budgeting, now being grafted on to&#13;
the G.L.C.’s rather hierarchical and _departmentalized administrative&#13;
system, offers such dividends ic a. public authority. For it not only. gives the clected members,to whom the political decisions on how! much to spend an what must always belong, a more meaningful picture of the cost and benefit of any par- ticular course, but-—quite as impor- tant—-for the first time pronises to give them a sound basis for com- paring the value-for-money [o7. cost-and-benefit) tag of competing alternatives.&#13;
spreading&#13;
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&#13;
 to employ our architecturd manpower to its fullest capacity, we propose that housing&#13;
and other jobs be broken down into small units about the size of a housing association scheme each with its own job architect and group of tenant-clients ob community representatives. From then on the job architect, in consultation with his client, is free to come uo with whatever solution he thinks best - free from all constraints of ‘conforming to 'an overall concept', 'consistency', coherence' and all&#13;
the rest of that meaningless architectural claptrap. His only constraints would be the&#13;
usual ones - Byelaws, Planning, etc. The educational or housing administrators would still play theirrole in this arrangement,&#13;
except the rules they followed would be changed so that they no longer had overall power to&#13;
‘interpret’ tenants'or teachers'or kids' requirements. The architect could ask them directt&#13;
This would also lend itself to other forms&#13;
of housing, say, if a tenant wanted to go for&#13;
self build he would be allocated a plot with the architect as advisor. Private tenants could&#13;
apply for plots. Rehabilitation could be&#13;
easily incorporated into this arrangement. Young architects in both private and public sectors&#13;
would get a chence. A variety of competitions could be held, students could be given their&#13;
own (small?) jeb instead of being used as cheap detailing laboun, architects would spend perhaps 50% of their time in the district they were designing for, instead of 1% as at present.&#13;
Perhaps local. Authorities could employ most&#13;
of their architectural staff as consultants ~&#13;
it is a notorious fact that private architects&#13;
can achieve better results quicker than those&#13;
in employment bypessing much of the bureaucracy and clumsy management. Ferhaps one of the&#13;
first things to do to improve local authority architecture is to abolish the architecture departments.&#13;
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&#13;
 PLANNING REFORM&#13;
It is not much good considering alternative proposals for resolving a situation if circumstances will prevent you from adopting them. Yet this is fundamentally the&#13;
problem at Covent Garden, Piccadilly Circus, or any other central redevelopment site of significance - for whatever may be the solution in terms of the public interest, the initiative in a development project basically rests with the landowner, who needs not to make his actions accountable to the public.&#13;
The exception occurs when the local authority holds the land, but on central urban sites of a commercial nature, councils generally argue that they ought not to enter on enterprises involving financial speculation with public funds.&#13;
As a consequence, in the process of redevelopment many businesses are dispossessed, although it is well known that they play a significant part in the life of the area.&#13;
The question then is whether the local authority ought&#13;
not to reconsider the ethics of its attitude towards speculative development. When, for instance, the&#13;
London ‘'ransport Board is sinking £90 million in constructing the Fleet Line, which published estimates&#13;
say will augment property values in south~east London alone by £100 million, of which it will not recoup any, is not this a clear case of public funds. being employed to&#13;
foster commercial speculation, and on an enormous scale?&#13;
The conclusion is that the public authority is acting as nothing less than ayproperty developer, albeit a highly philanthropic one. Equally therefore, the public authority may take the initiative in the redevelopment&#13;
of Piccadilly Circus and any other urban centre. if this were the case, then is it possible to consider which alternatives are in the best interests of the public, a situation which would be far more positive than that which exists at present.&#13;
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To pursue the question a bit further, as architects and planners we are very aware of the shortage of public funds for providing facilities in local authority schemes - to the extent that projects suffer from the absence of social and environmental amenities.&#13;
The example quoted of the L.T.B. show that there are substantial financial resources created through development,&#13;
“THERE -is a feeling that they have had as much change as they can take.” This remark by a Greater London Coun cil “ofiicial sums up the current mood&#13;
‘of antagonism against a rash of mas- sive development projects which could ‘alter the character of the capital’s cen-&#13;
tral area beyend recognition.&#13;
Extreme public disquiet is showing a variety of forms. The outery against Sir Basil Spence’s design for a new office block fer Government use on the&#13;
site of Queen Annc’s Mansions by St James’s Park has boen based largely on aesthetics and bulk in a sensitive area, close enough to the Houses of Parliament for Members to take an active critical interest.&#13;
Piccadilly Circus stirs up opposition ‘for different reasons. There, not only { the seale of any development coneern, but also the whole ive issue of speculative offices and&#13;
associated profits, with the loss of a jhost of small business activities, such as istrip clubs, amusements arcades, shops cand restaurants, in favour of bigger, ‘blander places which can afford the&#13;
higher rents. ®&#13;
(The distribution of prosperity isdangerously skewed. Withit ai affluent economy, minorities who&#13;
_ are handicapped by ethnic preju- ‘dice or age or sickness tend to be.&#13;
ieft behind to observe vicariously&#13;
on television how the luckier three-quarters live. And, in plane- ‘tary society as a whole, it is threc-&#13;
quarters who live badly and, as their numbers rise, face bleaiz: prospects of living better. To restore balance and hope, to moderate the despairs and pres- sures, to achieve common policies&#13;
for .a viable political order, are thus the preconditions of any decent human environment on&#13;
‘Planet Earth. _ ©&#13;
LT think: it is something to do with the public attitude towards the environmen Phere js a climate&#13;
0 VU atte &gt;STVSTtsaad OTL ing contidence that it will.”&#13;
®&#13;
the Fleet Line producing a nett profit of at least&#13;
£10 miliion. Another very recent example occurs in a residential development by a Sussex council who paid&#13;
£24 million for some farm land whose value as a farm was a mere £17,000; the nett profit here being in excess&#13;
of £2 million.&#13;
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Tf estate agents aré right in sensing a 12 per cent rise In West End office rents in the past year, it would bring the capital gain to around £10 millions, jess interest charges and maintenance costs.&#13;
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~“Camden’s irritation with the continuing emptiness of Centre Point--and its sister building, Space House, off&#13;
Wingsway —--is two-edged., Not only are there 11,000 families on the ‘council’s housing&#13;
waiting list while the 36 flats of Centre Point stand empty, ‘but it is estimated that the /council has Jost nearly £1 mii-&#13;
lion in rates; because the two buildings, being empty, pay only half rates.&#13;
“Tt is a lunatic use of the and. If we cannot do better than that, it’ is a great criticism of the way our society carries on,” Mrs&#13;
Miller said.&#13;
If the council is able to&#13;
force a showdown over Centre Point it will be the first body te do so. ‘The developers have so far been content to sit on en asset which is rapidly gaining in’ capital vaiue as rents in Lon- don continue to rise.&#13;
The theory behind this ts presumably that as most office lettings are for a fixed period&#13;
‘of five, seven or more years, it is more profitable to get, +say, £8 a square foot next&#13;
year than settle for £6 this year, ‘The snag has been that with office rents continuing to rise—one cstate agent esti-&#13;
‘mated by as much as 12 per eent jo the West End in the past year alone—there hes never been 4 strong inceniive for Oldhani states to close 3&#13;
nent in land is “&#13;
ise who gat hers&#13;
deal.&#13;
‘&#13;
Its emptiness, as such, 1s not likely to frighten the&#13;
The project cost £5 millions. On the basis that its 150,000 square feet covid&#13;
developers.&#13;
have been rented at £4 a isquare foot in 1964, the build-&#13;
ing would have been wer £9 miliions—-£4 millions profit.&#13;
Last year it was estimated that if Mr Hyams could get £6 2 square foot, the capital&#13;
‘value of the building would ‘be over £13 millions, giving him a profit of £8 millions.&#13;
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There seems to be no reason why some, if not all, of these profits should not go into the local authority purse to spend on social provisions. After all, it&#13;
is the community that is creating the profit.&#13;
To re-restablish public initiative in development projects, to substantiate the economic basis of public building, would be to redirect town planning out of the rut which, to quote from a recent article in the Guardian, only consists in granting planning consents, to its true role of meeting the needs of the community.&#13;
This is an issue which politicians’in this country have actively supported for many years.&#13;
Winston Churchill, speaking on the People's Rights in his reforming Budget of 1909, said&#13;
hope you will understand that when I speak of the land monopolist, I am dealing more with the precess then with the individual land~owner. T have no wish to hold any class up to public disapprobation. I do not think that the man who wakes money by unearned incre&#13;
morally a worse man than anyone e&#13;
his profit where he finds it in this hard world under the law and according to common usage. it&#13;
is not the individual I attack, it is the system. Tt is not the man who vis bad, it is the law which is bad. Tt is not theyman who is blameworthy for doing what the law allows and what other man do; it is the State which would be blameworthy were&#13;
it not to endeavour to reform the law and correct the practice. We do not want to punish the landlord. We want to alter the law.'&#13;
The outcome of the reforms was curtailed by the advent of the First World War and opposition&#13;
from the House of Lords. But in 1931 the Labour Government of Ramsey MacDonald passed the Finance&#13;
het which introduced the principle of Land Value taxation It was an impropitious time for such a measure, the world economic crisis and the collapse of the Government leading to the Coelition, caused the Act to be suspended and eventually repealed.&#13;
The issue was raised again, in 1936 when, following&#13;
a Renort by its Finance Coiimittee, the London County Council aporoved a policy for legislation to give Lt effect. As the Government declined to act, the L.C.C. tabled a Private Bill, the London Rating&#13;
(Site Values) Bill of 1938. The Bill wes defeated and once again war intervened to frustrate reform which had mach supvort from local authorities in the country.&#13;
&#13;
 the economic rights of the community with respect to&#13;
land. Because it is this issue which forms the basis AAAS (Eee ofplanninglaw,thereformsshouldbestudiedinany \\ &lt;&lt;ae consideration of planning reform. X&#13;
To conclude in our present times, the Government in \ 1965 presented the Land Commission, of which the&#13;
opening paragraph reads:&#13;
'For centuries the claim of private landowners&#13;
to develop their land unhindered and to enjoy the exclusive right to profit from socially created values when their lend is developed has been questioned, especially when the land is sold to the comminity which itself has created the value realised. The view that control over development must be exercised by the community is not now seriously disputed and it is generally accepted that the value attached to land by&#13;
A. All planning proposals to be published on an obligatory basis. The information to be thorough, factual and available in time for&#13;
objections to be made. All interested parties in an organisation seeking planning&#13;
approval should be named.&#13;
beginning of a retreat from realis- ine their full human potential.&#13;
®;:&#13;
9&#13;
7 ui&#13;
starvation. When we remember ‘under what continuous stimulus&#13;
of natural variety ~ of colour, of ‘scent, of sound and light and&#13;
congeea et ete oo&#13;
Each of the measures mentioned above sought reform of&#13;
HELD&#13;
STA&#13;
i&#13;
the right to develop it is a value which has&#13;
” a&#13;
substantially been created by the community. A&#13;
growing population, increasingly making their homes in&#13;
ro&#13;
i | ie |&#13;
great cities, has not only made effective public&#13;
control over land indispensable; it has also made&#13;
indefensible a system which allows landowners or land&#13;
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very large, in value of urban land resulting either .&#13;
onaieee&#13;
from government action, whether central or local, or from the growth of social wealth and population’.&#13;
a Sis the vetrictions Xl’ about heights of building were, ‘relaxed so that landlords might make&#13;
pavements shuffle through thick exhaust fumes over- looked by that symbol of speculators enterprise - the ultimate Architects’! and Planners' non-event Centre Point (now empty for eight years).&#13;
©&#13;
'.7} We do notfully understand the&#13;
If satisfactory civilised urban standards are ever&#13;
to be achieved it is evident that now is the time for&#13;
a cool, hard look at the operants in planning and&#13;
design and to ask how despite teams of seemingly skilled professionals at Central and Local Government level&#13;
the urban scene has become steadily worse since the&#13;
last war. i&#13;
touch — the first men began to develop their imaginative grasp upon living reality and feel their&#13;
? athe ‘ Concurrent with such an examination, planning controls&#13;
creative humanity, we may. wonder what will be the result of&#13;
must be overhauled as an emergency measure, legislation must be brought to bring about monitoring systems which subject all planning proposals to real scrutiny in public interest - a basis for this is outlined below:-&#13;
acontinuous adaptation ofhuman&#13;
more money, the skyline of the City of&#13;
longer-term results of extreme cultural, ethical and emotional&#13;
_way towards fully conscious and&#13;
existence, over centuries, to ‘towering buildings, concrete walls, personal isolation, darkened skies, roaring traffic, raucous noise,&#13;
see&#13;
ssacalsccesaMhanciDinnaka wlRO aSa Nna A APRTBEaOScsii&#13;
fis iat i=&#13;
For the unconvinced I suggest a walk from Oxford London seen above the Thames must have been the most beautiful in Europe.&#13;
SARISF-A j 5BIE&#13;
Circus to Tottenham Court Road on a late night “We can se this from the paintings of&#13;
shopping evening. »&#13;
Canaletio and hear it from Words-&#13;
; ‘ : wills !worth’s sonnet On Westminster Bridge.&#13;
People packed like herd enimals on inadequate&#13;
- = 7 any&#13;
Silt&#13;
_polluted water and dirty streets.. Such an urban environment might&#13;
begin to produce human&#13;
whose very ability to survive in such conditions could mark the&#13;
beings.&#13;
&#13;
 Be&#13;
Demolition of any building to be the subject of a permission with full opportunity for the people in the area to object. A time lag should be introduceé inte the procedure to ailow proper consideraticn to take place.&#13;
All urban fabric to be given conservation area&#13;
status so that redevelopment takes place only after thorough appraisal. All buildings tc be listed and classified as part of the conservation process So as to avoid the 'fashionable' and ‘obvious set piece! preservation stances. -&#13;
Monitoring groups to be established on a formal&#13;
Kee es | h - ‘ yehae To. ~ : @% : ° is basis both inside (Professional participation) and&#13;
©J&#13;
All major building and development&#13;
schemes to be appraised by a body elected by the&#13;
oil dock ins&#13;
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( )Erie Lyons in AJ ()Paul Jennings (Guardian&#13;
4&#13;
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(1)Evenibg Standard (2)Architects Journal&#13;
led&#13;
So the working party has been pre- sented with such ideas as stric&#13;
trols for demolition, the 0:&#13;
a tax on the value added ¢ planning consent, stricter penalti&#13;
unlet offices and shops in new develop- ments in central areas and str regulations for the protection f servation areas, In addition, 0&#13;
the problem of ensuring how fonants of long standing, both res j tial and businesses, should be equivalent premises, when r 5 development, and at rents in scale with their previous ievel. /&#13;
Delaying tactics are also a possibility, It is not generally realised that : ship of land is not a pre-req&#13;
the submission of a planning ls “ion. Nowadays the owner has to he informed but there is nothing to stop&#13;
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they have no right to irampie down&#13;
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and work in conjunction with shadow structures .of iaa&#13;
familiar streets. and disregard the&#13;
; i&#13;
arrech’itecCtuss. : pplleenners 34 sSoolliicelitvoorrs, engi¢neersok&#13;
SOCi GLOLV SUS » etc.,; heing an organised version or&#13;
‘character and scale and peopolfea : : ‘oeSs walitasty? city simply because it is convenient,&#13;
i ‘&#13;
economic, or highly profitable. B uiathastetets cd aa - ‘&#13;
6 -&#13;
| :&#13;
comment&#13;
|&#13;
2.2 Public&#13;
interest avpriasal P.T.A.&#13;
| |&#13;
outside (Public participation) the Central and Local&#13;
anyone, providing they ah in the forms correctly and know what they are about, from putting forward theiy own&#13;
i 7&#13;
ideas for proper consideration by the&#13;
: |&#13;
4&#13;
te 4&#13;
when he pushed in an application to&#13;
i&#13;
\11 schemes produced by public authorities should&#13;
convert Centre Point into flats, though&#13;
{ 4&#13;
rott Sante a : .&#13;
be vetted by internally elected professionals av&#13;
.&#13;
this one was referred back for techn calreasons. However, Itseems me-&#13;
4 4&#13;
an officer level below that in contact with&#13;
what extraordinary that filibustering 0!&#13;
‘ |&#13;
time basis and their comment would be made public. MTA.opalata at wark 4 seec bs ate .&#13;
Mr Anth@sy |Crosland oe nat halton,majoraeveopmentmWceniras&#13;
;&#13;
ii vee quality of work is suriic biy high no department need fear this type of appraisal&#13;
London at least until the verdict is ‘available on the Greater London Development Plan. Other suggestions shave included some kind of planing&#13;
1&#13;
oe&#13;
hon bering bodies to be established on a twe tier&#13;
i&#13;
:&#13;
Lend i eae&#13;
“&#13;
:&#13;
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inauiry. commission te consider the pwronbylerm.&#13;
4&#13;
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Governmmeenntt FPlaanninging =and Archi:tectduenrevis ses sieniean des departments.&#13;
5&#13;
Professional&#13;
h fessional participation.&#13;
de : i,&#13;
re sot : . - = 3 committees . These groups would serve on a limited&#13;
this sort which could give a breathing Space, has not been moreprevelent.&#13;
\&#13;
2.1 Area Yetting groups A.V.G.&#13;
intreduce the London (Ce Buliding) aay Extreme,&#13;
‘ many existing should be published permissions.&#13;
the whole spectrum of planning installations.&#13;
from&#13;
ning COnuBEE he oeue e kican. Absatdragasl, a theird-rAartcehitectAsm!ericaJnournciatly',s&#13;
lie&#13;
Qn a street or neighbourhood basis these groups&#13;
Sut developers, public anc Tate, ‘must somehow be made awere ‘thet&#13;
protest groups. AeV.G.&#13;
together with all planning&#13;
This would operate at a town. city or regional ms v regione&#13;
12, e references:&#13;
o&#13;
Slidtp aes: nate0'sli Iho council. Mr Berman showed the way&#13;
Uy&#13;
or&#13;
Hd&#13;
od&#13;
ineffective body the R Fi Arts Commissi ineffective body the Royal Fine Arts Commission. .&#13;
“ebdly :; A.V.G.'s described above. The intention here&#13;
(3}Roger Walters in . Times interview.&#13;
would be to replace and revitalise and put on a&#13;
more socially conscious basis that tired and&#13;
)John Bet jeman. )Observer&#13;
Groups of P.I.A.'s could join in assessing nationally significant proposals such as mn&#13;
installati&#13;
cas} OWS&#13;
ACID GLC Architecture Club News, Room 671(D),County Hall North Block&#13;
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                  <text>A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing&#13;
as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by&#13;
the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on&#13;
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                <text> K J Porder Registrar ARCUK&#13;
73 lem&#13;
.&#13;
-&#13;
Street&#13;
Roath Cardiff&#13;
196 Albany Road&#13;
(c) I need ct rification on the following questions:&#13;
I an attempting to draft a response to your letter Of 13 April re Limited Liability. However, before £ Can answer the issuas Yaised under (a) to&#13;
1. What reference does the Act make to Professional Misconduct or Code of Conduct? :&#13;
2. Since no definition of "professional misconduct! appears to be offered in the Act, what legal Standing does any definition inplicit in the rules and Principles of the Code of Conduct shave? eas&#13;
&amp;- Has this ever been put to the test? !&#13;
5- Where, when, by whom, and on what Criteria was the Code brought into being? 6 Was recourse to the Privy Council made for the adoption of the Code?&#13;
Yours Sincerely&#13;
e&#13;
8. Ina Situation where the Act and the Code might be interpreted to be contradictory, wnat legal Standing does the Code have?&#13;
3. Would a legal interpretation o£ ‘misconduct! in a ‘court of law conform to that enshrined in the Code of Conduct?&#13;
7. Has recourse to the Privy Council been made for any alterations or acditions to the Code?&#13;
9. Has the Situation described in 8 €ver been put to the test, i-e., has ARCUK'S decision On misconduct ever been apnealed against ina court of law2 r&#13;
= apologies for imposing such heavy demands on you but I would appreciate an €erly response since you have asked for replies by 31 May.&#13;
fane Delaney (Ms)&#13;
+eeeserene&#13;
&#13;
 Ms Anne Delaney 196 Albany Road&#13;
Roath Cardiff&#13;
Yours sipcerely,&#13;
12'May 1978 =&#13;
4. Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom&#13;
CRTABUUSHED UNDER THE ARCHITECTS IMEGISTRATION! ACTS 1931 To 1038&#13;
73 Hallam Street London WiN 6EE Tel: 01-580 5861&#13;
Registrar:Mrs-NockDawsene MBE KENNETH J.FORDER, M.A&#13;
Dear Ms Delaney, =. ° pact Xt&#13;
Thank you very much for your letter of 10 May. I think it might help&#13;
if I reply immediately on the more straightforward&#13;
issues that you raise, and I will write to you further on other points as soon as I have managed&#13;
to carry out the research. : : i&#13;
ear face&#13;
I think many of your points are answered in the enclosed copy Ofmauens summarised history of the ARCUK Code, together with a copy of the first edition in 1936. The following are my preliminary observations on your: questions:&#13;
- 1. The only reference to disgraceful conduct is contained in ; Section 7 of the principal Act (copy enclosed). There is&#13;
no reference to a Code in any of the legislation.&#13;
3. It is my view that disgraceful conduct has never been formally&#13;
4. interpreted legally but I will look into this. :&#13;
_5. The enclosed history will tell you all you need to know. 6. No.&#13;
Yo Bo&#13;
8. The question is a little too sweeping. If a situation arose&#13;
where the Act and the Code appeared to be in conflict then clearly ~ theCode would have to give way but only to the extent that the Act takes precedence. -&#13;
2. I find myself in some difficulty here because of the wording&#13;
you use. The Code has no ‘legal standing’ but it is a guide which the profession follows. Strictly speaking one can&#13;
be guilty of disgraceful conduct without breaking the terms&#13;
of the Code and conversely there are circumstances in which&#13;
one can break the terms of the Code without committing disgraceful conduct.&#13;
f&#13;
9. The usually quoted case where an appeal was lodged to the High Court against a decision of the Council was the Hughes v ARCUK&#13;
in 1957. I enclose herewith a copy of the relevant passage from the Judgment. I will check whether there have been any other cases.&#13;
&#13;
 =aeita ates&#13;
/&#13;
ye&#13;
advising against.&#13;
etc.&#13;
History of the ARCUK Code&#13;
On 11 March, 1932, the Council received a report of the Committee of Ways and Means which contained, inter alia, a recommendation that a Code of Professional Conduct was desirable despite having received Counsel's Opinion&#13;
to the undesirability of advertisements by surveyors who were also architects.&#13;
The Council, in debating the matter, considered — if there was to be a&#13;
Code - that it could be built up gradually by means of the precedents from the Discipline Committee; or the Council could give architects proposing to register&#13;
It was agreed at this meeting to defer a recommendation to draft a Code, partly because there were a number of other tasks urgently needing action and partly because in any event the Discipline Committee could not be appointed for some months. ‘ :&#13;
In March 1934 the PPC recommended the Council to inform an architect "that it is unprofessional and contrary to 2stablished custom to advertise". This was&#13;
Another architect at the same time was seeking information about his position with regard to advertising, hidden commissions; soliciting and trading, and pointing out that the Act made no provision for a Code. He was told that, in general,&#13;
these were matters of unprofessional conduct and contrary to established custom&#13;
but it was for the Discipline Committee to decide what was disgraceful. The&#13;
architect challenged this reply, pointing out that no Code had been approved by the Privy Council, and asked if the RIBA Code "with all its loose application" was accepted in the Courts.&#13;
Another architect was informed it was not in accordance with established&#13;
custom for an architect to trade as a builder. It was for the Discipline Committee&#13;
It was also "not in accordance with established custom for an architect to engage in trade”. (Very broad statement‘)&#13;
Other cases dealt with alleged supplanting (referred to D.C.) and soliciting and supplanting; and the Chartered Surveyors were asked to refer in their Code&#13;
some idea of what they must not do.&#13;
to stop newspaper advertisements.&#13;
&#13;
”&#13;
 spirit common to the codes."&#13;
2.&#13;
There was however a hold up with regard to referring cases to the Discipline Committee because they had no regulations yet.&#13;
After a motion had been received from an architect which ended with the following words&#13;
"That this Council give a ruling that may serve as a guide to the public and the profession as to what may be considered ‘established custom’ and what conduct would normally lie outside such ‘established custom’. (Code of Practice) That sanction&#13;
be obtained from the Privy Council for such regulations”&#13;
the PPC approved the principle of a Code of Professional Conduct which banned architects from advertising "his architectural services publicly", "receiving commission not disclosed" and "soliciting work by means of Ppaid agents"&#13;
In due course however, and before any ARCUK Code had been formulated, the Discipline Committee had heard its first case, where mention was made to two&#13;
Codes - that of the RIBA and that of the TAAS, and the Discipline Committee Report contains the following paragraphs: é cs&#13;
"(g) Each code must embody, its existence would be meaningless unless it did embody, those rules of conduct which its framers and administrators hold to be binding on themselves as practitioners of an honourable calling, while every professional man knows that many such rules express the solution of doubts which have arisen in practice. A practitioner who has any cause to doubt what his own course of action ought to be can seek guidance in the solutions tested by experience (or formulated by expen oos persons), and set forth in the codes,&#13;
The essential features of both codes, it must be believed, would in spirit be accepted by the architectural profession even had they remained unwritten, and the Committee conceives itself entitled to apply these codes in the interpretation of Section 7 of the Act and to find a registered person guilty of conduct disgraceful in an architect if he be shewn to have contravened the&#13;
The Council received a further Counsel's Opinion dated August 1934 which ~ contained a preference to "allow a code as to professional conduct to grow up gradually by means of publication and circulation from time to time” of Discipline Committee decisions. This view was based on the idea that it would leave the Council "unfettered by definitions of professional misconduct" whereas a "specified and definite code” would make it difficult for the Council to&#13;
remove a man from the Register "unless his conduct were ‘shown to fall within&#13;
&#13;
y.&#13;
the four corners of the code".&#13;
 pursue”.&#13;
comments.&#13;
to approve the draft Code.)&#13;
remained unaltered until 1945.&#13;
However, the Opinion did state that the Council could, without statutory authority, publish and send to registered persons "a statement enumerating practices or modes of conduct which they consider it undesirable for registered persons to&#13;
A copy of the March 1936 Code is attached from which it will be seen that it&#13;
Again the Council were reminded that the Act contained no express power to formulate a code as to professional conduct or misconduct. The Council was also advised that the Privy Council "would probably be reluctant -to give their Sanction to a code of professional conduct dealing (of necessity) with matters as to which a wide diversity of views might be held.&#13;
This statement should contain no reference to Section 7 of the Act and should show on the face of it that it was published merely for guidance.&#13;
In June 1935 the Council were informed that the PPC were drawing up a draft statement as referred to in the above paragraphs’ A suggestion/that che Draft Code, together with Scale of Fees and Conditions of Engagement, be submitted to all bodies mentioned in the First Schedule, and to every registered person for&#13;
On 20 March 1936 the Council had before it a "draft Code of Professional Conduct for Registered Architects" for the guidance of architects which was submitted by the PPC who had resolved unanimously that it be submitted to Cannes "as an agreed document".. In submitting the Draft the Committee said since it&#13;
had received unanimous approval in Committee to refer it to the constituent bodies would cause unnecessary delay. They proposed however to send copies to all registered persons but without inviting comments, but to invite-the Unattached architects to forward comments to one of the Council members they had elected.&#13;
(One Council member elected by the Unattached dissented from the decision to&#13;
In December 1944 the PPC recommended that the Code be revised generally. This arose from Counsel's Opinion obtained to assist in dealing with questions concerning architects inyolved in property development - buying and selling land and buildings.&#13;
&#13;
 registered person.&#13;
branches to discuss the new Principles.&#13;
4.&#13;
In February 1945 the Council had a draft revised Code before them in a totally&#13;
In November 1945 the PPC reported to Council on the comments received from the RIBA on the draft, but some of the RIBA suggestions were not accepted. One&#13;
different format and it was agreed that the draft be submitted to the constituent bodies and to the representatives of the Unattached architects for observations. This draft Code consisted of a Preamble, Principles and Examples.&#13;
Counsel was asked to vet the final version; and in March 1946 the Council&#13;
Early in 1960 the Code was reprinted in a new format; and because there had been a number 6f amendments made to it since 1955, a copy was sent to every&#13;
Again the Code was subject to a number of amendments/clarifications and in June 1969 the PPC were again asked to review the Code as a whole and to report back to the Council. As the RIBA were also looking at their Code as a whole&#13;
it was agreed in October 1969 to set up an ad hoc joint working group to enable&#13;
the zwo bodies to proceed in step. By March 1970 a preliminary draft of the Principles and Rules of Professional Conduct was ready and it was agreed it be circulated to the architectural constituent bodies for discussion. In June 1970 the Council were informed that meetings were being held in the RIBA Regions and&#13;
or two comments had also been received from the ABT and AA.&#13;
In December 1948 the Code was amended to give a time limit after which architects could not be house agents or auctioneers. The RIBA, IAAS, AA and ABT approved; FAS had made no comments and the Unattached had divergent views, but agreed to go along. :&#13;
at&#13;
After the Code had been amended a number of times, on 17 October, 1952, the&#13;
Council resolved that the PPC should review the Code "as a whole in its relation to the Codes of any of the constituent bodies of the Council", if necessary conferring with such bodies. A Sub-Committee of the PPC was set up and in October 1954 a draft new Code was submitted to ‘Council and finally approved in December 1954 for circulation to the profession with the 1955 Annual Report. Its format was not dissimilar from the previous Codes.&#13;
were informed that a new Code had been published.”&#13;
The work on amending the Code was then taken over by the RIBA but in March 1975 the Council were informed that the PPC had asked the Registrar to send&#13;
&#13;
T’.copies of the draft Code to the other architectural constituent bodies.&#13;
Eventually a new Code, different in form and format but not greatly different in meaning was published on 1 January 1976.&#13;
 a&#13;
&#13;
 ©&#13;
'&#13;
©&#13;
F&#13;
Architects’ Registration Council of the&#13;
United Kingdom 68, PORTLAND PLACE, W.1.&#13;
Code of Professional Conduct for Architects&#13;
The following Rules have been drawn up for the guidance of architects.&#13;
While it is not intended to lay down a hard-and-fast line between what is, and what is not, legitimate, the object of the Rules is to provide a general standard of professional practice, the breach of which} by an architect, may render him liable to be adjudged, by the Council, guilty of disgraceful conduct.&#13;
1= (1) Reniuneration in respect of architectural work consists (a) in the case of an employee,&#13;
of salary, and (6) of architects in private practice, of protessional fees. In the case of (6) the client should be informed at the outset of the rules of employment of architects and the scule of charges upon which remuneration is based.&#13;
N.B.--For the purpose of this Code the Conditions of Engagement and Scale of&#13;
Charges published by the R.I.B.A. or other constituent body is recommended. 4&#13;
(2) Au architect MUST NOT:— / o&#13;
(a) Accept any work which involves giving or recviving discounts or commissions, nor&#13;
may he accept any discount, gift or commission fron: Contractors or Tradesmen whether employed upon the works or not.&#13;
(b) Advertise or offer his services by means of circulars or otherwise, nor may he make paid announcements in the Press.&#13;
(c) Attempt to supplant another architect, nor must he compete with another architect by means of a reduction of fees or by any other inducement.&#13;
(d) Permit the insertion of any clause in tenders, bills of quantities or other documents which provide for payment to be made to him by the Contractor whatever may be the consideration, unless with the previous knowledye and approval of his client.&#13;
(ce) Carry on or act us principal, partner uv «anager of a company or firm trading in materials used in building, or whose activities are connected with the building industry.&#13;
(/) Permit the business of auctioneering or house ugency to form part of his practice.&#13;
NUTE to Parageaph .(f)&#13;
Extract jrom Counce Motates of June 24ynt, 1936:—&#13;
RESOLVED thar&#13;
Where busine: us au Auctioneer or House Agent was being carried on at the time of registration no uction be taken in the matter, but that any Kexisterad Architect attempting to, or who has attempted to, start any business as Auetivieer or Huse clvent after the date of his registration be informed that such action is not in accordance with the rocoguisal custom of the Architectural&#13;
profession. .&#13;
;&#13;
&#13;
 (3) An arcisitect MUST:--&#13;
(a) Be remunerated solely in the cuse of an employee by his salary and in the case of a&#13;
(4) An architect MAY:—&#13;
(g) Act us architect or joint architect tor a work which ts or has been the subject of a competition, in which he is or has been engaged as an assessor.&#13;
(A) Act as architect or joint architect for a work which is or has been the subject of an abandoned competition, if he is or has becw viticially nominated as assessor, or approached by the promoters for the purpuse of acting as such. Z&#13;
practising awchitect by professional fees, und must not accept remuneration from auy other source in connection with the works and duties entrusted to him.&#13;
(b) Before accepting an appointment or instructions to proceed with any work upon which it is obvious another architect has been employed, communicate with the architect last employed with a view to ensuring that his engayement has been properly terminated.&#13;
(a) Be architectural consultant or adviser to building contractors, decorators, furniture designers, estate development firms or companies or firms or companies trading in materials used in or whose activities are otherwise connected with the building industry, provided that:— : ,&#13;
(1) He is paid by fee and not by commission on sales or profits thereon. (2) He docs not solicit orders for the firm or company. “5&#13;
(b) Use the word “* Architect ” in connection with his appointment, and his name may appear on the stationery of the firm or company as architectural consultant or adviser. :&#13;
(c) Be a Director of any company (except those. excepted in Clause 2 {e)), including a building society registered under the Building Societies Act, and may allow his name and the word ‘' Architect ’ to appear on the notepaper of the company.&#13;
(d) Sign his buildings and may exhibit his name outside his office and on buildings in the course of construction, alteration and/or extension, provided that it is done in an unostentatious manner, If a client so desires, the architect’s name may remain upon the building for a period not exceeding twelve months after its completion provided that the board does not display ‘ fo Let’’ or “ For Sale ’” or similar notices.&#13;
(5) Although there is no objection to an architect allowing signed illustrations and descrip- tions of bis work to be published in the Press, with reference to such illustrations or descriptions it in contrary to professional custom to give monetary consideration for such insertions or to allow such insertions to be used by the publishers for obtaining advertisements from unwilling contributors.&#13;
&#13;
/&#13;
(6)&#13;
(7) When architects are ucting as surveyors or town planners in connection with the development of land, announcements may be made in the Press and on notice boards in connection with such development, provided that such announcements are made in ath unostentatious manner.&#13;
(8) In all questions arising between the employer und contractor an architect must act in an impartial manner. He must at all tics interpret the conditions of the contract with entire fairmess as between cmployer and contractor.&#13;
(9) Quantities—It is desirable that in cuses where an architect takes out quantities for buildings he should be paid directly by the client and not through the contractor.&#13;
y&#13;
7&#13;
 Note: —&#13;
March 20th, 1936. Reprinted April 1st, 1g4T.&#13;
By Order of the Council,&#13;
a PEMBROKE WICKS&#13;
: Pr Registrar. |&#13;
f‘&#13;
Architects who are appoitited surveyots lo recoguiscd estates muy announce land or sites or premises tor sale or letting in conteciion with their uppoininents.&#13;
Architects are recommended to bring this Code to the notice of their employees.&#13;
&#13;
 7&#13;
Dissraceful Conduct as defined by Mr. Justice Devlin in his Judgment in Hughes v A.R.C.U.K.&#13;
7, 731/59&#13;
The Architects (Registration) Act 1931 Section 7 gives the Council power to strike the name of an architect from the register if he has been "suilty of conduct disgraceful to him in his capacity as an architect". I cannot accept the argument that the term "diseraceful” is&#13;
in any sense a term of art. In accordance with the usual&#13;
rule it is to be given its natural and popular meaning. But&#13;
it is qualified by the phrase "in his capacity as an architect". The effect of that qualification is twofold. First, the&#13;
conduct must not only be what would ordinarily be considered&#13;
aeerecesale but it must also be a disgrace which affects hin professionally; to that extent the qualification diminishes&#13;
the term. sgoondlky, conduct which is not disgraceful for an )&#13;
ordinary man may be disgraceful for a professional man: to that extent the qualification amplifies the term. But the amplification does not require that "disgraceful" is to be given any technical meaning: it requires only that the ordinary meaning of the word should be applied in relation&#13;
to the special obligations and duties of a professional man. It must not be forgotten that if the finding of the Committee stands, anyone may hereafter say of Mr. Hughes with impunity that he was struck off the register for disgraceful conduct&#13;
and may add that that means what it says.&#13;
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                  <text>1976-1980</text>
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                <text>Architectural Profession</text>
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                <text> bia.&#13;
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE&#13;
ARCHITECTURAL PROFESSION&#13;
&#13;
 SYSZ&#13;
IFCRIME DOESaNT PAY... LUHEREGE&#13;
|ARCHITELTS&#13;
AL THEIA Mo NEY?&#13;
Preface&#13;
The purpose of this thesis is to show the development of&#13;
the architectural profession from its origins to the present day.&#13;
With its development it has become obvious that to do the subject justice, it would need to be a book in its own right. Therefore,&#13;
it is much regretted that too many issues are dealt with far too briefly, but I do believe that it is of sufficient credibility to be worthy of note, and a valuable introduction to the subject for people becoming interested in the profession for the first time. There&#13;
is a short reading list at the end for those interested in understanding my source of material. I hope that within a few years it might be possible to create the book this subject demands.&#13;
My thanks to Brian Anson, George Mills and the year I spent&#13;
as a member of the Architects Revolutionary Council, which enabled a concentrated study of the architectural profession. I hope that this study reflects a socialist perspective and I thank the Communist Party of Great Britain for improving my Marxist analysis, at which Iam no expert.&#13;
I dedicate this work to the principle of the New Architecture Movement: "For all, a better environment",&#13;
Front illustration by kind permission of L, Hellman. Other illustrations courtesy of ARC.&#13;
ma ~-=_Go.e&#13;
NEW ARCHTTECTMRE WOVEYENT CONTAVT ADDRESS c/O J. Broming, 36 Elm Grove London N.8-.&#13;
&#13;
 over Europe separated it from the cultural tradition of these other European states.&#13;
1&#13;
In England, this had the effect that anyone claiming to be an architect could not just develop from his home culture, but had to deliberately study the architecture of Italy, and later Greece.&#13;
This was the first impetus to separate master builder from architect. Inigo Jones was the person responsible for introducing classical architecture to England. He is also significant because his position&#13;
as Court Architect revealed the need of the Crown to create its own impressive buildings. It also helped to make the style fashionable&#13;
and created the demand for more architects capable of designing in&#13;
this style. Right from the start we can see how an idea or fashion&#13;
is introduced by the elite of society, the Crown, taken up by the nobles and lords, made popular, plagiarized and finally, scrapped when it&#13;
has become common, by the introduction of a new style. The timescale of this cycle is dependent upon the amount of building being done at any one time, i.e. fashions come and go much quicker when there is a lot of work about.&#13;
Architects found that the application of styles was both helpful and unhelpful in the struggle to maintain their position in society. Styles helped architects because they were the people who chose the new fashion and, therefore, were the leaders. Styles hindered them because the styles were quickly copied and circulated amongst builders, which meant that the architects’ leadership was constantly being undermined. Architects began to feel that being dedicated followers&#13;
of fashion was not likely to be a lasting solution to the maintenance of their status in society and other means should be found for spreading the influence of architects to strengthen their position.&#13;
The great fire of London in 1666 provided the first opportunity&#13;
for architects to spread their authority in a more general way. Wren's plans for London, whilst not being wholly implemented, clearly show that the architectural role had developed aspirations for the total control of the built environment. Another aspect revealed was the difficulty of construction supervision and the number of jobs an architect could handle. Wren found it necessary to concentrate on the construction of St. Paul's to such an extent that he moved into a house with a clear&#13;
view of the Cathedral. This meant that he had to rely on juniors toa large extent to detail and supervise the construction of the many parish churches that bear his name as architect.&#13;
After Wren, it is possible to trace the history of the architect “through a number of architects at any one time, Hawksmoor and&#13;
Vanborough, the Adam Brothers, etc. This plurality of architects developed an awareness in the higher classes of society of architecture and architects. Though some builder craftsmen became acceptable architects, it was quite common for the gentry to dabble in architecture themselves. Indeed, any man pretending to be educated in the eighteenth century was expected to know the classical orders of architecture and to be capable of creating a classical composition himself.&#13;
2&#13;
The purpose of this thesis is to show the development of the architectural profession from its origins to the present day. It is not a history of architects or styles, though they are significant factors, but it relates more specifically to the role of the architect in society, and how he has organised himself to fulfil that role.&#13;
The term "architect" at a basic level means a designer of buildings. The word itself comes from the ancient Greek and Latin via Vetruvius etc., but it is probable that the role of the architect started long before the Greeks. The origins of architecture lie in vernacular buildings, which simply stated means vernacular build- ings are not designed, but grow from the skills and traditions of a particular culture. Ina culture where men are not equal and where kings and lords wish to show their power, or that of their religion, large and impressive buildings are an ideal medium for their needs.&#13;
It follows that vernacular buildings are inadequate for the purpose&#13;
due to their common character, but no one knows how to build anything else. To build something extraordinary needs planned instructions&#13;
as to how to proceed with the construction, and in order that this may be done, plans or pictures or models of the finished product have to be made. Generally, any culture that begins monument building takes its vernacular building as a starting point and then proceeds to scale it up. Some people have said the Pathenon was a scaled-up Greek house.&#13;
In Europe, this meant that until the advent of the renaissance&#13;
the architect's role was played by a master craftsman who applied&#13;
his art and skill ina scale greater than his vernacular origins. As these buildings grew from vernacular scale buildings they took with them the relationships of that society as expressed in built form, and while they created some vast cathedrals, castles, etc., it was still possible for them to relate to the people they were built for. Self- conscious man, or modern man, is often thought to have come about with the renaissance.&#13;
the vernacular traditions still continue for the majority of buildings, special buildings that needed to be uncommon were designed as a conscious choice of styles and systems, not necessarily related to the culture of the society for which they were intended.&#13;
houses of Venice, Milanetc.&#13;
In architectural terms, this means that while&#13;
Italy was the founder of the modern renaissance man, in part due to the development of capitalist enterprise, hence the great trading&#13;
The rise to power of traders, such as the Medici, had to be demonstrated publicly through the patronage&#13;
of the arts andan impressive building programme.&#13;
reflected the need of the nouveau riche to associate themselves with&#13;
the wealth and authority of previous ages. That is why, not unnaturally&#13;
for Italians, they turned to the glorious past of the Roman Empire for inspiration. Thus, whilst the renaissance very clearly had historical and traditional values for Italy, its subsequent stylistic application all&#13;
The buildings&#13;
&#13;
 3&#13;
an architect often measured his own building works. Coupled with this was the extent to which "contractors" or master builders could mis-manage the accounts of projects. This led the public in the form of clients, or the higher classes of society, to complain that the whole building industry was immoral and criminal - they made no distinction between architect, measurer or builder. The growth of the industry had led to the establishment of many people claiming to be architects, and many new building firms or contractors. This caused such confusion and disarray that the more thinking architects began to try to find solutions to the problem.&#13;
Though the solution to the problem was probably never seen clearly by anyone or any section of the building industry, it is true that architects were the first section to crystalise their views and form a pressure group to achieve their aims. Evidence shows that there were five groups whose separate positions were beginning to clarify from the confusion caused by the sudden growth of the whole building industry. By looking at each section and how they came to terms with their problems, we may obtain some idea of the complexity of the problem.&#13;
Firstly, at the top of the tree was the client, either personal or corporate. His problem was that he did not know whether he was&#13;
being cheated or not. This could only be solved if there were ways of ensuring that the people employed were honest, and if not there was some way of checking on what they had done. In essence, the separa- tion of jobs did this because each section could then be checked and played off one against the other.&#13;
The problems were more complex for the architect:&#13;
- he had to convince the clients that he was honest.&#13;
- his social status was being eroded by the number of people&#13;
claiming to be architects.&#13;
- his role was threatened by confusion with, and takeover by,&#13;
contractors.&#13;
- he was restrained if involved in one building firm, by the&#13;
geographical locality and workload capabilities of the firm. In about 1820 a number of architectural societies were formed to discuss and learn about architecture. These appeared in London, Liverpool, Manchester, etc. and reflected the growing popularity amongst the bourgeois for "learned societies".&#13;
The formation of the Institute of British Architects in 1833 was&#13;
an attempt by the profession to use the disguise of "learned society"&#13;
to create a trade association for the profession. Consequently, the Institute could not become just a London-based "learned society" like&#13;
the Royal Academy, but had to become the federated control of all the architectural clubs inthe country. Because it allowed membership&#13;
of measurers (the forerunners of quantity surveyors) it was not felt satisfactory by a small but professionally-orientated number of architects. They believed that to overcome the problem of dishonesty in the profession, it was necessary that architects should not measure their own, or other architects', work. This would then clear architects of the charge of measuring dishonestly so as to increase their own fees. +&#13;
This initial popularising of architecture in high society enabled it&#13;
to be talked about and discussed as an entity in itself without which&#13;
it is unlikely to have weathered its first crisis in the 1820s and 1830s.&#13;
The growth of architectural awareness was considerable during the eighteenth century buts its examples were naturally restricted by the amount of buildings undertaken. It was not to be until the end of the Napoleonic Wars and the boom of the Industrial Revolution&#13;
that architecture was to take its next step.&#13;
Before going on to the effects of the Industrial Revolution, it would be wise to have a look at the building industry and its organ- isation. As we have mentioned, the architectural profession was a very elite service industry and because of this, it was possible to enter it from above, or by sweat and graft from below.&#13;
that those who attained the acceptable title of architect found it in their interests to preserve, as far as possible, their elitist position. This meant that though many master craftsmen aspired to being architects, very few actuallymade it.&#13;
of buildings was basically carried out intwo ways.&#13;
the owner or his agent, whether he be an architect or master builder, would contract a mason to do the masonry, a carpenter to do the carpentry, etc., all ona separate agent-contrator basis.&#13;
way, which developed increasingly towards the 1800's, was that the owner would sign one contract with one man, who then either carried out the work from his own firm, or sub-contracted for the separate tasks. This gave rise to the "contractor", whose traditional unpopularity grew from two main points evident initially.&#13;
the skilled tradesmen thought he was poaching on their right to make direct contracts with the owners and, secondly, architects feared that he might try and take over their role as co-ordinators and designers&#13;
of the project.&#13;
During the eighteenth century construction The first was that&#13;
However, the craftsmen were the most obviously upset for the traditional craft guilds dating from mediaeval days were not disposed&#13;
for either one craft or another to dominate the industry.&#13;
felt even more snubbed bya non-trade "contractor", they were 80 unprepared to co-operate between trades guilds that they were powerless to prevent the development of contractors. Indeed, their frustrations were so acute and so lacking in ideas as to how to surmount the problems that there was considerable violence on sites in and around London&#13;
during 1824. This led to discussions in the House of Commons on the subject, but from lack of evidence to the contrary, it appears the&#13;
skilled tradesmen were sadly forced to accept the position and loss of responsibility. Their weakened state has since led them into&#13;
narrower and narrower specialisation and reduction of their skills, 80 as to enable the eventual mechanisation of their tasks.&#13;
From the end of the Napoleonic Wars trade and industry in England began to develop under the influence of the Industrial Revolution.&#13;
There was a noticeable increase in building with the re-investment of war bond money. This first property boom brought to the fore all the ongoing trends and antagonisms.&#13;
Apart from the building site riots, there were problems at the other end of the profession too. The&#13;
pricing of building construction was often done by architect measurers ~&#13;
This ensured&#13;
The second&#13;
Firstly,&#13;
Whilst they&#13;
&#13;
 g&#13;
The effect of the Arts and Crafts Movement on the architectural profession was minimal. Stylistically it offered a great wealth of ideas as expressed by people like Ruskin and Morris, and built by Nash, MacIntosh, Voysey, etc. However, in terms of the trend&#13;
of the ages it was seen as old fashioned, romantic and impractical. Whilst it had cause to complain about the reduction of craft skills due to technology, it failed to realise that the main alienation caused by machinery was for the workers an economic problem.&#13;
It was no good working in a nice jug if it cost twice as much as a manufactured jug, and consequently was never sold. People were not in a position to complain about their intellectual exploitation if they could not afford to provide themselves with food, clothing and shelter. The Arts and Crafts Movement was basically an upper&#13;
or middle class concern, they could not really come to grips with any solution to the problem as expressed by socialism. William Morris had a great influence on the Arts &amp; Crafts Movement, and socialism had a great influence on Morris, but the confusion of the Movement came about as a result of its romantic approach to the past. This lack of perspective created a mixture of inadequate solutions to the problem that could never be put strongly in public due to their own weaknesses. If the public arena for debate was not fertile ground&#13;
for the Movement, it could only retreat into itself, turning its back on the world and living out a romantic dream in the hills of the Cotswolds or in Wales. It isa pity, but understandable, that the Arts and Crafts Movement was not of major importance for it was developing in architecture the qualities found in English vernacular buildings and it would have greatly added to our present cultural condition. As such, the only influence it had was to slow down the technical professional development of architects by its insistance that design and art are not measurable standards and, as such there could be no measure of the competence of an architect.&#13;
Over the period 1890 to 1920, the profession felt that it had proved itself and its place in society but still suffered from the actual disposability of its services. There was no legal definition of what an architect was, and there was no necessity by law to employ one. These insecurities were well founded for during the 1914-18 war, the Government made no special use of architects, and the depression of the 1920s clearly revealed the vulnerability&#13;
of the profession. The depression, therefore, brought to the front all pressures for registration of architects and for legislating for the use of architects.&#13;
In this way, it was intended that all design work for buildings would have to be designed, by law, by architects, and that all architects should be registered with the government in a similar fashion to doctors. This would have provided the architect with an unquestionably secure position in socicty, it was after all their vulnerability to unemployment and replacement by engineers, builders, etc. that worried them most.&#13;
The RIBA's report of 1943 revealed that architecture necessitated extensive planning and that in the theme of the report, outside central London itself, there were very few buildings of architectural merit, i.e. what Hitler was not going to blitz the RIBA would. There was much discussion on planning and groups like the Mars group drew up plans for the near total rebuilding of London. The expansion of the professional arena and examples of planning proposed by Corbusier, etc., led to the development of the Town and Country Planning Act, passed shortly after the end of the war.&#13;
Town Planning became a profession in its own right which furthered the cause of expanding the profession while maintaining an increase in status. The other aspect the war created was the substantial growth of government influence and work in the building industry.&#13;
The future for the architectural profession seemed set fair to prosper after the war but it is important to realise the contradictions&#13;
now apparent to us were in existence then.&#13;
profession after the war became synonymous with talking about the RIBA. The RIBA asa private club is governed by a democratically elected Council. The Council is responsible for the actions of the Institute. However, it must be remembered that the RIBA was founded to further the existence of private practice architects, and had been very successful inthis task.&#13;
therefore, fell to those who had helped, or were helping, in this task. The Council clearly aligned itself to the interests of private practice. The method of election to the RIBA Council was by national elections and this meant that you had to be reasonably well known to become elected. This process naturally favoured the big names of private practices.&#13;
Since the war an increasing number of architects have been employed by the state and while they have not directly contributed to the existence of the private practice sector, their existence has been ured to demonstrate the size and usefulness of the whole profession.&#13;
During the 19408 and 1950s there was an architects’ and building technicians’ union (ABT) which was the only organised voice of architects to express the salaried-architects' viewpoint. This union was for a long time communist controlled and due to an increasing divergence between its executive and members, it faded into obscurity by the 1960s. Members of the union were responsible for the "peoples detailing" era of the London County Council, but their influence ind; recent years appears non-existent.&#13;
However, the existence of this group with alternative viewpoints to the RIBA did show the diverging directions of the architectural profession, The modern movement in architecture only got off the ground in this country with the Festival of Britain in 1951. In this&#13;
it was aided by the new Town and Country Planning Acts and by @ mixed inspiration of Scandinavian furniture and plastics, the Mediteranean derived architecture of Corbusier, plus the usage of&#13;
technical terme "functional and "mechanical aesthetics".&#13;
The architectural&#13;
The control of the Council,&#13;
&#13;
 te&#13;
This small group of eight has slowly been whittled down by over-work, absorption, promotion and even rejection, toa total&#13;
of four, three of whom are now such high-ranking public architects that their ties to the Salaried Architects Group is more history than fact. After four years of considerable effort, they have achieved the improvement of the Code of Conduct relating to salaried architects and their responsibilities. However, the code is useless without any backing or testing of its validity.&#13;
The influence of the salaried architects group was reflected in the RIBA Council's choice for President for 1973-75, Fred Pooley. Fred Pooley was the first public architect to become president of the RIBA and although he started out fairly succes sfully, the financial difficulties of the Institute did not allow the development of Alex Gordon's Action Paper, regarded as a very progressive pro- gramme for the RIBA. Added to this, the collapse of the building industry in 1974 created a strong dernand from private practice for the RIBA to appeal to the Government for more work. At this task Pooley was ineffective and not cut out to do the tasks the times demanded of him. On finishing his term of office, Fred Pooley became the head of the GLC's Transport Planning Department, 2 nice cosy job. During his last year as President, he was nea rly completely ignored in favour of the president-elect, Eric Lyons.&#13;
Due to the circumstances of architectural depression and RIBA stringency, the salaried architect group should have mounted a big campaign to protect the interests of their group. However, their absorption in altering codes of conduct and involvement with the RIBA Council isolated them from the mass of public architects. That they are less effective than the Association of Official Architects reflects&#13;
their isolation and lack of organisation.&#13;
The challenge created by the emergence of the SAG did lead to the&#13;
formation of an Association of Consultant Architects. This group is for private practice principals only and having a formal and well- financed organisation, is beginning to have effect. They produce policies and express opinions in the architectural journals which are consistently unsocial.&#13;
Eric Lyons had been chairman of ACA in the past, but to enhance his attempts to become president he left the organisation. He had all the grooming for presidency necessary, 4 good profitable practice that did work considered to be progressive, SPAN housing etc., and from the moment he was made president-elect he ran the RIBA ina manner to which the ACA was accustomed.&#13;
The building boom also gave rise to another radical architects’ group. The fight to save Covent Garden and other town centre battles gave rise to people like Brian Anson and the wave of trouble in architectural schools in 1972-73: Hull, Kingston upon Thames, Northern Poly and Cheltenham. In 1973 Brian Anson and others founded the Architects Revolutionary Council, and through an article in the summer of 1973 in Building Design and through public meetings, gave the group a public face.&#13;
There had been Architects Registration Bills before Parliament since 1890 but because the RIBA had never sponsored these Bills, due to the action of the Arts &amp; Crafts Movement, nothing had come of them. However, with the pressures of the depression, they joined in and finally championed the fight for the Architects Registration Acts. This also healed the split in the architectural profession between the RIBA and the Society of Architects, which would have challenged the supremacy of the RIBA if the RIBA had failed to champion the cause for registration. In the course of the fight the two institutes merged in favour of the RIBA.&#13;
The Architects Registration Bill put to the government sought the registration of architects and their statutory usage on buildings over a certain size. Due to the number of exceptions to this rule, which would have been necessary, the opposition of other interest groups, the views of the Arts and Crafts Movement,&#13;
felt that while it was necessary to ensure the quality of architects, it was not necessary to enforce their usage on the public. Fortun- ately, the compromise that the Acts of 1931, 1934 and 1938 evolved was to protect the. public from incompetent architects by government registration and no statutory usage of architects, which ruled out an architect monopoly,&#13;
The architectural profession had obviously hoped for the complete statutory provision but accepted that its own lack of prestige ruled this out for the time being. Clearly, the profession had to use the provision of the Act to strengthen its own position and so gaina&#13;
better point of advantage to grasp the final part later. The Act of 1938 registering architects and setting up a body to administer the&#13;
Act was designed to give the profession as a whole a major say in how it should be run. The theory was that architects knew best about architecture. The Act set up a Council of members of the profession and there was also representation of other interest groups in the building industry and government agencies.&#13;
The representation of architects on the Council was proportional to the number of architects registered with the Council and it was also divided into the number of clubs and societies that represented architects. It had to represent all registered architects and there is even a section on the Council for those not attached to any organisation, although the fact that they were uninterested in organisations indicated their lack of concern in the Architects’ Registration Council of the United Kingdom, and so these seats are nearly always vacant.&#13;
Due to the growth of the representation of architects and the static and out of date representation of other interests, architects’ control of the Council has increased over the years.&#13;
The RIBA, after its amalgamation with the Society of Architects, was the largest body representing architects on the ARCUK Council and as some of the other bodies, such as the Architectural Assoc- ation, were also RIBA members, it turned out that right from the guises the RIBA had a majority membership of the ARCUK Council.&#13;
etc., it was&#13;
&#13;
 (S$&#13;
It was widely believed by architects that the introduction of industrialised buildings and/or components would lessen the cost. This is not the case. The introduction of industrial components lessened the amount of labour involved, which meant a greater potential for profit for the producer, once the item had been produced, transported, erected and paid for its capital investment&#13;
of factory production, it was no cheaper to use than normal methods.&#13;
These factors created the modern style that gradually caught&#13;
on. That its later stylistic title should be Brutalism and Neo Brutalism accurately reflects its human commitment. The other aspect to emerge after the war was the building consortiums,&#13;
CLASP, SEAC etc., where it was hoped to produce the "standardized system", but while these may have reduced costs in steel purchase initially, they are no longer economincally competitive.&#13;
The existence of these buildings in Britain has always been disliked by the populace at large for whom they have no connection with their culture. Financed by financiers and construction magnates for their potential profit by reduction in labour hours and skills, the architect could do nothing about the situation. Most were happy that a modern movement had at last arrived, those that disliked it were unable to counter it because their ideas were more expensive, which led them to being regaled as fuddyduddies and in search of large fees.&#13;
The modern style became equally popular in the public sector, where many of its worst attributes were developed, CLASP, tower blocks of flats, etc. The modern movement was acceptable to architects as being the first style created by modern technology controlled by modern bureaucracy: two elements of today's ruling class which architects wished to be part of.&#13;
During the 1960s the avant-garde was the focus of architectual attention and such groups as Archigram and Super Studio dominated the media. The purpose of Archigram and the avant-garde generally is to pose alternatives that look like the way ahead without fundament- ally altering anything. This diversion of focus from the true restraints on architecture by the avant-garde is often confused with being the revolutionary side of architecture, it quite clearly is not. The acceptance of technology and land ownership patterns show that Archigram postulates a fashion and nothing else. As with the formation of the RIBA in the 1830s it is discernible that the dedic- ation to fashion is a shallow ambition.&#13;
In the late 1960s the ''Eco-freak" broke on the architectural profession, Street Farmer, Blue Print for Survival, etc. There is much of importance in the rational use of technology and points in two directions, one a more rational local use of energy and resources and secondly a national and international policy on energy and resources.&#13;
It is interesting to see the effect of Street Farmer and green ie beautiful on the revamped Archigram, "butter wouldn't melt in my mouth".&#13;
The growth of the architectural profession has been most spectacular in the public sector where 50% of architects are now employed. Addedtothis,ofthe50%intheprivatesectoronlyabout&#13;
th :&#13;
ARC had a slow beginning in 1973-74 but a strategy aimed at ending the RIBA and the creation of an architectural role serving the public was formulated.&#13;
1973 also saw the formation of the Schools of Architecture Council. This body was to replace the defunct Heads of Schools Committee of the RIBA. It was intended to give more of the role of a forum to this and they felt it necessary to have not only heads, but other staff members too. It was then also decided to have students as well (God knows how!). The result was a Council of 38 British Schools of Architecture, with 38 heads of schools, 38 staff and 38 students, The SAC has had three annual conferences since 1973. These conferences have given the students a focus&#13;
of action and since Easter 1974 at Bath, every SAC AGM has been preceeded by a two-day student conference. Suggestions at these gatherings on forming another national architectural student organisation have always come to nothing.&#13;
During 1973-74 the two RIBA student councillors visited over half the schools of architecture and produced an irregular news sheet. This work was carried on the next year by Cliff Collins and Dave Taylor, and.some progress has been made with keeping students informed.&#13;
The main alternative organisation during 1975 has been ARC, which in the summer of 1975 set out to attack the RIBA and expose ite failures. This campaign met with some success and thanks to some advantageous publicity about their work in Ealing, the group gained considerable notoriety.&#13;
a new movement in architecture and this was formed at a congress organised by ARC at Harrogate. The New Architecture Movement is now a body in its own right with a growing number of similar movements in other professions, including planning. The possi- bilities for the N. A.M. are discussed in the last section.&#13;
ARC's next step was to instigate&#13;
This brief review of architectural organisations active since&#13;
the war has highlighted the non-RIBA organisations, but it must be remembered that during all this time the RIBA has grown in numbers and strength. The RIBA's most recent moves show its direction for the future. Firstly, the attempt to reintroduce the fellowship status reflects the disatisfaction of the higher echelons with the general status of being a plain ARIBA member. They believe that now the profession is so large and specialised into so many separate areas that it would not harm the profession to reintroduce the master- craftsman classification,&#13;
legislation for the use of architects ina statutory fashion, and they believe that now there are enough architects to make this practicable. They want the average architect as office fodder, with only Fellows as bosses. Thus, they have to put up with the temporary loss of&#13;
Thcy hope that eventually they can gain&#13;
elitism of the profession just so that they can eventually get their&#13;
pan on all the work by law, and then reinstate the elitist fellowship class,&#13;
&#13;
 13 Ib&#13;
The effect of the present economic depression has also accelerated a change in.the structure of practices. The depression has closed many small offices either totally or by mergers into&#13;
larger practices. Only those offices with sufficient funds have&#13;
been able to crawl to the OPEC countries for work. The combination of reducing the number of practices and earning foreign money is&#13;
a typical capitalist development, the only surprise is that it has not happened so strongly before.&#13;
There is also at present the first call from the RIBA for architectural practices to be able to "certificate" designs for building regulations. This is unlikely to help architects as if it were ever implemented it would probably be ona practice basis and, therefore, only help established practices. It would also make it far more difficult for new practices to start up and so further accelerate the reduction in the number ofoffices.&#13;
However, the main reason for rejecting this idea is that it would not guarantee the public from unsafe buildings. At the moment, building inspectors are appointed and supervised by the government which ensures the principle of public accountability. The architect- ural profession is controlled by its own private club and the public would have no way to gain accountability from architect building inspectors in private practice. Needless to say, any office that had the power to certificate its own designs would be very open to the possibility of bending the rules and creating buildings which were not sound.&#13;
Any attempt on behalf of the private practice to gain legislation which puts its usage into the statutory monopoly direction must be stopped. The suggestion arises out of the frustration architects face with local government bureaucracy, ways must be found to increase the effectiveness of these government agencies without losing public accountability.&#13;
The RIBA in its role as guardian of private practice, has tried to appease the criticism levelled at architecture by the public. The criticism is of all the boring, inhuman creations of architects, both public and private - tower blocks of offices and flats being the main enemy. The RIBA has, however, not countered this criticism by complaining about the inadequate resources made available for buildings, but in two different ways.&#13;
Firstly, European Architectural Heritage Year (1975) was used&#13;
as a promotion exercise to gain rehabilitation work and, as usual, failed to point out the real problems facing architecture. This involved their public face and was regarded by them as a good public relations exercise. The second method was not public and related&#13;
to the architectural clients specifically who are now almost completely composed of commercial giants and government departments. These bodies and their juniors are interested solely in the economics and technicalities of projects. The modern client is addicted to&#13;
technical bureaucratic competence and to appease them the RIBA bas embarked on a major drive to improve the "competence" of architects.&#13;
20% of architects can claim to be principals or partners in : practices. This change in the profession from a near complete&#13;
membership in private practice principals to where now 70% -&#13;
80% of architects are employed and salaried, has not yet altered&#13;
the character of the profession.&#13;
During the 1950s and 1960s architecture had a more or less&#13;
constant growth both in quantity of work and number of architects,&#13;
and as is usual with architects, when there is plenty of work they&#13;
are found at the drawing board, not creating new philosophies of&#13;
work. However, over this period certain small groups appeared on &gt; the scene. The chief architects of local authorities, both county&#13;
and borough, formed their own separate association, which have only recently merged to form the Association of Official Architects. The AOA as a body composed of principals in public offices has&#13;
never spoken as the voice of public architects, and indeed many of its members are akin to the aims of private practice. This lack&#13;
of support from what should have been its grass roots job architects has made it virtually ineffective. Whilst it could have been useful in putting forward different views to the profession, it appears that it is absorbed and in agreement with the role of the RIBA as the guardian of the profession.&#13;
There was for a number of years a British Architectual Students Association which grew out of the difficulties and worries of students during the 1960s over the way the RIBA was hustling and closing schools. This reached a peak in 1968 when BASA sent a delegation to the International Union of Architects in Vienna. 1968 being the year of student revolt, the world around, it was not surprising that there was a scene at the conference which led to the walk out of a number&#13;
of student sections, Spain and Italy inparticular.&#13;
Out of this walk-out group came the Vienna Manifesto which was&#13;
published as the first copy of ARSE, Architects, Radical Students and Educators. This group published about eight magazine issues, the quality and content getting heavier with each issue, until in about 1971-72 the group dried up with many of its members violently disagreeing. Some felt architecture was worth fighting for, others&#13;
felt that you had to change the rest of society before anything could be ¥ done about architecture. BASA ran out of steam a little earlier,&#13;
after it had been given the kiss of death by receiving money from the ? RIBA.&#13;
The radical stirrings of ARSE and society in general from 1986- 1970 did lead to a movement of large numbers of salaried architects&#13;
in the profession. This focused on the RIBA in the AGM of 1969&#13;
when Kate MacIntosh and a few others complained that salaried architects were unable to get elected to the RIBA Council because of its national election methods. This led to the formation of an ad hoc informal Salaried Architects Group who persuaded the RIBA to have regional as well as national elections for Council, and over 1971-72 eight salaried architects were elected to the RIBA Council.&#13;
&#13;
 14&#13;
20&#13;
to attempt to change architecture, we need to know not only the history of our profession, but also the character of our architects.&#13;
As previously stated, if architecture is to be of use to society, it must be of service to the majority of the population, and as we know this is impossible until the public has gained real power. We must clearly understand this and work towards its solution, both in society at large and particularly in architecture.&#13;
The character of architects can be looked at from various points of view: family background, aspirations, education and personality. The majority of architects come from middle-class families, a high proportion from creative familities one way or another. There are obviously a minority from upper and working classes. The pre-college education of architects has now become standardised to the realisation of two 'A' level passes necessary to enter a course in architecture. This requirement introduced by the RIBA from its 1958 Oxford Conference on education was seen&#13;
ae one step to raising the status of architecture. It had, of course, a desired side effect of severely limiting those gaining architectural qualifications by working up from tea boy to technician to architect. It also resulted in giving an advantage to middle classes and above, because as we all know the working class child has far less chance of getting a good enough education to get to college.&#13;
There follows several points where Ibelieve policies and actions must be-formulated. They are not comprehensive in range or quality but Ihope will be useful.&#13;
Of the people who do arrive ata school of architecture, a surprising number aspire to use their creative skills for the benefit of others.&#13;
so they have been restricted in improving the quality of their environ- ment. The Self Help attitude can only help a few people, while an architectural service could help those without the time or resources&#13;
of their own. The National Health Service was not created by doctors and patients on their own, the government had to doit. Similarly, neither the architect nor the people can create a national architectural service without the government's help. Action must be taken with&#13;
Very few are openly in it for the money:&#13;
slightly arty career and the hoped-for status in society. However, many socially minded aspirants are to be found tied down with a mortgage, car and two kids by the time they are thirty, and naturally enough their prime concern is earning a living for the family.&#13;
The creativity side of the skill provides the growth of the desire for non-conformity and competitive individualism, this always contradicts with their social aspirations for society, for it makes&#13;
them loath to work with other people. Whilst an architect is aware&#13;
of the complexity of society, he is, because of his cult of the individual, very wary of co-operating with others to fight for the individual. This gives rise to the common problem for architects, they see combining&#13;
2. Many of the frustrations of architects are due to the distance between designer and user, and these are reflected in the quality of their work. Red tape that hinders the process must be fought against, is there any reason why publice offices could not have architects or groups responsible to geographical areas, and workthere ? Take advantage of the RIBA's new code of conduct which stimulates the responsibility of the individual architect. If our aims are genuinely&#13;
in the public's interest, we will all benefit from designing with government building agencies as well as the users. This policy is being encouraged in the private sector, where of course, it is&#13;
doubtful if the public will benefit at all.&#13;
3. So that people can have a direct control over their environment.&#13;
At the moment, people have insufficient power of control over changes in their environment, in terms of planning and the use of resources.&#13;
The Green Paper of Neighbourhood Councils now passing through Parliament gives only token participation to the people and by not giving any real democratic power, restricts these councils toa purely&#13;
advisory role. This advisory role will not give people any greater control, it is just a confidence trick. Action must be taken with the government to give real power to the Neighbourhood Councils.&#13;
4. The public's safeguard against bad architecture is now totally inadequate and ARCUK's role is more of a hindrance to progress&#13;
to solve a problem as a negation of the individual and, on the other hand, clearly desire to create more individuality, but are loath to co-operate to achieve it.&#13;
Architects in this state will participate in debates on how to improve&#13;
architecture, but will not commit themselves to any action to achieve&#13;
it. They will only participate so long as their total individuality is permitted.&#13;
It is probable that the majority of architects join the RIBA not to further architecture but to gain the initials RIBA, which they wrongly believe essential to practice as anarchitect. This is why the RIBA&#13;
is run by a disproportionately small minority. What must be done to achieve co-operation and action from architects is to make perfectly clear that the course of action taken up is to further the individual&#13;
it still has the feeling of a&#13;
4, To make architectural services available to all sectors of society. At present, the architectural profession works for just two small sectors, firstly the nich minority and the powers of industry, commerce and finance, and secondly, for local or national government bureau- cracies, insensitive to the public they pretend to serve. The majority of the population has never had access to architectural services and&#13;
the government to set up an architectural service available to all of society.&#13;
thana help. The architectural profession and education should be&#13;
development of all people - not, as many fear, to reduce us all to the lowest common denominator.&#13;
controlled by a body equally representative of the public and the profession,&#13;
&#13;
 Books which may be of interest to you:&#13;
February, 1976, BB&#13;
oo daily&#13;
ADAM&#13;
read the&#13;
PURSER&#13;
Those people who see the need for national collective action must not move 80 fast as to isolate themselves from what politically ies not a very advanced mass of architects.&#13;
However, it is already necessary to have some services&#13;
provided for the movement as a whole, newsletter, liaison, conference organisation. Here it is essential to see these needs as services to the whole movement, there must be no domination by an executive body.&#13;
As such, I would see any person acting in this capacity strictly as a servant of the movement.&#13;
ARC mectine&#13;
This course of action must be the basis of the movement for some time, indeed it would be negation of my principles to suppose any other ideal, other than full individual participation in the movement.&#13;
We must all be aware that this degree of total decentralisation aleo has its dangers. Firstly, it may lack a competent approach to&#13;
key issues that could be provided by collective resources.&#13;
it may produce different views on the same subject and so confuse an attack on some issues. What is essential is that the differing views lead to the best attack on a common enemy.&#13;
The tool of organisation is a double-sided weapon, lack ofit advances confusion, heavy handed use of organisation reduces the participation of the membership at large and so decreases the strength of the organisation. In the future, the New Architecture Movement will have to develop a democratic process that promotes personal participation and collective action,&#13;
At present, the membership is informal and we rely on voluntary&#13;
work to respond to as many of the issues a6 possible.&#13;
movement grows, it will necessitate more action in a more concerted way onissues. Eventually, it will be taking on 60 many issues that it will only be effective if it is capable of day to day decisions, though this is some way away.&#13;
My commitment is to changing society and architecture.&#13;
not set a dealine for this to be achieved, but I will do all I can to develop it in the best and most viable way possible.&#13;
As the&#13;
Secondly,&#13;
I have&#13;
"For All, a Better Environment" and the Cornish motto, "One forAll and All for One".&#13;
The Development of the Architectural Profession, Barrington Kay. Architect and Patron, Jenkins.&#13;
Town and Revolution, Anatol Kopp&#13;
RIBA Journal, June 1975, Article on the Architectural Profession. Adam Purser,&#13;
Morning Star The Paper of the Left&#13;
&#13;
 Eile es arenas in, LO Artominnr” Qe!&#13;
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                <text>Adam Purser</text>
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                <text>John Allan/John Murray</text>
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                <text>Feb-76</text>
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