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                  <text>A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing&#13;
as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by&#13;
the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on&#13;
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                <text>"Architects' Services", Monopolies Commission Report (see p.68 for ref. to NAM's Report</text>
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                <text> Architects’ Services&#13;
A Report on the Supply of Architects’ Services with Reference&#13;
to Scale Fees&#13;
ve LONDON&#13;
THE MONOPOLIES AND MERGERS COMMISSION&#13;
i Ordered by The House of Commons fo be printed 8th November 1977&#13;
| Presented to Parliament in pursuance of Section 83 of the Fair Trading Act 1973&#13;
HER MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE £2.85 net&#13;
&#13;
 existing with mandatory scales which alreadytake account ofmany of the varied circumstances of individual jobs and where fees may be varied with the agree- ment of the professional body. But the pressure on architects to reduce fees is yery strong in view of the cyclical nature of the demand for their services. A switch from mandatory to recommended status for the RIBA scales would be interpreted as an invitation to negotiate by most large clients with their fiscal responsibility to ratepayers or shareholders, and architects under economic pressure would be unable to resist. In such circumstances it would be difficult to hold to recommended levels and the effects of a change to recommended scales would be likely to be little different from the effects of abolishing the scales altogether. We asked the RIBA about the possibility of a change being made after a period of notice. The RIBA considered that this would not help either the individual practice or the profession as a whole to resist the increased pressure from clients which would develop in the expectation of recommended scales.&#13;
Evidence of the New Architecture Movement&#13;
213. The New Architecture Movement was founded in 1975 and states that it is working to alter radically the patronage base in architecture, so that ordinary working people may exercise effective control over their environment. Its programme covers action in the three spheres of practice, education and the professional constitution. Members of the Association are drawn from al areas of architectural activity in addition to the lay public. In the former category salaried architects in private practice form the majority, though local authority officers, teachers and students are also a significant element. The Movement’s&#13;
‘contact list’ in June 1976 numbered slightly over 200 and was claimed to be rising as the movement gathered momentum.&#13;
We sent a copy of its&#13;
3% »&#13;
214. The New Architecture Movement does not support the RIBA’S case, and therefore submitted its own arguments independently. The substance of the Movement's case is that the current scale fee system is not an essential ingredient of the provision of architectural Services, but is a market device procuring uni- lateral benefits to architects. The Movement criticises arguments and statistics Supporting the RIBA’s case, and considers that the public interest is severely&#13;
based on a ‘descending hierarchy of priorities’ as follows:&#13;
(i) abandonment of the mandatory minimum fee scale entirely;&#13;
(ii) retention of the fee scale on a recommended basis;&#13;
prejudiced by the fee scale’s mandatory status. It proposes changes to the system&#13;
(iii) retention of the mandatory fee scale, but with the establishment of @ permanent independent agency to review the levels of the scale:&#13;
sucehe angency to include at least 50 perper cent non--professioinal repre fe&#13;
215.. With the New Architecture Moyement’s co:nsent,&#13;
submission to the RIBA. The RIBA made it clear to us that it did not accept the New Architecture Movement’s arguments. The RIBA says that it is con-&#13;
VLianceedtathrathitheecevieewsaexpressed in the Movement’si _—Isi are unrepresenta-&#13;
ey \&#13;
» 3&#13;
Ye&#13;
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                  <text>Liaison Groups: NAM was initially structured as local groups. There was also a Liaison Group whose role was to coordinate the different groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual conference. NAM campaign groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress. The seven different campaign groups listed had members from a variety of local groups. </text>
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                <text> AGENDA&#13;
10 00 Chairperson's introduction | 10 05 Historical perspective on NAM 10 25 Reports from NAM groups&#13;
1100 Coffee&#13;
11.15 Presentation of papers and discussion on Unionisation, a critical history of&#13;
the Profession, proposals for a National Desing Service, and others 30 Project presentaion&#13;
00 =Lunch&#13;
00 Group workshops 30 Open debate and&#13;
00 Tea&#13;
Open Topic&#13;
00 Review of seminar&#13;
30 Preparation of press 00 Seminar closes&#13;
CHAIRPERSON : Peter Wheelan&#13;
FURTHER INFORMATION FEE: £ 2.. 00&#13;
AND BOOKINGS : NAM,&#13;
36, Elm Grove, London&#13;
N8.&#13;
individual statements&#13;
and proposals for future statement&#13;
action&#13;
TO BE HELD ON SATURDAY 22ND MAY AT COVENT GARDEN COMMUNITY CENTRE, SHELTON STREET, LONDON ,WC2. ,&#13;
“NEWARCHITECTUREMDVEVENT -LONDONSEMINAR&#13;
The New Architecture Movement was set up at a national congress in late 1976 by a group of architects, most of whom are in practice, who know that the way forward for architecture is not through any new aesthsteic dogma or revamping of the profession but the radical revision of the architects role in society. NAM's two principal propositions are the appropriation of the priviledge of architectural patronage , now vested in the bureaucracy, by the 80% of the people who currently have no say&#13;
in the use of their environment and, secondly, the institution of forms of practice rid of the economic and spiritual exploitation of architectural workers. The&#13;
Movement is constituted to act both as a voice for change in the profession and as a platform for action in the field of architecture, building and planning.&#13;
The structure of NAM lays stress on decentralisation: autonomous local groups&#13;
are engaged simultaneously in theoretical analysis and immediate action,&#13;
supported by a liaison group whose function is to maintain contact between groups.&#13;
Recent years have seen considerable changes in architectural theory and practice ; the ideas of the Modern Movement, whose mainstream adoption in this country corresponded with the consumer boom of the fifties and sixties, have finally&#13;
brought about their own demystification. Industrialization and systematization&#13;
meant ugliness and insensitivity in the streets, and boredom and frustration in the office. The reaction on the streets is well known: the Community Action&#13;
movement has been instrumental in blocking or ameliorating certain notorious projects and has, in some degree, been responsible for reformist legislation in planning and housing. The majority of architects, however, have continued to tolerate increasingly repressive working conditions, while the RIBA takes a protectionist line and they retreat in their attitude to design to a sort of effete romantiscism which even the fathers of the Modern Movement would have found&#13;
reactionary. - (G28&#13;
The London Seminar has been called to review the progress of the Movement in a concerted way. It is open to all who wish to attend. Those who share our views but who are not yet involved with NAM are especially welcome, not simply to offer their tacit support, but to contribute to, and expand our area of action.&#13;
Dw ESEwNh=p&#13;
Ww So&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 "NEWARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT - LONDON SEMINAR&#13;
Recent years have seen considerable changes in architectural th&#13;
the ideas of the Modern Movement, whose&#13;
corresponded with the consumer boom brought about their own demystification.&#13;
meant ugliness and insensitivity the office. The réaction on the movement has been instrumental projects and has, in some degree, planning and housing. The majority tolerate increasingly repressive&#13;
protectionist line and they retreat&#13;
ry and practice ; mainstream adoption in th country&#13;
effete romantiscism which even reactionary.&#13;
in their attitude to design to a sort of&#13;
AGENDA&#13;
10 00 Chairperson's introduction&#13;
10 05 Historical perspective on NAM&#13;
a hinaniiollon. Ca.-7,) —v.b.¢, Gr/be)-&#13;
30 Preparation of press statement 00 Seminar closes&#13;
CHAIRPERSON : Peter Wheelan FURTHER INFORMATION AND BOOKINGS FEE: £ 2.. 00&#13;
: NAM, 36, Elm Grove, London |&#13;
N8.&#13;
“&#13;
| (a,&#13;
of the fifties and sixties, ha Industrialization and syst@matization&#13;
in the streets, and boredom and frustration&#13;
~&#13;
streets is well known: the Community in blocking or ameliorating certain&#13;
in Action&#13;
notorious been responsible for reformist legislation&#13;
of architects, however, have&#13;
in continued to&#13;
working conditions, while the RIBA takes a&#13;
the fathers of the Modern Movement&#13;
would have found&#13;
finally CR&#13;
TO BE HELD ON SATURDAY 22ND MAY AT COVENT GARDEN COMMUNITY CENT E, SHELTON STREET, LONDON ,WC2. ,&#13;
1025R fromNAMgr ~BoteyOnEna.)&#13;
icc... -&#13;
2g [NEG [Lig[4Ree.. ) |&#13;
The New Architecture Movement was set up at a national congress in late 1976 by a group of architects, most of whom are in practice, who know that the way forward for architecture is not through any new aesthsteic dogma or revamping of the profession but the radical revision of the architects role in society. NAM's two principal Propositions are the appropriation of the priviledge of architectural patronage , now vested in the bureaucracy, by the 80% of the people who currently have no say&#13;
in the use of their environment and, secondly, the institution of forms of practice&#13;
rid of the economic and spiritual exploitation of architectural workers. The Movement is constituted to act both as a voice for change in the profession and as a platform for action in the field of architecture, building and planning.&#13;
The structure of NAM lays stress on decentralisation: autonomous local groups&#13;
are engaged simultaneously in theoretical analysis and immediate action,&#13;
supported by a liaison group whose function is to maintain contact between groups.&#13;
The London Seminar has been called to review the progress of the Movement in a concerted way. It is open to all who wish to attend. Those who share our views but who are not yet involved with NAM are especially welcome, not simply to offer their tacit support, but to contribute to, and expand our area of action..&#13;
11.15 Presentation of papers and discugsion on Unionisation, a critical history of the Profession, proposals forja National Desing Service, and others&#13;
30 Project presentaion 00 =Lunch&#13;
00 Group workshops&#13;
30 Open debate and individual statements&#13;
00 =Tea&#13;
30 Open Topic&#13;
00 Review of seminar and proposals for future action&#13;
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                  <text>Liaison Groups: NAM was initially structured as local groups. There was also a Liaison Group whose role was to coordinate the different groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual conference. NAM campaign groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress. The seven different campaign groups listed had members from a variety of local groups. </text>
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                <text> SECON D LONDON&#13;
SEMINAR prograniine :&#13;
TIME&#13;
10.00 INTRODUCTION toNAM. 11.00 Coffee break&#13;
11.15 ARCUK discussion 12.30 Lunch&#13;
13.30 UNIONISATION: the case for&#13;
the organisation of private practice&#13;
14.45 EDUCATION | discussion&#13;
16.00 Tea break&#13;
SPEAKERS&#13;
Tom Woolley Ken Pearce&#13;
Ken Thorpe&#13;
John ay ae&#13;
Bob Maltz Giles Pebody&#13;
John Mitchell Rodney Mace Andrew Fekete&#13;
16.153 OPEN DEBATE &amp;&#13;
SUMMING UP (from the chair)&#13;
JINGUAGHAOI, Ha. DOAK Od VoAAHIN SeeeESE&#13;
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 Programme&#13;
N.A.li. 2ND NATIONAL CONGRESS Friday, 26th November, 1976&#13;
18.00 — 19.00 19.00 — 19.30 19.30 — 20.00 20.00 = 20.45&#13;
20.45 — 21.15 Clek&gt; ==22.00&#13;
Registration of delegates and guests.&#13;
Registratioant hotels.&#13;
Opening of the Congress by the Lord Mayor of Blackpool.&#13;
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9.30 =— 10.30 10.30 — 11.00 1#600-—:12.15&#13;
42 V5. 3. ES 335° - 14.15 T4615. 5615&#13;
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17.00. =— 18.00 18.00 = 19.30 19.30 = 20.30&#13;
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Morning Coffee&#13;
Workshops on: Private Practice — Plans for Reform&#13;
A National Design Service &amp; Local Control Architectural Education&#13;
The Structure of N.A.Ii.&#13;
Plenary Session: Reports from Workshops.&#13;
Break for Lunch. (Lunch not included in fee.)&#13;
Speakers introduce 2nd Workshop Topics.&#13;
(Plus any additional Workshop Topics requested by Congress) Afternoon Tea&#13;
Workshops on Unionisationo.f Architects and Designers&#13;
The Profession&#13;
Aesthetics&#13;
Plenary Session: Reports from Workshops.&#13;
Buffet Supper and Bar open.&#13;
Optional period to begin: Area Group discussions.&#13;
Sunday, 28th November, 1976&#13;
9.30 - 10.30&#13;
10.330 .—&lt;1 F500 11.00 = 12.00 12,.003=212% 30&#13;
Plenary Session: Report from 1975/76 Liason Group Local Area Group Organisation&#13;
N.AM. Newsletter&#13;
Next Congress Planning Group Any other issues&#13;
Morning Coffee&#13;
Area Group Discussions. Closing Plenary Session.&#13;
Opening Plenary Sessions&#13;
Guest Speaker.&#13;
Buffet Supper and Bar.&#13;
History of N.A.M. Short Group Reports Aims of the Congress&#13;
&#13;
 Information&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
This sheet gives basic information about The New Architecture liovement. If you wish to join N.A.M. or obtain copies of further N.A.M. literature please write to The Secretary, NAM Liason Group, 143 Whitfield Street, London, W.l.&#13;
ORIGINS&#13;
N.A.M. was officially founded in November 1975 at the Harrogate National Congress, although several of the constituent members and ideas had been assembled up to two years previously.&#13;
This Congress achieved a consensus on the essential direction and structure of the movement which was issued as a Press Statement. A Contact List was started, several local groups were established, and a Liason Group was delegated to maintain and extend contacts and to organize the next Congress.&#13;
AI N.A.M. is working through the collective action of architects&#13;
and others to alter radically the system of patronage in archi- tecture. We wish to reform the existing power structure in architecture, dominated by corporate or wealthy clients and principals (public or private), with direct relationships between users and designers. The aim is thereby to restore effective control by ordinary people over their environment, and real&#13;
social responsibility and accountability in the work of architects. Programmes for action are formulated from detailed critiques of the current situation and its background.&#13;
MEMBERSHIP Members are drawn from all areas of architectural activity in&#13;
addition to the lay public. In the former category salaried architects in private practice from the majority, though&#13;
Local Authority officers, teachers and students are also a&#13;
substantial element. The contact list is growing rapidly.&#13;
&#13;
 STRUCTURE&#13;
the Movement's structure, which was established at Harrogate, is&#13;
a network not a pyramid. It thus consists mainly of locally based groups of up to about a dozen members, who are kept in touch by&#13;
a small Liason Group. There is no hierarchy, each group pursuing its defined tasks in furtherance of the overall aim. The object is to avoid bureaucracy or celebrities and the Liason Group's&#13;
role is therefore basically administrative : circulating documents from other groups, making new contacts and arranging the National Congress, when Liason Group members may be redelegated. Local Groups are now working in various parts of the country, and if you wish to become involved the Liason Group will introduce you to the nearest group or alternatively help you to establish a new group.&#13;
No enrolment fee as such is asked for, membership being based on agreement with and involvement in pursuing the Movement's aim. Individual groups are for the most part self-financing. Contributions are however payable at conferences, and for specific items such as some of the larger reports etc. These funds are lodged in the N.A.M. account, for which three Liason Group members are signatories. Application for grants is currently in hand.&#13;
The Liason Group operates from 143, ‘hitfield Street, London, W.1l., to which all initial enquiries should be addressed. The local groups make their own arrangements, the normal practice being to meet at the residence of each of the members in turn, the host member acting as chairperson for their meeting. One member agrees to act as postman for the group.&#13;
in the Movement.&#13;
FINANCE&#13;
PREMISES&#13;
LITURATURE&#13;
0—— me&#13;
REPRESENVATION The Movement's overall aims are refined and endorsed at national&#13;
and local conferences, which have received fair coverage in the architectural and technical press. Local groups and individual members are free to present their own work or to propose changes&#13;
Other N.A.M. documents recently produced, all of which are available on recuest, include: "NAM - Historical Perspective", NAM - Brochure, "A National Design Service", "Ihe Case Against Handatory Minimum Fees" - the report of NAM to the Monopolies Commission (£1), "A Short History of the Architectural Profession" (10p). A complete list of all NAM documents, press cuttings etc. is kept&#13;
up to date by The Liason Group.&#13;
&#13;
 e e NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT Invitation 143,WhitfieldStreet,&#13;
London, W.l.&#13;
lst November, 1976.&#13;
Dear&#13;
As you may know, the New Architecture Movement was established at the Harrogate Congress in November 1975 in broad agreement as to its aims and&#13;
structure. Since then its activities have developed steadily, and the Liason Group which was deputed at Harrogate to arrange the next Congress now warmly invite you to attend this, The 2nd N.A.M. Congress at Blackpool, 26th — 28th November, 1976.&#13;
During the year since Harrogate several groups have met regularly and consolidated their programme, and apart from refining NAM's critique of the current situation in architecture, have made press statements, submitted evidence to the Monopolies Commission Inquiry into architects' fees, set up a Community Design Service in Cardiff, become involved with the Birmingham Green Ban Action movement, organised the London: Seminar last spring and significantly increased the Contacts List.&#13;
Discussions in several of the major areas of NAM's programme have now progressed sufficiently to demand wider canvassing and endorsement by the move-— ment as a whole. At the same time, more active support from sympathizers and new ¢roups is needed to increase firepower and pursue specific plans of action. We therefore hope that you will wish to participate in the 2nd Congress and so contribute to this vital step.&#13;
Blackpool on the 26th.&#13;
Yours sincerely,&#13;
po. NAM, Liason Group.&#13;
As you can see from the attached papers it will be a very full weekend, and we very much hope that you will be able to be present from the opening on Friday evening. A shorter visit may be booked, however, if you are unable to attend the whole Congress and will also be warmly welcomed. We Look forward to receiving your application as early as possible, and to seeing you at&#13;
&#13;
 Application NAM. 2ND NATIONAL CONGRESS&#13;
CONFERENCE FEE&#13;
ACCOMAODATION Single Bedroom&#13;
Double Bedroom shared Bedroom&#13;
Cost per person: £7&#13;
Cost per person: &amp;4 Cost per person: £3.25 Cost per persons: £3.75&#13;
TOTAL MONEY ENCLOSED:&#13;
Pri. 26th Sat. 27th&#13;
Peis 26th Sat. 27th&#13;
Fri. 26th Sat. 27th&#13;
Please make cheques payable to New Architecture Movement. hiay we have your telephone no. if possible please ?&#13;
Could you please indicate how you heard of this Congress, if not by means of this communication.&#13;
VALG AMD ADDRESS:&#13;
Please send completed forms to NEV ANCHITECSURE MOVEMENT&#13;
143, WHITFIELD S?tREST, LONDON, %:.1.&#13;
No. of Total persons gsd.&#13;
If a special coach can be arranged from London, would you be interested ?&#13;
are able to arrange it, we shall phone or write with the details.&#13;
l. On receipt of your application the booking will be made as requested.&#13;
In order to reduce postage, we shall not be sending confirmation letters.&#13;
Ce If you indicate that you would wish to take the special coach, and we&#13;
If you are able to, please take a copy of this form and pass it to someone else in your office/ college/ area who may be interested.&#13;
An early reply would be greatly appreciated, particularly if hotel accommodation is required.&#13;
&#13;
= ~ PLEASE DISPLAY ON OFFICE NOTICE BOARD&#13;
 Dear FRIENDS&#13;
As you may know, the New Architecture Movement was established at the Harrogate Congress in November 1975 in broad agreement as to its aims and structure. Since then its activities have developed steadily, and the Liason Group which was deputed at Harrogate to arrange the next Congress now warmly invite you to attend this, The 2nd N.A.M. Congress at Blackpool, 26th ~— 28th November, 1976. :&#13;
During the year since Harrogate several groups have met regularly and consolidated their programme, and apart from refining NAM's critique of the current situation in architecture, have made press statements, submitted evidence to the Monopolies Commission Inquiry into architects’ fees, set up a Community Design Service in Cardiff, become involved with the Birmingham Green Ban Action movement, organised the London: Seminar last spring and significantly increased the Contacts List.&#13;
Discussions in several of the major areas of NAM's programme have now progressed sufficiently to demand wider canvassing and endorsement by the move- ment as a whole. At toe same time, more active support from sympathizers and new groups is needed to increase firepower and pursue specific plans of action. Ye therefore hope that you will wish to participate in the 2nd Congress and so contribute to this vital step.&#13;
As you can see from the attached papers it will be a very full weekend, and we very much hope that you will be able to be present from the opening on Friday evening. A shorter visit may be booked, however, if you are unable to attend the whole Congress and will also be warmly welcomed. We look forward to receiving your application as early as possible, and to seeing you at Blackpool on the 26th.&#13;
Yours sincerely,&#13;
\A&#13;
‘doh | \LrGay |&#13;
\&#13;
po. HAN, Liason Group.&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURS MOVEMENT 143, Whitfield Street, London, W.l.&#13;
lst November, 1976.&#13;
&#13;
 Programme&#13;
NAM. 2ND NATIONAL CONGRESS Friday, 26th November, 1976&#13;
niLyCL Leow)&#13;
9&#13;
18.00 - 19.00 19.00 ~ 19.30 19.30 = 20.00 20.00 = 20.45&#13;
20.45 — 21.15 - 21.15 = 22.00&#13;
Registration of delegates and guests.&#13;
Registration at hotels.&#13;
Opening of the Congress by the Lord Mayor of Blackpool. Opening Plenary Session: History of N.A.M.&#13;
Satu2r7tdhaNovyem,ber,1976&#13;
9.30 = 10.30 10.30 = 11.00 11.00 = 12.15&#13;
12.15 = 13.15 13.15 - 14.15 pert?&#13;
&amp; ~/@* (Oem 15.15 =— 15.45 15.45 — 17.00&#13;
17.00 = 18.00&#13;
18.00 = 19.30 *K19.30 = 20.30&#13;
Speakers introduce lst Workshop Topics.&#13;
Morning Coffee&#13;
Workshops on: Private Practice - Plans for Reform :&#13;
A National Design Service &amp; Local Control + Architectural Education . PtreStructofutarAceitre&#13;
Plenary Session: Reports from Workshops.&#13;
Break for Lunch. (Lunch not included in fee.)&#13;
Speakers introduce 2nd Workshop Topics.&#13;
(Plus any additional Workshop Topics requested by Congress) Afternoon Tea&#13;
Workshops on3 Unionisationo.f Architects and Designers&#13;
Sunday, 25th November, 1976&#13;
9.30 —- 10.30&#13;
10.30 ~ 11.00 11.00 = 12,00 12.00 — 12.30&#13;
Plenary Session: Report from 1975/76 Liason Cepur LocalAreaGroupOrganisationNUK&#13;
N.A.M. Newsletter Next Congress am&#13;
Morning Coffee&#13;
Area Group Discussions. Closing Plenary Session&#13;
Able CLAD&#13;
Berd OL.mA&#13;
Guest Speaker.&#13;
Buffet Supper and Bar.&#13;
The Profession Le&#13;
Aestheticise, _ Gi DAs Plenary Session: Reports from eeRencee.&#13;
Buffet Supper and Bar open.&#13;
Optional period to begin. Area Group discussions..&#13;
Hil&#13;
d&#13;
\&#13;
°&#13;
—&#13;
sci&#13;
Short Group Reports Aims of the Congress&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 ww 5.&#13;
6.8 “a&#13;
o.&#13;
9. wi Os&#13;
Ht&#13;
Education and the Profession&#13;
ArchitecturalWorkers&amp;TradeUnionism STAMP = The Architects' Union ? Architects v The R.I.BeA., 1919-1935. Professionalism ~ Youd |mane lfoix . The Politics of Aesthetics&#13;
Literature&#13;
Ni ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
The following NAM documents are available at the Blackpool Congress. Numbers 1 = 11 are papers included in the conference fee and are issued at Registration. The remainder may be obtained at the 'bookshop'.&#13;
1.0Information:NAMeee&#13;
v2. e Historical Perspective&#13;
V3.4 Private Practice : Progress Report&#13;
v4. € A National Design Service (2 parts)&#13;
Hawser Trunnion&#13;
North London Group Central London Group Francis Bradshaw David Somervell Andrew Fekete CentralLondonGroup Andrew Fekete&#13;
Andrew Fekete&#13;
Anne Delaney&#13;
Paul Downton&#13;
Index : List of all NAM documents, references etc.,&#13;
(not including Blackpool papers.) a Se ee&#13;
V 12. The Monopolies Commission Report (£1)&#13;
vac Report to the Birmingham Green Ban Action&#13;
Central London Group Central London Group&#13;
VY14. Doe 15. VY16.&#13;
17.&#13;
Committee (50p)&#13;
(10p).&#13;
Interior Perspective North London Group North London Group&#13;
Asbestos : Information Leafl&#13;
A Short History of the Architectural Profession Adam Purser&#13;
&#13;
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                <text> NAM&#13;
1977CONGRESS APPLICATION&#13;
The 3rd annual congress of the New Architecture Movement will be, taking place on the weekend of the 25th,26th and 27th november 1977,This years event will be the 3rd NAM congresa:following the inaugural congress at Harrogate” in 1975,and. Blackpool in 1976.The hosts for this year&#13;
are the Hull group of NAM in&#13;
School of Architecture.&#13;
The congress of '77 concludes a year of'action'during&#13;
which NAM has emerged as a force&#13;
world.Much of this'action'has stemed from the researches and and discussions carried out by NAM groups during 1976&#13;
which were aired and refined at the Blackpool congress.&#13;
These *actions'include the following,&#13;
NAM's May Unionisation Conference&#13;
within which to organise architectural workers. NAM's Unionisation groups’ report'Working for What'. NAM's presence in ARCUK representing the unattached Salaried architect.&#13;
NAM's newspaper 'Slate' the only radical paper for architectural workers.&#13;
conjunction with the Hull :&#13;
within the architectural&#13;
which chose T.A.8.S.&#13;
These public expressions of NAM as well as the less publicised ones are the issues around which NAM groups” form to work on,The groups which have issues clarified enough to present a working paper use the congress workshops to enlarge the discussion and to put forward motions for the congress to adopt.&#13;
Workshops so far proposed for this years congress cover;&#13;
EDUCATION NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE ,UNIONISATION, ARCUK, WOMEN IN ARCHITECTURE}SLATE!CONSTITUTION,&#13;
A fuller list of workshop options will be included in the final briefing package.&#13;
&#13;
 The programme for the congress begins with registration&#13;
at 7.30pm on friday 25th novenber followed by an introduction&#13;
and discussion.A buffet will be provided.&#13;
Saturday is bound up with congress workshops/general sessions&#13;
and public forum/discussion in the late afternooa followed by a social eva ng,food,drink and chat.&#13;
she NAM agm takes place on sunday morning with an alternative event which is a tour de Hull for those not directly involved in NAM,&#13;
‘Ine congress ends after lunch on sunday afternoon,&#13;
The cost of the congress includes meals for the 3-days.&#13;
A more detaile? rpogranme will be included in the final briefing.&#13;
What is NAM,?&#13;
The New Architecture Movement ("NAM") aims, through the col- lective action of architectural workers and other concerned people, to play an active role in radically altering the sys- tem of patronage and power in architecture. It seeks an archi- tectural practice directly accountable to all who use its pro- ducts and democratically controlled by the workers within it. NAM aims thereby to promote effective contol by ordinary people over their environment and by architectural workers over their working lives.&#13;
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                  <text>A further 5 NAM Congresses after the initial Harrogate Congress in 1975, plus other documents</text>
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              <name>Date</name>
              <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                  <text>1976-1980</text>
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                <text>3rd Annual Congress Hull </text>
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                <text>Conference papers 3rd Annual Congress Hull (20 pages incl report in Building mag)</text>
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                <text> 18:00 = 20:15&#13;
20:15 - 21:00&#13;
21:00 - 21:45 21:45&#13;
Registration&#13;
Buffet Dinner&#13;
INTRODUCTION&#13;
Reports from local NAM groups General discussion: "Building NAM" Socializing, bar, etc.&#13;
END OF CONGRESS&#13;
ULL CONGRESS PROGRAMME&#13;
Friday, 25th November 1977&#13;
Saturday, 26th November 1977&#13;
09:00 - 09:45 09:45 - 10:00 10:00 - 11:30&#13;
Registration (for anyone who missed Friday evening) Introduction to first Workshops&#13;
FIRST WORKSHOPS:&#13;
(a) "Institutions of the Profession" (contact person:&#13;
11:30 = 11:45 11:45 = 12:45&#13;
Pebody)&#13;
(c) Commmity Architecture (contact person: Tom Woolley) Coffee&#13;
12:45 - 14:00 14:00 = 14:15&#13;
&gt;&#13;
PLENARY SESSION:&#13;
Reports back from first vorkshops Discussion&#13;
Lunch&#13;
Introduction to second workshops SECOND WORKSHOPS:&#13;
— 15:45&#13;
16:00 = 17:00&#13;
- 16:00&#13;
Tea&#13;
PLENARY SESSION: z&#13;
Reports back from second workshops&#13;
Discussion&#13;
Open Meeting: "Hull: controlling the architects* Chairman's summing up&#13;
Cold buffet, bar opens&#13;
Social (including supper, music, etc.)&#13;
17:00 - 18:00&#13;
18:30 -— 21:00 21:00&#13;
Sunday, 27th November 1977&#13;
10:00 = 13:00 10:00 - 13:30 10:00 - 10:30 10:30 = 11:30 11:50 - 11:45 11:45 — 13:00 13:00 - 13:15 13:15 - 13:30 13:30 - 14:30&#13;
Conducted tour of Hull for non-members&#13;
AGM of NAM members (open to all paid-up members) Report from Liaison Group&#13;
Discussion: NAM's structure and constitution Cotfee = 4 Mandating of Liaison Group for 1978&#13;
Election of Liaison Group for 1978&#13;
Final announcements&#13;
Zunch and local group organising&#13;
Anne Delaney)&#13;
(b) SLATE, the NAM newsletter (contact person: Giles&#13;
te Women in architecture (contact person: Marion Roberts) (b) Trade union organisation in architecture and the&#13;
allied building professions (contact person: Andrzej&#13;
Michalik) z&#13;
{3} Architectural Education (contact person: Ian Tod)&#13;
(d) National Design Service (contact person: John Murray )&#13;
&#13;
 Welcome to Hull, full School of Architecture and wie) RANT GEN Be&#13;
Acchitocture Association (KSiA., vho run the Social _Centre, the canteen and thebar),and the School itself&#13;
- from hom we have seriner rooms, lecture theatre, Crit. room and exhibition erca. Asusueltherearesome-vointstokeienm»ind.&#13;
1. Please keep drinks to the arca shown shased on the slan, as eny inirin&#13;
coulé leaG te HSAA losing their eee 2. pene Sign in the HSA visitors vook fack day.This gives you the right to&#13;
ues the bars&#13;
Ze Please take great care not to harm the&#13;
exibition of the Jaranese rouse, very&#13;
“SZ, vory expensive, but onjoy it.&#13;
4. Behind the black curtain in the lecture&#13;
theatre ve have a fily, weajection screen ~ asain it is exvensive so please take care not te lean on it.&#13;
9+ There is no smoking allowed in the lecture theatre.&#13;
Agein, we welco:e you to the conrress and hope that you enjoy yourself.&#13;
&#13;
 Dear Friend:&#13;
“See you in Eull, —&#13;
NAM Liaison Group&#13;
-&#13;
We acknowledge receipt of your NAM Congress application form and your cheque/postal order for .....&#13;
We enclose travel instructions and Congress programme. In case of last minute emergencies, contact Ian Tod at the Hull School of Architecture, tel: Hull 25938.&#13;
Please take careful note of the following, if ticked:&#13;
eeeee eseee&#13;
Please bring sleeping bag, as you have requested the alternative accommodation @ 50p per night,&#13;
ee++-&#13;
You require accommodation for one night only but have not indicated whether that is Friday or Saturday night. Please inform us by return of post.&#13;
Because of unforseen circumstances, we regret that the bed and breakfast @ £2.50 per night is not available. Bed and breakfast in the £3 to £4 range is being booked and we should appreciate very much if you would pay the additional amount upon arrival&#13;
at the Congress.&#13;
eeeee If enough people from London are interested, it might be possible to arrange low-cost communal transport to Hull on Friday afternoon and back to London on Sunday afternoon. If you are interested, please inform us by return post and indicate telephone number at which you can be reached. ;&#13;
New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland Street,&#13;
London W.1.&#13;
&#13;
:&#13;
 Friday, 25th November 1977&#13;
18:00 = 20:15&#13;
20:15 - 21:00&#13;
21:00 = 21:45 21:45&#13;
Registration&#13;
Buffet Dinner&#13;
INTRODUCTION&#13;
Reports from local NAM groups General discussion: "Building NAM" Socializing, bar, etc.&#13;
Saturday, 26th November 1977 eB&#13;
09:00 - 09:45 09:45 - 10:00 10:00 - 11:30&#13;
11:30 - 11:45 11245 = 12:45&#13;
12:45 - 14:00 14:00 - 14:15&#13;
15:45 - 16:00 16:00 = 17:00&#13;
17:00 - 18:00&#13;
18:30 21:00 21:00&#13;
_ Discussion&#13;
Sunday, 27th November 1977&#13;
10:00 = 13:00 10:00 - 13:30 10:00 - 10:30 10:30 - 11:30 11:30 - 11:45 11:45 - 13:00 13:00 - 13:15 13:15 - 13:30 13:30 - 14:30&#13;
Conducted tour of Hull for non-members&#13;
AGM of NAM members (open to all paid-up members) Report from Liaison Group&#13;
Discussion: NAM's structure and constitution Coffee&#13;
Mandating of Liaison Group for 1978&#13;
Election of Liaison Group for 1978&#13;
Final announcements&#13;
Iunch and local group organising&#13;
END OF CONGRESS&#13;
mig St&#13;
HULL CONGRESS PROGRAMME&#13;
Registration (for anyone who missed Friday evening) Introduction to first Workshops&#13;
FIRST WORKSHOPS:&#13;
(a) "Institutions of the Profession" (contact person:&#13;
Anne Delaney)&#13;
(b) SLATE, the NAM newsletter (contact person: Giles&#13;
Pebody ) :&#13;
(c) Community Architecture (contact person: Tom Woolley) Coffee&#13;
PLENARY SESSION:&#13;
Reports back from first workshops&#13;
Discussion&#13;
Lunch&#13;
Introduction to second workshops&#13;
SECOND WORKSHOPS:&#13;
{a} Women in architecture (contact person: Marion Roberts)&#13;
b) Trade union organisation in architecture and the allied building professions (contact person: Andrzej Michalik)&#13;
ts} Architectural Education feeereet person: Ian Tod)&#13;
d) National Design Service (contact person: John Murray )&#13;
Tea : PLENARY SESSION:&#13;
Reports back from second workshops&#13;
Open Meeting: "Hull: controlling the architects" Chairman's summing up&#13;
Cold buffet, bar opens&#13;
Social (including supper, msic, etc.)&#13;
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&#13;
 44; Neville Morgan&#13;
endeMloorenlatenel SuGhavslattenCie eeee&#13;
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WHOLE CoNcnrSss ATrinvDANCD KRULL 1977&#13;
1. John Allan&#13;
2. Norman Arnold&#13;
3. Stephen Barker&#13;
4. Susan Barlow&#13;
5. Jos Boys&#13;
6,. Francess Bradshaw 7. Dave Breakell&#13;
67 Romilly Road, London 14 355 040 9 Midland Road, Leeds 6, Yorks&#13;
48 Longmead Raad, Pendleson, Salford 6&#13;
205 Argbelle Street, Roath, Cardiff&#13;
8, ‘Tony Brohn&#13;
53 Millbrook Road, London Sw9&#13;
New Zealand or c/o Aylesbeare Post Office, Nr. Exeter, Devon&#13;
9. Christopher Brookes 10, Andy Brown&#13;
11. David Burney&#13;
12. Peter Bush&#13;
I2 45 Hill House, Harrington Hill, Clapton, London E5&#13;
13. Graham Carey&#13;
n) Geoff Cohen&#13;
15. Jamie Comrie&#13;
16. Christopher Cowan 17. Anne Delaney&#13;
35 Clarcnce Square, Cheltenham, Glos GL50 4Py 37 Primrose Gardens, London NW3&#13;
28 Pane Place, Cathays, Cardiff 21750 18 Brookhill Drive, Wollaton, Nottingham Oranje Nassaulaun 50 Amsterdam&#13;
18. Chris Dent 19. Hans Derks 20, Hibou Drusden 2i.. Julia Dwyer 22, Peter Forbes 23. Mark Gimson 24, James Goff 25. Janis Goodman 26. Robert Gordon 27@devie Green 28,. Hans Herms&#13;
52 Marlborough Road, Sheffield 10 , 66 St Agnes Place, London SE11 Parkview, Weeton Tane, Leeds 17&#13;
8 Cambridge Terrace ,Mews,&#13;
29. Soren Hesseldahl 30. Hugo Hinsley&#13;
31. John Hurley&#13;
$2. Sue Jackson&#13;
Place, London W2 449 Mile End Road, Bow, London 83&#13;
33. C Jones 34. Tom Jones&#13;
Tasker's Cott, Thorhanby,&#13;
96 Wellsted S,reet, Hull, Humbershire&#13;
e Tom Rhys Jones 36, Sjoulije De Jong 37. Jim Low 33.—_Lehrtbipmarr&#13;
39. Rodney Mace&#13;
40, Bob Maltz&#13;
4k. Gerry Metcalf&#13;
42. Andrzej Michelik 43, John Mitchell?&#13;
'Foelas', Tonrhiw Road, Tragarth, Bethesda, Bangor, Wales Spoorsingel 32, Delft, Holland&#13;
Eull School of Architecture&#13;
Building Design, 30 Calderwood Street, Woolwich SE18 14 Duncan Terrace. London Nl&#13;
c/o BUDA, Lozgells Social Develpment Centre, Handsworth, Birmingham B19 1HS&#13;
173-5 Lozells Road&#13;
235 Arthur Road, Kingston-upon-Thames, Surrey 63 North Bar, Beverley&#13;
6 Granville Terrace, Bingley, West Yorks&#13;
14, Bromwydd Avenue, Penylan, Cardiff&#13;
©i— S4b “S634&#13;
London NwWl&#13;
1, The Leys, Green End, Kingsthorpe, Northampton&#13;
Newnham College,&#13;
41 Endcliffe Rise Road, Sheffield 17&#13;
Show House, Bardney Orton Goldhey, Peterborough 29 South Hill Park, London NW3&#13;
36 Sutherland&#13;
___Wetsh-Scheoit-of—tirehiteetun,&#13;
Cambridge CB3 9DF&#13;
4 Priory Terrace,&#13;
4 Highshore Road, Peckham, London SE15 5AA&#13;
Cheltenham, Gloucestershire&#13;
North Yorks&#13;
7 28 Park Pince, Carty CFL-53A London SE5 ORD&#13;
10 Brief Street,&#13;
14 Holmdale Road, London NW6 794 6437 Cheltenham S,hool&#13;
31 Hevford Avenue, London SW8&#13;
14 Derby Grove, Lenton, Nottingham&#13;
G39 B2E4 Wik s¥e 275/&#13;
&#13;
 45 Ate&#13;
John Murray 46, Hattie Majas&#13;
John Napier&#13;
48. Guido Van Overbeél 49. Pankaj C Pandya&#13;
50. Ken Pearce&#13;
51. Giles Pebody&#13;
52. DW Petterick&#13;
Do's Andy PAi11ips&#13;
54. Adam Purser&#13;
55. Marion C R Roberts&#13;
56. David and Susan Roebuck 57. Mary Rogers&#13;
Ruby Stroink Heimir Salt&#13;
Jim Scott&#13;
A B Shaw Roderick Shelton Douglas Smith&#13;
H G Smith Mungo Smith John Stebbing S Stebbing&#13;
Alex Alardyce mon McCormack,&#13;
Martin Novotney&#13;
Sie eae A 69. Jeremy Armita&#13;
10 Spencer Rad, Belper, Derbyshire 077 22&#13;
82 Arran Street, Roath, Cardiff&#13;
25 St George's Avenue, London N7 OHB Cod 4It3 44¥4&#13;
IIIS:&#13;
23 Grove Hill Road, London SE5 Oosteinde 41, Delft, Holland&#13;
170 Harrogate Road, Leeds 7&#13;
25 Market Street, Huddersfield 6 Tolmers Square&#13;
1 Fairfax Street, Bishophill, York, N Yorks 17 Delancey Street, London NW1&#13;
19 Langtree, Skelmsersdale, Lancs WN8 6TQ 96 Wellsted Street, Hull, Humberside&#13;
55 Ramsay Road, London E7 55 Ramsay Road, London ET&#13;
4xt, Lady Lawson Street, Edinburgh&#13;
5;Milton AveyLondon N.6, /2 122, Stanford Hill,London N.16.&#13;
68 Wragby Road, Lincoln&#13;
Gerrit van der Beenstraat agit a Amsterdam, Holland&#13;
c/o International $tudents House, 229 Gt Portland St, London 127 Feirbridge Road, Holloway, London N19. 272 ogo, WIN as c/o Levitt Bernstein Assoc,; 20, Oval Road, London MW td i&#13;
5 Marshall Street, Newland Ave, Hull 12a Tansdown Parade, Cheltenham, Glos&#13;
Architecture Dept, Heriot-Watt University/iqinburgh College of&#13;
74. Dave and Angela Sutton 10 Andover Street, Sheffield S3 9EG&#13;
75. Ifor Thomas&#13;
Wo Weve 1, Thompson T7Te Ian Tod&#13;
56 Elm Street, Roath, Cardiff&#13;
51, St Johns Wood Terrace, London NW8 9 Midland Road, Leeds&#13;
4~8.—_D_Walker&#13;
79. E Walker&#13;
80. David Somervell 81. Nick Wates&#13;
82. Caroline Lwin&#13;
85. Julia Wilson-Jones 84. Tom Wooley&#13;
Bast Street; Kethem Dritfteht,—tumberstic;—¥605-ORn 15 Briarsdale Croft, Gipton, Leeds 1S8 3NE&#13;
22 Panmure Place, Edinburgh 3&#13;
10 Tolmers Square, London NW1&#13;
10 Tolmers Square, London NW1&#13;
6th Floor, Waretiouse D, Wapping Wa11, London 51 27 Clerkenwell Close, London ECG1R OAT&#13;
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 1. 2.&#13;
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DRAFT CONSTITUTION&#13;
This Constitution has been based on the constitution proposed for the British Society for Social Responsibility in Science.&#13;
The name of the movement is to be The New Architecture Movement.&#13;
The NAM aime srs e collective action of architecture workers and lay- people to play an active role in radically altering the system of patronage and power in architecture. It seeks an architectural practice directly accountable to all who use its products and democratically controlled by the workers within it. NAM aims thereby to promte effective control by ordinary people over their environment and by architectural workers over their working lives.&#13;
Members of the Movement shall be those who accept the aims of NAM. Members agree to pay an annual subscription. Membership may also be extended to those who affiliate to accredited groups.&#13;
The formation of local and working groups of the Movement to organise activities in a particular locality or issue shall be encouraged. These groups shall:&#13;
i) accept the broad aims of the Movement&#13;
ii) submit areport of their activities to the national congress to include the names of members of the Movement who take part in the group and a contact address.&#13;
iii) a group must comprise at least three paid-up members of he Movement; it may send a delegate to a Standing Congress.&#13;
iv) the delegates from local and issue groups shall report back to their groups.&#13;
There shall be an Annual National Congress. ‘the purpose of the Congress shall be to endorse policies formulated by the groups, elect a Liaison Group and elect a Standing Congress.&#13;
5&#13;
6. The Liaison Group is required to carry out administrative work only&#13;
and to service the Standing Congress. It shall have the power to vote funds to encourage the setting up of other groups and is requirea to organise the annual vongress. No person may serve on the Liaison Group for more than one year.&#13;
Te The Standing Congress shall act for the Movement between Annual Congresses, It shall compose ot 2U members which shall include one delegate for each accredited group and the rest shall be elected at the Annual Congress.&#13;
The Chairperson of the Standing Congress shall rotate.&#13;
i)&#13;
the Standing Congress shall meet four times a year and the minutes of the meetings are to be published in Slate: there shall be at least 2 weeks notification in advance to all groups of these meetings.&#13;
a quorum shall be 50%.&#13;
ii)&#13;
coe /2&#13;
&#13;
Te&#13;
iii)&#13;
iv) v)&#13;
the Standing Congress is empowered to recognise groups and review their acceptance as groups of the Movement and their right to send delegates to the Standing Congress. These decisions require a two-thirds majority and are subject to confirmation by a straight vote at an Annual Congress,&#13;
Standing Congress may call an emergency meeting at the request of at least five of its number&#13;
8.&#13;
9,&#13;
The question of affiliation to the Movement by other bodies and societies is to be investigated by the Liaison Group and to be reported to the&#13;
1978 Congress.&#13;
Amendments to this constitution may be decided by two-thirds majority&#13;
of those voting at an Annual or Emergency Congress. Such an amendment must be proposed by at least 6 paid-up members of the Movement. If&#13;
such a proposed amendment is to be voted on at an Annual Congress, it must be submitted before a date to be announced to members by the Standing Congress. This date shall be at least two months and at most four months before the date of the Annual Congress and the announcement shall be given with at least one month's notice. If such a proposed amendment is to be voted on at an Emergency Congress, the amendment&#13;
must be submitted in time for circulation one month before the Emergency Congress.&#13;
»Al q&#13;
 Nominations for its elected members shall be sought not less than two months before the Annual Congress. A candidate at the time of nomination must be a paid-up member of the Movement,&#13;
and isrequired to be nominated by two other paid-up members&#13;
and is required to publish a statement of no more than 200 words to describe his/her activities and ideas.&#13;
10. An Emergency Congress can be held at the instigation of one-third of the Standing Congress or 30 members of the Movement.&#13;
ll.&#13;
12.&#13;
The 1977 Congress will be required to accredit the groups for the purposes of sending delegates to the 1977/78 Standing Congress. These groups shall include the Liaison Group and Slate.&#13;
NAM shall seek the status of a charitable trust.&#13;
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ORIGINS&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE&#13;
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the public, ++-eholding informal&#13;
seminars&#13;
in London and other towns,&#13;
|&#13;
ACTIVITIES&#13;
9, POLAND St, LONDON. wiv3DG.&#13;
The New Architecture Movement ("Nam) aims, through the collective action of architectural workers and other concerned people, to Play an active role&#13;
in Padically altering the system of Patronage and power in architecture. It seeks an architectural Practice directly accountable to all who use its Products and democratically controlled by the workers within it. Nam aims thereby to promote effective control by ordinary People over their environ- ment and by architectural workers over their working lives. NAM is comple- tely independent. It is not, and does not seek to become, a "learned so-&#13;
++ «publishing SLATE, a bi-monthly Newsletter and Tadical paper on architec- ture and the building industry,&#13;
++-developing outline Proposals for a "National Design Service,"&#13;
If you would like to become a member of NAM, fill in this form and send it together with a cheque or postal order (payable to the New Architecture Movement) for £5 (if you're employed) or £2 (student, claimant or OAP) to NAM, 9 Poland Street, London W1V 306.&#13;
NA&#13;
MOVEMENT RealMSECGontbacoSdacttncaaanaeeaeeu,&#13;
ciety," "professional institute" or trade union.&#13;
Congress held in Harrogate for the Purpose of building Up a broadly-based, Progressive force for accountability and Gemocracy in architecture. Qut of that Congress came a contact list, several local NAM 9roups and a Liaison&#13;
Congress, which was held in Blackpool in November 1976.&#13;
During NAM's first two years, the activities of varioys 9roups included:&#13;
+--submitting evidence to the Monopolies Commission investigating alleged price-fixing among architectural firms,&#13;
++-publishing a report, Working for What?: The Case for Trade Union Organ- isation in Architecture and the Allied Building Professions, and spon- soring a special conference on the subject at which People employed in the building Professions decided within which one union to launch an Organising drive among private sector staff. (TASS was chosen. )&#13;
ithandiscsiBLaae oe&#13;
bibles ouGGs On eonbesscsuGnacon cence maton,&#13;
rene oaseaccicseiere eheiereloloroiotela(eleteiGlaslarareteyeter eet ee&#13;
(Membership includes a year's subscription to SLATE, the nam newsletter, But if you would like to receive 6 issues of SLATE without Joining Nam, enclose cheque/p.o. for £1.50 with your name and address.)&#13;
&#13;
 STRUCTURE&#13;
PARTICIPATION AND SUPPORT&#13;
ENQUIRIES cut andr return&#13;
growing.&#13;
come.&#13;
++epublishing the New Architecture Calendar, tt ndar&#13;
++eworking towards the establishment of "community design services" in Cardiff and Leeds,&#13;
++ Participating in "Interbuild '77," the biennial building industry ex- hibition, with a NAM stand.&#13;
++«speaking to groups of architects, architecture students and community activists about subjects of NAM's concern,&#13;
Further development in these and other areas is expected during 1978.&#13;
In addition, NAM nominees have been elected to six of the seven seats Tepresenting over 3,000 "unattached " architects on the Architects Regis- tration Council (ARCUK) for 1977-1978.&#13;
group finances its own activities.&#13;
The structure of NAM is more a "network" than a "pyramid." It consists of autonomous locally=based and/or issue-oriented groups as well as single members. Each group defines its Own role in furtherance of the overall&#13;
aims. Broader contact is maintained through a Liaison Group, which consists of six members elected at the annual Congress as well as delegates from the groups. The Liaison Group is accountable to the Movement as a whole.&#13;
People active in NAM, and those who support its aims, are drawn from&#13;
within the field of architecture as well as from the "lay" public. From within architecture, workers in architectural practices predominate, fol- lowed by students and teachers of architecture. Interest in NAM is steadily&#13;
The Second Congress decided to consolidate and strengthen the existing structure and financing of NAM by collecting subscriptions from the mem- bership. Membership now costs £5 for employed people and £2 for students and unemployed. A seperate subscription to SLATE, the NAM newsletter sent free to members, costs £1.50 for six issues. Contributions are also wel-&#13;
Subscriptions and contributions are intended to cover Liaison Group expen- ses and to "float" activities that are, in principle, self-supporting, such as the Congress, seminars, literature for sale, etc. At present, each NAM&#13;
All enquiries to The Secretary, Liaison Group, The New Architecture Move- ment, 9 Poland Streat, London wiv 30G.&#13;
&#13;
 ing preliminary steps:&#13;
3rd Congress November 1977&#13;
function of securing the stability of the social system.&#13;
This is not going to happen over night.&#13;
NAM's proposals for a Nationa] Design Service are based on a critique® of architectural Patronage and its affects on architectural service&#13;
to the public, architects working arrangements and the type and form of buildings which result from it. We argued for a design service which would be directly accountable to and controlled by the people&#13;
in its locality, and it was Suggested that neighbourhood based local authority offices should form the foundation of such a service.&#13;
The main factor was identified as control Over resources at local level. Control over the design process is a secondary although re- lated issue. It was pointed out that local authorities are centrally important as the main and often the only structure through which the&#13;
majority of people can exert demands and gain access to land, finance and other resources necessary for their housing health and education&#13;
requirements. The role of the state in providing what are essentially the means of reproduction was also examined together with its other&#13;
Although it appears that local authorities cannot be radically changed in our society, history has shown that as the lowest tier of government they are susceptible to vigorous Pressure from below. They can be made to change direction in the face of the collective demands of tenants&#13;
organisations,local political parties and trade unions. It is in these areas that NAM must organise and promulgate its ideas for a national design service which would require democratic control over local re- sources and local design and construction teams by local residents.&#13;
The NDS Group considers that this Congress should initiate the follow-&#13;
&#13;
 -2-&#13;
Consolidate NDS Group by the inclusion of local authority architectural workers&#13;
Mandate NDS Group as a matter Or urgency to undertake the necessary research and publicity that a conference of local authority architectural workers may be held to discuss this&#13;
issue before the local elections in May 1978 2&#13;
Mandate NDS Group to begin negotiations with Union repre- sentatives of direct. labour Organisations and with repre- sentatives of national tenant Organisations to prepare the foundations for eventual links between local authority tenants and their architectural and construction workers.&#13;
available from 9 Poland Street&#13;
"A National Design Service'! Paper 2, May 1976&#13;
Paper 3, Nov 1976&#13;
London WI Price: 50p&#13;
&#13;
 enclose (cheque/postal order payable to the New Architecture ‘Movement. Prices above include POSURESYeserves=teateetaneeeeeeenae&#13;
TOTAL &lt;¢ ee&#13;
I would like to receive the NAM newsletter 'SLATE' without joining NAM The cost is £1.50(six issues) ;)&#13;
: enclose a cheque/postal order (payable to New Architecture Movement) orf&#13;
NAME ; ADDRESS&#13;
|&#13;
Sseuenee copies of Education and the Proffession @ SOD See&#13;
Seer copies of Short History of the Architectural Prof- ession:@:30m5... abecieainteal.OO ile:ani|£&#13;
Se ctee copies of Report to the Birmingham Green Ban Action CommaTtee:'@SOD. lsat ceeta enaeI £&#13;
se enn copies of Working for What? The Case For Trade Union Organisation in Architecture and Allied Building Professions,@;SOpsigs oakkicnds:.qbast.bLuew.aecaLns£&#13;
oe copies of Architectural Practice, ARCUK, and the chitects Registration Acts é (9) RPI PCAINIMENEyreoes teoo £&#13;
e-copiesofProfessionalismé@LODeiciicesrerchcohcetleneistSee£&#13;
..copies of The NAM Monopolies Commission Report @ ¢1.¢&#13;
-.copies of SLATE:The NAM newsletter (no.1 3/77) @ 25p£ -..copies of SLATE:The NAM newsletter (no 2 5/77) @ 25p.£ on ee copies of SLATE:The NAM newsletter (no 3 7/77) @ 25pe -+..copies of SLATE:The NAM newsletter (no 4 9/77) @ 25p£ copies of SLATE:The NAM newsletter (no 5.12/77) @ 25p&#13;
TNE EREESAESERARRARERIDERAREHAREEEAVR EERVASEEEATIoo oy&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT PUBLICATIONS ~flease send me the following:&#13;
siayece aae copies of 1978 Calendar illustrated Hellman @ £1.00.£&#13;
Stare ees copies of Asbestos information leaflet (two sheets A4)&#13;
aYa er Laey copies of NAM information leaflet (One sheet A4)&#13;
ead AL ASAE ESEEANE ERE ANEKE SENSED EESKERE CERES HERE WUS IEE CREE RIES oo&#13;
Tee EEEEA RETA TESCAREERARR REHKKKEDA6EHBEON54oaks&#13;
In addition to, or in place of, becoming a NAM member or newsletter subscriber, I would like to contribute financially to NAM's work. I enclose a contribution (cheque/postal order payable to the New Architecture! Movement) ¢&#13;
nt RMAEEESSEERSERSARESSFABANEEERESARAAAADRAKE RRMA RRR oaas&#13;
Please send me the following, for which I enclose a ‘stamped, self-— addressed envelope (large enough to take A4 size papers):&#13;
Cheques and postal orders Payable to NAM.&#13;
&#13;
 Please return&#13;
VAME ADDRESS&#13;
this form as&#13;
to The Secretary NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT,&#13;
9 Poland Street, London W1V 3DG&#13;
Date received_&#13;
~a soon as possible&#13;
NAH&#13;
Employed in architectural education (specify scinool)&#13;
Unemployed&#13;
PbO&#13;
t&#13;
FEOIOGIOICICOCICS OOOOOIIOIISOIGAIOISIDIGIGRxISIokekdoko&#13;
FOICRICIOIIOIIOIIGORICIOIOICICIIOIOIIOIGDIOOCOIROIOIOIIGsolSIGAIGoiekoko:&#13;
The following information would help the Liason Group better serve the membership and readership. Please complete if possible.&#13;
1 enclose a cheque/postal order (Payable to the New Architecture Mov't) for €£&#13;
OCCUPATION: Employed in architecture (specify firm, authority, etc) )&#13;
Other employment (specify)&#13;
PARTICIPATION IN NAM local or issue oased groups (specify which group/s)&#13;
TRADE UNION MEMBERSHIP (specify which union and branch)&#13;
would like torbe a member of the New Architecture Movement. (Please use block letters&#13;
TELEPHONE Home&#13;
Work&#13;
Membership fee for one year (Incl. year's subs to SLATE)&#13;
Employed people..:.. £5.00 Claimants/Students/OAP's..... £2.00&#13;
Student (specify school and department)&#13;
‘re you an 'UNATTACHED ARCHITECT'(ie. not a member of RIBA, Architectur&#13;
issociation,) but registered&#13;
with ARCUK.&#13;
Yes/No&#13;
&#13;
 NAM&#13;
These public expressions of NAM as well as the less publicised ones are the issues around which NAM groups form to work on.eThe groups which have issues clarified enough to present a working paper use the congress workshops to enlarge the discussion and to put forward m tions for the congress to adopt.&#13;
Werkshops so far Proposed for this Years congress Cover;&#13;
EDUCATION ,NATIONAT, DESIGN SERVICE ,UNIONISATION, ARCUK,&#13;
‘WOMEN IN 7 CHITECTURE jSLATESCONSTITUTION,&#13;
A fuller list of workshop options will be included in&#13;
vhe final briefing package,&#13;
Tt require bed and breakfast accomodation @ £2.50. per night per per 1/2 nights single/double TOTAT ©snes&#13;
I requi-s the alternative accomodation @ 50p&#13;
per night na&#13;
1977CONGRESS APPLICATION&#13;
The 3rd annual Congress of the New Architecture Movement Will be taking place on the weekend of the 25th,26th and 27th november 1977.This years event will be the 3rd NAM congress following the inaugural congress at Harrogater&#13;
in 1975,and Blackpool in 1976.The hosts for this year: are the Hull €roup of NAM in conjunction with the Huli School of Architecture,&#13;
The congress of '77 concludes a year of action'duri&#13;
Which NAM has emerged as a force within the architectural world.Much of this'action'has stemed from the researches and and discussions carried out by NAM Groups during 1976&#13;
which were aired and refined at the Blackpool congress.&#13;
These 'actions"inelude the following,&#13;
NAM's May Unionisation Conference which chose T.A.S.S. within which to organise architectural workers,&#13;
NAM's Unionisation groups report'Working for What’, NAM's presence in ARCUK Tepresenting the unattached Salaried architect,&#13;
NAM's newspaper 'Slate! the only radical paper for architectural workers.&#13;
tear off and return to 9,Poland st,London,w1 NAM 1977 CONGRESS APPLICATTON&#13;
DATE vicholel©1°1@le\elwielelsiatelelelti/7, igsSoSteesclaceneegacADDRESS:eeneemeee&#13;
WVA2 nights LOLA cvetetes ore&#13;
I enclose a cheque payable to the New Architecture Movement for the following amount&#13;
Udogoconssaan&#13;
&#13;
 What is NAM,?&#13;
EE&#13;
The cost of the congress includes meals for the 3—days.&#13;
The congress ends after lunch on Sunday afternoon,&#13;
A more detailed programme will be included in the final briefing.&#13;
The programme for the congress begins with registration&#13;
at 7.30pm on friday 25th novanber followed by an introduction&#13;
and discussion.A buffet will be provided,&#13;
Saturday is bound up with congress workshops/general sessions&#13;
and a public forum/discussion in the late afternoon followed by a social evening, food,drink and chat.&#13;
The NAM agm takes place on Sunday morning with an alternative event Which is a tour de Hull for those not directly involved in NAM.&#13;
The New Architecture Movement ("NAM") sims, through the col- lective action of architectural workers and other concerned people, to play an active role in radically altering the sys- tem of patronage and power in architecture. It seeks an archi- tectural practice directly accountable to all who use its pro- ducts and democratically controlled by the workers within it. NAM aims thereby to promote effective contol by ordinary people Over their environment and by architectural workers over their&#13;
working lives.&#13;
cut here and return the lower portion to 9,Poland Street.&#13;
&#13;
 INTERVAL RESOLUTIONS&#13;
AGM: HULL, NOVEMBER 27 1977&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE&#13;
MOVEMENT&#13;
©&#13;
[opr tlooqncoes&#13;
4 9, POLAND St, LONDON. Wiv3DG.&#13;
&amp;&#13;
i)&#13;
The AGM agreed to set up a Constitution Group to look into the structure of NAM and to report back to a specially convened congress or the Fourth Annual Congress.&#13;
The AGM passed the following motions to direct the Movement until the next Congress, or until a constitution is established:&#13;
The New Architecture Movements aims, through the collective action&#13;
or architectural workers and other concerned people, to play an&#13;
active role in radically altering the system of patronage and power&#13;
in architecture. It seeks an architectural practice directly accountable to all who use its products and democratically controlled by the workers within it. NAM aims thereby. to promote effective control by ordinary people over their environment and by architectural workers over their lives. Membership is open to all who accept the broad aims of the New Architecture Movement and pay the annual sub- scription determined by the AGM. Members receive SLATE and put motions to and vote at the AGI.&#13;
Group Forums open to all members shall be held quarterly between Congresses to facilitate communication between groups, to assist&#13;
NAM policy shall be decided by an AGM at the annual Congress. Policy as formulated by groups and members shall be offered for endorsement to the AGM at the annual Congress.&#13;
the Liaison Group and to aid in carrying out AGI policy.&#13;
All NAM groups are encouraged to send at least one delegate to each Group Forun.&#13;
A Liaison Group of at least 10 members shall be elected at this AGM. At least 5 shall be from the same locality in order to facilitate&#13;
day to day administration. The Liaison Group may co-opt up to four&#13;
additional members,&#13;
;&#13;
&#13;
 . .&#13;
6. The Liaison Group shall: oe&#13;
TORII BIH&#13;
i) Attend all Group Forums and help to arrange such Forums with local Groups. i&#13;
ii) Be responsible for membership subscriptions and central finances. dii) Organise the Annual Congress and AGM.&#13;
iv) Encourage the development of NAM and encourage local groups to arrange monthly meetings, advertised in SLATE and given support by the Liaison Group; and that the Liaison Group should attach priority to the formation of new local groups where they do not exist,&#13;
7. The Liaison Group is accountable to the iMovement through the AGM and can be recalled or redirected by a special Congress requested by at least 15 members.&#13;
8. Each group shall submit a report in advance of the Annual Congress.&#13;
SLATE is the newsletter and organ of the New Architecture Movement.&#13;
It shall serve the ifovement and be responsible to the AGM and Group Forums, t shall be financed by its own sales and shall receive from the Liaison Group full cover price per member in advance of each issue to a maximum of 6 per year.&#13;
10. The membership subscription for 1978 shall be £5 for employed people and £2.50 for students, unemployed and 0.A.P's (subject to detailed study by the Liaison Group).&#13;
11. A Constitution Group should be formed to look into the structure of NAM and to report back to a specially convened congress or the Fourth Annual Congress.&#13;
12.PressstatementsorlettersshouldbesignedbytherelevNAMagnrotup.&#13;
13. The Liaison Group is to forward "issue" mail to the relevant "issue group".&#13;
&#13;
 &amp; AG Lo&#13;
4: rs&#13;
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ae&#13;
This Congress comménds the completed work of the Unionisation (Organising)&#13;
Committee and recommends and urges all workers in the private sector building design professions to join TASS-BDS.&#13;
FREER III IIE&#13;
FORHEIRIBEE&#13;
NAM LIAISON GROUP 1976/77 9 Poland Street,&#13;
London W.1.&#13;
This Congress mandates a working party to explore the notential for an alliance between members of TASS-BDS and building design workers in the public sector trade unions.&#13;
This Congress deplores the use of sexism in advertising and the character- isation of women and men in degrading stereotyped roles in the architectural trade press. We therefore call upon NAM members to refuse to specify any products promoted through sexist advertising, and to encourage fellow architectural workers to follow suit.&#13;
This Congress deplores sexism in all aspects of the building industry&#13;
and approves the setting up of NAM campaisning groups to investigate and take action on the vosition of women in the industry and education.&#13;
Following the workshop on Architectural Education the Congress noted that an issue group is to be re-established to co-ordinate further work.&#13;
This Congress supports the efforts of NAM members representing unattached architects on the Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom.&#13;
i) This Congress notes the savage attacks orchestrated by the National Federation of Building Trade Employers and the Tory Party against&#13;
Direct Labour Organisations and Local Authority architects' departments.&#13;
ii) This Congress expresses its support for the democratic fight of the Direct Llahour Organisations.&#13;
A new Liaison Group comprising nine people was elected for 1977/78 to co-ordinate the administration of the Movement.&#13;
&#13;
 This is not going to happen over night.&#13;
ing preliminary steps:&#13;
3rd Congress November 1977&#13;
NAM's proposals for a National Design Service are based on a critique® of architectural patronage and its affects on architectural service&#13;
to the public, architects working arrangements and the type and form of buildings which result from it. We argued for a design service which would be directly accountable to and controlled by the people&#13;
in its locality, and it was suggested that neighbourhood based local authority offices should form the foundation of such a service.&#13;
The main factor was identified as control over resources at local level. Control over the design process is a secondary although re- lated issue. It was pointed out that local authorities are centrally important as the main and often the only structure through which the&#13;
majority of people can exert demands and gain access to land, finance and other resources necessary for their housing health and education requirements. The role of the state in providing what are essentially the means of reproduction was also examined together with its other function of securing the stability of the social system.&#13;
Although it appears that local authorities cannot be radically changed in our society, history has shown that as the lowest tier of government they are susceptible to vigorous pressure from below. They can be made to change direction in the face of the collective demands of tenants&#13;
organisations,local political parties and trade unions. It is in these areas that NAM must organise and promulgate its ideas for a national design service which would require democratic control over local re- sources and local design and construction teams by local residents.&#13;
The NDS Group considers that this Congress should initiate the follow-&#13;
&#13;
-2-&#13;
Consolidate NDS Group by the inclusion of local authority architectural workers&#13;
Mandate NDS Group as a matter or urgency to undertake the necessary research and publicity that a conference of local authority architectural workers may be held to discuss this&#13;
issue before the local elections in May 1978&#13;
Mandate NDS Group to begin negotiations with Union repre- sentatives of direct. labour organisations and with repre- sentatives of national tenant organisations to prepare the foundations for eventual links between loca] authority tenants and their architectural and construction workers.&#13;
"A National Design Service" Paper 2, May 1976&#13;
Paper 3, Nov 1976&#13;
available from 9 Poland Street&#13;
London WI Price: 50p :&#13;
-&#13;
 “A&#13;
&#13;
 built in 1958.&#13;
Mr Emerton.&#13;
Mr Phillips, who had been off&#13;
work for two days after the ac-&#13;
cident, telephoned Shrewsbury office from Wrex- ham on 26 July and refused to carry on working unless he had a labourer. Mr Jordan visited the site and was forced togive him his dismissal note.&#13;
Mr Emerton said the day Mr Phillips resumed work after the accident he apologised to Mr Jordan for calling in the fac-&#13;
tories inspector and “accepted that he had been wrong”.&#13;
Questioned by Mr Driver,&#13;
Mr Emerton agreed it was nor- Dismissal notice mal for a craftsman like Mr&#13;
Phillips to have an assistant, but&#13;
in this instance his usual “mate”&#13;
was on holiday. In those cir-&#13;
cumstances he would be ex- pected to work alone.&#13;
Mr Jordan told the Tribunal that on the day he gave Mr Phillips his dismissal notice Mr Phillips was working on a house gable, and said that once he had finished the gables he would not&#13;
do any labouring work for the rest of the roof. Mr Phillips told him: “It’s not on. I am employed asa slater and tiler.”&#13;
“He just seemed determined&#13;
to be dismissed,” said Mr Jor-&#13;
dan, “I did not want to get rid&#13;
of him because he is a g00d tiler&#13;
and Ineeded him. But Ihad to do it.”&#13;
Mr Phillips, a slater and tiler for 25 years, told the Tribunal that on the day of his accident he was standing on aceiling&#13;
Joist which broke. “I grabbed the trusses, and Iwrenched my knee and the side of my back. There was a clear drop to the&#13;
the&#13;
wanted scaffolding&#13;
Gatwick prepares for Jumbos&#13;
floor joists.” He came down the ladder “yery shaken” and told the builder he was getting in touch with the factories inspec tor. Mr Phillips claimed that if scaffolding had been provided he would have been Standing on it instead of the ceiling joists.&#13;
Mr Phillips said there were two labourers available at Shrewsbury who could have assisted him load the roof on Which he was working, but when he asked if one of them could labour for him he was told it was “too far’.&#13;
When Mr Jordan came to &amp; site he was working on § gable, and he told Mr Jordan he did not intend to load the roof with tiles when there was a labourer free to do the work. Mr Jordan give him his dismissal notice and said: “I’ve had it in my pocket for quite a while.” “J Just remarked, ‘It’s been fixed then, has it?” ” said Mr Phillips.&#13;
“If he had not come to the site Iwould have had my dinner and then done the other gables. Iwould have carried on work- ing. But Isaid Iwasn’t loading the roof while there was a free labourer,” said Mr Phillips.&#13;
He had had no real dispute with Mr Emerton in the past — “just the odd tiff”.&#13;
Ernest Coombs, industrial relations officer of the NFBTE, who represented the firm, sub- mitted that Emerton had not acted unreasonably in disaaiss- ingMrPhillipsforrls Carry out working instructions in accordance with his contrae of employment.&#13;
Competitions and awards&#13;
Wimpey Ltd. When itiscompleted,&#13;
A “safety conscious” roof tiler was sacked because he made a nuisance of himself to his boss. it was claimed at an Industrial Tribunal at Shrewsbury.&#13;
He called in a factories in- spector when he was not satisfi- ed with safety measures on a housing site where he worked, and was dismissed a few days later after he refused to load tiles on a roof because, he claimed, it was not a craftsman’s job and there was a labourer available to do it.&#13;
~He is a very safety- conscious person who has perhaps made a nuisance of himself, but that is no reason to dismiss him,” said John Driver, representing 45-year-old George Phillips of Shenandoah Cottage, Cinder Lane, Reaseheath, Nantwich. “It seems clear that for one reason Or another the company were looking for a reason to give him the sack.”&#13;
But Mr Phillips lost his unfair dismissal claim against his former employers, Emerton Roofing (Western) Ltd, of Ac- ton, Nantwich.&#13;
Anthony Gordon, the Tribunal chairman, said the panel was unanimous in its deci- sion, the reasons for which would be made known at a later date.&#13;
Gerald Emerton, the firm’s Managing director, and a member of the National Federa- tion of Roofing Contractors’ safety committee, told the Tribunal that on 18 July the manager of the Shrewsbury branch, Leslie Jordan, told him he was having “further trouble”&#13;
ee eee&#13;
O The commemorative medal&#13;
for the most outstanding British-&#13;
designed and built entry in the tural interest coupled with an housing section of the adventurous use of colour wai Europrefab Golden Trophy won by 23-year-old Pete Competition has been awarded Robertson of the Sco to Millard Contractors Ltd of Sutherland school of architee Tipton, West Midlands. The ture, Aberdeen.&#13;
medal was awarded by the&#13;
System Builders section of the&#13;
NFBTE for Millard’s “Pur-&#13;
pose Built” timber frame&#13;
system. Millard recently. com-&#13;
pleted 91 houses in Greenwich&#13;
on a difficult site using this&#13;
system.&#13;
O The £250 pnize, given by&#13;
an entry of particular architec&#13;
‘Safety first’ tiler who&#13;
with Mr Phillips over scaf- folding at the Merinda housing development at Wrexham.&#13;
Mr Phillips was refusing to work on the Wrexham site un less scaffolding was provided, Mr Jordan had given Mr Phillips a verbal warning for not complying with instructions, and he was put on casual work in the Shrewsbury yard while it was decided what further steps should be taken.&#13;
Mr Emerton said he prepared a final written warning which Mr Jordan was to give to Mr Phillips if he again refused to work at the Wrexham site.&#13;
Under building safety re- quirements the work Mr Phillips was engaged on did not need scaffolding. The safety re quirements laid down that edge protection or scaffolding was not necessary unless a roof had a slope of more than 30 degrees, and the slope on the Wrexham houses was only 224 degrees.&#13;
Mr Phillips was handed the written final warning when he again refused to g0 to Wrexham on 20 July. “I had given instruc- tions that it was only to be issued if it was absolutely necessary,” said Mr Emerton.&#13;
Mr Phillips then agreed to g0 to the Wrexham site, and that same day he was involved in an accident.&#13;
Two days later, said Mr Emerton, he was told by the main contractors that factory inspectors were inspecting the building where the accident had happened. “Later I was in- formed they would not be sub mitting a report because there was no case to answer,” said&#13;
O Eastham House, Wirre owned by Merseyside Improv Houses, has been selected as the most successful sheltered hou. ing scheme for the elderly fro: over 180 entries in the Institut of Housing Silver Jubilee com- petition.&#13;
CA regional architectural com- petition is being organised by the Scottish Special Housing Association with the RIAS. Eight local authority practices in Glasgow and West area have been asked to submit their designs for a housing develop- ment in Glasgow.&#13;
The central pier at London's Gatwick airport has been completely rebuilt to handle jumbo jets at a cost of £10 million. The aircraft are boarded by manoeuvrable apron-drive air bridges. The architects are Yorke Rosenberg Mardall, while the contractor is George&#13;
O The final of the Institution of Civil Engineers’ 1977 Cooling Prize competition has been won by a young Plymouth Polytechnic research Student, Clive Williams, for his Paper on the measurement of ground movement using lasers.&#13;
inJune 1978,itwilltake1]JumbojetSatonce,replacingtheoriginalpier&#13;
36 Building 2 December 1977&#13;
&#13;
 On the road&#13;
energy code&#13;
The first part of an ambitious programme towards es tablishing a building energy code (excluding dwellings) was launched last week by the Chartered Institution of Building Services. Practical guide lines* are provided for achieving conservation through good practice in design. Three other parts are to follow, the most important being guidance&#13;
on energy design targets.&#13;
Part I of the code concen trates on new building. In&#13;
ducing it, Neville Billington, Ov: of the CIBS chnology Board, said “No&#13;
part of the building and its ser- vices can be considered in isolation. Independent in Stallation of heating and lighting, for example, can lead to waste while the intelligent use&#13;
of controls can save up to 30 per cent of energy used.&#13;
to an&#13;
Buildings can better,”&#13;
be designed&#13;
The document goes far beyond the well-known [HVE Guides in scope and underlines&#13;
the CIBS aim of involving the services engineer in decisions made about a building’s design and running efficiency. It is written as a guide to what is practical and economic, rather than embracing&#13;
what CIBS describes as the esoteric and the ayant garde, It covers such&#13;
New NEC; a building success Story.&#13;
This year’s building exhibition mingham was a mistake.&#13;
Interbuild has been so General pressure on the Successful that the organisers NEC is so heavy, that special&#13;
have already promised to return government permission is now&#13;
n, standards for heating ang ghting, standards for&#13;
f r&#13;
e. AM’s directions&#13;
ome interesting new goals&#13;
ere established at the third an-&#13;
to the National Exhibition Cen-&#13;
tre in two years’ time — and this the halls by 1200 m? at a cost of&#13;
forge links between architec tablishment of a National tural trade unions in the public&#13;
Design Service Group within&#13;
and private sectors. In another&#13;
NAM. This was mandated to motion that deplored sexism in investigate how local authorities the building industry, NAM&#13;
could provide the public with members were exhorted “to access to the resources of hous- refuse to specify any products&#13;
The employers had also wanted safety representatives to have served a minimum period of two years, which was in line with the regulations. Here the unions gained their point that a one year period would be more appropriate.&#13;
The unions also wanted site safety committees to be set up within one month instead of three. Although the employers wouldn’t agree, they have left it to be a matter of consultation.&#13;
As a result of the delay in Getting agreement between the two sides, plans to hold pilot training schemes on safety in January have now been put back.&#13;
ing and architecture in general. The potential for local authority architectural staff, direct labour&#13;
The decline in workload is slowing down but is not yet reversed, according to the latest Survey by the RICS on quantity surveyors’ workload. While 21 per cent of practices reported an improvement in the third quarter, 36 per cent suffered a decline.&#13;
An RICS spokesman said&#13;
promoted through sexist adver- tising”. Manufacturers of shower- baths may like to note this.&#13;
at the electricians’ annual con- ference, the union’s rule forbid- ding communists to hold official positions was maintained. UCATT has two communists on its national executive council and a number scattered among its regional council members.&#13;
@ UKAPE is issuing a writ Corrections&#13;
against the Advisory, Concilia- The cost&#13;
of the FrigateRefitting Service in complex at Devonport (Building respect of a report on the 18 November) was £17.5 mil-&#13;
ing to get a declaration that the report is invalid.&#13;
tion and Arbitration&#13;
recognition of collective lion not £33 million as stated, bargaining rights at the Bedford&#13;
sites of W H Allen. The&#13;
professional engineers are hop-&#13;
Organisations, tenants’ time they would be booking the about £500000. Although federations and trade unions to entire place, not just four out of Planning permission will&#13;
ual congress of the New work jointly towards this end the six halls as this year. probably be forthcoming soon,&#13;
Architecture Movement (NAM), which was held in Hull last weekend.&#13;
One of the main new fronts that was opened up was the es-&#13;
was announced as the theme for Trade visitors’ attendance is the next Interbuild in November a conference next May. reported to be up by 25 per cent 1979 may be among the first ex- On the trade union front, a on 1975, completely allaying hibitions to benefit from the&#13;
working party was set up to the fears that the move to Bir- enlarged facilities.&#13;
being sought to expand one of&#13;
Building 2 December 1977 35&#13;
ims as optimum levels of in- sul&#13;
*CIBS Energy Code Part 1: Guidance towards energy conserving design of buildings and services. Cost to CIBS members is £2.50 and to non members is £3.50 from the CIBS Publications Department, 49 ¢adogan Square, London SWIX OJB&#13;
equipment and places a duty on the manufacturer to provide data to the specifier.&#13;
CIBS acknowledges its debt to the similar American ASHRAE code published in&#13;
1975 and which is now incor- porated in legislation, but says that its code goes further and is able to cope with the changes in regulations and cost that are bound to occur.&#13;
Commenting on the code for DOE, Ian Macpherson of the Building Regulations Division stated: “Energy conservation is too important to leave to regulations. Conservation must Start in the designer’s heart. This code is the key.”&#13;
Part 2 of the code is due out in draft form next spring and will deal with the challenging topic of energy targets. The Public Services Agency is waiting for this Part 2 to appear before deciding whether or not to make use of the code man- datory on its building projects.&#13;
RIBA is in liaison with the CIBS and Richard Burton, RIBA’s energy convenor, reports that the code will be dis- cussed during the new RIBA in- itiatives on energy announced by president Gordon Graham last week.&#13;
for the next year&#13;
Safety working rule agreed&#13;
No recovery yet for surveyors&#13;
that some practices have that the Health and Safety reported no new commissions Commission guidelines were for preliminary estimates or Specific in giving the unions bills of quantities during the responsibility in this field. past two quarters. “It is par- However, it has been agreed ticularly worrying that 70 per that there can be discussions cent of member firms received with the employers on ap- no commissions for new private pointments although these will housing work during this impose no obligations on the period,” he said. unions.&#13;
re&#13;
@ Fees, advertising and limited liability could become major issues if architects and sur- yeyors are not adequately com- pensated for their responsibilities in their fee scales, says Henry Parkin, president of the IAAS. In these circumstances, he says, many would want to abandon the existing prohibitions.&#13;
@ Prospects of a merger dimension by 300 mm generally between the main building un- reduced the target area by more ion UCATT and the EPTU than 25 per cent. This should were not helped last week when, have read 2 per cent.&#13;
Interbuilding on success&#13;
A new working rule agreement over the new safety rules was agreed between the employers and unions last week. Ratifica- tion is expected in January.&#13;
Originally, the building em- ployers had sought a greater Say in the appointment of safety representatives which the un- ions had resisted, pointing out&#13;
In the article “Sizing up con struction” on the economics of dimensional co-ordination (Building 1 November), it was stated that to reduce a plan&#13;
&#13;
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 ee&#13;
NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
The New Architecture Movement vas founded in November 1975 at the Harrogate National Congress, to effectively channel the collective action of architectural and allied workers, in order to bring about radical changes in the practice of architecture.&#13;
; ‘&#13;
In terms of democratic control over architectural practice NAM seeks a lay controlled governing body, ARCUK, which though established as a 'public interest' body, has for its entire existence been controlled by the RIBA, thus effectively regulating oractice in favour of the architectural establishment. NAM's elected vresence on ARCUK Council is growing in line with disenchantment with the RIBA amongst architectural workers.&#13;
NAM seeks to restore control over their environment to ordinary neople, and social responsibility and accountability to the work or architects. NAM seeks not only to challenge the existing relation- shin of architect to client and user, but also the existing industrial relations between employer and worker, to restore a voice both to those who provide the labour for architecture and to nose who use its products. To this end NAM exists as a network of croups which have over the past three years campaigned on specific issues in pursuit of these apreed aims, programmes for action being formulated from detailed critisues of current practice.&#13;
NAM's proposals for a reform of ARCUK are a component of its submission to a vovernment sponsored Monovolies Commission into architectural practice which concluded in favour of the NAM case that existing practice constitutes a mononoly operating to the prejudice of the public interest, NAM continues to campaign for the abolition of the RIBA instituted mandatory minimum fee scale which restricts the availability of architectural services to the&#13;
wealthy, corporate or bureaucratic.&#13;
In the belief that the State represents for many the only means of access to resources, NAM proposes a Public Desinn Service, a reform of public sector practice, deriving from analysis of existing Local&#13;
Authority devartments. It seeks to establish locally based design and build teams, directly accountable to tenants and users - the abolition of existing hierarchical arrangements in favour of narticivatory democracy at a decentralised local level.&#13;
Im tiay 1977 NAMs:work on the unionisation of architectural 5 workers, an essential component of the democratisation of architectural practice, culminated in the setting up of the Building Design Staff branch within AUEW-TASS. The responsibility and initiative for this work has now passed to the Union.&#13;
NAM has, since its inception, sought out specific issues around&#13;
which to campairn in furtherance of its aims. The recent successful formation of a NAM Feminist Groun demonstrates MAM!s ability to seek out real issues as a focus for concerted action, wills? developing its critique across the whole spectrum of architectural oractice.&#13;
For further details of NAM, meetings, publications and newsletter, 'Slate', write to: New Architecture Movement, 9 Poland St. London ‘1.&#13;
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                <text>EW ARCHITECTURE FIFTH A\\UAL CO\GRESS. N &#13;
VIWEMENT 1,11 1979 &#13;
&#13;
at the Bedford Community Centre , Emerald Street LO Themes: Accountability to the user Democracy in the building industry Registration: £8 waged. L5 unwaged- includes meal papers, floors to sleep on.... Creche &#13;
Other Congress events include: &#13;
• Open discussion on the topic THE ARCHITECT IN SOCIETY with leading architectural practitioners and critics on FRIDAY EVENING 9th NOVEMBER at 8pm. open at no charge to non-registrees &#13;
' EVENING OF ENTERTAINMENT including a theatre performance an SATURDAY EVENING (open to weekend registrees only), and &#13;
Discussion on NAM's ROLE IN THE FUTURE on SUNDAY &#13;
' Congress opens at 6 00pm 9th November and closes 3 30pm on 11th November. Fee includes entrance to all sessions, refreshments entertainment and four meals &#13;
• Day registration available for Saturday only for E2 00 &#13;
for further details contact NAM 9 Poland St London W1 &#13;
7 &#13;
\GRESS CONGRESS &#13;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Local area control over resources &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Design teams to be area based &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Project architects to report directly to committee&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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                <text> —. Kam /mid-o &gt;»&#13;
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&#13;
 short: What is citizen participation and what is its relationship to the social imperatives of our time?&#13;
Citizen Participation is Citizen Power Because the question has been a bone of political conten- tion, most of the answers have been purposely buried in innocuous euphemisms like “self-help” or “citizen involvement.’’ Still others have been embellished with&#13;
misleading rhetoric like “‘absolute control’’ which is something no one—including the President of the&#13;
Sherry R. Arnstein is Director of Community Development Studies for The Commons, a non-profit research institute in Washington, D.C. and Chicago. She is a former Chief Advisor on Citizen Participation in HUD’s Model Cities Administra- tion and has served as Staff Consultant to the President’s Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of HEW, and Washington Editor of Current Magazine.&#13;
you pavjicipate; he participates; we participate; you paryicipate , . . They profit.&#13;
216&#13;
AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969&#13;
Sle 64.&#13;
EMPTY RITUAL VERSUS BENEFIT There is a critical difference between going through the&#13;
empty ritual of participation and having the real power needed to affect the outcome of the process. This difference is brilliantly capsulized in a poster painted last spring by the French students to explain the student- worker rebellion.?, (See Figure 1.) The poster highlights the fundamental point that_participation without redistribution of power is an empty and frus- trating process for the powerless. It allows the power- holders to claim that all sides were considered but&#13;
makes itpossible for only some of those sides to beneitt. It maintains the status quo. Essentially, it ts what has&#13;
| ’&#13;
The idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle because it is good for you. Participation of the gov- erned in theic government is, in theory, the corner- stone of democracy—a revered idea that is vigorously applauded by virtually everyone. The applause is re- duced to polite handclaps, however, when this princi- ple is advocated by the have-not blacks, Mexican- Americans, Puerto Ricans, Indians, Eskimos, and whites. And when the have-nots define participation as re- distribution of power, the American consensus on the fundamental principle explodes into many shades of outright racial, ethnic,&#13;
opposition.&#13;
| “4&#13;
There have been many recent speeches, articles, and books! which explore in detail who are the have-nots of our time. There has been much recent documenta- tion of why the have-nots have become so offended and embittered by their powerlessness to deal with the pro- found inequities and injustices pervading their daily lives. But there has been very little analysis of the content of the current controversial slogan: participation” or “maximum feasible participation.” In&#13;
an&#13;
A LADDER OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION&#13;
,&#13;
The heated controversy over “citizen participation,” “citizen control,” and “maximum feasible involvement of the poor,” has been waged largely in terms of ex- acerbated rhetoric and misleading euphemisms. To encourage a more enlightened dialogue, a typology of citizen participation is offered using examples from three federal social programs: urban renewal, anti- poverty, and Model Cities. The typology, which is designed to be provocative, is arranged in a ladder pattern with cach rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the plan and/or program.&#13;
:&#13;
ideological, and political&#13;
“citizen&#13;
A Mer Coan Lu strtute of Plan NEV Journ! 007 R.Arnstein&#13;
United States—has or can have. Between understated euphemisms and exacerbated rhetoric, even scholars have found it difficult to follow the controversy. To the headline reading public, it is simply bewildering.&#13;
My answer to the critical wat question is simply that citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen Hower, It is the redistribution of power that enables the 1ave-not citizens, presently excluded from the political&#13;
and economic processes, to be deliberately included in the future. It is the strategy by which the have-nots join in determining how information ts shared, goals and policies are set, tax resources are allocated, programs are operated, and benefits like contracts and patronage are parceledout. Inshort,itisthemeabynwhsich theycan induce significant social reform which enables them to&#13;
“share in the benefits of the affluent society.&#13;
FIGURE 1 French §tudent Poster. In English, 1 participate;&#13;
&#13;
 J&#13;
tokenism because the groundrules allow have-nots to advise, but retain for the powerholders the continued right to decide.&#13;
Further up the ladder are levels of citizen power with increasing degrees of decision-making clout. Citizens&#13;
ARNSTEIN&#13;
Another captian about the eight separate rungs on the ladder: In the rea} world of people and programs, there might be 15Q rungs with less sharp and ‘‘pure’’ distinc- tions among fhem, Furthermore, some of the character- istics used tq jllystrate each of the eight types might be&#13;
217&#13;
8&#13;
7&#13;
6&#13;
5&#13;
4&#13;
3&#13;
: °&#13;
1&#13;
FIGURE 2&#13;
Citizen control&#13;
Delegated power&#13;
Partnership&#13;
Placation&#13;
Consultation&#13;
Informing&#13;
Therapy&#13;
Manipulation&#13;
Degrees = of&#13;
citizen power&#13;
Degrees&#13;
— of tokenism&#13;
can enter into a (6) Partnership that enables them to negotiate and engage in trade-offs with traditional powerholders. At the topmost rungs, (7) Delegated Power and (8) Citizen Control, have-not citizens obtain the majority of decision-making seats, or full managerial power.&#13;
Obviously, the cight-rung ladder is a simplification, but it helps to illustrate the point that so many have missed—that there are significant gradations of citizen participation. Knowing these gradations makes itpossi- ble to cut through the hyperbole to understand the increasingly strident demands for participation from the&#13;
have-nots as well as the gamut of confusing responses from the powerholders.&#13;
Though the typology uses examples from federal programs such as urban renewal, anti-poverty, and Model Cities; it could just as easily be illustrated in the church, currently facing demands for power from priests and laymen who seek to change its mission; colleges and universities which in some cases have become literal battlegrounds over the issue of student power; or public schools, city halls, and police departments (or big busi-&#13;
ness which is likely to be next on the expanding list of targets). The underlying issues are essentially the same —"nobodies” in several arenas are trying to become ‘‘somebodies” with enough power to make the target institutions responsive to their views, aspirations, and needs.&#13;
LIMITATIONS OF THE TYPOLOGY The ladder juxtaposes powerless citizens with the powerful in order to highlight the fundamental di-&#13;
visions between them. In actuality, neither the have-nots nor the powerholders are homogeneous blocs. Each group encompasses a host of divergent points of view, significant cleavages, competing vested interests, and splintered subgroups. The justification for using such simplistic abstractions is that in most cases the have-nots really do perceive the powerful as a monolithic “'sys- tem,” and powerholders actually do view the have-nots as a sea of “those people,” with little comprehension of the class and caste differences among them.&#13;
It should be noted that the typology does not include an analysis of the most significant roadblocks to achtev- ing genuine levels of participation. These roadblocks lie on both sides of the simplistic fence. On the power- holders’ side, they include racism, paternalism, and resistance topower redistribution. On the have-nots’ side, they include inadequacies of the poor community's&#13;
Eight Rungs on a Ladder of Citizen Partict- pation&#13;
been happening in most of the 1,000 Community Action Programs, and what promises to be repeated in the vast majority of the 150 Model Cities programs.&#13;
Types ofParticipation and “NonParticipation” A typology of eight /evels of participation may help in analysis of this confused issue. For illustrative pur- poses the eight types are arranged in a ladder pattern with each rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the end product. (See Figure 2.)&#13;
The bottom rungs of the ladder are (1) Manzpula- | tion and (2) Therapy. These two rungs describe levels of “non-participation” that have been contrived by some ;to substitute for genuine participation. Their real ob-&#13;
|jective is not to enable people to participate in planning _or conducting programs, but to enable powerholders to “educate” or “cure” the participants. Rungs 3 and 4&#13;
progress to levels of ‘‘tokenism” that allow the have- inots to hear and to have a voice: (3) Informing and (4) Consultation. When they are proffered by power- holders as the total extent of participation, citizens may ' indeed hear and be heard. But under these conditions&#13;
— “]&#13;
fasF&#13;
“&#13;
waa&#13;
ool Nonperticipation&#13;
they lack the power to insure that their views will be&#13;
heeded by the powerful. When participation is re-| political socipecanomic infrastructure and knowledge-&#13;
base, plus difficulties of organizing a representative and “muscle,” hence no assurance of changing the status accountable fitizens’ group in the face of Entity,&#13;
quo. Rung (5) Placation, is simply a higher level alienation, and distrust.&#13;
stricted to these levels, there is no followthrough, no&#13;
ianaa&#13;
PREFERS re&#13;
&#13;
 orHaat&#13;
|&#13;
One hopeful note is that, having been so grossly affronted, some citizens have learned the Mickey Mouse game, and now they too know how to play. Asa result |&#13;
applicable to other rungs. For example, employment of the have-nots in a program or on a planning staff could occur at any of the eight rungs and could represent either a legitimate or illegitimate characteristic of citi- zen participation, Depending on their motives, power- holders can hire poor people to coopt them, to placate them, or to utilize the have-nots’ special skills and insights.4 Some mayors, in private, actually boast of their strategy in hiring militant black Icaders to muzzle them while destroying their credibility in the black community.&#13;
The signators are not informed that the $2 million- per-year center will only refer residents to the same old waiting lines at the same old agencies across town. No one is asked if such a referral center is really needed in his neighborhood. No one realizes that the contractor for the building is the mayor's brother-in-law, or that the new director of the center will be the same old com- munity organization specialist from the urban renewal agency.&#13;
After signing their names, the proud grassrooters dutifully spread she word that they have “participated” in bringing a new and wonderful center to the neighbor- hood to provide people with drastically needed jops and&#13;
Characteristics and Illustrations&#13;
It is in this context of power and powerlessness that the health and welfare services. Only after the ribbon- characteristics of the eight rungs are illustrated by cutting ceremony do the members of the neighborhood examples from current federal social programs. council realize that they didn't ask the important ques-&#13;
tions, and that they had no technical advisors of their 1. MANIPULATION own to help them grasp the fine legal print. The new&#13;
shiny new neighborhood center.&#13;
Unfortunately, this chicanery is not a ynique example.&#13;
Instead it is almost typical of what has been perpetrated in the name of high-sounding rhetoric like “grassroots participation.”Thisshamliesattheheartofthedeep- seated exasperation and hostility of the have-nots toward the powerholders.&#13;
In the name of citizen participation, people are placed&#13;
on rubberstamp advisory committees or advisory boards adds to their problems. Now the old agencies across for the express purpose of “educating” them or engi- town won't talk with them unless they have a pink paper neering their support. Instead of genuine citizen par- slip to prove that they have been referred by “their”&#13;
ticipation, the bottom rung of the ladder signifies the distortion of participation into a public relations vehicle by powerholders.&#13;
This illusory form of ‘‘participation’’ initially came&#13;
intovoguewithurbanrenewalwhenthesociallyelite&#13;
were invited by city housing officials to serve on Citizen&#13;
Advisory Committees (CACs). Another target of ma-&#13;
nipulation were the CAC subcommittees on minority&#13;
groups, which in theory were to protect the rights of&#13;
Negroes in the renewal program. In practice, these&#13;
subcommittees, like their parent CACs, functioned of this knowledge, they are demanding genuine levels mostly as letterheads, trotted forward at appropriate&#13;
times to promote urban renewal plans (in recent years known asNegro removal plans).&#13;
At meetings of the Citizen Advisory Committees, it "was the officials who educated, persuaded, and advised the citizens, not the reverse. Federal guidelines for the renewal programs legitimized the manipulative agenda by emphasizing the terms ‘‘information-gathering,” “public relations,” and “‘support’’ as the explicit func-&#13;
tions of the committees.*&#13;
This style of nonparticipation has since been applied&#13;
to other programs encompassing the poor. Examples of&#13;
this are seen in Community Action Agencies (CAAs)&#13;
which have created structures called “neighborhood&#13;
councils’ or “neighborhood advisory groups.’ These&#13;
of participation to assuge them that public programs are relevant to their needs and responsive to their priorities.&#13;
bodies frequently have no legitimate function or power.®&#13;
The CAAs use them to “prove” that ‘“‘grassroots \changing the racism 4nd victimization that create their&#13;
people” are involved in the program. But the programm&#13;
may not have been discussed with ‘‘the people.’” Or it&#13;
may have been described at a meeting in the most&#13;
general terms; “We need your signatures on this pro-&#13;
posal for a multiservice center which will house, under&#13;
one roof, doctors from the health department, workers&#13;
from the welfare department, and specialists from the that afternoon of pneumanja and dehydration. The employment service.” overwrought father cqmplained to the board of the local&#13;
218 Alp JOURNAL JULY 1969&#13;
center, which is open 9 to 5 on weekdays only, actually&#13;
2. THERAPY In some respects group therapy, masked as citizen par- ticipation, should be gn the Jowest rung of the ladder&#13;
because it is both dishonest and arrogant. Its adminis-&#13;
trators—mental health experts from social workers to _psychiatrists—assume shat powerlessness is synonymous&#13;
with mental illness. Qn this assumption, under a mas- querade of involving ¢itizens in planning, the experts subject the citizens ty clinical group therapy. What makes this form of “participation” so invidious is that citizens are engaged ip extensive activity, but the focus of it is on curing them of thejr ‘‘pathology’’ rather than&#13;
pathologies.”&#13;
Consider an incidept that occurred in Pennsylvania&#13;
less than one year ago, When a father took his seriously il baby to the emergency clijnic.of a local hospital, a young resident physicjan on duty instructed him to take the baby home and feed it sygar water, The baby died&#13;
&#13;
 Community Action Agency. Instead of launching an investigation of the hospital to determine what changes would prevent similar deaths or other forms of mal- practice, the board invited the father to attend the CAA’s (therapy) child-care sessions for parents, and promised him that someone would “telephone the hos- pital director to see that it never happens again.”&#13;
Less dramatic, but more common examples of therapy, masquerading as citizen participation, may be seen in public housing programs where tenant groups are used as vehicles for promoting control-your-child or cleanup campaigns. The tenants are brought together to help them ‘‘adjust their values and attitudes to those of the larger society.” Under these groundrules, they are diverted from dealing with such important matters as: arbitrary evictions; segregation of the housing proj- ect; or why is there a three-month time lapse to get a broken window replaced in winter.&#13;
The complexity of the concept of mental illness in our time can be seen in the experiences of student /civil rights workers facing guns, whips, and other forms of terror in the South. They needed the help of socially attuned psychiatrists to deal with their fears and to avoid paranoia.’&#13;
3. INFORMING Informing citizens of their rights, responsibilities, and options can be the most important first step toward legitimate citizen participation. However, too frequently the emphasis is placed on a one-way flow of information —from officials to citizens—with no channel provided for feedback and no power for negotiation. Under these&#13;
conditions, particularly when information isprovided at a late stage in planning, people have little opportunity to influence the program designed “for their benefit.” The most frequent tools used for such one-way com- munication are the news media, pamphlets, posters, and responses to inquiries.&#13;
Meetings can also be turned into vehicles for one-way communication by the simple device of providing super- ficial information, discouraging questions, or giving irrelevant answers. At a recent Model Cities citizen planning meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, the topic&#13;
the official, the citizens accepted the “information” and endorsed the agency's proposal to place four lots in the white neighborhood.*&#13;
4. CONSULTATION Inviting citizens’ opinions, like informing them, can be&#13;
a legitimate step toward their full participation. But if consulting them is not combined with other modes of participation, this rung of the ladder is still a sham since it offers no assurance that citizen concerns and ideas will be taken into account. The most frequent methods used for consulting people are attitude surveys, neighborhood meetings, and public hearings.&#13;
When powerholders restrict the input of citizens’ ideas solely to this level, participation remains just a window-dressing ritual. People are primarily perceived as statistical abstractions, and participation is measured by how many come to meetings, take brochures home, or answer a questionnaire. What citizens achieve in all this activity is that they have “participated in participa- tion.’” And what powerholders achieve is the evidence that they have gone through the required motions of involving ‘'those people.”&#13;
Attitude surveys have become a particular bone of&#13;
ARNSTEIN&#13;
i 219 «Pee&#13;
contention in ghetto neighborhoods.&#13;
creasingly unhappy about the number of times per week they are surveyed about their problems and hopes. As one woman put it: ‘Nothing ever happens with those damned questions, except the surveyer gets $3 an hour, and my washing doesn’t get done that day.” In some communities, residents are so annoyed that they are demanding a fee for research interviews.&#13;
Attitude surveys are not very valid indicators of com- munity opinion when used without other input from citizens, Survey after survey (paid for out of anti- poverty funds) has ‘‘documented”’ that poor housewives most want tot-lots in their neighborhood where young children can play safely. But most of the women an- swered these questionnaires without knowing what their options were. They assumed that if they asked for something small, they might just get something useful&#13;
Residents are in-&#13;
a&#13;
(a ie&#13;
‘in the neighborhood. Had the mothers known that a free prepaid health insurance plan was a possible option, they might not have put tot-lots so high on their wish lists.&#13;
A classic misuse of the consultation rung occurred at aNew Haven, Connecticut, community meeting held to consult citizens on a proposed Model Cities. grant. James V. Cunningham, in an unpublished report to the Ford Foundation, described the crowd as large and “mostly hostile:”’ ®&#13;
tives, almost all of whom were attending three to five meetings a week, devoted an hour to a discussion of the placement of six tot-lots. The neighborhood is half black, half white. Several of the black representatives noted that four tot-lots were proposed for the white district and only two for the black. The city official responded with alengthy, highly technical explanation about costs per square foot and available property. It was clear that most of the residents did not understand his explanation. And it was clear to observers from the Office of Economic Opportunity that other options did exist which, considering available funds, would have&#13;
brought about a more equitable distribution of facilities. Intimidated by futility, legalistic jargon, and prestige of&#13;
was ‘‘tot-lots.” A group of elected citizen representa- .&#13;
Members of The Hil] Parents Association de- manded to know why fesidents had not partici- pated in drawing up the praposal. CAA director Spitz explained that it was merely a proposal for seeking Federal planning funds—that once funds&#13;
were obtained, residenty would be deeply involved in the planning. An oytside observer who sat in&#13;
&#13;
 patie vices&#13;
5. PLACATION It is at this level that citizens begin to have some degree of influence though tokenism is still apparent. An example of placation strategy is to place a few hand- picked ‘‘worthy” poor on boards of Community Action&#13;
Agencies or on public bodies like the board of educa- tion, police commission, or housing authority. If they are not accountable to a constituency in the community and if the traditional power elite hold the majority of seats, the have-nots can be easily outvoted and outfoxed. Another example is the Model Cities advisory and planning committees. They allow citizens to advise or&#13;
plan ad infinitum but retain for powerholders the right to judge the legitimacy or feasibility of the advice. The degree to which citizens are actually placated, of course,&#13;
depends largely on two factors: the quality of technical- \ ambiguity is likely to cause considerable conflict at the&#13;
assistance they have in articulating their priorities; and the extent to which the community has been organized to press for those priorities.&#13;
‘end of the one-year planning process. For at this point, citizens may realize that they have once again exten- sively “participated” but have not profited beyond the extent the powerholders decide to placate them,&#13;
It is not surprising that the level of citizen participa-&#13;
tion in the vast majority of Model Cities programs is at&#13;
the placation rung of the ladder or below. Policy- 1968 before the second round of seventy-five planning makers at the Department of Housing and Urban De- grants were awarded) were released in a December velopment (HUD) were determined to return the genie 1968 HUD bulletin.11 Though this public document ofcitizenpowertothebottlefromwhichithadescaped usesmuchmoredelicateanddiplomaticlanguage,it&#13;
220&#13;
AIP TOVIRATAY&#13;
warn&#13;
Results of a staff study (conducted in the summer of&#13;
(in a few cities) as a result of the provision stipulating “maximum feasible participation” in poverty programs. Therefore, HUD channeled its physical-social-cconomic rejuvenation approach for blighted neighborhoods through city hall. It drafted legislation requiring that al Model Cities’ money flow to a local City Demonstra- tion Agency (CDA) through the elected city council, As enacted by Congress, this gave local city councils final veto power over planning and programming and ruled out any direct funding relationship between community groups and HUD.&#13;
HUD required the CDAs to create coalition, policy- making boards that would include necessary local power- holders to create a comprehensive physical-social plan during the first year. The plan was to be carried out in a subsequent five-year action phase. HUD, unlike OEO, did not require that have-not citizens be included on the CDA decision-making boards. HUD's Performance Standards for Citizen Participation only demanded that&#13;
“citizens have clear and direct access to the decision- making process.”&#13;
Accordingly, the CDAs structuted their policy- making boards to include some combination of elected officials; school representatives; housing, health, and welfare officials; employment and police department representatives, and various civic, labor, and business leaders. Some CDAs included citizens from the neigh- borhood. Many mayors correctly interpreted the HUD provision for “access to the decision-making process’ as the escape hatch they sought to relegate citizens to the traditional advisory role.&#13;
Most CDAs created residents’ advisory committees. An alarmingly significant number created citizens’ policy boards and citizens’ policy committees which are totally misnamed as they have either no policy-making function or only a very limited authority. Almost every CDA created about a dozen planning committees or task forces on functional lines: health, welfare, education, housing, and unemployment.&#13;
were invited to serve on these committees along with technicians from relevant public agencies. Some CDAs, on the other hand, structured planning committees of technicians and parallel committees of citizens.&#13;
In most cases, have-not citizens&#13;
In most Model Cities programs, endless time has been spent fashioning complicated board, committee, and task force structures for the planning year. But the rights and responsibilities of the various elements of those structures are not defined and are ambiguous.&#13;
Such&#13;
the audience described the mecting this way: “Spitz and Mel Adams ran the meeting on their own, No representatives of a Hill group mod- erated or even sat on the stage. Spitz told the 300 residents that this huge meeting was an example of ‘participation in planning.’ To prove this, since there was a Jot of dissatisfaction in the&#13;
audience, he called for ‘a ‘vote’ on each component of the proposal. The vote took this form: ‘Can I see the hands of al those in favor of a health clinic? All those opposed?’ It was alittle like asking who favors motherhood.”&#13;
It was a combination of the deep suspicion aroused at this meeting and a long history of similar forms of “window-dressing participation” that led New Haven residents to demand control of the program.&#13;
By way of contrast, it is useful to look at Denver where technicians learned that even the best intentioned among them are often unfamiliar with, and even in- sensitive to, the problems and aspirations of the poor. The technical director of the Model Cities program has described the way professional planners assumed that the residents, victimized by high-priced local storekeep- ers, “badly needed consumer education.” 1° The resi- dents, on the other hand, pointed out that the local storekeepers performed avaluable function. Although they overcharged, they also gave credit, offered advice, and frequently were the only neighborhood place to cash welfare or salary checks.&#13;
As a result of this con- sultation, technicians and residents agreed to substitute&#13;
the creation of needed&#13;
neighborhood for a consumer education program.&#13;
credit institutions in the&#13;
7&#13;
&#13;
 ARNSTEIN&#13;
technicians, lawyers, and community organizers. With these ingredients, citigens have some genuine bargain-&#13;
6. PARTNERSHIP At this rung of the ladder, power is in fact redistributed through negotiation ketween citizens and powerholders.&#13;
They agree to sharg planning and decision-making responsibilities through such structures as joint policy boards, planning coramittees and mechanisms for re- solving impasses. After the groundrules have been established through some farm of give-and-take, they are not subject to unilateral change.&#13;
Partnership can wark most effectively when there is an organized power-base jn the commynity to which the citizen leaders are accpuntable; when the citizens group has the financial resoyrces ta pay its leaders reasonable honoraria for their time-consuming efforts; and when the group has the respurces to hire (and fire) its own&#13;
221&#13;
attests to the already cited criticisms of non-policy- It also urge. CDAs to experiment with subcontracts makingpolicyboardsandambiguouscomplicatedstruc- underwhichtheresidents’groupscouldhiretheirown&#13;
tures, in addition to the following findings:&#13;
1. Most CDAs did not negotiate citizen par-&#13;
trusted technicians.&#13;
A more recent evaluation was cisculated in February&#13;
ticipation requirements with residents.&#13;
2. Citizens, drawing on past negative experi-&#13;
1969 by OST], a private firm that entered into a con- tract with OEO to provide technical assistance and trajn- ing to citizens involved in Model Cities programs in the northeast region of the country. OSTI's report to OEO corroborates the earlier study. In addition it states: 2&#13;
ences with local powerholders, were extremely sus- picious of this new panacea program. They were legiti- mately distrustful of city hall’s motives.&#13;
3. Most CDAs were not working with citizens’ groups that were genuinely representative of model neighborhoods and accountable to neighborhood con- stituencies. As in so many of the poverty programs, those wha were involved were more representative of the upwardly mobile working-class. Thus their ac- quiescence to plans prepared by city agencies was not&#13;
In practically no Mcadel Cities structure does citi- zen patticipaticn mean truly shared decision- making, such that citizens might view themselves as“thepartnersinthisprogram. .,.”&#13;
likely to reflect the views of the unemployed, the young, the more militant residents, and the hard-core poor.&#13;
In general, citizens are finding it impossible to have a significant impact on the comprehensive planning which is going on. In most cases the staff planners of the CDA and the plaryners of existing agencies are carrying out the actual planning with citizens having a peripheral role of watchdog and, ultimately, the “rubber stamp” of the plan gen- erated. In cases where citizens fave the direct responsibility for generating program plans, the time period allowed and the independent technical&#13;
4. Residents who were participating in as many as three to five meetings per week were unaware of their minimum rights, responsibilities, and the options avail- able ta them under the program. For example, they did nat realize that they were not required to accept techni- cal help from city technicians they distrusted.&#13;
resources being made available to them are not adequate to allow them to do anything more than generate very traditional approaches to the prob- lems they are attempting to solve.&#13;
5. Most of the technical assistance provided by CDAs and city agencies was of third-rate quality, paternalistic, and condescending. Agency technicians did not suggest innovative options. They reacted bu- reaucratically when the residents pressed for innovative approaches, The vested interests of the old-line city agencies were amajor—albeit hidden—agenda.&#13;
In general, little or na thought has been given to the means of insuring continued citizen partici- pation during the stage of implementation. In most cases, traditiqnal agencies are envisaged as the implementors of [lode] Cities pragrams and few mechanisms have peen developed for encouraging organizational chapge or change in the method of program delivery within these agencies or for in- suring that citizeng will have some influence over these agencies as they implement Model Cities programs. ...&#13;
6. Most CDAs were not engaged in planning that was comprehensive enough to expose and deal with the roots of urban decay. They engaged in “‘meetingitis”’ and were supporting strategies that resulted in “proj- ectitis,"” the outcome of which was a “laundry list’’ of traditional programs to be conducted by traditional agencies in the traditional manner under which slums emerged in the first place.&#13;
By and large, peaple are once again being planned for. In Most situations the major plan- ning decisions are peing made by CDA staff and approved in a formalistic way by policy boards.&#13;
7. Residents were not getting enough informa- tion from CDAs to enable them to review CDA de- veloped plans or to initiate plans of their own as re- quired by HUD. At best, they were getting superficial information.&#13;
copies of official HUD materials.&#13;
we&#13;
At worst, they were not even getting.&#13;
8. Most residents were unaware of their rights to be reimbursed for expenses incurred because of par- ticipation—babysitting, transportation costs, and so on.&#13;
9. The training of residents, which would en- able them to understand the labyrinth of the federal- state-city systems and networks of subsystems, was an item that most CDAs did not even consider.&#13;
These findings led to a new public interpretation of HUD's approach to citizen participation. Though the requirements for the seventy-five ‘‘second-round” Model&#13;
City grantees were not changed, HUD's twenty-seven page technical bulletin on citizen participation repeat- edly advocated that cities share power with residents.&#13;
&#13;
 cies. It has a veto power in that no plans may be sub- mitted by the CDA to the city council until they have been reviewed, and any differences of opinion have been successfully negotiated with the AWC. Representatives oftheAWC (whichisafederationofneighborhood organizations grouped into sixteen neighborhood&#13;
“*hubs’’) may attend all meetings of CDA task forces, planning committees, or subcommittees.&#13;
Though the city council has final veto power over the plan (by federal law), the AWC believes it has a neighborhood constituency that is strong enough to negotiate any eleventh-hour objections the city council might raise when itconsiders such AWC proposed in- novations as an AWC Land Bank, an AWC Economic Development Corporation, and an experimental income maintenance program for 900 poor families.&#13;
7. DELEGATED POWER In most cases where power has come to be shared it| — between citizens and public officials can&#13;
les taken by the citizens, not given by the city. There aIso result in citizens achieving dominant decision- is nothing new about that process. Since those who have making authority over a particular plan or program.&#13;
power normally want to hang onto it, historically it has Model City policy'boards or CAA delegate agencies on&#13;
s&#13;
hadtobewrestedbythepowerlessratherthanproffered whichcitizenshaveaclearmajorityofseatsandgenuine&#13;
by the powerful. specified powers are typical examples. At this level, the&#13;
Such a working partnership was negotiated by the ladder has been scaled to the point where citizens hold&#13;
residentsinthePhiladelphiamodelneighborhood.Like thesignificantcardstoassureaccountabilityofthepro- most applicants for a Model Cities grant, Philadelphia gram to them. To resolve differences, powerholders&#13;
wrote its more than 400 page application and waved it need to start the bargaining process rather than respond&#13;
at a hastily called meeting of community leaders. When&#13;
those present were asked for an endorsement, they&#13;
angrily protested the city’s failure to consult them on&#13;
preparation of the extensive application. A community&#13;
spokesman threatened to mobilize a neighborhood pro- Ohio; Minneapolis, Minnesota; St. Louis, Missouri; test against the application unless the city agreed to give Hartford and New Haven, Connecticut; and Oakland, the citizens a couple of weeks to review the application California.&#13;
and recommend changes. The officials agreed. “In New Haven, residents of the Hill neighborhood At their next meeting, citizens handed the city ofi- have created a corporation that has been delegated the cials a substitute citizen participation section that power to prepare the entire Model Cities plan. The city,&#13;
changed the groundrules from a weak citizens’ ad- which received a $117,000 planning grant from HUD, visory role to a strong shared power agreement. Phila- has subcontracted $110,000 of it to the neighborhood&#13;
delphia’s application to HUD included the citizens’ corporation to hire its own planning staff and consul-&#13;
substitutionwordforword.(Italsoincludedanew tants.TheHillNeighborhoodCorporationhaseleven citizen prepared introductory chapter that changed the representatives on the twenty-one-member CDA board&#13;
city’s description of the model neighborhood from a which assures it a majority voice when its proposed plan paternalisticdescriptionofproblemstoarealisticanaly- isreviewedbytheCDA.&#13;
sis of its strengths, weaknesses, and potentials.) Consequently, the proposed policy-making committee&#13;
of the Philadelphia CDA was revamped to give five out&#13;
obtained a subcontract from the CDA for more than .interesting coexistence model for hostile citizen groups&#13;
of eleven seats to the residents’ organization, which is&#13;
called the Area Wide Council (AWC). The AWC be resolved through negotiation. This isaparticularly&#13;
$20,000 per month, which it used to maintain the neigh-&#13;
borhood organization, to pay citizen leaders $7 per&#13;
meeting for their planning services, and to pay the&#13;
salaries of a staff of community organizers, planners, andothertechnicians.AWChasthepowertoinitiatecilshavefinalvetopowersevenwhencitizenshavethe plans of its own, to engage in joint planning with CDA majority of seats on the CDA Board. In Richmond, committees,andtoreviewplansinitiatedbycityagen- California,thecitycouncilagreedtoacitizens’counter-&#13;
222 AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969&#13;
to pressure from the other end.&#13;
Such a dominant decision-making role has been at-&#13;
tained by residents in a handful of Model Cities includ- ing Cambridge, Massachusetts; Dayton, and Columbus,&#13;
Another model of delegated power is separate and parallel groups of citizens and powerholders, with pro- . vision for citizen veto if differences of opinion cannot&#13;
_ ~ .&#13;
‘too embittered toward city hall—as a result of past “collaborative efforts’’—to engage in joint planning.&#13;
Since al Model Cities programs require approval by the city council before HUD will fund them, city coun-&#13;
ing influence over the outcome of the plan (as long as both parties find it useful to maintain the partnership). One community leader described it “like coming to city hall with hat on head instead of in hand.”&#13;
In the Model Cities program only about fifteen of the so-called first generation of seventy-five cities have reached some significant degree of power-sharing with residents. In al but one of those cities, it was angry citizen demands, rather than city initiative, that led to the negotiated sharing of power.*&#13;
The negotiations were triggered by citizens who had been enraged by previous forms of alleged participation. They were both&#13;
angry and sophisticated enough to refuse to be “conned” again. They threatened to oppose the awarding of a planning grant to the city. They sent delegations to HUD in Washington. They used abrasive language. Negotiation took place under a cloud of suspicion and rancor.&#13;
&#13;
 8. CITIZEN CONTROL Demands for community controlled schools, black con- trol, and neighborhood control are on the increase.&#13;
Though no one in the nation has absolute control, it is very important that the rhetoric not be confused with intent. People are simply demanding that degree of power (or control) which guarantees that participants or residents can govern a program or an institution, be in full charge of policy and managerial aspects, and be able to negotiate the conditions under which “outsiders” may change them.&#13;
A neighborhood corporation with no intermediaries between it and the source of funds is the model most frequently advocated. A small number of such experi- mental corporations are already producing goods and/or social services. Several others are reportedly in the development stage, and new models for control will undoubtedly emerge as the have-nots continue to press for greater degrees of power over their lives.&#13;
Though the bitter struggle for community control of&#13;
the Ocean Hill-Brownsville schools in New York City&#13;
has aroused great fears in the headline reading public, less publicized experiments are demonstrating that the have-nots can indeed improve their lot by handling the&#13;
ARNSTEIN&#13;
to develop a series of economic enterprises ranging from a novel combination shopping-center-public-housing project to a loan guarantee program for local building contractors. The membership and board of the non-. profit corporation is composed of leaders of major com- munity organizations in the black neighborhood.&#13;
2. Approximately $1 million ($595,751 for the second year) was awarded to the Southwest Alabama FarmersCooperativeAssociation(SWAFCA) inSelma, Alabama, for a ten-county marketing cooperative for food and livestock. Despite local attempts to intimidate the coop (which included the use of force to stop trucks on the way to market), first year membership grew to 1,150 farmers who earned $52,000 on the sale of their new crops. The elected coop board is composed of two poor black farmers from each of the ten economi- cally depressed counties.&#13;
3. Approximately $600,000&#13;
supplemental grant) was granted to the Albina Cor- poration and the Albina Investment Trust to create a black-operated, black-owned manufacturing concern us- ing inexperienced management and unskilled minority group personnel from the Albina district. The profit- making wool and metal fabrication plant will be owned by its employees through a deferred compensation trust plan.&#13;
4. Approximately $800,000 ($400,000 for the second year) was awarded to the Harlem Common- wealth Council to demonstrate that a community-based&#13;
($300,000 in a&#13;
veto, but the details of that agreement are ambiguous and have not been tested.&#13;
Various delegated power arrangements are also emerging in the Community Action Program as a result of demands from the neighborhoods and OEO’s most recent instruction guidelines which urged CAAs “to exceed (the) basic requirements” for resident participa- tion.4 In some cities, CAAs have issued subcontracts to resident dominated groups to plan and/or operate one or more decentralized neighborhood program components like a multipurpose service center or a Headstart pro- gram. These contracts usually include an agreed upon line-by-line budget and program specifications. They also usually in¢lude a specific statement of the significant powers that have been, delegated, for example: policy- making; hiring and firing; issuing subcontracts for building, buying, or leasing. (Some of the subcontracts are so broad that they verge on models for citizen control.)&#13;
development corporation can catalyze and implement an . economic development program with broad community support and participation. After only eighteen months of program development and negotiation, the council will soon launch several large-scale ventures including operation of two supermarkets, an auto service and repair center (with built-in manpower training pro- gtam), a finance company for families earning less than $4,000 per year, and a data processing company. The al black Harlem-based board is already managing a metal castings foundry.&#13;
Though several citizen groups (and their mayors ) use the rhetoric of citizen control, no Model City can meet the criteria of citizen control since final approval power and accountability rest with the city council.&#13;
Daniel P. Moynihan argues that city councils are representative of the community, but Adam Walinsky illustrates the nonrepresentativeness of this kind of representation: 15&#13;
other federal agencies. Examples include:&#13;
1. A $1.8 million grant was awarded to the Hough Area Development Corporation in Cleveland to plan economic development programs in the ghetto and&#13;
program. Some are even demonstrating that they can do al this with just one arm because they are forced to use their other one to deal with a continuing barrage of local opposition triggered by the announcement that a federal grant has been .given to a community group or an all black group. 1&#13;
Who . . . exercises “control” through the repre- sentative process? In the Bedford-Stuyvesant ghetto of New York there are 450,000 people—as many as in the entire city of Cincinnati, more than in&#13;
Most of these experimental programs have been capi- talized with research and demonstration funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity in cooperation with&#13;
theentirestateofVermont. Yettheareahasonly one high school, and 80 per cent of its teen-agers are dropouts; the infant mortality rate is twice the national average; there are over 8000 buildings abandoned by evesyone but the rats, yet the arca received not one dollag pf urban renewal funds&#13;
entire job of planning, policy-making, and managing a&#13;
223&#13;
&#13;
 NOTES&#13;
1 The literature on poverty and discrimination and their effects on people is extensive. As an introduction, the following will be&#13;
224 AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969&#13;
during the entire first 15 years of that program’s operation; the unemployment rate is known only to God.&#13;
Clearly, Bedford-Stuyvesant has some special needs; yet it has always been lost in the midst of the city’s eight million. In fact, it took a lawsuit to win for this vast area, in the year 1968, its first Congressman. In what sense can the repre- sentative system be said to have “spoken for” this community, during the long years of neglect and decay?&#13;
Walinsky’s point on Bedford-Stuyvesant has general Yale University Press, 1968).&#13;
applicability to the ghettos from coast to coast. It is therefore likely that in those ghettos where residents have achieved a significant degree of power in the Model Cities planning process, the first-year action plans will call for the creation of some new community institutions entirely governed by residents with a speci- fied sum of money contracted to them. If the ground- rules for these programs are clear and if citizens under-&#13;
2 The poster is one of about 350 produced in May or June 1968 at Atélier Populaire, a graphics center launched by students from the Sorbonne’s Ecole des Beaux Art and Ecole des Arts Decoratifs.&#13;
stand that achieving a genuine place in the pluralistic the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV, No. 5 (September&#13;
scene subjects them to its legitimate forms of give-and-&#13;
1968), 290-1.&#13;
5U.S., Department of Housing and Urban Development,&#13;
take, then these kinds of programs might begin to Workable Program for Community Improvement, Answers on Citt-&#13;
demonstrate how to counteract the various corrosive&#13;
political and socioeconomic forces that plague the poor. Community Action Agencies,” CAP Grant 9499.&#13;
In cities likely to become predominantly black 7Robert Coles, ‘Social Struggle and Weariness,” Psychiatry,&#13;
X XVII (November 1964), 305-15. I am also indebted to Daniel strident M. Fox of Harvard University for some of his general insights into citizens’groupslikeAWCofPhiladelphiawilleven-therapybeingusedasadiversionfromgenuinecitizenparticipation.&#13;
through population growth, it is unlikely that&#13;
tually demand legal power for neighborhood 8See, Gordon Fellman, “Neighborhood Protest of an Urban self- Highway,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXV,&#13;
government. Their grand design is more likely to call No. 2 (March 1969), 118-22.&#13;
for a black city ‘hall, achieved by the elective process.&#13;
9 James V. Cunningham, “Resident Participation, Unpublished Report prepared for the Ford Foundation, August 1967, p. 54.&#13;
In cities destined to&#13;
foreseeable future, it is quite likely that counterpart CDA.11U.S., Department of Housing and Urban Development,&#13;
tain demands for resource&#13;
with residents and anticipated the need for a period in which a allocation weighted in favor representative citizens group could be engaged, and the ambiguities&#13;
remain predominantly white for the&#13;
10 Interview with Maxine Kurtz, Technical Director, Denver&#13;
groups to AWC will press for separatist forms of “Citizen Participation in Model Cities,” Technical Assistance Bulle- neighborhood government that can create and control tin, No. 3 (December 1968).&#13;
decentralized public services such as police protection, 12 Organization for Social and Technical Innovation, Six-Month&#13;
Progress Report to Office of Economic Opportunity, Region 1, education systems, and health facilities. Much may February 1, 1969, pp. 27, 28, and 35.&#13;
depend on the willingness of city governments to enter- 13 In Cambridge, Massachusetts, city hall offered to share power&#13;
of the poor, reversing gross imbalances of the past. of authority, structure, and process would be resolved. At the re-&#13;
quest of the mayor, HUD allowed the city to spend several months community control are; of Model Cities planning funds for community organization activi- it supports separatism; it creates balkanization of public ties. During these months, staff from the city manager's office also&#13;
Among the arguments.against&#13;
helped the residents draft a city ordinance that created a CDA com- it enables posed of sixteen elected residents and eight appointed public and minority group “hustlers” to be just as opportunistic private agency representatives. This resident-dominated body has&#13;
services; it is more costly and less efficient;&#13;
and disdainful of the have-nots as their the power to hire and fire CDA staff, approve al plans, review all white prede- model city budgets and contracts, set policy, and so forth. The cessors; it is incompatible with merit systems and pro- ordinance, which was unanimously passed by the city council also fessionalism; and ironically enough, itcan turn includes a requirement that all Model City plans must be approved&#13;
out to be by a majority of residents in the neighborhood through a refer- a new Mickey Mouse game for the have-nots by allow- endum. Final approval power rests with the city council by federal&#13;
ing them to gain control but not allowing them sufh- statute. . 14U.S., Office of Economic Opportunity, OEO Instruction, cient dollar resources to succeed.*® These arguments are Participation of the Poor in the Planning, Conduct and Evaluation&#13;
not to be taken lightly. But neither can we take lightly of Community Action Programs (Washington, D.C.: December 1,&#13;
the arguments of embittered advocates 1968), pp. 1-2.&#13;
of community 15 Adam Walinsky, “Review of Maximum Feasible Misunder-&#13;
control—that every other means of trying to end their standing” by Daniel P. Moynihan, New York Times Book Review,&#13;
victimization has failed!&#13;
February 2, 1969.&#13;
helpful: B. H. Bagdikian, Iv the Midst of Plenty: The Poor in’ America’ (New York: Beacon, 1964); Paul Jacobs, “The Brutalizing of America,” Dissent, XT (Autumn 196-1), p. 423-8; Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, 1967); Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: McGraw-Hill,&#13;
1968); L. J. Duhl, The Urban Condition; People and Policy in the Metropolis. (New York: Basic Books, 1963); William H. Grier and P. M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1962); Peter Marris and Martin Rein, Dilemmas of Social Reform: Poverty and Community Action in the United States (New York: Atherton Press, 1967); Mollie Orshansky, “Who's Who Among the Poor: A Demographic View of Poverty,” Social Security Bulletin, XXVIL (July 1965), 3-32; and Richard T. Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State (New Haven:&#13;
3 This typology is an outgrowth of a more crude typology I circulated in March 1967 in a HUD staff discussion paper titled “Rhetoric and Reality.” The earlier typology consisted of eight levels that were less discrete types and did not necessarily suggest a chronological progression: Inform, Consult, Joint Planning, Negotiate, Decide, Delegate, Advocate Planning, and Neighbor- hood Control. :&#13;
4For an article of some possible employment strategies, see, Edmund M. Burke, “Citizen Participation Strategies,” Journal of&#13;
zen Participation, Program Guide 7, February, 1966, pp. 1 and 6. 6David Austin, “Study of Resident Participants in Twenty&#13;
16 For thoughtful academic analyses of some of the potentials&#13;
and pitfalls of emerging neighborhood control models, see, Alan Altshuler, “The Demapd For Participation in Large American_ Cities,” An Unpublished Paper prepared for the Urban Institute, December 1968; and Hans .C, Spiegel and Stephen D. Mitten- | thal, “Neighborhood Pqwer apd Control, Implications for Urban&#13;
Planning,” A Report pr¢pared fos the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Nayembey 1968.&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Local area control over resources &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Design teams to be area based &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Project architects to report directly to committee&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="font-weight:400;"&gt;&lt;span style="font-weight:400;"&gt;Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
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                <text> JOIAUSS NOISIO TWNOLVN V&#13;
2=&#13;
&#13;
 THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
London Seminar : May 1976&#13;
A NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE Paper No. 2 May 1976 Reprinted June 1976&#13;
10 Introduction&#13;
At the Harrogate Conference last November we called for a National Design Service which would meet the right of everyone to exercise control over the buildings which surround them and in which they live and work. This is a right denied in part or in total to mest people in this country.&#13;
We saw that the present system of patronage is such that 80% of the population have no real control over what is built, where it is built, and who uses it. They must adapt to an environment which is imposed upon them, at best through a system of spurious choices,&#13;
and usually not even that.&#13;
The patrons, a minority of rich and powerful organisations and individuals effectively control the direction of architecture.&#13;
The design and type of buildings reflect their structure and values. The tendency for these organisations to grow larger by incorporating smaller and weaker ones, results in fewer and fewer patrons commisioning bigger and bigger buildings.&#13;
Architects' working arrangements are similarly affected. Larger and thus fewer practices are required to handle the big jobs. At&#13;
present 36% of medium and large private practices carry out 81%&#13;
of the work. These same offices employ 82% of increasingly&#13;
frustrated salaried architects. The bigger the jobs, the greater&#13;
the profit, so it is not surprising that the principal dominated&#13;
RIBA, while commiserating on the'crisis' in architecture, looks everywhere for the answer except towards the real cause - a system&#13;
of public and private patronage, in which initial access and subsequent control is severely limited. The remedy for this will not be architectural. It will only be achieved when society's vaues change.&#13;
&#13;
 exists in the service provided by the albeit in a very limited and unsatisfactory&#13;
that the present power structures&#13;
are to achieve our aim of a national decentralised local government offices to local people. Nevertheless&#13;
has set itself and in the coming&#13;
how this may be achieved.&#13;
achieved.&#13;
20&#13;
We believe that any new form of architectural service must include a formal mechanism of local control through which architects are accountable, not only to their clients, but&#13;
to those who are affected by their designs. Only in this way can competence and quality of service be measured adequately.&#13;
Although we would encourage co-ownership in private practice,&#13;
it is clear that without lcal accountability, such a development would merely extend professional elitism and allow a wider distribution of profits within the prfession. At this stage we do not think that an amended private practice system, however desirable, could provide the type of service which we envisage.&#13;
Within the present economic system it is only through the state that the majority of people can gain their rightful access to the resources necessary for their material well being. The major&#13;
step following from this is to bring existing publicity owned resources under the directcontrol of the public at local level, and to ensure that all new facilities brought into state ownership are directly accountable to, and controlled&#13;
as architecture is concerned they must&#13;
opinion therefore the basis of a national&#13;
by local users. As far be the patrons. In our&#13;
design service already&#13;
local authority design offices -&#13;
manner. We recognise must be radically changed if we&#13;
design service in the form of controlled and accountable&#13;
this is one of the tasks which months we shall be considering&#13;
NAM&#13;
If our strategies for action are to be effective, we need to understand the reasons behind the present unsatisfactory situation. The purpose of this paper is to examine the present processes at work in each area of current architectural patronage and to try to draw out factors which will help to clarify both the kind of service which would be desirable and the means by which that might be&#13;
&#13;
 2.0 SYMPTONS AND CAUSES&#13;
2.1 Curing Symptons&#13;
From school of architecture onwards architects are conditioned to accept the context in which they work, and to look for the solutions to the problems of architecture in the symptons of the malaise. After all, anything more searching would involve questioning the status quo. So the architectural establishment, the schools, the RIBA and the magazines have elevated physical form to the position where it is widely accepted that bad design is at the root of all architecture problems. The contention is, of course, that universal good design would solve everything.&#13;
This preoccupation with form has led us to view, in their time, structural expression modular co-ordination, prefabrication, rationalised traditional et al, as the panacea for all ills.&#13;
Now energy conservation is being dressed up for this exacting role.&#13;
To all of these we are told, must be added the ingredient of&#13;
novelty. Improving the ideas of others is not accepted as valid&#13;
in this concept - even though we know that the various elements&#13;
in the Parthenon had been around for centuries before the architect put them together in a particular way. He wasn't asked to invent then.&#13;
Creation has come to mean innovation - in a substantial way and from scratch. But to innovate is to experiment with the people who will use our buildings. As we do not know who these people are, there is a tendency for the large buildings created for their&#13;
use to be anonymous also. This is where innovation comes in, where we use a variety of devices to add visual interest. The result&#13;
is always false and frequently foolish as well. In this respect schemes like Parkhill in Sheffield are at least a more honourable expression of the brief than those produced by architects who,&#13;
to the delight of the magazines, attempt to conceal the monolithic nature of the brief by the use of complicated and arbitary&#13;
forms.&#13;
&#13;
 ignoring the basic issue of patronage.&#13;
throughout history.&#13;
people to control the design of their environment.&#13;
2.2 Examining the Causes:&#13;
Architecture is a service industry and it is wholly dependent on external factors for its existence. The fortunes of architecture fluctuate with the fortunes of the patrons. The present high proportion of unemployed salaried architects and the massive number of unemployed building workers is salutory evidence of this basic fact.&#13;
Architectural patronage has two basic prerequisites - access&#13;
to finance and control of land. The ability to raise finance&#13;
is the key aspect for it enables the patron to gain the initial control over land and then to pay for the actual building. Clearly in our society only the state and a minority of private organisations and individuals can aspire to this position.&#13;
At present, the distribution of architectural patronage is 60%&#13;
by value public and 40% by value private and we should have a clear understanding of the present system if we are to discover where advances can be made towards a more equitable distribution of patronage in the short term, and a complete redistribution in&#13;
the long term.&#13;
Without the demand and feedback from the users, all designs&#13;
are carried out in a vacuum, and it is naive to look for a new architecture in the means of construction and form, while&#13;
The designs which we create reflect precisely the values and aspirations of the patron and John Berger has described how&#13;
this has been true - with one&#13;
or two exceptions - of art&#13;
We believe that there will only be a new architecture when the patronage base is radically extended to enable the majority of&#13;
&#13;
 practice and the relationships between user and architect.&#13;
3.0 LAND&#13;
The last official comprehensive register of all land holdings in this country was produced in 1874. Today there is no official register of private land holdings and all attempts to create one have been systematically blocked in Parliament. From this we can perhaps deduce that the majority of land is in private ownership.&#13;
Land takes its value not only from its present use but also from its potential use, and it is at its most expensive under the pressure of competing uses in city centres. The use to which the land is put is dictated by the profitability of the use; hence prime sites are always taken by those activities which yield the highest profits.&#13;
Although the free market in land is tempered somewhat nowadays by the local planning authority, this intervention in itself results in changes in land values. In the docklands area of London, for example as ageing and unprofitable industries close down or move out to green field sites, un-unionised labour and government subsidies, they realise their main asset - land.&#13;
The most profitable use for thisland is now expensive riverside housing, hotels and yachting marinas for the rich. This change&#13;
has already begun and without the intervention of the local authorities (under pressure from local people) it would now be&#13;
well established. It remairsto be seen whether the five dockland Boroughs are able or willing to insist on uses which will regenerate appropriate industry in the area. The end product of the free&#13;
market in land therefore is not in the interests of the community. Thousands of jobs are lost and local housing problems are not solved.&#13;
The next three sections discuss briefly the role of land ownership, the link between control of resources and control&#13;
of architecture, and the resulting effect on design, architectural&#13;
&#13;
 Similarily in the chain of escalating land values between the virgin land and the speculative house, the original land owner profits, the developer profits on both the land and the houses and the proud new owner buys into the market at the limit of his income. Then the individual house on its small plot of land continues to be a commodity, and the price continues to rise.&#13;
Because private profit is the motive underlying the free market in land, working people cannot penetrate this market far less control it, except through the medium of the state. It is for this reason that the proportion of publicity owned land&#13;
is so high in working class communities; as high as 80% for example in parts of the East End of London. But the inadequacies of public finance quite often results in cheap and unsuitable sites being bought for public use, and the need to optimise&#13;
even this, leads to gross over use. High densities are therefore accepted as the norm for public housing giving rise to balcony access and other manifestations virtually unknown in the private sector. Under the present system of land ownership this is&#13;
unlikely to change.&#13;
4.0 PRIVATE PATRONAGE&#13;
The building sector financed by private patronage falls into three broad sectors - Industrial, Commercial and private howing. This work accounts for around 63% by vaue of all commissions&#13;
undertaken by private practice.&#13;
4.1 The Patrons&#13;
The major patrons are those companies and individuals who control these sectors. Financial institutions now ow controlling share holdings in British companies and through their executives and directors dictate the patterns of investment throughout the economy. These are the main private patrons of architecture and although private individuals do exercise patronage, the value is&#13;
minute in comparison.&#13;
&#13;
 4.2 Reasons for Patronage&#13;
just how short term the benefits were.&#13;
Money will therefore only be put into tmildings in the first place if that is, or will lead to, the most profitable way of using the money. The type of development, whether industrial, commerical or private housing will be chosen according to the same logic.&#13;
4.3 Affect on Architecture&#13;
The architecture will reflect the directness of the relationship between profit and the building. So if the activity yields the profit, as in industry say, then the building is required merely to house the activity, and little in the way of cosmetics are applied beyond that which is necessary to satisfy the Health and Safety at Work Act and the Planning Officer.&#13;
On the other hand, speculative housing and office development, are in themselves the means of achieving profit. Sufficient money will therefore be directed into the appearance, commensurate always with the market for which it is aimed.&#13;
Capital in any company is accumulated by profit. On the basis of its profitability, shares in it are bought through the money&#13;
market, which finance further development with a view to creating further profit. The money market determines into which sectors resources should flow to gain the greatest return. The money market is otherwise indiscriminate. It is not its function to distinguish between those investments which benefit society as a whole and those which do not. Therefore we have seen moneyflowing out of older and increasingly less profitable industry into very profitable&#13;
unproductive sectors like property.&#13;
escalating rents and prices may have brought short term benefits&#13;
to a minority but it was at the expense of working people.&#13;
saw house prices disappearing time as they were losing their&#13;
They even further out of reach at the same&#13;
in the economy dwindle, the&#13;
rest of society is beginning&#13;
to realise&#13;
The resulting bonanza of&#13;
jobs. As the productive sectors&#13;
&#13;
 Be&#13;
4.4 User Control of Design?&#13;
Real user control over the design is achieved when the architect is designing private villas for the directors.&#13;
In other instances those same directors and executives will certainly control the design process of a new office and factory but they will almost invariably by absentee clients. Where they are not they will be well insulated from reality in the penthouse, surrounded by solar reflecting glass and Barcelona chairs.&#13;
The workers on the shop floor or in the offices, on the other hand, are still unable to control the design of their environment, (although it is in the interests of the more enlightened managements to indulge in participation) even although that design, as in the case of open plan offices, is a direct function of decisions to change working methods to increase productivity.&#13;
There is no element of user control in speculative housing either. 62% of this market is designed by private practice but architects and users never meet. Although people who are able to buy into this market gain a certain amount of contxrl through choice, the choice is initially limited by income and location, and further limited in terms of accommodation and design. These have more to do with the developer's profit margins than the buyer's real needs.&#13;
But the relationship between house prices and earnings is so organised as to exclude half the population and in some working&#13;
Where it is more profitable, the patrons will elect to build their own offices, which will fulfil the dual function of housing their activities and presenting the required public image. The Commercial&#13;
Union building is therefore designed to create an aura of prestige, restrained good taste, wealth and stability, while concealing the rather squalid nature of its source of wealth. It fulfils this function&#13;
admirably.&#13;
class areas, over three quarters. In a free market house prices&#13;
&#13;
 4.5 Public Accountability?&#13;
The executives who control the building design are responsible only to their shareholders. Their job is to ensure maximum&#13;
return on investment. The public good does not feature in this equation - nor can it. The people affected by private buildings have no control over the developer's actions other than indirectly through Planning Control.&#13;
Even where the Planning Officers do profess to have some regard for the ethic of public service, they will be in conflict with and&#13;
will often be overridden by the local political requirements such as rate income. The arguement is that the interests of the public as a whole takes precedence over the interests of a few local people, no matter how disastrous the effect on their lives may be. Planning Control has failed too often in these situations in the past for us to have any confidence in its ability to safeguard&#13;
the public interest.&#13;
Private practice in turn is not accountableto the commmity affected by its designs. Not only is the partners! liability to the client, but the practice is also dependent on the client financially. Not surprisingly therefore, private practice rarely opposes the client's demands.&#13;
4.6 Conclusion.&#13;
Control over design cannot be separated from control over resources. In the private sector these resources are controlled by a minority - formerly rich individuals, now the representatives of giant institutions. The Private patron of architecture adopts this role solelyto create more wealth, and is not accountable in any&#13;
will always be out of reach of the majority of the working class. Any one who doubts this should consider what £60 per week buys&#13;
in the Londonhousing market, and that many people earn a lot less than this.&#13;
meaningful way to the people affected by his buildings. Similarly,&#13;
&#13;
 =10=&#13;
alter this basic fact.&#13;
5.0 PUBLIC PATRONAGE:&#13;
Public patronage of architecture comes through the central state,&#13;
the nationalised industries, but in the main through local authorities. It accounts for all the work produced by public&#13;
sector architects, and 37% of work by value of private practice.&#13;
In total the state is responsible for 60% of the Building Industry's annual turnover.&#13;
5.1 Reasons for State Patronage.&#13;
It has been said that the state fulfils two basic functions.&#13;
The first is to try to promote or maintain the conditions in which economic growth is both possible and profitable for the private sector. Secondly the state trys to maintain and promote the conditions for social harmony, and make the existing social order seem acceptable.&#13;
Both factors are at work when the state finances building. On the one hand, the state must intervene in the arena previously described, to provide enough housing, hospitals and schools to prevent the population from becoming restless. On the other hand, a well housed, healthy and reasonably educated working class are necessary if economic growth is to be achieved and sustained. The main organ&#13;
of this system of control is the Local Authority.&#13;
5.2 Local Authorities Finance:&#13;
The largest part of Local Authority finance is in the form of&#13;
Private practice is in business to service these interests. Under a system of private patronage the needs of working people will be in conflict with the dictates of the client. Profit&#13;
sharing and co-operative working arrangements may increase the material well being of the salaried architect but they will not&#13;
central government grants. A much smaller proportion comes from&#13;
&#13;
 ie&#13;
rates. The services provided from these funds, constitutes the&#13;
return we get on taxes and rates paid by us the public. Pressure&#13;
to hold down rates and taxes results in a short fall of finance,&#13;
and local authorities are forced to resort to the private money&#13;
market to make up the difference. This is a very lucrative business for the private money lenders, to the extent that 1/3 of the housing expenditures of an Inner London Borough goes into paying back interest to the finance companies.&#13;
Whatever the source, the public pays it eventually, either through increased taxes, rates and charges, or by the reduction in services for which we thought we had already paid - witness the present expenditure cuts.&#13;
5.3 Control over Resources&#13;
The directness of this flow of our resourcetso the state appears to&#13;
be in inverse proportion to the extento which we,the public, are able&#13;
to control, or even understand the mechanism for producing what we have paid for. local Authorities are the local arm of central government and are obliged by law to carry out central policies, whether or not local politicians believe that these are in the interests of their constituents. All public resources are therefore controlled from the centre through grants, approvals and regulating machinery such as cost allowances and Housing Yardsticks.&#13;
5.4 User Control of Design?&#13;
Control of architectural patronage at local authority level is&#13;
power being wielded by the committee&#13;
are serviced by their departmental&#13;
up by arguments prepared by a large&#13;
of this formidable array it is little&#13;
little more than rubber stamp&#13;
councillors are unable to play an active role in controlling services&#13;
exercised by the relevant spending committee,&#13;
a large part of that Chairmen. The committee Chairmen&#13;
chief officer whose advice is backed team of specialists. In the face&#13;
wonder that the full council can do&#13;
committee decisions, and that&#13;
even ward&#13;
to the people they represent, let alone the users themselves.&#13;
&#13;
 oe&#13;
which has no doubts as to where "participation" begins and ends. 5.5 Design&#13;
We are only too familiar with the effect which scarce,minimum resources and the lack of user control has on the buildings. While there is just not enough money, the design decisions which have to be made by the architect in the absence of user instructions, undoubtedly mean that what money there is will often be allocated wrongly.&#13;
5.6 Public Accountability of the Architect?&#13;
The local authority departments - edwation, housing, social services, architecture etc, are concerned with the provision of city wide services and by andlarge they treat the city as a whole. Sectional interests, whether of wards or of classes of people are generally subordnated to those of the general population.&#13;
Centralised offices follow naturally from this city wide view. The departmental chief officers are accountable to the Council via the&#13;
Chairman of the relevant Committee, and a hierarchal pyamidal structure must follow. The individual job architect who actually produces the&#13;
work is responsible to the Chief Officer through a series of steps in&#13;
the hierachy. The chain of accountability of job architect to user is through: group architect, principal architect, chief architect, spending department chief officer, committee chairman, committee, ward councillor, User. Seven steps between architect and user. Those steps are so immovable and concerned with prestige, screening and face saving operations that in practice the local authority jobs architect is not accountable to the userat all.&#13;
Contact between user and architect is discouraged if not forbidden,&#13;
and excépt for example where a head teacher is involved in the design&#13;
of a replacement school, there are few opportunities for the user to&#13;
gain control over the design. It is a system in which a certain product is demanded of individual architects&#13;
The product is imposed or "sold" to local groups by apolitical leadership&#13;
in return for continued employment.&#13;
&#13;
 5.7 Conclusion.&#13;
are substantial indeed.&#13;
maintained existing council developments.&#13;
6.0 ALTERNATIVES&#13;
The trend towards rehabilitation and small scale infill in areas of predominantly old privately rented or privately owned working class housing has resulted in the growth of a third area of patronage, which is interesting in terms of its potential for user control, and the changed attitudes and raised expectations which could follow from it.&#13;
6.1 Sources of Finance:&#13;
Finance is provided through a diverse range of public and private grants. In the private sector it includes grants from developers and&#13;
various trust funds which are used to resource community design services&#13;
arse&#13;
The changes which are necessary to convert this monolithic structure into a freely available and loally controlled National Design Service&#13;
However, in setting out the ills and authoritarian practice of&#13;
government structures it is important not to lose sight of the more fundamental fact that these structures directly or through grants supply&#13;
the resources, and buy the land necessary to meet basic social requirements. It is not possible farpeople to demand control over the design of buildings if there are no resources to build them. The relevance of public&#13;
resources to the question of control is seen most clearly in housing.&#13;
In old working class communities up and down the country there are&#13;
millions of people living in clearance areas in which badly built spec housing of the last century has rotted for decades. Housing which may&#13;
often need redevelopment rather than rehabilitation. The long term cuts&#13;
in public spending in order to make good the lack of private&#13;
in industry and the economy mean&#13;
the fact that resources for new homes is not to be made available.&#13;
areas have become marginal, peripheral&#13;
up homes is what people will&#13;
be offered alongside increasingly&#13;
under&#13;
that people inthese areas are&#13;
faced with These&#13;
and in the end expendable. Patched&#13;
investment&#13;
&#13;
 Ae.&#13;
so far as they fulfil this hidden motive.&#13;
Public grants, which usually cover a high proportion of land, construction and design costs, range from improvement grants for individual dwellings through to the finance available to Housing Associations via the&#13;
Housing Corporation.&#13;
HAAs and GIAs can call on higher grants and special L.A. loans — they also have available important compulsory powers.&#13;
6.2 Control of Finance:&#13;
The key aspect, as always, is who controls the use to which the finance isi put.&#13;
Private sources often leave considerable discretionary power over the use of such resources, within the overall terms of the grant. Projects&#13;
like ASSIST are examples of how such community design offices can be made accountable to and controlled by local residents, and resident controlled Housing Associations.&#13;
HAAs and GIAs are designated by the local authority usually at their own behest. It should be noted however that in England, local residents&#13;
also have the right to petition the local authority to have their area so designated. The local authority sets up locally based design teams&#13;
to carry out the work and although this is a step forward, they invariably limit the role of residents to an advisory capacity. Architects are only directly accountable to local people where the residents themselves control the process through their own Housing Associations, and it is in this&#13;
area that there has been the greatest advance.&#13;
The current direction of resources into non-resident controlled housing&#13;
of a kind not provided by the local authority. Such sources of finance usually ultimately rest upon less than respectable activities and hence the importance of philanthropic gestures to buy an honest and respectable image. This is not an argument against pursuing such funds; merely a reminder&#13;
that such grants are renewable&#13;
only in&#13;
&#13;
 of local people.&#13;
6.3 Conclusion.&#13;
and tightly controlled beaurocracy in the Town Hall.&#13;
interest rather than merely extending the share of high profits.&#13;
7.0 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS&#13;
Local Authorities already provide a public architectural service through a national network of design offices. Can thisstructure be changed into a freely available, locally controlled national design service or should we provide a parallel service? As stated&#13;
at the beginning of this paper, in our opinion the local authorities&#13;
associations is no substitute. It may bring work and profits to private architects and other professionals but it is at the expense&#13;
The importance of this third area of patronage lies in its scope for change, not only in itself, but also as a means to raise expectations&#13;
of the service which could be provided by the Local Authority. As&#13;
such it is a pointer to the future direction of Local Authority services.&#13;
It is possible for the resident organisation which controls the resources to be both client and user. Although this has not been the norm,&#13;
where it has occurred, it has been eminently successful. e.g. ASSIST in Govan, and Rod Hackney at Black Road Macclesfield.&#13;
do provide in the long term the basis of a national design service.&#13;
While there is considerable room for improvement, especially in terms of local control of design, in local authority HAAs and GIAs, it is difficult to believe that residents, having once experienced a more direct service, will settle for anything less in the future, or that the design teams will readily accept their return to a centralised&#13;
A further by-product of this area of patronage is the opportunity it has given to change architect's working arrangements. Hierarchical power structures can and have been replaced by collective authority and co-operative working relationships. The choice is open to work&#13;
for a reasonable salary and turn the excess fees over to the public&#13;
&#13;
 We have seen that local authorities are centrally important as the main and often the only structure through which people can exert demands and gain the necessary access to land, finance and other resources. In seeking to change them we should not forget that they are equally important as structures of authoritarian social control which cannot afford to and have no intention of giving away power&#13;
to the grass roots. In principle, local authorities are structures which cannot be radically changed in our society, of that we should&#13;
have no illusions. However, we have seen from history that as the lowest tier of government they are not only necessary from above&#13;
but are also susceptible to the threats of vigorous pressure from below. They can be made to change direction.&#13;
7.1 Campaign within Local Authorités.&#13;
A national design service as we envisage it means control over local resources and local design teams by local residents. This is not going to happen overnight and we should begin in those areas where changes have already occurred and where the potential for further change exists. Within our own localities we should therefore:&#13;
* support the demands of local groups who represent the interests&#13;
of the users and who call for direct control over thelocal authority design process.&#13;
* support the demands of residents committees for executive control over HAAs and GIAs.&#13;
* campaign for the rapid extension of HAAs and GIAs.&#13;
* support tenants demands for control over present and future&#13;
local authority housing. The public expenditure cuts have already resulted in tenants being "allowed" to control maintenance in many areas.&#13;
26s&#13;
&#13;
 2i7=&#13;
7.2 Alternative Services:&#13;
In parallel with action within the local authorities we should initiate a number of short life locally controlled design offices. By winning public support such projects can be used as practical examples to raise expectations of people's real right, and to pressurise local councils into incorporating changes. ASSIST have done this with success in Glasgow, and we endorse their view that&#13;
local projects must be seen as vehicles for change, not as cop-outs for discontented architects.&#13;
These demands and activities will inevitably be strongly opposed. NAM must therefore develop strategies to enable these demands to be achieved. These strategies should include means whereby&#13;
sympathetic architects can organise inside local authorities, and demand direct accoutability to users and the decentralisation of offices. We shall require the support of local groups, local councillors, trades councils, UCCAT and the public service unions.&#13;
Finally, in considering our strategies for change we should be aware that change in the past has often been a two edged sword. Benefits&#13;
for the majority have usually been gained at the expense of reinforcing the status quo. We should always remember that our concept of a&#13;
freely available, national design service must in the long term mean that the resources of land and finance are to be controlled by the majority of the population. They will be the new patrons.&#13;
&#13;
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