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                <text> sblishe? Stan Arnoid iyertisement Manager ay Doyle&#13;
sssitied advertisement manager ~y Lambert&#13;
arigemient production wager Peter Roylance&#13;
ation&#13;
aen a decision on whether ‘ould be given or not can ore itis even applied for.&#13;
cic that the Minister’s id seem to confirm com-&#13;
Lord Esher, Rector of de earlier this year at the soce when he said: “We 2, not a graded list (of ad need abeve ail to&#13;
face the financial im- uich are formidable... vaching the point where horities will be under&#13;
designate the whole wi¢ aS a preservation geint itwill have become atis needed is not con- as but good planning.” istee’s decision reflects ',thea itisessential that&#13;
roduces the RTE, iical timber beam&#13;
COURT 8&#13;
A. Orton v J. Allan 4&#13;
P. Bell v O. Davies 5&#13;
A. Pitt v C. Owen Powell&#13;
CESTIFICATE NO. 7345s&#13;
Marshall&#13;
J. Condon V 8S. Malcolm&#13;
wise, that one can listen to’ 3 before the mind isnumbed.&#13;
In the event three positive decisions were made.&#13;
Conacher v J. Allan 4&#13;
Firstly, it was agreed to set up locally based groups to debate issues like architec- tural education&#13;
management for architects.&#13;
Secondly, a liaison group was established to organise the next congress, which will take place in about three&#13;
people at the congress wil] write reports on work they have been involved in and these will be circulated for discussion before the next meeting.&#13;
The idea for the congress came from the Architects&#13;
and_ self-&#13;
V&#13;
R. Courtenay&#13;
A.&#13;
6&#13;
vernon, Many of the del-&#13;
Clive Fleury reports from the first New Architecture Movement congress and asks: could it be the last?&#13;
months. Finally, some of the&#13;
ni looks closely at the system and listed build-_&#13;
sawn on site and ccessful Corrply&#13;
eeetieteeeereeieeneiee&#13;
wiy Grade IJ, should be n the light of this&#13;
But over the three-day event, which had a good at- tendance of 60 people dissa- tisfied with the present state of architecture, it was aitficult to know at times if&#13;
“A PIECE of history is going to be made at this conference,” said freelance writer Peter Whelan who, with writer Nikki Hay, chaired the New Architecture Move- ment’s first congress at&#13;
Harrogate last weekend.&#13;
anything was going to be done or achieved at all. There is a limit co the number of speeches, prepared or other-&#13;
——$—$ Organisation was left to participants, most of whom were&#13;
surprised and un- prepared to take such a positive part in proceedings&#13;
Revolutionary Council who arranged the publicity and accommodation. But it was apparent from the first day that ARC was trying hard not to lead or take over the run- ning of the cangress.&#13;
Tt preferred to leave or-&#13;
happen on the second day, it was disconcerting tofind that the main speaker was not go- ing to turn up.&#13;
Participants took the news Stoically and prepared to launch into another day of speeches.&#13;
A representative for unat- tached architects, Ken Thorpe, .opened the proceedings with a stirring speech calling for collective social action by architects.&#13;
aims&#13;
But applause was muted&#13;
egates saw NAM as an umbrella movement for groups with similar&#13;
. etnerenerereenenreet&#13;
when Thorpe explained that he did not know ifunattached architects would join NAM since, not surprisingly,many of them may prefer to remain unattached from any group.&#13;
The media became the subject of debate later in the: day when one of the delegates picked on your reporter as being one of the reasons for the lack of success the con- gress had achieved so far.&#13;
Being the only profession- al journalist at the event for any jength of time, I was surprised by this accusation and rallied to my: own, and BD's defence.&#13;
After this small diversion, the congress suddenly took a new turn. Participants, bored by the continuing speeches, demanded something “more positive”. Three motions were hurriedly drawn up and these contained the major decisions reached.&#13;
Later the congress split into working groups when architectural education, redundancy, the possibility of forming an architects un- ion, and the role of the movement were discussed.&#13;
By the end of day two it was clear that many of the&#13;
&#13;
\| Harrogate last weekend. But&#13;
 aged is mot conm- pod pianning.”&#13;
decision reflects itisessential that&#13;
x3 closely at the . and listed build- yade 1, should be&#13;
light of this&#13;
aces the Roe itimber beam&#13;
wise, that one can&#13;
|&#13;
tendance of 60 peop&#13;
tisfied with the presie dissa-&#13;
speech calling for collecuve social action byarchitects.&#13;
| Revoludcaary Council who&#13;
Thorpe, Opeiiow _ proceedings with a surring |&#13;
with broadly similar aims.&#13;
By day three the effects of&#13;
alcohol and speech-making had taken their roll. Many of the -participants could not&#13;
themselves to make more speeches oF calls for&#13;
action, and were content to listen to chairman Peter Whelan and a few other en- ergetic speakers summiarise the results of the conference. ARC leading light Brian Anson, late of the Jimmy Savile show, seemed happy&#13;
with the outcome.&#13;
But after the orgy of talk, it&#13;
is difficult to know whether NAM’s birth pangs might&#13;
over the three-day event, which had a good at-&#13;
of architecture,&#13;
speeches, prepared or other-&#13;
| left to participants,&#13;
most oiwhom were newturn.Participants,bored&#13;
surprised and wn-&#13;
“everything” was going to&#13;
the run-&#13;
get more of&#13;
ent state But applause was mute it was&#13;
gto be Many of the dei- egates 'saw NAM&#13;
listen to&#13;
as an umbrella movement for groups with similar |&#13;
they&#13;
icked on your reporter as being ome of the reasons for the lack of success the con- gresshadachievedsofar.&#13;
aims&#13;
er A&#13;
when Thorpe explained that&#13;
he did not know ifunattache architects would join NAM&#13;
since, not surprisingly, many of them may prefer to remain unattached from any group. —&#13;
The media became the subject of debate later in the daywhenoneofthedelegates&#13;
A J. Avian = LY. P. Bel -&#13;
Being the only profession- al journalist at the event for&#13;
difficult to know at times if&#13;
done or achieved at ali. There the number of&#13;
debate issues like&#13;
Secondly, 4liaison group was established to organise the next congress, which will&#13;
place in @ out months. Finally, some of the eople at the congress will&#13;
Wwrite reports om WOF 1have been involved inand&#13;
these will be circulated for&#13;
arranged the publicity and -accoramodation. But it was apparent from the first day&#13;
that ARC was trying hard not to lead or take overt&#13;
aa such A positive part in By day three the e proceedings.&#13;
Consequently, on the first eifects of alcohol ,- onerange ofideas and speech-making uried at delegates Hertmany ‘&#13;
of them bemused. Ideas like had taken their toll usingNAM tooverthrowthe- " capitalist systems or as a of many groups like ARC&#13;
the right ty e” of architects RIBA were mooted, but most were either&#13;
ignored or scorned.&#13;
Perhaps the only speech on&#13;
the first day which was ac- whole-heartedly by&#13;
congress came from architect . ohn Murray, who said users&#13;
of buildings should control the design process and archi-&#13;
patrons work together more.&#13;
also wanted locally controlled National Design Service centres set Up tOgive&#13;
services free to everyone. ese would be staffed by local people and as architects. informed by&#13;
not also turn out to be death throes. Phe answer will come in three months time when the next congress is due to be&#13;
Whelan that&#13;
anything was goin&#13;
before the mind is numbed. In the event three positive&#13;
decisions weremade.&#13;
Firstly, it was agreed to set&#13;
up locally based groups [0&#13;
rural education and management for architects.&#13;
ning of the congress.&#13;
It preferred to leave or-&#13;
is a limit to&#13;
the congress suddenly took 2&#13;
COURT 8&#13;
wn on site and asgful Corrply&#13;
architec- self-&#13;
ginsreenrTeTente .&#13;
A. Orton v&#13;
take&#13;
three&#13;
8&#13;
The idea for the congress&#13;
discussion before the next meeting.&#13;
pressure group to elected to me&#13;
held. al&#13;
surprised by this accusation came from the Architects and rallied to my own, and&#13;
6&#13;
i A. Pitt V Cc, Owen&#13;
aS * was Organisation&#13;
.BD’s defence. After this small&#13;
diversion,&#13;
demanded something “more prepared to take positive”. Three motions&#13;
such a positive part&#13;
were hurriedly drawn up and these contained the major decisions reached.&#13;
: . ° in proceedings&#13;
.&#13;
ganisation tothe&#13;
ticipants, Most of whom were surprised and unprepared to&#13;
By the end of day two it was clear that many of the delegates saw NAM as an umbrella movement made up&#13;
tects and&#13;
by the continuing speecies,&#13;
Later the congress split into working groups when architectural education, redundancy, thepossibility&#13;
of forming 49 architects un- ion, and the role of the movement werediscussed.&#13;
actual par-&#13;
cepted&#13;
He architects’&#13;
any length of time, I was&#13;
5&#13;
Powell 6&#13;
1&#13;
JAS Marshall v&#13;
t: 2 R.SS&#13;
§&#13;
twyo: Condon V §S. Malcolm 13&#13;
‘ Conacher v J. Allan 4&#13;
t :y ‘&#13;
builders aswell Having been chairman Peter&#13;
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                <text> Contact List&#13;
Mark Beedle&#13;
83 Willifield Way London NW11&#13;
Jos Boys&#13;
31 Davenant Road London N19&#13;
Sue Francis&#13;
9 St Georges Ave London N7&#13;
Graeme Geddes&#13;
13 Curtis House&#13;
Morecambe St London S517&#13;
John McKean&#13;
70 Thornhill Rd Barnsbury Se London aE 1 '&#13;
John Mitchel] NELP&#13;
:&#13;
Jokn Murray&#13;
37 Landrock Road London NB&#13;
John Napier NELP&#13;
Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Plece London N5&#13;
Giles Peabody&#13;
48 Sutherland Sq&#13;
125 Grosvener Ave&#13;
485 2267&#13;
240 2430&#13;
609 2976&#13;
‘&#13;
Barry Shaw&#13;
6 Springdale Road London N16&#13;
Douglas Smith I7 Delancey St London NuT&#13;
Sue Walker&#13;
125 Highbury Hill London N5&#13;
Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6&#13;
Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5&#13;
405 3412&#13;
405 3411&#13;
226 5030&#13;
348 0735&#13;
703 9896&#13;
373 1420&#13;
0742 66 140&#13;
633 8340&#13;
328 9550&#13;
883 4061 633 7170&#13;
Celia Scott&#13;
703 7140 00.&#13;
ese gus&#13;
Taisen London SK7&#13;
Jane Darke&#13;
173 Rustings Drive . Sheffield Sll 7AD&#13;
Benedicte Foo&#13;
44 Grafton Terrace London NW5&#13;
Nec and Emel Teymur 31 Lauradale Road London N2&#13;
fania~ Frvty barkettsdeol +fhedititaxs&#13;
Sone aT Decne&#13;
: (3) 340 703&#13;
340 4359&#13;
485 2267&#13;
Sunad Prasad wuld tel&#13;
London N5 485 2267&#13;
7 London N7 . 240 2430&#13;
Marian Roberts 41 Roden St&#13;
London SE17&#13;
703 7175&#13;
wl&#13;
3 Mall Studios - Tasker Road London Nu3&#13;
485 2689&#13;
= t960]a\&#13;
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                <text> COVICJenrKINSCSSOCIOIeS reese,&#13;
4th October 1983&#13;
John Murray,&#13;
37 Landrock Road London #8&#13;
Dear John,&#13;
Please find enclosed NAM mailing list,which is at least two years out of date. Please bear this in mind when interpreting.&#13;
Best of luck,&#13;
DAIE.&#13;
e&#13;
9 South College Street Edinburgh EH8 9AA O31°667s1417 David L Jenkins Bsc (Agric.) Dip LA ALI&#13;
&#13;
,&#13;
 /&#13;
NAME&#13;
ADDRESS&#13;
PROF, AREA TRADE UNION&#13;
Abley Allan Arndell Arnold&#13;
Tan JOhn Jt Norman&#13;
Havelock Hall Castle Leazes, Spital Tongues N-U-T 67 Romilly Road, London N4&#13;
19 The Grange, Gellinudd, Pontardang, W Glanorgan 2 St Martins Terrace, Chapeltown Rd. Leeds&#13;
S/A N NIL A SE&#13;
Beheshti&#13;
Reza&#13;
Dept. of Design Research, Royal College of Art Kensington Grove, London SW 7&#13;
23 Leweston Place, Stanford Hill, London N16 21 Drayton Gardens, Ealing,London W13 oLG&#13;
Bisset&#13;
Biernat&#13;
Boys&#13;
Broad&#13;
Brohn&#13;
Brown&#13;
Bulley&#13;
Burn David Burney David&#13;
286A Church St., Pimlico, London SW1&#13;
Pathead, Midlothian&#13;
71 Saltoun Road, London SW2&#13;
4 Eveline ST., Connaught Gardens, London N1O 3LA 146 Rushmore Road,London&#13;
SE&#13;
A Ss TASS&#13;
Bush&#13;
Blamire&#13;
Caven&#13;
Carver&#13;
Clarke&#13;
Clendenning leo Collective Actions&#13;
A N NALGO A 4 NONE S N&#13;
Cooper Cooper Comrie&#13;
Tan ue Jamie&#13;
s SE&#13;
L TASS/ AUEW&#13;
Davies Dunlop&#13;
Andrew Malcolm&#13;
31 Honeywell House, Honeywell, Stoke-on-Trent 29 Aldeshot Road, London NW6 7LF&#13;
A 4&#13;
A SE BDS TASS&#13;
Eaton&#13;
John&#13;
24 St Mark St., Gloucester, GL 1 200&#13;
SH&#13;
Susan Field-Clegg Design&#13;
9 St Georges Avenue,London N7&#13;
1 Canton Place,London Road, Bath&#13;
S/A SE NUS SW&#13;
Francis&#13;
Partnership&#13;
Gillies Gordon Gorst Green&#13;
Alec Robert Thonas Oave&#13;
74 Westwood Orive, Little Chalfont, Bucks 39 Walton Road, Sheffield&#13;
25C De Crespigny Park, Camberwell SE5 238A Spring Bank,Hull, North Hunberside&#13;
$ SE&#13;
$s N NALGO s SE&#13;
Ss N&#13;
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$ SE&#13;
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Jos Mick Tony Andy Ton&#13;
4 SE BDS-TASS A SE NALGO&#13;
A SE NALGO&#13;
4 SE NALGO&#13;
C&#13;
A&#13;
Alex J Jacquetta Linda&#13;
Elistree Road, Fulham, London SW6&#13;
Sandy Farn, Luckington, Chippenham, Wilts SN14 6PP 9 South East Circus Place Edinburgh&#13;
23 Springfield, Kegworth, Derbyshire&#13;
28 Marine Crescent,Liverpool 22&#13;
16 Northam, Cromer St., London WCl&#13;
94 Chantonbury Way, North Finchley,lLondon N12 7A8 175 Heningford Road London Nl 1DA&#13;
121 Arbury Road, Cambridge&#13;
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Christine 3B George Street, London W1&#13;
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Malte Malhey N@onald NcRiner HcVicar Melkshan Morgan Morris Murray&#13;
Bob 14 Holmdale Road, London MW6 18S&#13;
Kosta 1 Priory Grove,London SW&#13;
Robert 89 Lon Maesycoed, Maesydail, Newtown, Powys 4 Tan "Rosedale", Butterrow West, Stroud, Glos.&#13;
Gill 64 Northwestern Avenue, Northanpton&#13;
Michael&#13;
Neville 2nd Floor Flat, 18 Charlotte St., London WIP lHJ&#13;
Ben c/o Oxford Polytechnic (Dept of Architecture) Oxford&#13;
John 37 Landrock Road,London NB&#13;
Hans Georgina John&#13;
29 Southhill Park, London W3&#13;
3B Carlton House, 29 Jesmond Road, Newcastle-upon-Tyne S/A N 4 Priory Terrace, Cheltenhan, Glos. SW&#13;
Monika 1 Priory Grove, London SW8 2PD&#13;
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959A Ronford Road, Manor Park, London E12 678 Langford Road, London SW6&#13;
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22 Malden Road, Chalk Farn, London W5&#13;
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Sartin&#13;
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17 Delancey Street,London NWI&#13;
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                <text> 2 January 1980&#13;
NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP&#13;
t a meeting on 6th December,&#13;
we agreed to write to to the next meeting at 7.00.&#13;
you, with an invitation&#13;
on Thursday 10th January&#13;
the direction of the group&#13;
framework for analysis of Alexandra Road and/or Marquess Road.&#13;
We enclose&#13;
- a list of people who have expressed interest&#13;
some notes that try to summarise where the discussions have got to so far&#13;
our views on what would need to be developed for the sort of analysis of a building that has been mooted.&#13;
Please invite any others whom you think may like to join.&#13;
With best wishes 4&#13;
ROBIN NICHOLSON &amp; SUNAND&#13;
at 5 Dryden Street to discuss and possibilities of a&#13;
57d Jamestown Road, London NWl 7DB. 01-485 2267&#13;
&#13;
 CONTACT LIST&#13;
Chris Knight Caroline Lewin,&#13;
John McKean,&#13;
John Mitchel, John Murray,&#13;
John Napier, Robin Nicholson, Giles Pebody, Sunand Prasad, Marian Roberts,&#13;
4 Newell Street,&#13;
N.E.L.P., Forest N.E.L.P.&#13;
El4. 515 8541. Road, E17. 527 2272&#13;
37 Landroch Road, N.E.L.P.&#13;
41 Roden Street, Mike Rose, 88 Hanover Terrace,&#13;
Celia Scott,&#13;
Barry Shaw, 6 Springdale Road,&#13;
BN2 2SP. Tasker Road, NW5. 485 2689.&#13;
N8.&#13;
7 Highbury Place,&#13;
48 Sutherland 125 Grosvenor&#13;
340 4359.&#13;
N5. 485 2267&#13;
Square, SEl17.&#13;
Avenue, N5. 485 2267.&#13;
N7. 240 2430. Brighton, Sussex&#13;
3 Mall Studios,&#13;
Douglas Smith,&#13;
Anne Thorn, 2 Reddington Road, Sue Walker, 125 Highbury Hill,&#13;
17 Delancey Street,&#13;
N16. 405 3411&#13;
NWl. 405 3411. NW3. 435 4297.&#13;
N5. 226 5030.&#13;
703 7775.&#13;
Mark Beedle, 83 Willifield Way, NW1l. 485 2267 Jos Boys, 31 Davenant Road, N19. 240 2430&#13;
Sue Francis, 9 St. Georges Avenue, N7. 609 2976&#13;
Graeme Geddes, Bartlett School of Architecture, Gordon Street, WCl. 387 7050&#13;
&#13;
 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP&#13;
Some Notes&#13;
A. The present practice of Architecture was open to criticism at two levels&#13;
- at the level of exposing and questioning the ideological assumptions it made and the economic function it fulfilled; the&#13;
feminist critique of design guides that was presented at the Workshop was a good example of the former;&#13;
- at the level of criticising Architectural .theory and practice within the framework of&#13;
Page one&#13;
dominant ideology, e.g. building plain bad design.&#13;
failure and&#13;
At the 5th Annual Congress of the New Architectural Movement, the Housing Form Workshop raised the&#13;
question of Architectural Design as a subject that&#13;
had largely been ignored by NAM in the flurry of other more obviously 'political' issues. The Workshop&#13;
agreed that:&#13;
B. . 'Accountability' was closely linked to the level of public debate and informed critical aware- ness about buildings. The professional ethic&#13;
and jargon effectively discouraged these.&#13;
The development of a critique (A) and the promotion of a wider debate (8) would be worthy tasks for NAM&#13;
or a group within NAM.&#13;
Following the Congress, a group of interested people&#13;
came together on 21st November (and 6th December) and decided to explore further the problem of an architectural criticism that could reveal the ideological context&#13;
of a design, locate the architectural style and design,&#13;
and link these to a materialist analysis of the 'function' of the building. While such a critique would have to overcome the reticence demanded by 'professional responsibilities', it seems imperative to open this&#13;
debate as widely as possible at this time of major economic change and growing ultra-conservative academic historical nostalgia.&#13;
&#13;
 page two&#13;
There would seem to be two clear alternatives for the group depending on the enthusiasm and possible time&#13;
scale, assuming a hard core of interest and agreement about the broad area:-&#13;
”&#13;
2. To take on a largely enabling function. This might include&#13;
— setting ourselves specific tasks; one that has been proposed is an inclusive critique of a recently completed building project like Alexandra Road. This might take the form of an issue of Slate with the group as the editors (see below).&#13;
An analysis of Alexandra Road (or Marquess Road) would need to cover at least:&#13;
u Views of say 10 "progressive" architects (e.g. A.D. issue on Sainsbury Centre).&#13;
fe Analysis of the urban context and its change.&#13;
sie Location as a piece of architectural design (e.g. Ed Jones' article on Fleet Road in A.D.).&#13;
4, The construction as seen by L B Camden Direct Labour Department and a discussion about de- skilling.&#13;
Ks To set up a group that can do academic work together and establish a theoretical base.&#13;
The group could meet at regular intervals to discuss prepared material and could invite&#13;
outside help especially in developing a theoretical understanding of ideology. The group's work might appear in Slate or as a book. Such an approach would need long term commitments from the group's members. (The Political Economy of Housing Workshop is an example of this kind&#13;
of group).&#13;
7 arranging talks by and discussions with people&#13;
’ who have already done the sort of work described&#13;
above; these might or might not be members of the group. :&#13;
Perhaps these need not be alternatives but could be embraced together: either way the group will need time&#13;
to function as a group.&#13;
.&#13;
***&#13;
Bs Discussing the ideological context of views expressed in 2 — 4,&#13;
6. Views of Neave Brown, intentions then and feelings now.&#13;
&#13;
 Be Wishes&#13;
Reading:&#13;
"Essex University"&#13;
A.J. Information&#13;
Library&#13;
John McKean&#13;
"The Political Economy of 20.9.1972&#13;
(in Vol.1 of Housing Form" Michael Jones *&#13;
Political the collected papers of the and&#13;
Architectural Economy of Housing Workshop) Design 2/79 on the Sainsbury Centre at the University of East Anglia&#13;
Richard Hill Andrew Peckham and others&#13;
"Art Supermarket Ignores Users" Slate 10/11 Stephen Hayward "Alexandra Road" Architectural Review 8/79 Robert Maxwell&#13;
"A Woman's Place" Etcetaraseerrn *Xerox enclosed&#13;
Slate 13&#13;
and others Susan Francis&#13;
ace&#13;
Nine of us came to the 10 January meeting of the November 21 group and decided that -&#13;
1. We should continue to Pursue the subject.&#13;
2. Alexandra Road was a useful immediate focus for our work.&#13;
3. By the next meeting we should all read certain relevant articles/papers to begin to establish points of reference&#13;
and a shared critical base. Those so far suggested are listed below.&#13;
4. Everyone interested should try and work out an approach&#13;
to the critical analysis of Alexandra Road. These would&#13;
form the basis for the next meeting at which we would try&#13;
to agree upon a shared approach or 'framework'.&#13;
5. We would meet again on February 5 at 7 pm at 5 Dryden Street.&#13;
Robin Nicholson and Sunand Prasad&#13;
SeebehOhele) eleleie: ajelevelelereleleieletelelelelele&#13;
It was also thought that familiarity with the work of John Berger ("Ways of Seeing") and Raymond Williams would be useful.&#13;
&#13;
 'y&#13;
147&#13;
and form in architec- elmingly on the question of&#13;
P&#13;
—a Aemaiaea&#13;
ectngtiaesl&#13;
&lt;=&#13;
P&#13;
aaa&#13;
Discussions of the relations between material forces&#13;
ture have in the past concentrated almost overwh&#13;
aesthetic form or stylistic appearance. This paper sets up a quite different definition of form in architecture, one which is in no way concerned with the problem of the visual appearance of buildings, their aesthetic and psychologic- al effects, or the historical derivation of their stylistic features. The Gefinition of architectural form which will be discussed in this paper is a&#13;
The problems confronted in this attempt revolved around the question of the degree of autonomy that existed in the development of any particular branch of human society. This question was usually seen as the inverse problem, at a conscious level; of the Gegree of direct influence of material and especially economic factors on the development of social forms. This was generally con-&#13;
ed as a relation between the individual work as an object in itself and a cial formation essentially external to it,&#13;
The approach that is developed in this paper is to treat any social artefact, such as a building, as an object produced under certain pre-existing social relations of production, and to analyse it as*an object not in relation to pre- determined relations of Producti6n but as an integral part of those relations, a5 &amp; social product.&#13;
This approach has been formulated clearly by the German-critic Walter jamin in his paper 'The Author as Producer! written in the 1930s in the&#13;
ext of the debate about the 'tendency' of the work of art in its political ientation. Benjamin's attempt to redefine the crucial centre of this question&#13;
follows:&#13;
tendency and the quality of literary works. and rightly so.&#13;
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY | OF HOUSING FoRM©&#13;
The purpose of this paper is to attempt to define some of the elements of a materialist theory of form in architecture.&#13;
Gefinition related to concepts of a functional nature rather than to concepts of style.&#13;
In the past, most attention has been directed by Marxists to stylistic questions, particularly in the field of literature and to a lesser extent in that of the visual arts. These attempts to relate stylistic questions to specific historical and material factors met with very varied success. Apart from the immediate problems involved Of developing the Marxist theory of aesthetics, a subject whose very basis is still under question with problems of the application of dialectical materialism to specific areas of human behaviour, these attempts naturally confronted one of the major theoretical problems of Marxism, that of the relationship between base and superstructure,&#13;
I began with the unfruitful debate concernin: g the relationship between the This argument is discredited&#13;
It is regarded as a textbook example of an attempt to deal with literary relationships undialectically, with stereotypes. But what if we treat the same problem dialectically?&#13;
A ST,MilOi i&#13;
&#13;
 148&#13;
Starting point from which the Sterile dichotomy of form and content can be Surmounte'd(.2)&#13;
—&#13;
For the dialectical treatment of this problem - and now I come to the { heart of the matter = the rigid, isolated object (work, novel, book) is of&#13;
nO use whatsoever, It must be inserted into the context of living social relations, You rightly Point out that this has been undertaken time and&#13;
4cain in the Circle of our friends. Certainly, but the discussion has often moved on directly to larger issues and therefore of necessity, has often drifted into vagueness. Socia) relations, as we know, are determined by Production relations. And when materialist Criticism 4pproached a work, it used to ask what was the Position of that work vis a vis the social prod- uction relations of its time. That is an important question, But 4lso a&#13;
very difficult one. The answer to it is not always unequivocal. And z&#13;
should like to Propose a more immediate question for your consideration,&#13;
A question which is more modest, which goes less far, but which, it seems&#13;
to me, stands a better chance Of being answered. Instead of asking: what is&#13;
the Position of a Work vis a vis the Production relations of its time, does it underwrite them, is i¢ reactionary, or doos it asplre to Overthrow them, is it revolutionary? ~— instead of this question, or at any rate before this question, I should like to Propose a different one. Before I ask: what is a work's Position vis a vis the Production relations of its time, x should&#13;
like to ask: what is its Position within them? This question concerns the function of a Work within the literary Production relations of its time. In other words ft is directly concerned with literary technigue.&#13;
By mentioning technique I have named the concept which makes literary Products &amp;ccessible to immediate Social, and therefore materialist, analy- Sis. At the Same time, the Concept of technigue represents the dialectical&#13;
This Passage raises the key issue: that the work of art is itself Produced under given social conditions, under certain relations of Production, at a Particular leve) Of social development of techniques, under its own economic conditions of Production,&#13;
It does not 4pprear from nowhere against a certain Social background, the Superstructure does not @ppear from nowhere as a reflection of the base, but is itsel¢ Produced under given conditions from the economic base of its own category of Social Production.&#13;
Any artefact Produced by Society is Produced under the Social relations of that Society, whether it is boots ang linen or books and Paintings. a2} these @rtefacts must have a use value: the Point about Works of art being merely&#13;
that they enter 4 different Category of use values from the necessities of life Such as boots and linen OF even from its material luxuries, All these artefacts must also possess an exchange value, because al) artists must sel) either their labour Girectly, aS in architecture, theatre or film, or must sell the Products Of their labour, whether Paintings or books. Once alienated from the Producer by their initial Sale, they can become commodities is their own Fight, and may be repositories of exchange value for their owners Or even objects of Pure Speculative interest in a direct money=money relation,&#13;
In this sense there is little Point in attempting to treat the Production&#13;
of the work of art in a different manner from the Production of any other commodity, and the Study of the Social conditions ©f production of the indivig- ual commodity, or artefact, or Work of art, is as Benjamin Says in the Passage already Quoted, likely to throw more light on the relation between the Product-&#13;
&#13;
 149&#13;
or&#13;
particular and the Production of commodities in&#13;
What is being studied is not the yeneralised relation between the particular category of works of art and the social relations of production in society as a whole, but the production of a particular commodity or category of commod-: ities as a concrete example of commodity production.&#13;
The study of the development of one category of commodity production is therefore the Study of an individurl Segment of the total. social process and will expose the development of the particular circumstances of Production of the individual commodity category, such as the changing level of technique, the particular social relations of Production obtaining in that Category, as examples of the total movement of the social forces of Production,&#13;
ae ettalontda&#13;
eeeeeeee Sreyeaah1etree&#13;
{ ion of that commodity in { general.&#13;
;&#13;
The generic form of the walk-up block of flats or maisonettes is a solution to the problem of housing people at a certain level of density under certain technical conditions of means of access. Variations of density, created by&#13;
land costs and Possible rent levels, variations in block spacing created by social concepts of acceptable daylighting and Privacy standards, height of blocks in relation to sectally ‘acceptable means of access, such as numbers of Storeys to climb without lifts, demands for access to certain minimum areas of private open space and so on combine at different Periods to produce the&#13;
In this paper we wish to concentrate on the Problems of definition of the physical consequences of these social conditions of production as expressed in the production of the Commodity housing. The particular aspect of these 7 physical consequences which we want to define in greater detail is that of the general building form, of the geometrical form of the individual building&#13;
block. It would clearly be possible to analyse physical consequences at&#13;
Several levels, from the question of the spatial distribution of Gifferent types of buildings as a function of ground rents, the distribution of types of Social functions within the city, to the level of analysing the changes in the internal planning of houses and how this has reflected changes in the techni- cal level of servicing and the social Structure of family life. (3)&#13;
In the analysis we use the term ‘generic form' in relation to buildings to denote a formal quality common to a wide range of building types. Thus we arque that the tenements built during the nineteenth century (either by companies to house their workers or by the early municipal slum clearance schemes), and the five and six Storey walk-up blocks of the 53 philanthropy of the Peabody and&#13;
Similar trusts at the turn of the century, and the inter-war local authority flats of four and five Storeys (usually balcony access), and the post-war four and three Storey blocks, culminating in the current designs for four storey Maisonettes (usually with a stepped section or ziggurat appearance) are all variations on a typical generic form, and that the differences between them&#13;
‘ i Particular variations to the generic form described above.&#13;
are a development or a sophistication of the generic form into the particular form.&#13;
The economic determinants of housing form which we wish to analyse in this paper are those which are fundamental to the Process of housing development in Britain, which determine the form of housing under capitalist market condit- ions, and Which determine the form of housing provided by the state under monopoly capitalism(,4) 9°©|.°————————___&#13;
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&#13;
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Whond jie Va&#13;
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pitalist conditions the Purpose t, and at least the average try. There is no Supply of new le to pay enough rent or a&#13;
+ Thus the production Ger conditions where the&#13;
ssional architects (with their fively and by Producing&#13;
ation. hi&#13;
are those arising from&#13;
sale. The conditions of production of this Sector of the&#13;
As with any other commodity produced under ca&#13;
of building houses to sell is to realise a profi&#13;
rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of indus&#13;
housing forthcoming for those social groups unab&#13;
high enough purchase&#13;
Of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place un&#13;
reduction of - He naturally tends to reduce the costs of avoiding the use of profe&#13;
minimum scales of fees), by using designs repeti&#13;
The decline of the private rental sector&#13;
gains from the appreciation of house prices&#13;
Sectors of the population for access to the Owner-occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Societies, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting&#13;
in deciding how much to lend,&#13;
admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when Calculating borrowing Capacity,&#13;
and occasionally the earnings of single women. There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with Unconventional borrowers and properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identi-&#13;
inherently simple designs requiring little elabor,&#13;
fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved.&#13;
&gt;» The essential feature of the market for Speculative housing is that the commodity for sale is not the individual house as such but the legal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This Question of legal title has far reaching implications in terms of the capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist&#13;
Society and the position of the male ‘head Of the family' as the dominant form of the production and reproduction of the family.&#13;
These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies -&#13;
@ product of their Position within the capitalist financial Structure. Build-&#13;
ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies |! are borrowing short ang investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market&#13;
with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in Protect-&#13;
ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to&#13;
happen on any scale, the increase in the supply of housing would lower prices&#13;
and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence&#13;
ibility that&#13;
lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach the norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and construction,&#13;
and the Possibility of capital gives rise to demands by widening&#13;
&#13;
 Aveinon etJ&#13;
150&#13;
the purpose least the average&#13;
is no Supply of new&#13;
As with any other commodity produced under capitalist conditions&#13;
of building houses to sell is to realise a Profit, and at&#13;
rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of industry. There&#13;
housing forthcoming for those social Qroups unable to Pay enough rent or a high enough purchase price to yield this rate of return. Thus the Production of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place under conditions where the reduction of costs 1s essential to the builder. He naturally tends to reduce the costs of design by avoiding the use of Professional architects (with their minimum scales of fees), by using designs repetitively and by producing inherently simple designs requiring little @laboration.&#13;
gal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This question of legal title&#13;
of the production and reproduction of the family.&#13;
y' as the dominant form&#13;
has far reaching implications in terms of the Capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist&#13;
society and the Position of the male ‘head of the famil&#13;
The decline of the private rental sector and the Possibility of capital gains from the appreciation of house prices gives rise to demands by widening Sectors of the population for access to the owner=occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Socicties, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting borrowers and houses to leng on and in deciding how much to lend. They now admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women, There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with unconventional borrowers and Properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating&#13;
to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identj- fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved,&#13;
These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - 4&amp; product of their Position within the Capitalist financia) Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies are borrowing short ana investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to&#13;
happen on any Scale, the increase in the Supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence that building societies must protect themselves against the poss- ibility that Properties may lose their value or be difficult to resel) by lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach tho norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and Construction,&#13;
&#13;
 leeeeeee&#13;
|} commitments for communal areas. term management&#13;
| A The other fundamental determinant of form in this co! OF&#13;
|. Since the Selling price of a house is so heavily influenced by location, ana&#13;
-so ne hee e nttn ep-evhemeal tee ae&#13;
151&#13;
Therefore building societies also prefer to sell to the most Stable unit of Social relations - the nuclear family, preferably headed bY 4 male wage earner and also with an emphasis on Stability of income, hence white collar Salary eCarnérs are preferred to blue collar wage earners,&#13;
The sale of a legal title to land has the consequence that @verything which iS not sold to individual owners must be designed to be adopted ‘by the local&#13;
|} design of roads, footpaths, verges, open spaces and Streetlighting. This necessity arises because the housebuilding Companies are int&#13;
ey vig45&#13;
ca lg&#13;
5 ca ® r ? a&#13;
=mh&#13;
2&#13;
3ce a&#13;
2,&#13;
°o&#13;
t&#13;
the builders&#13;
ntext is the method of peration of the housebuilders themselves and their relation to the landowner.&#13;
It was these last which led to the failure of Span over their development at New Ash Green.&#13;
Set of determinant&#13;
paper factors such the social Planning reasons for the&#13;
es of cities or the part played by&#13;
q @uthority and must conform to its Standards, This has an obvious impact on the the sale of ‘the Commodity itself, and wish to avoid any long&#13;
the borrowing Capacity of individuals by the building Societies,&#13;
work backwards from the price of the house ¢© arrive at a residual amount&#13;
which is what they can afford to bid for the land. There are two main variables in this process. The first, density, is now generally fixed by the Planning authority so that any density ‘increase {obtainable after the land is bought) will be a windfall Profit; the second is the size, shape and construction cost of the houses themselves. The position of the landowner is so Strong (owing to&#13;
the existence of other builders towhom he could equally sell) as to force the builder to reduce the construction cost of houses, so far as local competition&#13;
allows, in order to maximise the residual amount wh&#13;
land. It is therefore inevitable that in the market for housing for sale, the&#13;
be reduced to the simplest rectangle constructed from the cheapest materials(5,)&#13;
The only exception to this can come when there is very strong competition in @ particularly sophisticated sector of the market. This can be seen operat- ing in the case of Span and Wates, who are 4ppealing to the young married&#13;
rofessional market in the South East = a situation where the consumer is both phisticated and has a very wide range of potential choice, from a flat in&#13;
Own tO a reasonable sized house in the country. In order to attract this market sector,these companies have been forced to increase their competitive- ness by offering an increased Specification, a more complex appearance to the houses, greater emphasis on communal and shared spaces, a greater expenditure on landscaping and the introduction of long-term managerial responsibilities.&#13;
In the case of housing provided by the state a different factors operates, It is not intended to investigate in this 2s land costs, the role of interest rates,&#13;
rehousing of the working class in the centr&#13;
j Private capital in the centres of cities or the part played by private capital “ppropriating Private profit from the provision of local authority housing. ; Other papers in this collection concern themselves with such topics. The main&#13;
factor which will be analysed here is the manner in&#13;
authority housing is determined by a complex system&#13;
on the level of state expenditure, interacting with technology.&#13;
—s&#13;
&#13;
 After 1945 a common form of housing was the walk-up point block of between four and five storeys around a central stair. This was as high as housing management felt that tenants would be prepared to walk to their front doors. Tiiis form was soon replaced by the three to four storey walk-up block and the six storey lift block. Six storeys became the norm for a time partly because it could be served by only one lift without undue hardship during failures, and partly because the central government subsidies incréased from 38s. per annum per flat up to five storeys to 50s. at six storeys and over: thus a block six storeys high would often be treated more favourably for subisdy Purposes than a rather higher or lower one.&#13;
The next development was a rapid increase in height to 100 ft or about&#13;
eleven storeys. This came about because until 1956 when the separate subsidy&#13;
for lifts was abolished, the government made an allowance of 10 guineas per annum for each dwelling served by a lift up to a maximum of fifty dwellings&#13;
per lift. This figure tended to become a local authority standard for the maximum number of dwellings serviced by lifts. A number of other factors also reinforced this height. Section 51 of the London Building Act, for example,&#13;
gave the right to owners or occupiers whose property lay within 300 f of a new building designed to exceed 100 ft in height to object on grounds of loss of amenity. The London Building Act requirements for access for fire fighting and for means of escape also changed at over 100 ft. Mains water pressure in many districts was inadequate over this height without boosting or additional&#13;
storage facilities. One hundred feet was a reasonable maximum for low speed&#13;
(100 ft per min.) lifts: the lift for a 5 storey block at that period would&#13;
cost £2,500, only another £500 being required to increase in height to eleven Storeys but an additional £1,000 would have been required for a high speed lift.&#13;
After a number of legislative problems were overcome, the point bjock increased to between 20 and 22 storeys on the basis of two lifts serving alternate floors, as the maximum possible utilisation.&#13;
This type of analysis could be made for every aspect of local authority housing, demonstrating how the authorities and their designers exploit the financing system. This is a quite different problem fromthe straightforward reduction of building cost operated by the commercial builder. In the case of local authority housing, there are no market forces in terms of differential rent levels (or very much reduced ones) to constrain the individual designer and there has been no direct popular control over the designer's priorities. This has resulted in the familiar situation that the designs of local authority housing are able to become increasingly bizarre and removed from those of thic&#13;
‘market sector’ where at least some element of consumer choice operates. 152&#13;
This control does not operate solely through the mechanism of the Housing Cost Yardstick, but in a more detailed fashion through the individual regula- tions governing every aspect of housing, and which have therefore come to represent not minima but norms. The operation of this process can be seen if we take the example of the height of point blocks and analyse their change over time. This is to ignore other factors which assisted the development of&#13;
this form of housing, ranging from the convenience of the point block for dealing with the vexing question of on-site decanting of residents while re- development takes place, to the desire of some architects for a form (in a Platonic sense) which provides aesthetic emphasis in an essentially sculptural&#13;
“urban design’ process.&#13;
&#13;
 ai&#13;
Michael Jones &amp; Bichard Fill NOTES&#13;
2. BENJAMIN, Walter, ‘The Author as Producer'.&#13;
153&#13;
i:&#13;
The form of speculative housing develops along an opposite path to that of local authority housing. In the house for sale on the market, the generic form is extremely generalised - the minimal rectilinear box - while the individual elements of the house such as the level of servicing or the provision of specific amenities or the design of functional areas is unconstrained and varies from builder to builder. In the case of the local authority house, the individual elements are strictly defined both in terms of nationally applicable&#13;
ndards and in terms of specific feedback from tenants mediated through&#13;
‘ng management, but the overall form and the plan relationships are uncon-&#13;
strained except by the relation between subsidy, and financial control and technolocy already discussed.&#13;
+. This version of the paper incorporates revisions and notes by the editor- ial group which reflect discussion in the workshop of a draft and in later correspondence and discussion with the authors, the authors’ own revisions not being to hand at the time of going to press. (Eds.)&#13;
3. Many of the other papers in this collection relate to aspects of this analytical problem: numbers 2, 3 and 4 on rent and the consequences of Private land ownership, number 5 on the form and equipment of high rise flats and. number 6 on residential development. The reference to the family in this paper indicates one of the major gaps in the collection as a whole: &amp; consideration of the family as the basic unit of social organisation and of the occupation of dwellings. An analysis of the crisis of social rela- tions surrounding and beyond the family would-help to clarify both many aspects of the physical form of housing (e.g. the elimination of communal rooms and services from groups of dwellings) and the authoritarianism and paternalism of public housing management. Paper 7 on housing associations is also relevant here.&#13;
4 discussion of the contrasting building forms generated by leasehold and freehold development under capitalism has been withdrawn by the authors at this point pending further work on the inter-relationship of density, ground rent and construction costs. (Eds.)&#13;
In this context the proliferation of stylistic variations in speculative housing is seen not as a weakening of the generic form but as a kind of Product. differentiation applied within it. (Eds.)&#13;
&#13;
 Dear Novemberist,&#13;
sense.) Production&#13;
'. os&#13;
Reproduction&#13;
promised, notes from our last session (6/Feb/80)&#13;
Justin/ John McK uLLExekxayprauekex and Doug offered approaches for the critical analysis of Alexandra Road;&#13;
J/J vacked seminar Sessions, for instance on one particular piece of erticism (case study) or on a mode of criticism (ideology) or on&#13;
a comparison (South Woodham Perrars before and after). Through seminar papers we can &amp; pet ushy to agreement on'{me thodology for the group.&#13;
It was suggested that Jane Darke talk about her paper. She declin hurxuze she is unhappy with the Althusserian Base/Superstructure model it uses, having read EB, P Thompson's critque ( in ‘Poverty of Theory'.) The paper also needed to further unpack the notion of zeitgiest/ concensus model, she said, and show more clearly how buildings reflect:&#13;
the dominant class rather than the spirit of the age.&#13;
So Doug talked about his diagram which attempted to locate archi in relation to production and reproduction (usei in the Althuss-&lt;&#13;
see Cynthia Coekburns "The Local State'.&#13;
Althusser Suggests that the management of society is now located in lieoloszic institutions as firmly as in state apparatuses,&#13;
Habermas (The Leritimation Cyisis') reckons that modern capitalism is constantly fretting itself in a twist by rising expectations without meeting them and must therefore continually&#13;
ideology; an inversion of social relations; ie, the Opposite of real&#13;
tegitimise its activity ideo&#13;
from jos 31 DAVENANT ROAD N19 01-272 7556 7/2/80&#13;
b legitimators!....&#13;
a matrix with parts that don't fit ana therefare cause legitimation problems?&#13;
&#13;
 Education is ang essential part in ideology, and linke to notions of&#13;
professionalism. See Johnsons "Professions and Power."&#13;
In dicussion Lipman's category of total architecture was linked back | to the ideclogy of professionalasm and of patronage; architects here&#13;
offer a coherent and orderdd image which can be distinguished and |&#13;
separated from other forms; as identifiable objects.&#13;
Look at Coin Strret / Posters Hammersmith to investigate contradictions&#13;
between total architecture and community.&#13;
There was some criticism of Dougs diagram in that it applied that&#13;
everything linked back, and was directly related to the repression&#13;
necessary for the continuation of capital. Although capitalism can j be seen as the current dominant mode that pervades all ways -of life, | aspects of it can also be appropriated by other groups besidesthe iominant | class and used against capitalism; moreover, repressive controls often&#13;
embody contradiction — housing for instance may be in the service of&#13;
capitalbutitalsorepresentsarealvictorySOFteyorengClgSeee hnuxxzngx c 7S&#13;
Someone suggested looking at John Bergers analysis of culturxal appropriation wix“apitzk by capitalism in "Ways of Seeing" or Raymond Willians&#13;
"Country and the City" or Mark Girouards "Country Houses", which shows&#13;
how architectural styles reinforced social relations.&#13;
Architects lesign bhildings that other people make; economics will affect style, however architects retain a degree of artistic autonomy.&#13;
: But any criticxsm from the group should not fall into Nop*dateinedy gohsiscgere" presuming these asethetic choices to h-ve a separate existence from political reality; elegance relategs to economy&#13;
an obsession with consistency and order relates to reproduction; a coherent visual world somehow implées a coherent social order.....&#13;
does that mean that architects should design disorder? Within a exptizx capitalist mode of production attempts at disorden/ worker or user&#13;
participant (with wuz disorder architecturally'showing' participation) are undertaken within the traditional power structure; this could be seen as a relative autonomy that is merely repressive tolerance 5 allowing worker control at unimportant levels to release frustrations which might otherwise lead to real class struggle.&#13;
Vernacular in council housing indicates this sort of gloss, as does conservation,&#13;
&#13;
 p&#13;
Fp&#13;
Lots of love&#13;
Jane and Doug promised to produce reading lists; Jane surgested anything by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham (particularly "Women Take Issue") for useful methodologies.&#13;
SereSEe UTE&#13;
-eae&#13;
FEEge ee&#13;
wD&#13;
We then dicussed Alexandra Road; Jane had sail eatlier that in that case architecture had been usea to lemitimatée x housing on,a site&#13;
which should never have been used for that purpose.&#13;
She also sugsested that the group should not place judgement on the estate; that in the&#13;
end it was the occupiers opinion that mattered. We agreed that the object was not to give (or not give) a seal of approval tb Alexandra Road. ;&#13;
But were we after the same things? Do we want to investigate&#13;
the process of production of the building? Do we want to form&#13;
opinions? Should we investigate more fully other processes ( the deskilling of the building iniustry for instance — which in turn&#13;
relates back to the artisic autonomy allowed to architects and the 2 privileged position therefore gained)? Gah the WHR wrrovet- asyecti f oneheteohie whet, ave Yahkew Pr grvdiot ebentire?&#13;
We agreed to use Alexandra Road in order to develop our levels of&#13;
architectural criticism.&#13;
: Hach person is therefore asked AT THE NEX2&#13;
MEETING to produce a statement outlining how they might undertake a study of Alexandra Road,&#13;
NEXT MEETING IS fUES 4 MARCH at 5 Dyeyden Street, -imda London WC2 at 7pm&#13;
&#13;
 NOVEMBER GROUP&#13;
Meeting - 2th March,1980&#13;
MINUTES:&#13;
Alternative approaches suggested-&#13;
Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez &amp; Nezdet, Adrain &amp; Sunand. “&#13;
We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \#his period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Wag too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 arneas-&#13;
i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3 phases.&#13;
ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing._—&#13;
iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR.&#13;
To examine the politics of form and the politics of style -&#13;
There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented.&#13;
Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal — he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both.&#13;
To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study-&#13;
For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. for instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with uninteerrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes etc at the ends?&#13;
Adrian/Jos disoussed the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form ‘as/ found" rather than levelled et the conschousms of the designer re. Maxwells approach.&#13;
To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' -&#13;
Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne % Darkes Essex Road&#13;
scheme would be useful - the schemes had cifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences?&#13;
Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes:would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form?&#13;
In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was impossible to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.'&#13;
&#13;
 NOVEMBER GROUP&#13;
Meeting - 24th March,1980&#13;
MINUTES:&#13;
Alternative. approaches suggested-&#13;
There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented.&#13;
Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as\they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal - he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both.&#13;
Adrian/Jos disgussed_the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form *as{ found' rather than levelled at the conscdousress of the designer re. Maxwells a Broach.&#13;
Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez &amp; Nezdet, Adrain&#13;
&amp; Sunand.&#13;
:&#13;
We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \this period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Was too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 areas-&#13;
i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3-.phases.&#13;
ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing.—&#13;
iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR.&#13;
To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study-&#13;
To examine the politics of form and the politics of style -&#13;
For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. For instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with unintecrrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes ete at the ends?&#13;
To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' -&#13;
Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne «= Darkes Essex Road&#13;
scheme would be useful - the schemes had eifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences?&#13;
Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes-would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form?&#13;
In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was pupassi ble to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.'&#13;
&#13;
 Further questions to be answered -&#13;
|\[ References for Alexandra Road:&#13;
Next Meetings:&#13;
Monday, 24st April,i980@ Cullinans Office&#13;
i&#13;
Monday 28th April,1980&#13;
DYA P.S.&#13;
7d&#13;
Dy cenastann Road, at 7.30&#13;
(entrance from yard)&#13;
@ UCL at 7.00 with Corin Hugh-Stanton - discussion Room 4.01&#13;
One ‘point of view' was a Hillier-type spatial analysis. Doug is doing one for AR, Jos could do the corner blocks near AR, and Justin could do a comparative scheme such as Essex Road.&#13;
Sunand presented some plans of AR site layout with some press comments. He asked whether the stress on technical criteria such as the "noise problem'could be exaggerated - a further justification for the formal approach of Browns scheme — it had not been stressed to the same degree in the tower blocks. Neave Brown wanted to -&#13;
JONES, Ed,article in AD, Vol 48 nos 8-9, 1978 (issue on France)on Fleet Road HUGH-STANTON, Corin, article in Buildine Design, Sept/Oct 1978 together with&#13;
anonymous reply a week later&#13;
BANHAM, Reyner, articlein New Sotiety, approx August, 1978. BROWN, Neave, article The Forms of Housing in AD, Sept, 1967 JONES, Ed, article in Architects Journal 8th Sept.19/6&#13;
MAXWELL, Bob , Architectural Review, Aug,1979 review of scheme&#13;
"rework the London terrace! (compare with Hillier analyses of typical terraces) create ‘a model of democratic architecture! a Team 10 approach —&#13;
create ‘streets as machines for delivering people.'&#13;
John suggested a_short-¢ t of looking at press cuttings on AR in Camdens Dept.&#13;
Graeme sugrested setting! up a working Barty to find a 'framerork for action'. This was agreed anf Justin, Jos, Graeme &amp; Sunand agreed to meet and report back.&#13;
Justin sugeested re-reading Jane JACOBS, The Death and Life of Great American Cities.&#13;
Why so much play space, breaking-up the 'parks'?&#13;
What is Camdens policy on direct access from housing to public space?&#13;
What were the problems with site boundaries - was the incorporation of the Ainsworth&#13;
Estate complicated by the handover of GLC housing stock to Camden? Check the date of the setting up 6f the Architects Department&#13;
Who designed the tower blocks?&#13;
What was the role of SAG Cook?&#13;
What was the role of the building companies?&#13;
There seemed to be &amp; lobby in the Architects Dept for formal solutions, and a need for a scheme to be a\pace setter - was this scheme AR?&#13;
What were the contemporary commnents-in-the local and national press:on the scheme?&#13;
\&#13;
John McKean would be very glad to have any comments on a piece he wrote in the AJ recently on two Hampshire Schools. He would be pleased to see argued responses using his piece as a taking off point for a discussion about the assesment of buildings for and by the architectural profession sent to the AJ for publication. The Buildings Editor would be keen on receiving this sort of material. If a number of considered comments could be offered to&#13;
the AJ it would help raise the level of discussion usually found in its pages.&#13;
Can we also bring some considered views on the piece for discussion at the next meeting.&#13;
&#13;
 P Pp&#13;
was inevitable and that&#13;
, rather than att mpt value judgem problems of relating words to drawings tempt to develop a more democratic ter&#13;
hi were more informing, ' is ie le however naysre seen as existing&#13;
@ precondit to change would be&#13;
Se sions&#13;
and ieneicee to form a newPAGnineT sae&#13;
which conchudes ds and terms in&#13;
_and to&#13;
S was impossible,&#13;
invariably tied to partichlar convention alyse the editorials of views over&#13;
lue to this problem. Nec had done&#13;
to the captions of the Aalto ex Robin would also an&#13;
Lipman ‘Architectur&#13;
t there the devel&#13;
should read Willter'e (An4+na?)\&#13;
©O study how technological Iknowledce was us ersective over the last 70 ye rs. To&#13;
&#13;
 of "innovatio&#13;
. On the one hand was the stock in trade of architects,&#13;
their '‘imagination’. If this were not a he been superceded by other ‘technical’&#13;
ion was that there was noreal innovation in echnolory was cevelpoed eieeraetne profession,&#13;
applied this Imowledge to bufliings.&#13;
1t there are two basic kinds of prof Imoul which can be learnt from books and procedurised,&#13;
erminate' Imowledge, which concerns judgement, sensid i with precedents. It can only be learnt by personAL&#13;
cultural tradition. ‘Innovation’ is a fairly recent ae al justification.&#13;
ects had little part to5 plas except when it s distinction separated science from&#13;
out the paradox of Corb rendering blockwork buil1dir concrete, whiile FLY concealed his sophisticateds orvi&#13;
pecific technologies were adopted for simple aesth ic sugeested that ‘technical’ knowledge is usua}ly more&#13;
derminate' knowledge, which is essentially consse particular tools&#13;
ract een Nash Recrnneeic promenade, Regency building. G&#13;
vere sinilar © those apenas in&#13;
lity’, munich is not Conficmed by act 3. Straig¢ htenness was seen as monotonous and Sorinnt&#13;
curvefreesthebuildingfrommechanistivicassoSas Fron down and rationalistic, it is formal and well-craft&#13;
the actual construction of the cross walls themselves,&#13;
Tac&#13;
Nec wondered if there was a process of innovation in council|&#13;
which could then be applied to the private sector. It may be&#13;
wers pega innovationwentfrompublictoprivate(egtowers,&#13;
, but there was also a reverse process where social onl the wivate to the public. Apparently Dick Hobin argues is used-to suit the needs of the building industry, rather%&#13;
consumers, and hés made a study of Camden with that in min&#13;
talk to tenants groups and the mainkexannte manen crent tried to obtain contract and cost files, but while the&#13;
continues, there is little hard info available.&#13;
Nec will use his student work in a manner prallel to Robin&#13;
&gt;&#13;
patterns of concepts, but he requires the development of a ¢&#13;
will exanine only written work, and not the scheme itself.&#13;
Prorxa 1 July Sunand &amp; Graere/John tp present outline 12th August Nec ditto&#13;
16th September Dousiee/ouatin ditto&#13;
Ay} m&#13;
All neetings on Turesday at 7.00 at 57d Jamestown Rd,&#13;
Arm ACS&#13;
ce 1? © bcd&#13;
ona&#13;
&#13;
 NAM NOVEMBERISTS&#13;
Very belated (v. sorry) notes on Meeting held of 15th July 1980&#13;
PRESENT: Nec, Graeme, Sunand, Adrian, Justin, Celia, Robin, Renata, Alexi, Ron.&#13;
As previously arranged we began to discuss our individual specific findings in an attempt to concentrate our efforts.&#13;
Sunand's investigations of tenants' views based on interviews.&#13;
Housing Department&#13;
Easy to pun estate but any problem can become a big problem because of size of estate;first tenants selected: graffiti-free perhaps largely because of evening patrolling demanded by insurer of the glass lifts.&#13;
Big issues include - cats (dogs are banned)&#13;
heating (erratic and complicated)&#13;
Other issues include - old people v. kids (noise)&#13;
cross ventilation difficult in A block&#13;
internal kitchens unpopular&#13;
Out of sight car parking unpopular upper gallery in A block floods&#13;
no more and probably less than its share of management resources to run it.&#13;
Tenant Rep.&#13;
"Street" Seems to work, e.g. 6 p.m. on a nice evening; Considerable "pride" in estate -"Costa del Rowley",&#13;
i.e. more Mediterranean hotel image Tourists can be a drag;&#13;
A definite success.&#13;
Novemberists!' Comments:&#13;
than Council estate;&#13;
To what extent is the "popularity" due to lavish expense and great attention and good management?&#13;
Compared with other Camden estates, Alexandra Road demands&#13;
Is Alexandra Road draining off "good" tenants and thus leaving Abbey Road to collect all the "problems"?&#13;
A tide of desirability - check child density - what is anti- social behaviour especially when thereis a high degree of self-surveillance?&#13;
The rent rebate system tends to destroy rent as a regulator.&#13;
Newness versus design - Frankenberg's work and Milton Keynes experience could help.&#13;
How does the design eliminate the ventilated lobby and satisfy means of escape requirements?&#13;
&#13;
 NAM NOVEMBERISTS&#13;
How does the domestic space "read" to the occupants?&#13;
Do all estates necessarily enjoy popularity for only a limited time and therefore encourage movement from one estate to the next?&#13;
Do Camden analyse their estates and if so how? They do not use the DoE kit.&#13;
While social control on an estate is based on private propery ideology, many tenants' associations want "good management."&#13;
There was a necessarily unresolved discussion about the need for a theoretical framework for such work but much appreciation of an empirical '‘ear.'&#13;
Check out John Mason - DoE's historical management study.&#13;
What is the particular knowledge that causes the design profession to exist and how does that relate to the building produced?&#13;
What can architects keep for themselves and what can be ‘made more democratic.'? (Technical v indeterminate&#13;
knowledge, etc.).&#13;
Does historical precedent inform&#13;
context does the design of housing happen? Is there a false apposition between ae solving and the modification of precedents?&#13;
llow is Alexandra Road an incorporated bit of a city? How is Alexandra Road a "type" of estate?&#13;
Next meeting was held on August 12 at 7.30 p.m.&#13;
The one after will be held on September 16 at 7.30 p.m. at 57d Jamastown Road, London NW1.&#13;
page 2&#13;
design? And in what&#13;
Graeme raised some areas of interest to be developed with John which included:&#13;
&#13;
 NAM NOVEMBERTSTS&#13;
I. Presentation by Doug Smith&#13;
a) Site layout.&#13;
Alpha analysis shows that the strest has been ‘overconstituted! while the park is ‘unconstituted' i.e. all access to dwellings is from the street, and even maisonettes with gardens adjacent&#13;
SUMMARY OF MESTING, 14th October, 1980&#13;
NAM Annual Conference will be held in Edinburgh 7th - 9th November. Details from 01 272 0580 after 6 p.m.&#13;
Doug presented the analysis of Alexandra Road he has so far completed in two parts: firstly, the contrast between Alexandra Rd's street&#13;
and a traditional street and secondly, an analysis of the estate&#13;
and dwelling layout based on Bill Hillier's techniques. A brief summary of the analysis is presented below.&#13;
a tanitneLD&#13;
Next Meeting of Novembrists will be held on Wednesday 19th November at 7.30 p.m., 57D Jamestown Road, NW1. At that meeting we will discuss the group's achievements so far and future directions,&#13;
Attended by : Adrian} Robin; Jos; Nec; Graeme; Giles; Doug; Sunand; John M~.; Alexi&#13;
Ellis' article in On The Streets (Ed. S Anderson) compares the physical and social characteristics of a traditional street with&#13;
the transformed street system of new council estates as follows:&#13;
The traditional street is part of 4 continuous system in which buildings and road form a united element; change can be accomm- Odated along the edge by changing ind‘ vidual buildings; little&#13;
social information is carried; it is dense and permeable i.e. one can get anywhere along it; it provides a rich encounter system for random_and unstructured events. By contrast, the transformed street System of new council estates is made up of islands and barriers which cannot absorb change; less ground coverage; less permeable sparsely spaced buildings; undifferentiated left over spaces; concentration on object to object relationship, not object to topography; high level of social information is carried usually&#13;
about a single use on the site; unstructured events are eliminated; houses are off the street; controlled by state agencies; visitors are conspicuous; women are isolated; children's play is isolated&#13;
(either from adults when play occurs in open space or from children when play occurs in flats); old people require special facilities; space is designed to separate and control people whether in the form of blocks of flats or garden cities.&#13;
i) Pratitional street vs Alexandra Road&#13;
Doug suggests that the pre-demolition wide streets of Alexandra Rd bounded by large semi-detached é@xellings approximates Ellis' des- cription of an untransformed street while the new 'street' has little to do with the traditional pattern - it doesn't G0 anywhere, ds not continuous with the rest of the city, and, although most Gwellings are reached via the street, no front doors are situated on it,&#13;
Hillieresoue Analysis (abbreviated summary - details &amp; diagrams from Doug)&#13;
&#13;
 yi&#13;
di) Hillieresoue Analysis&#13;
~- The uninitiated in the Group had some difficulty with the&#13;
assumptions and language (jargon) of the Hillier analytical system (dogma).&#13;
b) Dwelling layout&#13;
Analysis of room configuration leads to the conclusion that for all dwelling types save 1 bedroor flats, the kitchen is consistently the ‘deepest! space. Doug concludes that Neave&#13;
rown's ideal house design is that of a "Hampstead dinner&#13;
party space' in which the kitchen, and by implication the woman, has been isolated from other activities in the dwellivg and is under the 'control' of the male-dominated spaces through which the kitchen is reached. Since this is an obviously disfunctional&#13;
arrangement for other activities such as childcare, Doug&#13;
concludes that the arrangement has come about for symbolic&#13;
value. The kitchen has become the inner sanctum. The carefully detailed finishes emphasise its symbolic importance,&#13;
II. Discussion i)Traditional street&#13;
to the park have no direct access to it. This has several effects: the park is of little value to the residents; the street and hence the residents are highly controlled; the. street is oppressive to non-residents. The ‘axiality' of&#13;
the design i.e. the fact that long range vistas of the scheme are provided, indicate the importance of the scheme and invite public use.&#13;
- It was felt that Ellis! description idealised traditional street form and life in a way which conformed neither with physical reality nor residents! attitudes to the street&#13;
which was in fact often viewed as noisy, polluted, unprivate.&#13;
= John pointed out that other designers have justified different designs by alluding to traditional street values which they were purportedly emulating e.g. Smithsons' Golden Lane comp-&#13;
etition entry defining street as a place where milk floats could go. :&#13;
- The stepped section of Alexandra Ra was in itself a form which differentiates it from traditional streets.&#13;
- This difficulty was increased by the fact that no Hillier analysis is yet available of more conventional housing&#13;
to facilitate comparisons, and by the fact that some of&#13;
the key relationships depend on non-intuitive results reached with aid of computerised calculations.&#13;
- Anxieties were also voiced on the validity of developing a spatial language which does not include the people using and controlling the space.&#13;
- Jos summarised the main implicit assumption. of the analytical ' scheme as the Goal of creating an open spatial system in&#13;
which all routes are open to non-residents. The analysis is therefore concerned with entries and accessibility from one space to another. It disregards other factors such as distance, scale, héight, volume or other spatial qualities, and icnores quality of materials, finishes or style. It cannot accomuodate the concept of who controls boudaries at this stage.&#13;
&#13;
 a) Site layout&#13;
bd) Dwelling Lavout&#13;
~ Et was pointed out that at this stage, the language is still being devised, definitions are being altered, and further° developments can be expected. Only 2 other residential developments have as yet been examined: Boundary St and Marquess Rd,&#13;
~- Doug's conclusions seemed to have been corroborated by Sunand's findings from discussions with resident repres- entatives and housing management i.e. the street seems to work as a focus of unstructured activity while the park&#13;
is underutilised and definitely not loved.&#13;
- The implied causal relationship between ‘axiality' (long vista) and attraction of visitors and tourists to places like Alexandra Rd was disputed.&#13;
~ The need for comparative analysis with other dvellings was mentioned several times&#13;
- The argument that the kitchen location has symbolic import&#13;
needed to be considered against the argument that the&#13;
location was determined purely by functional requirements, i.e., Given the constraints of (usually) single aspect dwellings&#13;
with Parker Morris standards the kitchen must be located toward the back of the dwelling with access through living or dining areas.&#13;
~ The concept of ‘control! of spaces and implied extension to control of female by male requires clarification since it appears as either environmental determinism or a simple case of a pathetic fallacy. ‘&#13;
——— -&#13;
The discussion didn't really end there but continued in one of the local pubs. However by that late hour no thought was given to the minutes...&#13;
See you at the next meeting, 19th November.&#13;
&#13;
 Apologies from: Adrian&#13;
Present: Robin, Sunand, Doug, Nec, Alexi, Celia, Justin, Graeme.&#13;
NAM'S NOVEMBERISTS 1ST BIRTHDAY MEETING - NOVEMBER 19TH 1980&#13;
The meeting started with a report from Giles (not present)&#13;
on the recent NAM Conference in Edinburgh, noting its&#13;
mood of militancy in reaction to the current climate and&#13;
its decision to concentrate opposition to the dismantling&#13;
of the welfare state. A report from our group was submitted though only as a written Paper which was not discussed&#13;
very much. What reaction there was tended to scepticism&#13;
about the relevance of work in Architectural Theory -&#13;
albeit engaging political economy — at a time when rather more fundamental issues were at stake. Giles and John had&#13;
defended the work of the group, pointing out that it&#13;
was vital not to abandon the field of theory to the mainly reactionary gurus currently enjoying vogue. The meeting&#13;
felt that our report was an accurate description of the group's work so far - its necessary briefness highlighting our lack of focusbut failing to do justice to the great&#13;
Geal of interest and fresh thought that this first year's meetings had generated.&#13;
There was a general discussion about the group - its past and the problems of its future. Sunand and others felt&#13;
that the 'academics' had the time to Pursue these interests, and did background work anyhow, while the 'practitioners'&#13;
did not. Doug and Graeme explained the similar difficul- ties for the 'academics' especially for those on Hillier's course. There were diverse views on the need/desirability for producing finished work. Nec felt that given the different approaches of members, we should fix our aim&#13;
On @ presentation in 6 months and then deal with the editorial problem. Alexi reminded us that we need not&#13;
(/should not?) confine ourselves to Alexandra Road.&#13;
Adrian who could not attend had sent a message to the same effect.&#13;
It was finally agreed to Produce draft papers (not outlines of the work that would lead up to a Paper). It was&#13;
decided that we should present the papers at an all-day session on Sunday March lst Starting at 10 a.m. at Justin's house, 54 Southwood Lane, London N6. Tel: 01-348 0735.&#13;
All members should bring some drink and some dish/food to share. :&#13;
it was decided to hold a pre-meeting at 7.30 p.m. on Thursday 19th February at Jacques Wine Bar, Tavistock Square, London WCl, to allow pre-distribution of Papers. This is strictly voluntary and allows people to work in their preferred way. Members should bring 18 copies of their papers typed with a large margin to allow room for&#13;
&#13;
 others to comment either on 19th February or on lst March. If you do not/cannot bring your paper on the 19th, please write by then to Sunand and Robin with a 2-line&#13;
description of your theme to allow some ordering of the day. t is intended that this one-day session will permit the group to assess its future direction or indeed existence!&#13;
We edited the list of members as~follows:-&#13;
Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5&#13;
703 9896&#13;
Jos Boys&#13;
31 Davenant Road London N19&#13;
Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6&#13;
Adrian Forty&#13;
c/o Bartlett School of Arch. Gordon Street&#13;
London WCl&#13;
Jane Darke&#13;
173 Rustings Drive&#13;
Sheffield S1l 7AD 0742 66 l4o&#13;
Benedict. Foo&#13;
44 Grafton Terrace&#13;
272 7556&#13;
348 0735&#13;
London NW5&#13;
Graeme Geddes&#13;
13 Curtis House Morecame Street London SE17&#13;
John McKean&#13;
7O Thornhill Road Barnsbury Square London Nl&#13;
Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Place London N5&#13;
485 2267&#13;
Giles Pe body&#13;
48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775&#13;
Celia Scott&#13;
3 Mall Studios&#13;
Tasker Road&#13;
London NW3 485 2689&#13;
Nec &amp; Emel Teymur328 9550 31 Lauradale Road&amp;8&amp;3 4061 London N2 633 7170&#13;
Renate Prince&#13;
83 Fitzjohns Avenue&#13;
London NW3 435 4278&#13;
Sunand Prasad&#13;
125 Grosvenor Avenue London N5 485 2267&#13;
Douglas Smith&#13;
17 Delancey Street London Nwl 267 8268&#13;
Julia Wilson-Jones&#13;
48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775&#13;
633 8340&#13;
703 7140&#13;
387 7050&#13;
; 607 0700&#13;
Alexi Marmot&#13;
58 Woodsome Road London NW5&#13;
John Murray&#13;
37 Landrock Road London N&amp;8&amp;&#13;
485 6341&#13;
340 359&#13;
&gt;&#13;
&#13;
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                <text> ARCHITECTURAL&#13;
Alvin Boyarsky, B Arch (McGill).MRAP (Comell) MRAIC&#13;
Square London WCIB 3ES 01-676 0974 3. Se&lt;ptember 1979.&#13;
To: Ted Cullinan. Cedric Price,&#13;
Louis Hellman.&#13;
John Toomey (Covent Garden) Richard Rogers.&#13;
Colin Ward,&#13;
John Murray. (NAM)&#13;
Rob Thompson. (ARC)&#13;
Geoffrey Markham. (RIBA Student) John Maule McKean. (SAC)&#13;
ARCHITECTURE&#13;
Best wishes,&#13;
Brian Anson.&#13;
I would be most grateful, and it would help a lot, if we could all meet to&#13;
have a drink to discuss the Festival in some detail. I would like to suggest any evening of the week beginning 23 September, and could I begin by suggesting Monday 24 in the basement of Percy Street at 6-30?&#13;
SCHOOLS OF ARCHITECTURE COUNCIL.&#13;
I feel I owe some explanation as to wh y i have taken the planning so far with- out your full involvement, and I'd like to do that when we meet.&#13;
Would you let me know if $5 can make this date? I can be reached either at the AA or at home - 3903280.&#13;
+&#13;
ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF&#13;
Festival of Education - Sheffield,&#13;
I enclose the information presently being printed in Liverpool; the actual pamphlet will be ready by the 14 September and certainly by the time we meet.&#13;
The Schoo! is run by the Architectural Association Incorporated, a com, No.171402. Its registered office address is as above. The AA {Inc} is also&#13;
pany limited by guarantee and registered in England under @ registered charity under Section 4 ofthe Charities Act 1960,&#13;
&#13;
 / /:&#13;
WHOSE EDUCATION IS IT AN) ’ \o hifectural Education.&#13;
NAY Festival o&#13;
PEACH DATE iiME&#13;
The School of Architecture, Arts J&#13;
Wednesday 28 November to Friday 30&#13;
Welcoming ceremony of 45 mins. - |&#13;
Prof, Gosling and student: welc: 1 hefficld school. ChairomfaSnAC: welcore tothe movement&#13;
Ted Cullinan: RIBA Education Commiutice NAM spiyhesman.&#13;
Richard Rogers,&#13;
Hellman: welcome with adrawing.&#13;
Cedric Price.&#13;
Rob Thompson. Percy Sircet Atelier and ARC.&#13;
Picgramine p&#13;
PROGRAMME:&#13;
Programme presented on arrival. The aim is flexibility and participation. Formal structure will be minimal. The concept is a market place of ideas in education. The opportunity is to tear down barriers, dissolve prejudice and expose worn out el ‘big names’ have been invited, but as participants, to be student&#13;
rt&#13;
whichever is appropriate at the time. Always the theme will be archi- ural education. Listen to the famous on the subject, Do idols have fect of clay?&#13;
Hear the unknown. Whose education is it anyway? Events will occur simultaneously Fixed events will be few (if any). Move from one to the other. Take your pick or just float. Time will not rule this festival, it will rol] on. “.. . some of us get our second wind at midnight . ..” Cedric Price&#13;
PARTICIPATION&#13;
The skeletal structure of the Festival exists; it is very strong. Now we want your participation. We want you to bring the market place ideas. Have you anexperiment&#13;
a presentation; a slide show; 2 play. Fill in the box below and send us details by 3 November (nothing considered after that date).&#13;
COST Students £5. All others £10. OAP’s and children under 14, free Sheffield architectural students. Free.&#13;
ACCOMMODATION:&#13;
Through the generosity of the Sheffield students and others, we will have aschedule of ‘put you up’ accommodation, but this will be limited and you are urgently advised to make your own arrangements in the first instance. Please respond quickly if you wish to be put on the accommodation list. Festival fee must be enclosed before you are considered, For accommodation contact:&#13;
Mark Parsons 112 Denison Street Beeston Nottingham Tel: 0602 222494&#13;
:&#13;
FOOD: There will be no official catering, but it is expected that students will set up ‘food tables’ with cheap food for sale. Other arrangements may be made with the Sheffield Students Union.&#13;
SALE OF LITERATURE:&#13;
The Festival is a perfect opportunity for students and others to publicise the vast array of pamphlets, magazines, posters and manifestos on architectural matters that exist throughout the country. So set up a stall and sell your writings.&#13;
INVITED PARTICIPANTS:&#13;
Jim Stirling, Norman Foster, David Green (former Archigram), John Murray (NAM), Prof. Alan Lipman (NAM), Hans Harm (Einthoyen), Conrad Jamieson (scourge of the architects), Derek Walker, Walter Segal, Tom Wooley (Support), Anne Delaney, Alison Smithson, David Wilde (Big Red Diary), David Brock, Ron Weiner (‘Rape and plunder of Shankill’), Rod Hackney, Jane McDonald, Ian Todd, Dr. Roland Gunter (Eisenheim), Hubert Puig (la Canard Suavage), Jim Johnson (Assist), Anatole Kopp (Vincennes), Gordon Graham (ex President RIBA).&#13;
m Wednesday,&#13;
University&#13;
i| |&#13;
‘&#13;
|&#13;
&#13;
 ;&#13;
Ce ue&#13;
/ tnAprilthisye1awraselectedfotheCi pe hoolsofA&#13;
Council, the student delegates, with a fi 1 fi if and a few h ads,&#13;
sade this possible. Thus an unbroken «! { 1. ds chairing SAC was swvered, 1aminofficefortwoyearsmd y¥ «) 1student&#13;
SAC, the joint body of al 38 school he UK and Ireland, hasbeen deseribed by&#13;
Proof, Dayid Gosling of the Sheffield schoo! “| The only democratic body inarchit.&#13;
as .&#13;
etural education — more demo-&#13;
with the vast majonty being students. Comn or else they become servile.&#13;
es can only govern themselves,&#13;
But something went wrong with SAC. It became moribund, the majority of the community (students and staff) became bored, then indifferent, finally they forgot it. It was not difficult to sce why. Each school has three delegates at the annual conference — the head, a staff member and a student. 38 students represent &amp;,000 students in the community; 38 heads represent themselves. It is ibsurd!&#13;
And what for — what can SAC do?&#13;
Brian Anson&#13;
cratic than the RIBA and ARCUK cominittecs concerned with «ducation heads of schools, staff members and students. ..”&#13;
Phe movement isbarely eight years old — an infant compared to its SO yearsold American counterpart, the Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture (sith which SAC now has strong links). It grew out of the former “Heads of Schuols Group’, an adjunct of the RIBA. Its foundation was radical and its objective \ +s independence, for many of its creators its ultimate goal was the contro! of archi tectural education out of the hands of the RIBA and ARCUK. Their aspirati were right, SAC is a nafionwide ‘conin ity, a hering of nearly 10,000 people&#13;
My election platform was quite specific. I emphasised the potential of the student body;&#13;
experience in various forms of action and organisation, Tam not cynical about the student body. On the contrary, I belicve they represent a vitality and idealism which no one has ever tried to tap. Iwould have a similar optimism in the staff and heads, but let us start first with the students.”&#13;
Let us tap this enormous fount of energy. Iwould make aconcerted diive to reach the mass body of students. Despite long and bitter&#13;
My first job as Chairman was to present proposals for radical change in the repre- sentative structure — each school electing 1 head, 2 staff and 3 students, an equal power structure of learning and teaching. It was greeted with violent antagonism from some quarters, strong approval from others (including some heads) and other radical proposils to democratise the movement (again from some heads). The issue is alive, and its debate can bring SAC alive.&#13;
Ultimately that is for us to decide as a community“and before we do that we must organise, as democratically as possible. 1 believe we must organise our own education — to break the influence of the profession which presently controls us; whose education is it anyway? This we can do from the strength of our 10,000 strong community of brilliant teachers and brilliant students, but it will take organisation and long-term strategy. If we tap the potential of our own community, the ideas for SAC are legion, in this letter Ioffer but a few. The SAC Executive has already started to organise the sponsorship of an international lecturer to travel the UK.&#13;
SAC could sponsor students and staff to take time off to operate in other schools, thus disseminating the knowledge we have in our community. We urgently need a body capable of experimenting with ideas not yet readily acceptable in society; SAC could fulfil that role. Whatever else SAC could become an ‘ideas bank’ for architectural education. The ideas are there in their thousands — you have them! Our principal role as a community is to unearth them, disseminate them and use them forachange.&#13;
There is now a permanent SAC office at 10 Percy Street, London WC1. But the postal address and tel. no. is the Architectural Association. I hope you will consider this office your own and Iwould welcome communication from any of you, particularly your ideas for SAC.&#13;
Remember, in the last week of November, al roads lead to Sheffield — I hope to see you there!&#13;
&#13;
 programme, see details enclosed. (Please give as ful details as possible on separate sheet, space required,&#13;
Address/ Tel. No&#13;
SAC FESTIVAL OF EDUCATION. NOVEMBER 1979&#13;
All enquiries to Architectural Association, 34/36 Bedford Square, London WC]. Telephone: 01 636 0974&#13;
TED CULLINAN&#13;
‘Draw it please’ Participate in continuous drawit with overhead projector.&#13;
Richard Co Cedric...&#13;
ROGERS WARD PRICE&#13;
‘Whatever happened to Polyark, What IS a schoo! of architecture?’&#13;
IOUN TOOMEY/AUTHUR DOOLEY. ‘Workerass Peachers!’&#13;
I/We wish to participate in the cre tion of the Festiv t, special effects, duration of ev&#13;
STUDENT/STAFF GROUPS — NATIONWIDE. Ixperimental concepts&#13;
HELLMAN&#13;
*Let’s make education laugh’. Cartooning on the spot.&#13;
)&#13;
&#13;
 SAC FESTIVAL OF EDUCATION, NOVEMBER 1979&#13;
il enquiries to Architectural Association, 34/36 Bedford Square,&#13;
London WC1. Tek phone: 01 636 0974&#13;
/We wish to register as a participant at The Sheffield Festival and encl the&#13;
ppropriate fee of... 2... (Students £5, others £10) cheques to*SAC Festival Account’.&#13;
1/We wish to be put on the accommodation list&#13;
Name:. et School/Year&#13;
ertesusns@emehowesaescsccseansspvanheosaau&#13;
SAC Exccutive Committee 1979-80&#13;
Addr&#13;
Chaisman:&#13;
Vie Treasurer/Sec&#13;
Reserve . Coopted&#13;
Coopted&#13;
Co-opted&#13;
Covpted Co-opted&#13;
Coopted&#13;
Tcl. No:.&#13;
ian&#13;
Brian Anson(st.)&#13;
JainT 1s (s)&#13;
John McKean (st.) Henry Booton (st.) David Breakell (s) Wilson Briscoe (h) Geoffrey Broadbent th) Dennis Berry (h)&#13;
George Cameron (s) Andrew Cunningham (s) Michael Darke (h)&#13;
Mike Duriez (st.)&#13;
David Gosling (h)&#13;
Ted Happold (h) Geoffrey Hast&#13;
Pedro Gt&#13;
James Kackinnon (st.) Geoffrey Markham (s) Tom Markus (h)&#13;
Ken Martin (h) Cho Padamsce (h) Mark Parsons (s) Alison Poulter (s) Alan Smith (st.) David Walters (st)&#13;
Architectural Ass jon Canterbury&#13;
N.E.LP&#13;
Leeds&#13;
Liverpool U. PNL Portsmouth Kingston Liverpoo) Poly&#13;
ham Manchestez Poly&#13;
Edinburgh Univ Shefficld&#13;
Bath&#13;
Hull&#13;
AA&#13;
Dundce&#13;
RIBA&#13;
Strathclyde Liverpool Poly. Hull&#13;
Nottingham Manchester Univ. Oxford&#13;
Plymouth&#13;
One student vacancy due to resignation of Janet Kicboe, Heyiot Watt - (h)he(sat)sdtaff,,(st)student&#13;
&#13;
 a festival of architectura&#13;
Richard Colin Cedric...&#13;
ROGERS WARD PRICE&#13;
‘Whatever happened to Polyark. What IS a school of architecture?’&#13;
Chairman:&#13;
V. Chairman Treasurer/Sec:&#13;
Brian Anson (st.)&#13;
lain Douglas (s)&#13;
John McKean (st.)&#13;
Henry Booton (st.) David Breakell (s) Wilson Briscoe (h) Geoffrey Broadbent (h) Dennis Berry (h)&#13;
George Cameron (s) Andrew Cunningham (s) Michael Darke (h)&#13;
Architectural Association Canterbury&#13;
N.E.LP&#13;
Leeds&#13;
Reserve Co-opted&#13;
Liverpool U PNL Portsmouth K&#13;
Co-opted&#13;
Liverpool Poly. Birmingham Manchester Poly Edinbu&#13;
Co-opted&#13;
Mike Duriez (st.) David Gosling (h)&#13;
Ted Happold&#13;
Geoffrey Hasl.&#13;
Pedro Guedes (st.) James Kackinnon (st.) Geoffrey Markham (s) Tom Markus (h)&#13;
Shefficld Bath&#13;
Hull&#13;
AA&#13;
Dundee RIBA Strathclyde&#13;
Co-opted Co-opted&#13;
SAC Executive Committee 1979-80&#13;
One student vacancy due to resignation of Janet Kieboc, Heriot Watt&#13;
HELLMAN&#13;
‘Let’s make education laugh’. Cartooning on the spot.&#13;
Ken Martin (h) Cho Padamsce (h) Mark Parsons (s)&#13;
Liverpool Poly Hull&#13;
Nottingham Manchester Univ. Oxford&#13;
Plymouth&#13;
(h) head, (st) staff, (st) student&#13;
TED CULLINAY:&#13;
‘Draw it please’ Participate in continuous drawing with overhead projector.&#13;
STUDENT/STAFF GROUPS — NATIONWIDE. Experimental concepts JOHN TOOMEY/AUTHUR DOOLEY. ‘Workers as Teachers!’&#13;
ducation at-:++--»&#13;
Co-pted&#13;
Alison Poulter (s)&#13;
’&#13;
=_ =&#13;
&#13;
 mea eeaaa aeeewwrrare&#13;
SAC FESTIVALOF EDUCATION. NOVEMBER 1979 All enquiries to Architectural Association, 34/36 Bedford London WC1. Telephone; 01 636 0974&#13;
PLACE: DATE: TIME:&#13;
The School of Architecture, Arts Tower, Sheffield University. | Wednesday 28 November to Friday 30. i Welcoming ceremony of 45 mins. — 12 noon Wednesday.&#13;
Prof. Gosling and student: welcome to the Sheffield school.&#13;
Chairman of SAC: welcome to the movement. Ted Cullinan: RIBA Education Committee. NAM spokesman.&#13;
Richard Rogers.&#13;
Hellman: welcome with adrawing.&#13;
LETTER FROM THE CHAIRMAN&#13;
My election platform was quite specific. | emphasised the potential of the student body;&#13;
My first job as Chairman was to present proposals for radical change in the repre- sentative structure — each school electing 1 head, 2 staff and 3 students; an equal power structure of learning and teaching. It was greeted with violent antagonism from some quarters, strong approval from others (including some heads) and other radical proposals to democratise the movement (again from some heads). The issue isalive, and itsdebate can bring SAC alive.&#13;
SAC, the joint body of al 38 schools in the UK and Ireland, has been described by Prof. David Gosling of the Sheffield school, as&#13;
cratic than the RIBA and ARCUK committees concerned with education — heads of schools, staff members and students. ..”&#13;
The movement is barely eight years old — an infant compared to its 50 years old Ameri T the Asociation of Collegiate Schols of Archi (with which SAC now has strong links). It grew out of the former ‘Heads of Schools Group’, an adjunct of the RIBA. Its foundation was radical and its objective was independence; for many of its creators its ultimate goal was the control of archi- tectural education out of the hands of the RIBA and ARCUK, Their aspirations were right. SAC is a nationwile ‘community’, a gathering of nearly 10,000 people with the vast majority being students. Communities can only govern themselves, or else they become servile.&#13;
But something went wrong with SAC. It became moribund, the majority of the community (students and staff) became bored, then indifferent, finally they forgot it. It was not difficult to see why. Each school has three delegates at the annual conference — the head, a staff member and a student. 38 students represent 8,000 students in the community; 38 heads represent themselves. It is absurd!&#13;
“Let ustapthisenormousfountofenergy.|wouldmakeaconcerted drive to reach the mass body of students. Despite long and bitter experience in various forms of action and organisation, I am not cynical about the student body. On the contrary, I believe they represent a vitality and idealism which no one has ever tried to tap. Iwould have a similar optimism in the staff and heads, but let us start first with the students.”&#13;
Ww a permanent SAC office at 10 Percy Street, London WC1. But the is the I hope you will ay of&#13;
ACCOMMODATION:&#13;
Through the generosity of the §&#13;
of ‘put you up’ accom&#13;
to make your own ments in the first instance, Please respond quickly if you&#13;
odation list. Festival fee must be enclosed before you are considered. For accommodation contact:&#13;
shefficld Students Union.&#13;
Mark Parsons 112 Denison Street Beeston ottingham Tel: 0602 222494&#13;
FOOD: There will be no oficial catering, but it is expected that students wil set ‘food tables’ with cheap food for sale, Other arrangements may be made with&#13;
ents and others, we&#13;
be limited and you are urgently advised&#13;
have a schedule&#13;
And what for — what can SAC do?&#13;
shetfield&#13;
nov:28-30. 1979&#13;
PROGRAMME:&#13;
Programme presented on arrival. The aim is flexibility and participation. Formal&#13;
structure will be minimal. The concept is a market place of ideas in education.&#13;
The opportunity is to tear down barriers, dissolve prejudice and expose worn-&#13;
out cliches. Many ‘big names’ have been invited, but as participants, to be student&#13;
or teacher whichever is appropriate at the time. Always the theme will be archi-&#13;
tectural education. Listen to the famous on the subject. Do idols have feet of clay?&#13;
Hear the unknown, Whose education is it anyway? Events will occur simultancously. | Fixed events will be few (if any). Move from one to the other. Take your pick or | just float. Time will not rule this festival, it will roll on. .some of us get our | second wind at midnight ...”Cedric Price.&#13;
PARTICIPATION:&#13;
The skeletal structure of the Festival exists; it is very strong. Now we want your participation. We want you to bring the market place ideas. Have you anexperiment, a presentation; a slide show; a play. Fill in the box below and send us details by 3 November (nothing considered after thatdate).&#13;
Ultimately that is for us to decide as a community and before we do that we must organise, as democratically as possible. I believe we must organise our own education — to break the influence of the profession which presently controls us; whose education is it anyway? This we can do from the strength of our 10,000 strong community of brilliant teachers and brilliant students, but it will take organisation and long-term strategy. If we tap the potential of our own commu&#13;
the ideas for SAC are legion, in this letter I offer but a few, The SAC Executive h already started to organise the sponsorship of an international lecturer to travel tie UK.&#13;
SAC could sponsor students and staff to take time off to operate&#13;
thus disseminating the knowledge we have in our community, We urgently body capable of experimenting with ideas not yet readily acceptable in soc SAC could fulfil that role. Whatever else SAC could become an ‘ideas&#13;
INVITED PARTICIPANTS&#13;
» Norman Foster, David Green (former Archigram), John Murray (NAM),&#13;
architectural education. The ideas are&#13;
you have them! ise! ate them and use&#13;
Our principal role as a coi them for change&#13;
ty is to u&#13;
nan (NAM), Hans Harm (Einthoyen), Conrad Jamieson (scourge of s), Derek Walker, Walter Segal, Tom Wooley (Support), Anne Delaney, Alison Smithson, David Wilde (Big Red Diary), David Brock, Ron Weiner (‘Rape and plunder of Shankill’), Rod Hackney, Jane McDonald, lan Todd, Dr. Roland Gunter (Eisenheim), Hubert Puig (la Canard Suavage), Jim Johnson (Assist), Anatole&#13;
COST:&#13;
Students £5. All others £10. OAP’s and children under 14, free. Sheffield architectural students. Free.&#13;
ies), Gordon Graham (ex President RIBA).&#13;
There is&#13;
postal address&#13;
consider this office your ow&#13;
particularly your ideas for SAC&#13;
SAC FESTIVAL OF EDUCATION. NOVEMBER 1979 enquiries to Architectural Association, 34/36 Bedford Square,&#13;
London WC1. Telephone; 01 636 0974&#13;
Festival and enclose the ers £10) cheques to’ SAC&#13;
Dear Colleague,&#13;
In April this year I was elected to the Chairmanship of the Schools of Architecture Council, the student delegates, with a little help from some staff and a few heads, made this possible. Thus an unbroken chain of heads chairing SAC was severed. 1am in office for two years and my Vice-Chairman isa student.&#13;
come together! I/We wish to register&#13;
Associa communication from&#13;
Ihope to&#13;
We wish to thank the RIBA student section for the financing and printing of thispamphlet.&#13;
y,&#13;
other schools,&#13;
SALE OF LITERATURE&#13;
perfect opportunity for students and others to publicise the&#13;
ets, Magazines, posters and manifestos on architectural matters tthecountry. Sosetupastallandsellyourwritings&#13;
tel, no,&#13;
WHOSE EDUCATION IS IT ANYWAY? — A 3-DAY Festival of Architectural Education.&#13;
Cedric Price.&#13;
Rob Thompson. Percy Street Atelier and ARC.&#13;
Id&#13;
| |j&#13;
} j&#13;
|&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 any tellman&#13;
Thanks for? coming to the meeting om Monday night. I believe it was a further Success and produced additional ideas for the Festival. I know you appreciate the way I'm trying to develope the whole idea - to create participation amongst ourselves at each stage. This is already happening. Initially we brought in Cedric, Ted and John Toomey; from last Monday night we had added NAM and ARCYand, through Geoff Markham, the RIBA. I was only disappointed&#13;
that Richard Rogers and Colin Ward didn't arrive. Hopefully there's normal reasons for their absence, but if not, I'd appreciate any help you can give in persuading them to get seriously involved. ¥¥¢&#13;
Schools of Architecture Council. Sheffield Festival. 1979.&#13;
John Murray (NAN)&#13;
Louis Hellman.&#13;
Rob Thompson. (ARC) John MCKean (SAC) Geoffrey Markham (RIBA)&#13;
copyte blerotry ad Pee Buda,&#13;
ee tb I've already had positive response from some of the ‘invited participants’. Walter Segal is grateful to be included and, if back from Canada in November,&#13;
Gane&#13;
Will certainly be at Sheffield. David Green is enthusiastic and Gordon Graham told me personally that he'll definately be there. I'm confident that the majority of those on the list will be enthusiastic especially as we build up the atmosphere to the event. You know, of course, that that list is distinctly ad-hoc; any further 'names' you can persuade to attend (and pre-publicise&#13;
their intentions) would be very welcome. Through Cedric, Ellis Hillman has already shown enthusiasm.&#13;
I really am glad the press came. Feter Buchanan of AJ seemed particularly enthusiastic and I think it's vital that we keep him interested. Somehow or other between now and mid-November, the festival has to grow into an exciting possibility expanded from SAC. We need to get into published ideas, personal statements and quotations, letters to the press etc. Lou, could you think of a cartoon (or better still, a series of - like you did on CG) for AJ at the appropriate time?&#13;
Can I confirm that you all agreed to produce your own bit of the programme and can we agree it should be designed to go into the ‘usual plastréc bag' or information pack. —7 “oriseadly, A4.&#13;
Now that the academic year is about to start I shall begin to concentrate&#13;
on the Sheffield end of things - the spaces (which I've already studied once in detail) the hardware, the participation of the Sheffield community etc.&#13;
In addition I'll concentrate on the overall programme into which your details fit. I'll keep you informed.&#13;
I trust we all agree that there must be a ...thing, cencept or question ... which holds the assembly together. Everyone I've spoken to says that the guestion already posed ‘WHOSE EDUCATION IS IT ANYWAY?", is that ‘anchor’.&#13;
But firmed up - Cedric's comment ‘or was it just a question of style?" Then, of course, the formality (and the more I think of it, I see it must be very formal) of the SAC session, will direct the assembled energy to one or two fundamental questions. Thus the press can afterwards say that, not only was an incredible energy released in Sheffield, that now has to be converted into a power, but also that the Sheffield crowd made their views quite clear on a few basic issues.&#13;
eee&#13;
teSecuitinen&#13;
Doane Gos Shafeld)- Kew Mowtur -&#13;
&#13;
 There is the auestion of what further national publicity is needed.&#13;
We could (with some confidence) leave it at that.&#13;
Two things to finish off this brief note:&#13;
A million thanks again for all your help.&#13;
We have the pamphlet (10,000) which has SOME vagueness but which is not all that vague. Further pore it's vagueness is somewhat covered by the fact that&#13;
it is deliberately stated thet the programme will be presented on arrival.&#13;
Then there is the press which will add information to the pamphlet but still leaving a slight air of mystery. Finally there is the damned question itself - it couldn't be more blunt ‘Whose education etc'. With such interesting people already on the pamphlet I know I'd make it up to Sheffield if I was a student.&#13;
PersonallyIdonotlikecompetitiontoomuch,butusedwitheee as help. Why don't we set up a schools (and others) poster competition for the Festival. The individual posters can be used in the schools and the whole 38 plus designs can be judged at the Festival. This is a minor example of partic- ipation working as it's happening. The press could advertise the competition.&#13;
You will understand of course that a host of other ideas have already been S discussed and are ready to be put in hand - tours of Sheffield; the local&#13;
Yorkshire media, the community groups and general public.....do we see any reason why we shouldn't invite the appropriate government departments?&#13;
But some more,could be issued. The SAC Executive agreed that we should try to get each schod1 designing it's own poster, maybe pushing a bit more data or&#13;
adding to the publicity by varied,&#13;
unusual and high class graphics.&#13;
During my lengthy tel. conversation with Walter Segal he made the point that I need to gather together people whd{ebmmitted to this Festival and who will be seen to be helping each other - from that our strength will come. i like to think that we are on the way to creating&#13;
The second point is even more important. For me the key idea is participation from the community of architectural education. We can plan and organise to create variety and avoid chaos, but we will fail unless we remember that something has got to happen at Sheffield about which we will not know until it happens, For me that's what the first stage of participation is all about; if we miss out that stage then it's all phoney.&#13;
that unity.&#13;
Crp PRESS | Prop. Man Lippia (Conaip) gue I rt&#13;
‘WAiped pevyujpantt bas reSperfed $ Lrg Foal be Aelighfect to 60!&#13;
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&#13;
 &amp;&#13;
To:&#13;
Ted Cullinan&#13;
Cedric Price&#13;
bousis Hellman&#13;
Yohn Toomey&#13;
Richard Rogers Colin Ward&#13;
John Murray&#13;
Rob Thompson Geoffrey Markham John Maule McKean.&#13;
®&#13;
Sincerely,&#13;
:&#13;
34-36 Bedford Square London WCIB 3ES 01-636 0974 17 Sept: 79.&#13;
SCHOOLS OF ARCHITECTURE COUNCIL. Festival of architectural education.&#13;
ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE Chairman: Alvin Boyarsky. B.Arch (McGill).. M.R.P. (Cornell), MR ALC&#13;
The School is run by the Architectural Association Incorporated, a company limited by guarantee and registered in England under No.171402. Its registered office address is as above. The AA (Inc) is also a registered charity under Section4 of the Charities Act 1960.&#13;
I enclose the pamphlet - 10,000 of which will shortly be distributed throughout Britain and ireland.&#13;
I look forward to seeing you at 6.Opm (not 6-30 as I originally stated) in Percy Street basement on Monday 24 Sept. for a wee drink and a talk.&#13;
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                <text> A NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT&#13;
The Architects Revolutionary Council understands the need for a new architecture move- ment, and is glad to instigate it. ARC has no intention of becoming a mass movement itself. eae&#13;
The new architecture movement will. be seriously coneerned with the social responsibil- ityofarchiteancdttsheframeworkinwhicharchitectureispractised. ARChopesto bringa moral and social consciencieto the. architectural profession, —It. hopes to end architecturaes anelitist profession and directly relate architectsto those who need them the mosthe'p—eop-le. e pa - oe TM a&#13;
Below are just some af the reasons for forming a new architecture movement:-&#13;
1. To create a.situation where architects work for the real clients, the users. “This&#13;
can only be achieved if the users become the. clientt with the control of the capital “for projects. Decentralisation of power and increased democracy are essential concepts&#13;
of this direction and architects should play an active role in obtaining them. But as individuals, architects have no power, because they are controlled by the providers. of the resources for projects, When architects combine they have only limited power which is quickly shatterebdy the non-esséntiality of their position in society, Thus archi-&#13;
tects have to gain public support for ‘socialising their task, to be able to exert any worthwhile pressure, With this:in mind, anew movement could aim at putting architects&#13;
talents at thédisposaolf the public and because this idea is truly in:‘the interests:&#13;
ée To make architectural services available to all: sectors of society. At present the architectural profession works for just two areas of society, firstly the rich&#13;
minority and ‘the powers of industry, ¢ommerce and finance: secondly, for local or national government bureaucracies, ‘distant from the public they vainly try to serve.:&#13;
The majority of the, population has:never had access to the architectural profession&#13;
and so have been restricted in improving the quality of their environment. The self&#13;
help attitcaundoenly help afewpeople, while:an architectural service could help ;&#13;
those without the time or resources of their om. The national health service was not’ TM created by doctors orpatientosn their own, but only came about when enough pressure&#13;
was brought on the government to.create it... Similarly, neither architects nor the publicontheirowncancreatean-architecsteruvircea’lth.ateffectivelydealswith all the ills of our: present enyironment. A new architecture movement will have to be responsible for’ taking action with the government, eS&#13;
3. So that peopie may control their environment. At the moment people have insuffi- cient control of their environment in terms of planning and the use of resources, The Green Paper on Neighbourhood Councils now passing through Parliament gives only limited participation to the people and by its lack of power reduces these Councils to purely - advisory bodies easily over-ruled. Action must be taken with the government to give&#13;
real power to the Neighbourhood Councils.&#13;
:&#13;
a&#13;
of the public it is capable of mobilising public support.&#13;
4. The environmental professions should be subjecto the democratic control of the public. In 1938 the Architects Registration Act came into being, due to the pressure from the RIBA to create atlegal closed shop for the profession, while the Government's responsibility for'‘the public was sufficed by protecting them from sham architects,&#13;
In today's society of worker control, user democracy and public accountability, the Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom is obviously unacceptable.&#13;
ARCUK must be reconstituted by Parliament to ensure that the public has adequate con- trol of the architectural profession,&#13;
5« Architectural education should be controlled by a body equally representative of the public, the profession, the teachers and the students. At present architectural education is controlled by the RIBA, a private club, through its Board of Hiucation, which has powers of recognition. Thus the public pays for an architectural education over which it has no control, to produce architects over which it has no control, to create bad environments it can do nothing about. A reconstituted ARCUK could operate a new democratic Board of Architectural Education,&#13;
&#13;
 7.TheRIBAisnotaGroenessiveodyre biefaistriedto-createchange&#13;
within the arch: Sectural pr: féssion through&#13;
RIBA is glad to absorb prog: essive ideas and people, in an attempt to‘portray an out;&#13;
ward looking front;; but in reality to smother: ‘people and thei? ideas in tedious&#13;
tees and length: red tape. The result: being: to&#13;
sO impotent aS ~o be harmless to the con tinuarice&#13;
architecture movement must .ot be a stagnant: tedious body, but vital, ‘flexible and ever RORPPRRENS 30. the chan» ing needs: and ideals of progressivé’ ‘people.&#13;
The first. Fine tine had oeite the need&#13;
the great inadecuacies of the RIBA,. Pogether |Shey ‘reveal ‘somie of the ote behind forming a new architecture novement. gm nabs&#13;
‘Onceanewarch:secturemovment.hasgaindda*Romthiebdieihein~apaiutecbarad arena, it can begin to gain ‘the Support, of|the,“public in. accomplishing its objectives,&#13;
The finest: stage xhLong. this’ ¥dad. will be, to." found ay‘movement at a. mation&#13;
conference “ye&#13;
ro all, intereste, apartiess.&lt;&#13;
oh ARC hopes that iis résponsi® le role&#13;
. Jaiaiei s is nde&#13;
in ‘|foree anything’ben enyhase:-we melee&#13;
baeay&#13;
onitaoian,and ee weabhor&#13;
“dogmatism. °&#13;
We-would. be grat &gt;ful’ for. as —&#13;
a2:&#13;
help&#13;
as&#13;
the RIBA, most ‘have totally. failed. The&#13;
commits tire people out and*make their ideas&#13;
of: the RIBA'ts status quo. Anew °&#13;
for, Government. action, while the last two show&#13;
we are. noetibhe ‘in’ tig, and: are&#13;
not&#13;
asking for hélp,&#13;
CONFERENCE TORMING A NEW. AROHTTEOTURE MOVEMENT 78s FRIDAY NC) 21st 3pm“to SUNDAY.“Ov cae Same pele&#13;
_TARROGCADE. 7Pait lew3&#13;
eee tes&#13;
becainad to&#13;
6. So that the RIBA's preicnce at speaking as the "voice of architecture" ends, The RIBA is effectively control'.ed by a small group of principal architects, and its "voice" is stroigly in line with their own minority interests. Most of the group belong to the Association oc Consultant Architects, a private practice organisation. Evidence for this is the RI7A's determination to save the fixed fee scale - now under attack by the Mcnopolies Comission: their lack of interest in the dangers exposed by&#13;
the Summerland Fire and the use of high-alumina cement: their reluctance to expose in- competantandcorruptarchivects.&lt;Anew eee.movementmust.Ceeforall.that is socially responsible in eee See!&#13;
35F to get as many -Foople’ as possible to the conference, to make contzibutions, to help&#13;
withtheconferecemesheseenoeeeceecnestomakeSimoisesumeoeeeeete&#13;
: ehact&#13;
:&#13;
Bogking and ’info: nation fro! od desc a RE ae: ae NAM, 10. Borey, Street, “Lendon w, * 041-636-0798&#13;
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                <text> This is a rough draft of a peper which I'd like to have circulated generally.&#13;
INTRODUCTION&#13;
My whole approach, both analysis of problems and outline of tactics, is based upon the following:&#13;
The profession of architecture is an integral part of our social and political system and thus any real change to the profession must make some alteration in the social and political system. There are two basic ways to look at the problem; either we can wait for the political Changes to occur that will have the desired effect on the profession,&#13;
in which case we can'do our best' within the existing profession and put most of our energy into conventional politics, playing our part in speeding up the change. Or we can, as it were, look at the problem&#13;
"the other way round': by seeing that the profession, like other group- ings, influence the society. In a strict philosophical sense you cannot have one without the other, its a type of ‘chicken and egg’ situation.&#13;
I rejcct the first approach because taken to its logical conclusion, it’ says that no group, no individual can ever redg¢grect society and that instead we must all wait until the political system (whatever that mysterious force is) directs us. This is absurd, and history is our evidence.&#13;
I came to the decision some time ago, that I would take the second approach, and the ramifications to me as an architect, were momentous;&#13;
at once the problem was clarified and the solution, though difficult,&#13;
at least presented itself, and I could build a reasonably solid foundation for my beliefs. My struggle as an erchitect was thereby much simplified.&#13;
First of all I was able to be quite precise about my aim. I could consider a segment in society (my own profession) through the eyes of an expert; thus, to repeat, I could be more precise: did I want bits ef reform in this seqment? Did I want very radical change? or did I consider more was necessary? One of the natural aims in life is to get closer and closer to the truth of things. As regards society, unless you are a mature political theoretician, this can be very confusing especially in a society as comolex and subtle as ours. This has always been the dilemma of the citizen (and possibly explains why democraciys more often a word than a reality: "Suffrage gives you the right to vote but not the power". Lenin). But the citizen has another personality&#13;
he is an ‘expert in his work. He spends most of his life at doing his work, and as he gets more and more experience he can become quite precise about what should, or should not, be done to improve the situation.&#13;
And, taking this position, another opportunity presents itself: he can view his work role as being part of a society within a society. His profession, his trade, his job is like a miniature society reflecting in many ways the larger socicty of which he is a citizen.&#13;
This is exactly the way I have come to view the profession of architect~- ure, while at all times realising that it is an analogy. Having done that, the similarities are striking: we have a government (RIBA). We have a community (20.000 registered architects and 8000 students) We have an educational system (38 schools of architecture) we have a system of laws and codes (registration and the code of conduct) we have a tradition and a history.&#13;
So we have the striking similarities with our larger society, with&#13;
one major difference which I shall come to shortly. But the analogy is with the worst aspects of our larger system: the ultra capitalism of the Tories and the extreme bureaucracy of Labour. Our educational system&#13;
(with a single exception is state (RIBA) controlled. Our laws are&#13;
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&#13;
 BRIAN ANSON ARC&#13;
The political power structure with the silent support of his own profession, persecutes him and throws him out. The monopoly blacklists&#13;
not based upon the right to work but devised to perpetuate the government (RIBA) The general principle of our government is&#13;
excessive free enterprise. Our&#13;
privilege. The one major difference in the analogy is that our&#13;
larger society, with all its imperfections, at least has an organised OPPOSITION. In our architectural society we do not and that is why&#13;
at Harrogate, I described our profession as a one-party, Migtalitarian” State. The description is not inaccurate. The RIBA Nas Virtually supreme power over British architecture and it controls the most&#13;
history is based solely upon&#13;
important element of all, the schools. If it did not many of the schools would question its moral right to assess them. As it is they meekly submit to its decisions. Having taken the analogy this far, I can now look at change in the same manner. What have people done throughout history when faced with totalitarian regimes? I begin to suggest answers to this question in the section on tactics, but brief- ly the historic answer has been to form a tight-knit guerrilla group Then eventually initiate a mass movement, then the revolution is begun. This is exactly what ARC&#13;
has done so far.&#13;
We have the situation where all the outward statements concerning&#13;
intention and the general aims of education point to a ‘creative’ art - in fact to THE creative art, but where the reality is a jungle which is controlled by a monopoly.&#13;
We, like the rest of society, are forced to live within the physical environment which (1) we often detest, (11) which we have been trained to look at differently, (111) but which we are powerless to alter, even though we are the holders of a ‘certificate’, given to us by the public, which proclaims us an expert in&#13;
the matter.&#13;
It is this'monopolistic' situation which is at the root of our dilemma, and to which we should give our attention. It is as if, being trained as doctors we are then let loose in society to be driven mad by the sight of people being neglected and left to die, or being butchered by our own professional colleagues (the few who gained the power to practice) who quite frequently perform such butchery for money alone.&#13;
There we stand, with knowledge of the disease and sound idea of how to treat it but everything prevents us acting. Yet some of us can't stand idly by and though lacking equipment and money we try to act: out&#13;
of our efforts come some new answers and again we are beaten as our privileged colleagues take the fruits of our labour and use them to further strengthen their monopolistic position. There are many examples ©f this situation in our field.&#13;
An experienced architect planner helps to design a project which out-&#13;
wardly is progressive and for the social exterior it is the usual butchery.&#13;
good. Beneath its glamourous&#13;
He revolts against his own work and using it as a reference point begins&#13;
to build up a power base amongst&#13;
the local community.&#13;
HOW THE PRESENT SYSTEM IN THE ARCHITECTURAL PROFESSION IS ABSURD&#13;
At very great expense the state (through public taxes) trains us to become architects, then throw us into the system lacking the power to practice.&#13;
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&#13;
 him and he is jobless.&#13;
Things are worse,not better.&#13;
will-thia bring into the organisation?&#13;
Still he continues and a great people's movement emerges to struggle&#13;
against the political&#13;
and professional power&#13;
base.&#13;
This power base fights savagely for several years against the people's movement until it has to admit defeat. The power-base submits to this defeat and uses all it's iniative to find ways to still keep essential control.&#13;
The architect is by now worn out with the struggle and forgotten.&#13;
Both the political and professicnal power-base now useS, 45 a foundation for their respective philosophies, the very concepts for which the architect was pilloried in the first place. The end result is threefold: The people's movement has been given a ‘sedative’ a sleeping-pill to&#13;
calm it down.&#13;
The powerbase is still there, much strengthened and with it's individuals holding higher office.&#13;
The avehitect is still&#13;
blacklisted,&#13;
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN ARC AND NAM SHOULD BE BASICALLY IN NAME ONLY - AND IN CERTAIN MINOR VARIATIONS IN TERMINOLOGY.&#13;
Bs The aim is to build a mass power base ~- to provide an alternative | to the status quo - at this stage there can be no other aim and everything must be subordinated to that end. Until we have developed that base we can confront no major issues in architecture we have nothing with which to confront anything. Until we have constructed that base our tactics will be quite different tc power&#13;
2 tactics . Thus every decision at this stage must be subcrdinated&#13;
3 to one point: how may recruits from the offices, the schools, etc.,&#13;
We are not spending our time here, in order to create an escteric ‘club' to discuss the malaise of architecture. We will not&#13;
produce change in that manner: No, I repeat, we are here to build&#13;
an ALTERNATIVE POWER BASE&#13;
in architecture.&#13;
Zs What prevents us having that base? Of course the RIBA - The&#13;
only effective power base - (though we should pay attention to the fact that the ACA is moving up pretty fast - it was surely a master tactic on ACA's part to get one of it's past presidents elected "Chief-of-Staff" at Portland Place)&#13;
We have a far greater need to 'capture’ the minds and hearts of&#13;
the architectural body than have RIBA or ACA. Both these bodies have need of the mass support, but both also have tremendous (to us at this moment seemingly unshakeable) backing from the establish- ment, from historical precedent and from those who control the schools.&#13;
SO WE ARE NOT HERE TO PLAY GAMES. The task is massive - but difficulty of task can, ironically, force us to think ef our strategy in the right manner. Remember that a handful cf people&#13;
(ARC) faced this task - and the results are us here now.&#13;
Tactics without 2 FPARGET are pointless - and a target which is mere idealism and scme woclly vision of the future - will not draw in the recruits necessary to form the POWER BASE.&#13;
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Action comes from REACTION and so the process starts until we&#13;
have the existing powerbase (RIBA} actually working at PROVING&#13;
to it's mass base, The Profession, that it is dedicated to the&#13;
right things in architecture - As soon as this happens then we&#13;
really are in business for creating an alternative ~ an opposition. The point is that the RIPA has never felt it NECESSARY to prove it4s existence - it has been so supreme it could literally take it for granted.&#13;
To take the political analogy further: if the RIBA actually did represent the totalitarian government of a complete state (and&#13;
in the narrow confines cf cur 'professional' society - that is exactly what it is). Then all ARC members would be arrested and incarcerated; some NAM members would be treated in a similar&#13;
fashion and the rest would be watched. Both ARC and NAM would be proscribed organisations. The logic is that we have the freedom to create an architectural opposition - yet there has been no Overt reaction from the establishment (RIBA) because it realises that NAM has not yet devised the MEANS to elicit such a REACTION - In short&#13;
we only TALK about our alternative =&lt; «se do nothing.&#13;
I have always accepted the fact, (though it worries me, as it implies a fear of our own language) That ARC's title and openly declared&#13;
aims, might prove a stumbling block to the building cf a MASS&#13;
movement. That is why ARC initiated NAM (which incidentally is not the same as controliing it or manipulating 1) but, to repeat, .&#13;
ARC and NAM should be different in name only - the FUTURE VISION of the two movements may well be quite different, but their IMMEDIATE aims must be identical - otherwise why collaborate.&#13;
It is my considered opinion that ARC has the right approach and further that the RIBA is more concerned about the Revolutionary Council than about The New Movement.&#13;
This brings me to a final point before laying out some tactics for achieving AIMS: I would be frankly dead against our next Congress becoming a platform for discussing the actual work we do - What I mean by this is that I don't want to waste my time (nor, I believe, the Congress's) by relating what I have learnt from my community&#13;
work in Donegal, Covent Garden, Bootle, Ealing or the Yorkshire Mill Valleys, nor the work any group has done on Scottish Olt, On Community Health, or the nation-wide research study on Local Authorities Power in Planning (LAPP)&#13;
I DO NOT RELATE THIS GREAT VOLUME OF WORK TO IMPRESS YOU BUT TO HAMMER HOME at this stage that what we have done is NOT TEE POINT&#13;
For neither do I wish to hear at the Congress (except of course in passing) what Rob Shelton has done in Leicester, what ASSIST has&#13;
done in GOVAN or indeed what any of our community architect&#13;
colleagues has done. Of course I wish to hear what they have leernt and to exchange notes with them but in a different context : perhaps reading their books or papers or over a drink with them.&#13;
To organise the next Congress on these lines would turn it into&#13;
a conference on Professional Community Activism. And that is not the problem - nor would we be anywhere near the first to organise Such an event. That is why I am also against inviting speakers, except from our own ranks or from those on our own contact list.&#13;
t re-emphasise; at the next Congress I see myself as pert of 4 group trying to organise an ARMY to WAGE a STRUGGLE against an ENEMY. So I want to see us combining our vast joint experiences&#13;
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I have studied the nature cf struggle and been involved in community struggle for toc long, not to realise the far, far greater value of these qualities than something called ‘expertise’.&#13;
Rule 2 ‘Power is not what you have, but what the enemy thinks you_have'&#13;
When I was a war-time child in Boctle, we had one anti-aircraft gun in the town. This was mounted on a lorry, which was then @riven at high speed up and down the main road, giving = greater image of strength.&#13;
Alinksy says, take the gyes, ears and nose. If you have a lot of people parade them before the enemy: if not, work on the&#13;
and make a lot of noise: if you have neither then ‘stink the place up’.&#13;
In the early ARC campaigns, though we weren't brilliant, we&#13;
did have a certain boastful verve and the RIBA certainly&#13;
thought we were much stronger than we were: it was this, I feel, that made Eric Lyons whom I had never met before, literally&#13;
rush across a room at a functicn to speak (in most friendly terms) to me. I can think of no: other reason than that I&#13;
was a member of ARC.&#13;
We must devise ways to make our voice heard and to publicly&#13;
to discuss TACTICS and STRATEGY. Now this would be a unique gathering. A body of professionals (and others) joining together; some with experience in the field, some without but wanting to act in the community fashicn. I feel a greater respect for and confidence in, 211 those who came to Harrogate and who I have met at the subsequent meetings, than for any&#13;
‘expert’ community activist, no matter how publicised they&#13;
have been. And this is because the former hav e SINCERITY? DEDICATION &amp; COMMITMENT, and it was these qualities that brought them to Harrogate, and which brings them still tc London £or&#13;
the Committee meetings.&#13;
I assure you that these are not emotive sentiments of mine, but highly rational. Just think for a while when it is that a&#13;
struggle really is alive: when the 'people' begin to move. In this revolutionary struggle for a new architecture WE ARE&#13;
TRE PEOPLE.&#13;
SOME NOTES ON SAUL ALINE R¥Y'S 13 RULES FOR RADICALS WITH REFERENCE TO OUR OWN STRUGGLE&#13;
Rute 1 'Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, polarize it’.&#13;
I have outlined that, at this stage, our target must be the profession and specifically the RIBA. Doing this we will escape any woolly thinking regarding the political system of our society at large, though&#13;
make reference to that society,&#13;
Quite rightly we will not avoid&#13;
this issue as cur overriding community architecture’. But moment is our detestation of places obstacles in cur way Again, as I have stressed,&#13;
aim is to conceive a system what holds us together at the&#13;
can collaborate in mcre expert&#13;
we terms, and thus be far more&#13;
precise about our struggle political system. This will,&#13;
‘professional’, in contrast waged in the larger political&#13;
to the many ‘amateur’ campaigns arena.&#13;
certainly we will continually&#13;
the fact that our own profession&#13;
to achieving community architecture.&#13;
choosing to fight the RIBA,&#13;
than if we were discussing literally make our struggle&#13;
of&#13;
an overall&#13;
&#13;
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Rule 4&#13;
Rule 5&#13;
Rule 6&#13;
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professional establishment. John Allen's reply to Clive Fleury's article in BD was partly right and partly disastrous. Right because it was to the point and humourous, disastrous because&#13;
a letter containing over a dozen signature was slipped in at&#13;
the bottom of a page and, I'm sure, hardly read by anyone.&#13;
At this stage (our infancy) we must ba brash, bold, vulgar, petulant and angry. We must also be defiant, destructive and anarchistic. We know that many of these things we are not: on the contrary we are unified and rational. Don't be worried&#13;
that this approach will be counter-productive: at this stage, and so long as the outsider thinks we are many, then on the contrary it will be a most productive strategy. One of the truths about our architectural community is that many of them yearn for something to brighten their dull lives....I can see that I am now leading into the third rule.&#13;
I have already stated that our people (at this stage anyway: should we ever get close to a community architecture - our people would then include the public) and the architects and students who make up the profession. We must. not force our major political views on our fellows - though we should in no way deny them. If our aim is to get the salaried architects On our side then we should at all times, appeal to them through their position as assistants in offices: we must&#13;
talk about things which they will recognise in their everyday work. Similarly, with students, we must spell cut their&#13;
future, or lack cf it, under the present system. We can bring individuals to our side by appealing to-a sense of idealism,&#13;
but we would be foolish to try to build a mass movement on that basis.&#13;
"Never go outside the experience of your people’&#13;
sAlways_ try to go outside the experience of your enemy '&#13;
‘Make the enemy live up to it's own book of rules!&#13;
In every way this rule is the opposite of rule 3. Here we must use the principle of idealism at all times. It is some- thing which the power holders cannot handle. We know that,&#13;
aS a generality. to have become a successful architect&#13;
context of the monopclistic RIBR, means that idoalism (if they ever had any) has been ‘ditched! along the way by the&#13;
Simply because it has been an obstacle to success.&#13;
trying to do is mobilise the latent potential idealism existing even within the power-hase of the RIBA. In fact tc confuse&#13;
the establishment, which knows only too well that we who oppose them always have the pessibility of exploiting the idealism existing within the general society. This rule is connected&#13;
with the next.&#13;
The RIBA can no more live up to it's own public statements (no matter how bland they are) than the christian church can live up to the inessage of Christianity - or, if you wish, the&#13;
general run of British Marxists can live up to the message of Karl Marx. Alinksy states that ‘you can crucify tge enemy with this fuie',&#13;
Ridicule is man's most potent weapon’&#13;
The enemy cannot stand ridicule especially if its developed to a high standard (The British Government's curtaig£ing of the early satirical TV shows is an example cf this). This&#13;
in the&#13;
successful, What we are&#13;
&#13;
 &#13;
 - JT-&#13;
rule has ‘spun-off' advantages - in that it also makes the struggle a little easier through laughter and convinces the public that we revolutionaries are ‘human’ and see the lighter&#13;
“Side of lite, . Rule 7 "A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag‘&#13;
This is pure common sense - Our struggle against a powerful historically based professional monopely is really so massive, that unless we keep our senses ‘alive’ we will be worn out in no time at all. Any psychologist will tell us that we need such variety in our strategy. Furthermore an added advantage of a variety cf tactics, is that we will have a kind cf 'thermometer' to test our ‘health' from time to time. We cannot accept&#13;
degrees of success and failure in our operations, and say....&#13;
all right we did that wrong; now on this next job we'll operate differently’,&#13;
Rule &amp; ‘A Good tactic is one that your people enjoy' This is a common sense rule again.&#13;
Rule 9 "Keep the pressure on’&#13;
This rule relates to rule 7. We must create a situation where the RIBA just doesn't know what were going to do next - (or where we're going to do it). Keep them guessing and, most important of all, keep them ‘stretched’ in reacting to events.&#13;
A basic tenet of radicalism is that action springs from re-action&#13;
weees and SO -On;,&#13;
Rule 10 The threat is usually more errifying than the action itself’&#13;
Alinsky gives many (some very humourous) examples of this rule. I'm sure there's a lot of potential in it for owr campaign.&#13;
I recall writing and getting published in BD, a long and violent letter just prior to the RIBA celebrations for Architectural Heritage Year centred around The Festival Hell (Prince Philip&#13;
and all that). I said I had some plans to do something at the event: several people, some rather urgently, tried to find out&#13;
my. intentions though in fact, I had no plans. Another time in&#13;
an article in BD, I stated quite clearly that by the end of the year ARC would have a cell in every school of architecture in&#13;
this country. That provoked quite a’lot of reaction especially from ‘ex-colonel' type architects accusing me of being an urban guerrilla, and suggesting that mothers who paid fees to have their children taught by me at the AA, should look into my backgreund.&#13;
If we put our heads together, we could really think up some threats to help our struggle.&#13;
2 Rule 11 'The major premise for tactics is the development of operations&#13;
that will maintain a constant pressSsure upon the opposition’&#13;
This seems just a repeat of rule 7, yet its worth repeating&#13;
over and over again, as, in some ways, it's the most crucial rule. So long as there is pressure, there is action, so long as action, reaction, then more action and thus a sense of 'Life'. Without this our struggle is doomed. We will collapse through boredom furstration and apathy. On the other hand the enemy (RIBA) will continue to flourish on boredom and apathy.&#13;
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 Rule 12&#13;
Rule 13&#13;
Alinksy gives an an example Ghandi' technique of passive rrsistance, but I can't see how thi rule relates to our problem (Any suggestions?)&#13;
'The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative’ «&#13;
what would you do?"&#13;
&gt;03&#13;
'If you push a negative hard enough, it will break through into e's counternart”&#13;
This rule is crucial. Having got the establishment to concede something - we must then have some answers when they say "Now&#13;
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                <text> October 1976&#13;
"SINCE THE DEMISE OF THE COLNE VALLEY GUARDIAN EARLIER THIS YEAR, THE VALLEY AREA HAS NOT HAD ANYTHING LIKE THE PUBLIS-&#13;
~HED REPRESENTATION IT’S PROBLEMS WARRANT. THIS FIRST ISSUE IS_INTENDED TO EXPRESS ONE PARTICULAR VIEW, IDEALLY THE NEXT ISSUE WILL CARRY A WIDE VARIETY OF LOCAL OPINION. WE ONLY HOPE THAT THE PAPER WILL ALWAYS SPEAK OUT STRONGLY ABOUT IMPORTANT LOCAL ISSUES.&#13;
THE MAJOR THEME OF THIS ISSUE IS POTENTIAL, NOT GRUMBLES ABOUT THE PRESENT OR NOSTALGIA FOR THE PAST, BUT IDEAS &amp;&#13;
POSSIBILITIES IN THE FUTURE.&#13;
&#13;
.&#13;
Dy COLNE VALLEY NEWS. OCTOBER 1976&#13;
WHO AND WHY&#13;
An introduction to the Colne Valley News and the Community Architecture Team&#13;
 BY GEORGE MILLS&#13;
This newsheet is hopefully the first of many. Through it we hope thatalively, locally initiat- ed debate will begin, which may inspire people to act regarding their own futures in the Colne Valley.&#13;
This first issue has been put to- gether by a group of planners and architects from the Comm- unity Architecture Team, who have worked as designers for local tenant and resident groups up and down the country. On the strength of our work we were given a grant to work in the Colne Valley. From past exper- ience we realize the value of hav- ing a good pamphlet or newsheet circulating in the areas we work in. Hopefully the subsequent issues of this newsheet will be written, produced and distribut- ed by local people from up and down the valley. We have in our grant a small sum of money allocated for that purpose.&#13;
EXPERIENCE&#13;
The communities we have worked with have mainly been in areas threat- ened by demolition, redevelopment or extinction by cumbersome and insen- sitive planning. We basically believe that the people who live and work in a particular area should have the major say when it comes to debating that areas future, not faceless local govern- ment departments or profit minded developers. Our work has been al over the country, in Liverpool, South Wales, Covent Garden and most rec- ently in the London Borough of Eal- Ing, working with the residents of these areas trying to prevent the&#13;
destruction of their homes and work places. We realize that the situation in the Colne Valley is a little different, but no planning can be just as dest- ructive as too much planning, part- icularly when an area is subject to the kind of problems that seem to be affl- icting the Colne Valley.&#13;
A very familiar sight.&#13;
LOCAL GOVERNMENT&#13;
The recently published information about West Yorkshires forthcoming publicity exercise to find out what people in the area want in the future is a typical example of so called ‘Public Participation in Planning’. This part- icipation usually consists of specific- ally prepared questions which some how manage to avoid the contentious issues in an area. The Colne Valley does not just need more industry, ora better bus service, or a cleaned up environment. The proposed public mectings being held up and down the county will tell the planners nothing - the questions they will ask will not get right to the root of the areas problems. They will not be considering the dignity, self respect or aspirations of the people of the areas, because most planners and bureaucrats are incapable of working at that level.&#13;
Until they come down from their ivory towers to the street level and see reality, they have no right to plan for any area It is the people in the villages of the Colne Valley that should deter- mine its future directly, not local governments who are notorious for misrepresenting the aspirations and desires of people in their areas.&#13;
HOPES&#13;
We hope we can work with the res- idents of Marsden, Linthwaite Slaith- waite, Milnsbridge and Golcar to try and revitalize some local industry and activity which will prevent the depop- ulation of the area and hopefully give the Colne Valley some of the vigour the declining textile industry seems to be sapping from it. We sense that the valley has many qualities and resources as yet untapped, which though not at first obvious,still exist. These can only be found in areas that have not been swallowed up by urban sprawl from nearby towns and cities. Unlike most planners and architects we are very aware of the real qualities of such places as exist in the Colne Valley. Through our work in other parts of the country we have learned that these qualities are never catered for in the grand master plans, local and central governments usually produce. Over the page are just a few initial ideas which might start the ball rolling, they are not proposals, just sketches which can be used to talk about the possibilities.&#13;
CONTENTS&#13;
FREE FIRST ISSUES&#13;
There are five hundred copies of this first issue. With a subsid rom our grant, subsequent issues should work Out around four or five pence each.&#13;
WHO AND WHY PEOPLE OR PAWNS&#13;
PAGE 2 PAGE 3&#13;
WHO HOLDS THEY KEY?&#13;
THE CARDS STACKED&#13;
AGAINST THE VALLEY PAGE &amp;&#13;
INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS&#13;
WITH A HUMANE CAUSE PAGE 5&#13;
TAKE ONE EMPTY MILL PAGE 6&#13;
A DISMANTLED MILL BUILDING&#13;
VILLAGES ARE NOT PURPOSE-MADE SUBURBS PAGE 8&#13;
&#13;
 PAWNS:&#13;
An Editorial appraisal of the Colne Valley and its future&#13;
Crimble Mil, Slaithwaite,-any takers ?&#13;
In appearance the Colne Valley has not altered drastically for nearly a hundred years. Its main villages have had a few bits tack- ed on to them, a few more roads, a few more houses and the odd new factory. The main commun- ication routes are still the same, road, canal and railway, though through dereliction or transport policy these are nowhere near as busy as they were in the past. The stable industry in the valley is still what it has been for nearly&#13;
two centuries, basically woollen and worsted fabric production, though no one in the area needs reminding what is happening to that basic industry.&#13;
ADVERSE CHANGES&#13;
Whenavast jndustry isrunning down at the rate that textiles are in the Colne Valley, or at the rate that the coal mining industry ran down in the South Wales valleys, it has a great effect on the people indigenous to those areas. It is always the older established communities that feel the harsher effects of industrial and economic change. This is the only certain thing that can be said about the valley, it is in the process of change.&#13;
We are starting our work in the valley with the assumption that with the right conditions prevailing, most of the indigenous population, the people who live and work in the area now, would like to stay here.&#13;
be capable.of sustaining the popul- ation, and which will provide a future firmly established in the roots and origins, the character and nature of the people from the Colne Valley area.&#13;
Successive governments have seen no social detriment tn unemployed men and women with their families having to move sometimes hundreds of miles to get employment. Only the people directly affected by these wrenches Know the adverse change and disrup- tion involved in such a move. People who are caught in this tight economic trap have only two choices open to them, move, leaving friends, relatives and familiar things, or stay and remain unemployed or underemployed. In the Colne Valley many people over the past few years must have been con- fronted with this choice, or those that haven't, must be aware that they are&#13;
likely to be within the next few years. Family and community break up from choice is part of accepted human nature, the young and restless have always fled the nest, but when people&#13;
are forced by circumstances beyond thetr control into leaving their homes&#13;
Britannia Mils Milnsbridge, rotting for and familiar areas, it is a social in-&#13;
the last fow years.&#13;
GOOD RIDDANCE ?&#13;
Some people will be glad to be rid of the textile industry for once and for all, others will mourn its continuing decline. Those with first hand exper ience of mill working and its related social and domestic lifestyle, know that there were good times and bad times, good decades and bad ones. Their instincts may tell them that the present decline is for good, and that the industry has to decline even further, before it reaches a size where itcan stabilize itself.&#13;
At the moment there seems to be a great many people with unwanted skills and a kind of pride that doesn’t seem relevant or valuable to new ways and methods of present day indust- rialization. Many factors affect people who find themselves unemployed or employed in a job that they are not really suited to, which may also entail commuting out of the area where al there roots and ties are.&#13;
justice. If industry in the area con- tinues to be slow in evolving to a sub- stantial level, not only will the young be unemployed, they will be left with little or no choice regarding their own futures. If no industry takes the place of the very large gaps left by the mills, then sadly, it will not only be the young who will be forced to leave.&#13;
INFORMATION NEEDED&#13;
Wehavesomeplansofmilsand other derelict land and buildin- gs, but any kind ofdocuments, plans, gossip etc., that people&#13;
think could be useful in the work,wouldbegreatlyappre- ciated.&#13;
GEORGE MILLS.&#13;
COLNE VALLEY NEWS. OCTOBER 1976 3&#13;
One of these prevailing conditions, in fact THE prevailing condition must be that they can AFFORD to stay here, which means there must be work in the area for both the old and young, men and women. There must be a type of industrial development which must&#13;
&#13;
 4 COLNE VALLEY NEWS. OCTOBER 1976&#13;
WHO HOLDS THE KEY TO THE FUTURE OF THE VALLEY?&#13;
BY PETE MOLONEY&#13;
When an area has a good deal of redun- dant buildings and plots, the easy way out for the people who own the land and buildings is try and get them designated for housing use. When a spate of il thought out estates start to spring up al over the place, the local authority can then start collect- ing rates again. This haphazard, juggl- ing of land and buildings has never bettered the lives of people living in an area.&#13;
The people who work in the sphere of ‘community architecture’ have totally the opposite view to this, belicving that the people who live and work in an area should be the major concern when planning, and they should not&#13;
Marsden Mills&#13;
have inflicted upon them the second rate solutions designed with only profit or prestige motives in mind.&#13;
THE CONSEQUENCES FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE COLNE VALLEY IF ITS COMMUNITIES ARE NOT SEEN AS ITS PRIMARY VALUE, COULD BE SOCIALLY DISASTER- OUS!&#13;
COMMUNITY | ARCHITECTS OFFICE ;&#13;
1,NED LANE SLAITHWAITE&#13;
So, how do such communities dictate their own futures? The solutions to many of the problems can start from the people up and down the valley, we believe it is they who hold the key to their own future. Small things which do not require a great deal of finance could be started fairly quickly, more ambitious schemes could follow,&#13;
but we believe that without that initial spirit from the communities being the prime motivator, none of them would be worthwhile.&#13;
There are ways and means by which owners of some of the derelict prop- erties and land could be approached, and through the formation of assoc- lations, societies, cooperatives or com- panies, groups of people in one form or another may be able to acquire the use of land and buildings in the area. The initial small scale ideas could indicate the potential of the area and inspire other people to get inyolv- ed. Some ideas will flounder for&#13;
various reasons, others could be very successful, they could begin to decis- ively affect the development of the valley’s future in a way that brings out its dormant qualities.&#13;
access to the motorways present a much more viable proposition to investors. Local and regional reports on the area refer to the Colne Valley’s potential as a dormitory area, which apart from being an insult to the people living and working in the area,&#13;
is an extremely cynical and pessimistic way to view a place with such a vibrant history.&#13;
The fact that the valley was at the very&#13;
heart of Britain's industrial expansion in the 19th and 20th Century seems to have nd bearing on the way it isbeing ignored in the 1970's. The term dormitory means just what it infers, a place where nobody works, they just&#13;
live there and go elsewhere to work. Through our office in Slaith- waite, any groups or individuals who want to seriously begin to discuss ideas and schemes can get together. People interested in&#13;
NATIONAL CARDS ARE STACKED&#13;
Working out solutions to the&#13;
Colne Valley's problems is by no&#13;
means easy. The fact the area has&#13;
a good record for industrial industrial or commercial invest- relations is, in itself, not good&#13;
NEXT ISSUE&#13;
Itishardateat tosayif the paper wil published ona monthly, fortnightly or.every week basis. Whatever itwil need layout people, feature, sports, events and opinion writers. Plus cartoons, cross- words etc.&#13;
ANYBODY INTERESTED IN THE PRODUCTION OF THE NEXT ISSUE CAN MEET THROUGH OUR OFFICE IN SLAITHWAITE.&#13;
ment. Contrary to popular belief it seems highly unlikely that the government will ever impose tough enough import restrictions to prevent the closure of further mills. In short, at the present time the Colne Valley does not have a great deal going for it.&#13;
By Rob Thompson&#13;
enough to attract the necessary&#13;
Though the valley runs parallel to the&#13;
M62 Motorway, there is difficult&#13;
terrain to Cross to get to it in harsh&#13;
weather conditions. There does not&#13;
seem to be any chance of an improved&#13;
local or regional train service. The&#13;
extinct mills present many problems&#13;
to would-be industrialists, unwilling&#13;
to invest the required amount of continuing and improving the money into buildings in an area,&#13;
which for them, appears to have a very unpredictable future. The sites on the eastern side of Huddersfield with easier, flatter terrain and better&#13;
newsheet can contact others through the office too. Nothing will happen unless people really Start taking an active part in their own futures.&#13;
THE REGIONAL AND AGAINST THE VALLEY&#13;
&#13;
 WITHOUT THE EXPLOITATION OF RESOURCES OR PEOPLE.&#13;
EXISTING HOUSIN east&#13;
HI agg&#13;
BeULytsSs COULD BECOME A REALLY PLEASANT HOUSING BLOCK WITH&#13;
ever&#13;
GARMENT MAKING S&#13;
KIDS PLAY CENTRE ETC. ~&#13;
COURTYARDS ON EACH PEOOR |&#13;
EXISTING INDUSTRY&#13;
:a&#13;
FTOHRE KWIHDOSL:E RIVER AND CAMAL SIDE COLLD BE&#13;
AND3 STOREY B&#13;
S$&#13;
igs&#13;
AND WAREHOUS/ THE EMPTY AREAS&#13;
The river below Golcar-ill used land.&#13;
(cont on page 7)&#13;
COLNE VALLEY NEWS. OCTOBER 1976 5 OGRESS WITH&#13;
AHUMANE CAUSE&#13;
The Colne Valley’s own rise and fall highlights some of the effects mass industrialization can have on aplace. When the area began its boom in the 18th Century it destroyed the old established textile industry inNorfolk, Devon and Oxfordshire, At present the industries of the Far East are threaten- ing to destroy the industry in the West Riding. The economic market cycle keeps turning, irrespective of social consequences, and the one-industry areas such as the Colne Valley are very vulnerable, because all their eggs are in one very flimsy basket.&#13;
In reality the Colne Valley today is the product of two very socially destruc- tive forces, one being that it developed around very big factory units, the mills, and the other that there were a great many of these concentrated in a relatively small area. So in local and national terms it would be suicidal to try and reinstate textile production in large mills and consequently it would be just as disasterous to find one industry of equivalent size to replace it.&#13;
INDUSTRIAL PR&#13;
Even though the part the Colne Valley played in Britain’s mass industrialization was significant, that growth must be viewed in the light of what we know about its effects today. The type of in- dustrial growth which we as a nation fostered all over the world, is being seen today as the major culprit behind the pollu- tion of nature’s systems and the ensuing scarcity of the earth’s raw materials. So it would be de- trimental to just say that indust- ry in the valley must get-back into full swing, without consid- ering the wider implications of the effects of large scale industry on the lives of people and the places they live in.&#13;
On the global scale we are now exper- iencing shortages of most raw mater- ials. When textiles first began in the area it was because the wool from the local sheep was particularly suited to making the fabrics for which the valley became noted and because the water in the River Colne was particul- arly good for dyeing and bleaching that material. That was a long time ago, if the industry had stabilized at a size where it could supply itself locally, it would not have grown so cumbersome and virtually reliant for al its raw materials on importation. It would be fatal, in a radically changing world, to build up any new industries on a base that relies so heavily on imported material. Scarcity and cost would soon destroy such an industry today.&#13;
LOUIS HELLMAN &amp; GEORGE MILLS&#13;
EVEMING ACTIVITIES COULD INCLUDE PRA SPORTS FACILITIES, MIGHT CLASSES.&#13;
MILLS IN THE VALLEY BOTTOM-MILNSBRIDGE&#13;
ONE IDEA&#13;
&#13;
 Ste,&#13;
MILL.&#13;
| Metalworking&#13;
6 COLNE VALLEY NEWS. OCTOBER 1976&#13;
OUSES, SCHOOLS&#13;
THEVARIOUSSKILLSINTHE &lt;&gt;&#13;
AREA COULD COMBINE _&lt;o= “AHorticulture&#13;
-4Fish farming&#13;
TO ALTER, THEN WORK FROM THE | CONVERTED 5&#13;
_4Waste pulping&#13;
Recycling of { fabrics&#13;
SHOPS OR STORES.&#13;
Aa&#13;
++seeIFAGROUP OF PEOPLE CGULD RAISE THE CASH TO ACQUIRE ONE OF EMPTY MILLS IN THe VALLEY,&#13;
TarndtSAN naetGov Se :&#13;
USING THE RIGHT TECHNOLOGY, COULD FROM). { possible uses. HUMBLE BEGINNINGS GROW INTG GOOD Size|j&#13;
CONCERNS. MODIFICATION OF THE MILLS FOR|. Woodworkin TEMPORARYUSESCOULDBEMADECHEAPLY| Plasticmouling&#13;
4 PLUS ALL THE 4ANCILLARY USES&#13;
FROM THE MAJOR INDUSTRIES. WATER AND LAND WITH&#13;
ldings.... -».WELL SUITED FOR CONVERS- 1ON INTO H&#13;
bui&#13;
AED dangig,&#13;
METEH Xe&#13;
oz =m&#13;
“sE&#13;
ice&#13;
ow Be Z&#13;
x -&#13;
£ &amp;&#13;
ae Yj)»_off&#13;
lo&#13;
es us CS ae WS&#13;
SSCS&#13;
weds Popeater os&#13;
9 te&#13;
ee&#13;
yee&#13;
Oore&#13;
TAKE ONE EMPTY MILL&#13;
CLA&gt;,SeLaOgeerTHROARTIC ESKPON.OTMmill_ ponds°-WITH AFAIRLY ZED pek7 4,FL TU. SONS © MODEST OFTLAYASUBSTANTIAL INCOME&#13;
EXCEL ROQROTHe OOK YONTM CAN BE OBTAINED eRe. FISH FARMING. BEN. PRo~ GREOULD v7 THIS INCOME COULD FINANCE MORE COSTLY&#13;
NEarp OUC BRENKo, BE ACTIVITIES AROUND THE MAIN BUILDINGS.&#13;
\,OTHER POSS- Pa. IBLE USES.&#13;
“=&lt; POTENTIAL&#13;
&#13;
 STONES SE&#13;
OF\SLAT&#13;
IN THE&#13;
br&#13;
COLNE VALLEY NEWS OCTOBER 1976 7&#13;
OF E VALL&#13;
INDUSTRIAL&#13;
PROGRESS&#13;
A HUMANE&#13;
WITH&#13;
CAUSE (continued from page5)&#13;
LIED BY THE NUMBER MPTY MILLS&#13;
The future industrial base of the Colne Valley must be very diverse, therefore because of the area we are talking about, just a six mile long strip of valley, there must be agreat number of small industries producing a great varicty of commodities. Loc- ally this means a great choice of work, which will act as a magnet for the young and restless in the valley, and greater financial stability. Greater stability because in a period of decline only specific kinds of industry will be affected, others will continue to flourish, which means only a few people will be affected, not the whole population of the valley as it is now.&#13;
The drudgery and sheer inhumanity of the conveyor belt/factory system which we have developed through large industries, is at present under very severe scrutiny. People are now at last beginning to realize that the greatest resource on the planet, people themselves, should not be subjected to the sheer monotony and degrad- ation of most of our factories, they should be valued much more highly. The more humane methods of pro- duction and technology now being developed, which give workers a great deal more satisfaction than the factory system ever did and at the same time are much more aware of the scarcity&#13;
COMFORTABLE AND PRODUCTIVE WORKSHOPS&#13;
__ADISMANTLED MILL BUILDIN&#13;
Small industries can change and adapt much more quickly, in real terms be more economic, and have historically meant a much more satisfying and rewarding life for the people working in them.&#13;
rt&#13;
Unlike the situation with textiles, where change meant large scale invest- ment because of the sheer size of the concern, small scale concerns are much more flexible and can adapt quickly to the ever changing methods of production.&#13;
of the earth’s resources could be applied quickly to new small industr- ies. Cheap and long lasting forms of technology could be the life blood needed by the Colne Valley to get some small industries off the ground. An awareness of the real potential of the vacant land and buildings in the valley coupled with these new meth- ods, could give people a sustained and rewarding future in the area. To the average eye the Colne Valley may appear to be destined for a grim future, or it may be ripe for a tourist industry or a national industrial mus- eum six miles long! But a long hard look beneath this surface reveals a great potential which must not be undervalued, a potential of people, land and buildings which, if it were tapped could provide an extremely rewarding, even exciting next few decades.&#13;
&#13;
 BY PAUL GORKA &amp; BRIAN ANSON&#13;
GOLCAR evolved and the nature and character of its other reason than convenience.&#13;
At a time when everyone is be- ginning to realize the pitfalls of living and working in large cities, or in the sprawling New Towns where most new industry is tem- pted to go, it seems ironic that places such as Golcar or Marsden are being allowed to deteriorate through lack of investment in industry, agriculture and hous- ing. The size and character of&#13;
If an old industrial area begins to get a second lease of life from being merely a retreat from city life, the place, with- in a very short space of time loses its fundamental quality, becomes as root- less and sterile as a new town or spraw- ling estate.&#13;
If the people of the Colne Valley do not begin to take a real interest in its future, the local and regional govern- ments will get their way, and the area will become just another suburb. Social change take time, good or bad, but if the warning signs up and down the valley are not heeded soon, the process of deterioration could begin to accelerate. Many areas in towns, cities and villages all over Britian have&#13;
| STOP PRESS&#13;
settlements like these provide&#13;
that delicate balance between&#13;
town and country, urban and&#13;
rural. The small towns and&#13;
villages around most industrial&#13;
areas have this quality. When it&#13;
becomes uneconomic for the&#13;
indigenous population to remain&#13;
in their area, on leaving, their&#13;
places for the most part, are&#13;
taken by the more affluent rumoured redevelopment which makes never really got soing&#13;
commuters wishing to get away from nearby conurbation or city, preferring the more pleasant environment offered by the small town or village. This in itself is not a bad thing, but when it begins to disturb the social/ economic balance of a place, the overall quality of that place begins to deteriorate socially.&#13;
people panic and move, or because new development nearby acts as a magnet for people, industry and cash, leaving the other area with few attr- ibutes to make people want to stay there. The absolute pity about the Colne Valley is that it has so much potential as a good place to live and work, that no one seems prepared to recognize.&#13;
People may consider it romantic to think of the Colne Valley as a good place to live, you could ask what is good about steep paths and roads,&#13;
The vague and wooley attitude of the people running the meeting made it very difficult for the real issues to&#13;
be discussed. They expressed concern for every problem, but hed no real policy to tackle any of them.&#13;
Areas like the valley need some action, not sympathy.&#13;
in Just a few short years changed from being vibrant and lively places into blighted and run down slums. This is because areas get some kind of curse on them. Either in the form of a&#13;
The Public Meeting at Huddersfield Town Hall held on the 25th Oct, to discuss the West Yorks ‘Structure Plan'&#13;
-MADE SUBURBS&#13;
VILLAGES ARE NOT P THE VALUE OF VALLEY SETTLEMENTS&#13;
COLNE VALLEY NEWS OCTOBER 1976&#13;
inhabitants evolved with it. Today we expect kinships to flower in estates planted in the middle of nowhere for na&#13;
URPOSE&#13;
back to back houses and old mills. Well in all honesty in themselves as Scparate entities, there is nothing good about them. The important thing is THAT IF A POPULATION HAS GROWN UP IN A PARTICULAR ENVIRONMENT, THEY CREATE IN AND AMONGST IT, PATTERNS, HABITS, AFFINITIES AND WAYS&#13;
WHICH GIVE IT A UNIQUE QUAL- ITY. A quality which may be only in the eye of the bcholder, BUT A QUALITY WHICH MUST BE REC- OGNIZED AS BEING AN INCR- EASINGLY MORE IMPORTANT PART OF A SATISFYING EVERY- DAY LIFE. The buildings, together with the settlements they make up, would be totally dead without the corresponding nature and character of the people who have lived and worked amongst them. The two are insepar- able, Slaithwaite would be a totally different place filled with people from Leeds, just as Slaithwaite people would feel uneasy and out of place living in Leeds. This is not to say that Slaithwaite should surround itself with barbed wire and keep out allcomers,&#13;
BUT IF THE DOMINANT NATURE&#13;
CEASES TO DICTATE THE VILLAGE'S CHAR- ACTER, IT WILL SOON LOSE&#13;
OF SLAITHWAITERS&#13;
THOSE QUALITIES WHICH MAKE IT A GOOD PLACE TO LIVE. This applies to every settlement in the valley. It is up to the people living in the different villages to start working out ways of enhancing cach one, regretting their decline is not enough.&#13;
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                <text> COLNE WALLEY FUTURE.&#13;
Society will accept the consequences ot such phenomena for&#13;
the sake of ‘economic growth’, but&#13;
to recognize the social irresponsibility in doing so. ‘The Welfare State has developed as a buffer to administer social aneasthetic in the wake of such&#13;
is in this humanely undignified state&#13;
its part in the‘national interest* and reacned a stage where&#13;
both publie and private enterprise&#13;
Scale, supnort the ‘spent’ lifestyle or its indigenous lation. Concurrent with this there is the populations indecisiveness, fostered by two centuries of paternalistic and benevolent employers. The few&#13;
the valley are predominantly using&#13;
rial accommodation as a sprinboard&#13;
my. this practice 1s socially negative&#13;
ions to such areas problems; 1t 1s not the evolvmng saviour ot tne community it is perported to be in most quarters.&#13;
cont/&#13;
it is blatantly unwilling&#13;
disruntion. the Volne Valley at present, it has played&#13;
will not actively, on any popu-&#13;
small industries going into the areas now cheap indust— into the capitalist econo-&#13;
in finding real solut-—&#13;
1ARCHITECTS 16th MSee : “{REVOLUTIONARY&#13;
COUNCIL&#13;
ay nyi.&#13;
The Colne Valley which runs west from Huddersfield to the foot of the Pennines, was at the very heart of the industrial revolution; the veritable womb of the economic expansion of Britain. For over two hundred years it has been sending fabrics to every corner of the globe. Lt grew from a primarily domestic weaving area, into a factory based, multi- disciplinary textile industry, that encompassed every fascet of woolen and worsted fabric production. It has predominantly flourished on the high quality of these products.&#13;
Because of the Tapid growth and high concentration of fabric production in the Colne Valley, older,established fabric producing areas, Oxford, Norfolk and Devon in particular,&#13;
© were sent into a rapid decline, socially and economically, towards the end of the 18th Century. The complaint today is that Korea, Taiwan, Isreal and the Eactern European States&#13;
are, through their more modern and economic production methods, putting the Colne Valley industry, into the same kind of decline. une could be capitalistically negative and accept this kind of situation to be all part of a spectrum of continued world growth and market expansion and accept the social consequences as inevitable. The vain attempts to impose import limits and hign taritfs on foriegn fabrics are no solution to the stable industry of the Colne Valley, the odds against any stringent limitation being imposed, are nign. Such areas are expected to flounder within a capitalist economy, sooner or later in the market cycle, society being conceited enough to believe itself eo diverse and highly developed that things&#13;
Will readjust without any adverse effects. The fact that the indigenous population, young, old, industrially active or socially sedated, all suffer in some way,seems irrelevant. The fact tnat social reLationships, networks and activities&#13;
© are all diversidy affected by such economic decline appears unimportant. Forced migration and fremily rupture in the ensuing depopulation, is readily accepted and budgetted for.&#13;
C&#13;
Il PERCY STREET LONDON WI. Ol. 636-0974 -EXT 27&#13;
&#13;
 At a time when everyone is beginning to realize the pitraiis of mass urbanization, such delicately balanced semi-rural&#13;
settiements as exist in the&#13;
destroyed. the piignt of such areas is only too well known ,&#13;
yet society seems content&#13;
degenerate and become satellites devoid of the randamental affinitys for any human settlement.&#13;
valley must not have their&#13;
cultures&#13;
to encourage them to socially&#13;
for our large urpan centres,&#13;
that are the primary vase&#13;
Because of their location, Ee CereD ey and climate the small towns and villages of the Colne Valley are ideaity situated, with some assistance, to firmly dictate their own aestiny.&#13;
The answer does not lie with the Tourist Board, the CBi, the Champers of Commerce or the Trade Unions. It lies witn the indigenous popuiation. It is not anticipated that this pop- ulation, to gain social justice, will need to barricade the&#13;
A62 Trunk Road, or aynamite the Huddersfield=— Manchester Railway. but an awareness of their own potential and precarious future couid prove powerful enough for such measures to be contempbted ana inaeea seriously worked out, should the need arise. ‘thougn nara neaaed and basically conservative in&#13;
nature tne Colne Valiey peuple know the meaning of the word justice.&#13;
In the few attempts to identify or stud the are&#13;
the usual solutions such as ‘stimlate Lnventnanerinn cee machinery,(politicians/financiers) or ‘attract new light industries, (anti pollution brigade) or develop it as a tourist area (conservationists) have all been quoated from varying sources. These are not solutions, they are stop gaps/ e€go—boosters/ and self interested activists token gestures, steeped in patronizing and charitable cliches about tne&#13;
‘character and social history" of the area. The plain facts are that the Colne Valley, its resources and its people, have been exploited, and that unless a humane interest is shown in the lives and lifestyles of its people, further exploitation will take place. The outward signs of a more subtle exploitation are now manifesting themselves in the area, Many of the houses in the older attractive areas or valley, such as Golcar, are becoming cheap commuter havens. People who have no respect tor the'peoples history’ are busily conserving everything with a smattering ot sentiment&#13;
or quaintness. A gradual beautufication&#13;
of the area is seen&#13;
by the middle class activista as being of ‘real benefit to&#13;
the villagers’.&#13;
E&#13;
Capitalism, entreprenaur speculation and mass industrializa- tion, have bred a imowlng tenacity amongst the population, wno are not unaware of the negative social changes at present occurring. The primary satisfaction most people found an aff- inity in throughout the area, was the pride of imowing that&#13;
the fabrics the area produced were of the highest quality.&#13;
The acute division of labour in tne textile industry is at&#13;
last begining to erode this singular motivation, 1t 1S mostly manifest in the attitude of the young toward the textile mils. No public or private agency able to regenerate employment for the valley snows any concern for the migration of the Natives, the ensuing industrial and domestic blight or the Spirit of&#13;
the people. The primary course of action is the creation of&#13;
a diverse and rich workbase to stabilize the population in&#13;
the five main viilages in the valley.&#13;
&#13;
 cont/&#13;
In planning, the kind of approach which gives primary credance to existing social orders, has been totally mutilated by the conservationists and ‘rehabilitate everything brigade’. The&#13;
protection of the physical environment in the name of character, history or national heritage has been universally adopted by the liberal minded, directionless band of builders, financiers and designers, who,having reaped a thirty year&#13;
harvest from the modern movemant phase, are now seeking fortunes from nostalgia design. The protection of the physical environ- ment pure and simple, is socially meaningless, the networks and habits that exist within these environments are the life blood, the buildings mere skeletons. The consequence of overt conserv-— ation is social disruption, building values become highly inflated and social values are increasingly ignored. In the villages of the Colne Valley that means an absolute dissemin- ation of the indigenous populations life style.&#13;
So the Colne Valley lifestyle is under threat from two fronts, one from the exponents of extreme nostalgia, the other from&#13;
the people who control private and state coffers. if the villages become mothballed commuter havens for the urban refugees, the human coexistance that is predominant in the existing population will fracture and the word ‘commmity' will no longer be applicable to Slaithwaite, Golcar or Marsden,&#13;
So the living/working/learning networks that now form the social matrix must form the basis for any future planning,&#13;
unadulterated by economic zoning or conservation area sterilization.&#13;
many new and varied socially(as opposed to economical baseaindustries,andoccupationscouldevolveifSete&#13;
as posed to enterprises, were entrusted with a regeneration ob tgea8s a stimulation of society, directed and controlled&#13;
ocally.&#13;
Although many people see the changes affecting the Colne Valley as inevitable, and in most cases acceptable, these changes are totally uncoordinated and devoid of any referance point within the valley. That is not to say that the Colne Valley needs a Total Solution working out for it, but instaed of crying every time a mill closes or waving a flag when a small firm passes through tne valley, a humane direction firmly associated Wwitn the aspirations and desires of the natives could be sought. Instead of allowing the highly substantial mill buildings to remain empty or be demolished, could they form the physical&#13;
basis for a new industrial direction within the valley?&#13;
In stead of miniscule parts of these buildings being used by small enterprises attracted by cheap leases and rents, could&#13;
they all be analysed individually, or in groups where they&#13;
occur, with a view to being the embrios of an alternative&#13;
answer to the valleys future industrial and social progress?&#13;
The variety of physical location of these buildings is unending. They would lend themselves intact, or ina reorganized form, to many domestic, educatinnal and recreational as well as industrial uses, in ways that would integrate easily and harmoniisly into the existing social orders, enhancing, not destroying them.&#13;
&#13;
 cont/&#13;
As designers contemplating such social planning, we must beware of being toutopian. We obviously have ideals, utopian or otherwise, but we must beware of simplistic solutions, which will only afford us and emotional or intellectual cop-out.&#13;
The idea that designers can ignore the realities of cultural and economic relationships and change society through the nature of the environments they design (one of the fundamental motivations of the modern movement) is obviously wishing away the majority of social realities. For once the planner sees himself working towards his own solution for the environment as an independant body, then people and relationships, the ultimate criteria, are open to manipulation to suit the designers ideals. So taking the solid reality of the old mill&#13;
buildings as a physical anchor, we should succeed in staying within the tenets of Saul Alinsky's rule of ‘working within the experience of your people’.&#13;
Though there exists a great affinity with the mills, there is also a mild hostility amongst Colne Valley peuple to the théngs that the mills historieally represent. The reluctance of the young people to enter the mills as textile workers, is a&#13;
fairly recent occurance in the valley, which will not be&#13;
- counteracted until a more human way of producing fabrics is&#13;
evolved. The factory system employed by most fabric producers has reduced the human being to a very inadeaate portion of the production process. So much so that the pride in work mentioned previously is being eroded also by the incres#ingly more complex production methods, most of them too efficient to warrant the existance of a human operative. Yet the dormant buildings which housed the once rapidly growing textile industry, themselves could hold a key to the regeneration of the area.&#13;
Taking as our premise, that employment within the valley for most of the indigapus population, will stabilize the existing&#13;
social structures, we can begin to look at the location and uses to be matte of redundant structures. There are seven areas which immediately offer themselves as places where a new industrial&#13;
and domestic base could generate from. They are all in fairly specific locations and have special qualities of their own.&#13;
1) Milnsbridge- 5 or 6 Mills (all empty) off Brittania Road straddling the RIver Colne and bordered by&#13;
the Narrows Canal. A very dense built up area&#13;
along the valley bottom&#13;
2) Copley Bank/ Four buildings in a steeply sloping valley in&#13;
Gcican a roughly linear pattern, starting at the head of the small valley off the Colne, with Heath&#13;
House Mill, down through Victoria Mill and&#13;
Contrary to some popular activists theories some planning must take plave. As long as that planning is locally controlled and not inflicted by external agencies it can be good planning. Locally controlled, small scale planning using the valleys&#13;
Many resources, natural, human and man made as the basis could give the villages an effervesence undeniably founded in the predominant culture, not in some modified idea of how things have been plamned elsewhere.&#13;
The funding for such planning could initially be found through many of the existing cooperative setups functioning in the valley,&#13;
&#13;
 Albion Mill onto the Golcar Baptist Church. A very rural and undulating landscape with many resources.&#13;
3) Titanic Mill A vast structure in 18 acres of arable lana&#13;
Linthwaite close to the A62 and bordered by the River Colne&#13;
4) Crimble Bank Two Mills north of Slaithwaite, Crimble and&#13;
Slaithwaite. Brook, in the heart of the village, a very tight&#13;
5) Slaithwaite&#13;
The area in and around and including Bank Mill a collection of small buildings arounf the&#13;
built up loaction adjoining the Slaithwaite Golear Road. ;&#13;
main Mill. In the valley bottom sandwiched bet— ween the Colne and the Canal.&#13;
6) Clough House Mill&#13;
A small, partially demolished mill in an&#13;
isolated rural setting, 1 mile west of Slaithwaite.&#13;
7) Holme Mill/Ce llars clough- Lingards&#13;
Two substantial Mills % mile east of Marsden, vast areas of water and considerable land between the two.&#13;
These seven areas are by no means the only ones where it is&#13;
possible to begin some positive&#13;
t by Richard Wa inwright, could begin through these or many other small areas up and down the valley. Copley Bank/Golcar with four virtually empty major structures within imile of each other provides a good area to study, as it four very differnt buildings with infinite possibilities.It lends itself&#13;
perfectly to the sound social concept of the industrial village which historically dominated the physical form of all the oledr settlements in the valley.&#13;
In the begiming the ARC group are working on a very tentative economic Sootines once the footing is securer and the small&#13;
office in Slaithwaite id set up, the long term strategy work&#13;
will continue alongside bread and butter alteration and extens—&#13;
ion work. No work outside the valley will be accepted, no&#13;
speculative work will be undertaken. There are enough architects reaping a rich harvest from those spheres and performing social | homicide in the process.&#13;
George Mills&#13;
Huddersfield.&#13;
ARC West Yorkshire Group. |&#13;
work. The tonic effect referred&#13;
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                  <text>1975-1976</text>
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                <text> RD,&#13;
THE MONTHLY MAGAZINE OF THE ARCHITECTS REVOLUTIONARY &lt;&#13;
=&#13;
a&#13;
&#13;
 (UTA&#13;
Perhaps most contemptible of all the RIBA has killed the idealism of architect- ural youth by its stranglehold on education. The students are herded like so many cattle into an ever-narrowing architectural conveyor belt of the future modelled on the values of management and big business.&#13;
We believe that there isindeed acrisisin architecture but one far deeper than that about which McEwen writes, Itisa spiritual, a moral crisis and the answer cannot be found within the usual narrow confines of right versus left. Nor has the RIBA any wish to tackle that crisis as its very position depends on preserving the status quo. Only byavoiding the real social p sur i i can the RIBA retain its monopoly; retain its fee scale which puts our profession out of the reach of most people and keep its stranglehold on education and thus the future of architecture. Thousands of our colleagues in the profession ‘live on their knees’ doing work which they despise; work that kills. The second-class citizens of hi the hnici&#13;
do the same destructive work, and the ' students are manipulated by the dictators&#13;
of Portland Place.&#13;
In ‘Wasteland. The building of the American Dream’, architect Stephen Kurtz says:&#13;
“As long as the primary form of getting what one needs is begging, cajoling, or persuading, for so long is the childish status preserved... Only the revolutionary transcends and escapes the tragic dilemma.&#13;
Ina terrifying (even to himself) and ultimate defiance of authority, he gives up hope of seome day receiving what he has always been denied and decides, either alone or with others, to provide for himself. In this way then revolutionaries are this world’s only adults..””&#13;
RED HOUSE isacall to al such reyo- lutionary architects, Let us come together to create an architecture of life, and over- throw the profession that kills,&#13;
Of what do we have to be proud being architects?&#13;
WhentheRIBAjoinswithothersin&#13;
ripping the heart out of aneighbourhood against the wishes of its inhabitants it isa&#13;
killer no matter what fancy words it may&#13;
use to justify its actions. When, inleague&#13;
with bureaucrats, it brutalises people’s t lives through the design of certain types , of local authority housing, it kills ki people’s sensitivity. When it ignores the, i still vast, twilight areas of our country } because there is no money nor commis- { sions in them, then it is a destroyer, by Hy default, of the hopes of the inhabitants | that they will ever have a decent environ- { ment. And when such areas are ‘dis- i covered’ by the professional ‘gentrifiers’&#13;
the RIBA is a destroyer because it allows&#13;
its members to plunder such areas and&#13;
drive out the inhabitants.&#13;
RIBATE&#13;
NEWS FROM No. 66&#13;
The squeals of protest emitting from Portland Place in the face of the Monopolies Commision’s investigation&#13;
are truly sickening to the stomach. The Royal Institute of Boss Architect’s whining defense of its price fixing and closed-shop operations isthat “The introduction of price bargaining... would concentrate attention on price rather&#13;
than the qualitative aspects of the service”, What else has the RIBA stood for over the last ten decades but architecture as a business, stripped of any ethical or social responsibility? What “qualitative aspects’ of the service did the people of Covent Garden, Ealing, Dockland or a thousand other communities over the country get from their RIBA sponsored oppressors? How is it possible for the RIBA to descend&#13;
any lower into cynical commercialism? “To identify and analyse the client’s needs” says the RIBA, “‘an architect must build upa close relationship with his client”. Yes, agreed! Private partners colluding and conspiring with speculators and the scum of society, principals in public authorities locked in secret, if not corrupt, intrigue with bureaucrat elites against the people. This close relation- ship would be “subjected to intolerable pressures as the parties sought to safe-&#13;
guard their own interests” if fee bargain- ing was allowed squeal the RIBA.&#13;
But how could they safeguard their “interests” of profit and power any more than at present? Then comes the bare- faced, hypocritical appeal to ‘the wider public interests” which the RIBA is at present supposed to “reconcile” with those of the client. Who the hell are they trying to kid with these pious, hollow, two-faced sentiments? This is the same RIBA which has been run by (openly or indirectly) those very environmental criminals who have ground their money&#13;
grasping or politically sycophantic developments into the faces of “the public”.&#13;
The RIBA plea that fee bargaining would increasebuildingcostsislittlemorethan blackmail. If the monopolies commission smashes the price fixing, RIBA members will cut down on their design services resulting in more maintainance costs. But lousy design service is rife under the present system. Talk about “quality of service” to al those tower block ghetto dwellers, to al those people who have had&#13;
their lives and environments ripped apart and replaced by hideous tracks of mind- less “functionalist” dogma — al by RIBA members of course.&#13;
The whole fee scale debate is irrelevant unless you look on the 6% fix as sacred. Who cares whether an architect charges tuppence or 90% for his services. Dedicated and committed architects are prepared to work for nothing for the&#13;
Join the RIBA brutalise our environment and mar the&#13;
and Kill&#13;
There are many ways in which to kill and&#13;
there is more than one way to die.&#13;
*...We were as men who through a fen of filthy darkness grope... something was dead in each of us and what was dead was hope...”&#13;
wrote Oscar Wilde in his “Ballad of Reading Gaol’.&#13;
The spirit can be killed as can faith; it is possible to kil trust and destroy dreams. All those who conspire to subyert the struggle for freedom are potential killers for, should they succeed, they destroy more than the body; they wipe out the vision of a better future. To the sensitive nature physical death is not always the worst prospect as the Spanish Republicans&#13;
proclaimed through their slogan, ‘It is better to die on your feet than to liye on your knees’. The struggle for freedom is universal and to be found in al walks of life&#13;
Architecture is no exception. The community movements struggling against oppressive architecture schemes were, in a very real sense, waging a freedom fight to defend their homes, their land, their culture. One freedom fighter dies by a bullet, another succumbs to weariness, to hopelessness in the unending struggle against a power system which holds al the cards; the bureaucrats, the politicians, the planners and THE ARCHITECTS. Even as we write this journal we mourn thedeathofSamDriscoll,ayoungman of 65 who, for seven years, struggled valiantly in his home community of Covent Garden against oppressive archi- tectural schemes. Some might say it was the developers’ greed, the machinations of politicans and bureaucrats against which Sam Driscoll struggled and which, in the end, broke him, but how can our own profession be absolved?&#13;
We indict the RIBA for complicity in his death.&#13;
The RIBA is the official voice of archi- tecture in Britain; governments seek its advice, the media pays special attention to its views on environmental matters, it controls education in the profession. Yet al the time it is in league with those who&#13;
lives of that 80% of our society which has no economic control over its physical environment. During the speculation boom, the RIBA, when it could have offered support to the many millions of people who were powerless, instead&#13;
threw the weight ot its authority behind the environmental rapists. Many of its top members who control the profession made fortunes out of the-brutalising of our country. Now in a recession they scuttle like rats from a sinking ship to the money- wells of the OPEC countries.&#13;
For such reasons many architects, and particularly the students, have come to despise the RIBA and some of us have grown to even hate it, as we hate al traitors to a noble cause. For architecture could be a cause for great good in our society. In an urbanised country such as ours it is nothing less than the physical backcloth against which we live out our lives.&#13;
Though society is far from ideal, were we doctors we would at least be thankful&#13;
that good health was no longer denied people because they were poor. Were we labourers we would be glad that no.&#13;
longer did we have to wait each day at the gates of the dock, the factory and the&#13;
mill for a decent days work. The right to health, the right to work, these were moral and noble causes; and so the architectural issue is a moral one. The tight of people to a decent environment and to feel secure in their home, no matter what their station in life.&#13;
Some might plead that the profession has nocontroloversuchissues,thatitmust work within the socio-economic system of the time; that is to abide by the rules of big-business, monopoly capital and State bureaucracy.&#13;
But did the small group of doctors who initiated the Health Service have control, or the workers who struggled for union- isation? They acted because the way in which they were forced to practise their craft was based on a fundamental in- justice. There has always been more than enough environmental injustice in this country to give the RIBA ample scope to show which side it is on; the privileged and powerful minority which controls the construction of our environment, or the communities and individuals so frequently oppressed by it.&#13;
ments foisted on people, by the developers, 7 and b of the&#13;
last two decades. The members of the group knew that the RIBA, having always preserved architecture as a luxury profession, could not possibly adhere or respond to society as a whole. It had perfected a practice and education&#13;
system geared specifically to the rich and powerful and could not even begin to&#13;
late any other clientel&#13;
In terms of strategy, the ARC knew that, unless there was a more popular (albeit, less radical) movement of designers committed primarily to change within architecture, then there could be no revolution, merely reactive reforms. Throughout 1974-75, ARC built up a larger group of sympathetic followers, who responded to the cal for radical change. Synonymous with this the London based core were working on&#13;
community architecture. In the West London Borough of Ealing, ARC members were working closely with the local people, whose whole way of life was directly threatened, through the oppres- sive designs of architects and planners within the mainstream of the profession.&#13;
The congress ended with a small nominated body mandated to begin the process of expansion through further conferences and seminars. The New Architecture Movement and ARC former- ly split, to pursue their&#13;
action early in 1976, each gaining token support and confidence from the others’ activity.&#13;
At this time ARC regrouped as a body. Some people who had been members, joined NAM and vice versa; others, having long contemplated the ARC’s activity, realized its serious and committeed approach to architecture and joined the group. The strategy for the next phase of ARC’s campaign was evolved, part of that&#13;
strategy was the production of ‘Redhouse’ as the radical broadsheet of our group.&#13;
The ARC, through its many talks, designs, writings and publications, over the past three years, has begun the process of identifying the dimensions architecture has criminally ignored for so long — the primary dimensions of culture, affinity,&#13;
self respect, dignity and community in the lives of the people we design with. It has attempted to work in meaningful and realistic ways with the people who live and work in buildings we design. It has received no encouragement for its activity from the institute that purports to&#13;
represent architecture. The major reason being that ARC’s motivation is people notprofit,community notcommerce. The ARChas no illusions, the RIBA and the architects who financially and spiritually support it are our enemy.&#13;
Architecture has no need of this old boys’ network that has colluded in the bastard- isation and destruction of the towns and cities of this country.&#13;
The Architects Revolutionary Council will, through its work, philosophy and commitment, and through the pages of *Redhouse’, rupture, dismantle and expose Britain’s most archaic organization and its members, in the name of a people’s architecture.&#13;
IF [FRIME DOESAT PRY...LUHERE DI ARCHITELTS GET&#13;
ALL THEIA MaOney7 Early Campaign’s poster&#13;
In the spring and summer of 1975, the major campaign aimed at spreading a radical affinity with ARC, achieved great Success; so much so that ARC was confident that it could organize its projected Autumn Congress to create the solid radical base within the profession&#13;
specific courses of&#13;
Continued page 6&#13;
ARCheology&#13;
ARCHITECTS REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL&#13;
Since its formation in 1973, the Architects Revolutionary Council has been the only truly radical voice within the architectural profession; the only group whichutterly refutes any claims that architecture at Present isasocially responsible discipline. ARC developed out of many community struggles, against the inhuman environ-&#13;
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE&#13;
which itknew must exist before any change could occur in the future direction of architecture. The New Architecture Movement Congress was held inHarrogate in November 1975. The people who attended that congress came from al areas of the profession, technicians, students, planners, graduate andpracti- cing architects, each united in the urge to seek a more social and just base for&#13;
architecture.&#13;
&#13;
it htectute&#13;
“\ If only the architectural profession as a whole could operate in the manner in which ARC has done in Ealing then, we believe, our towns and cities would be better places in which to live. We consider itisshocking that ARC has to struggle not only against the financial and bureaucratic interests which control and lay waste our environment but also against its own professional body, the RIBA, which seems more intent on preserving tradi-&#13;
tional privileges than in backing ARC's fight for community architecture...""&#13;
Sybil McRobie,&#13;
Ealing Alliance Group&#13;
Ealing Town Centre Introductory note&#13;
What follows is a brief record of ARC’s involvement in the planning affairs of the London Borough of Ealing over the past year.&#13;
The conclusions are the important part of this very encapsulated history of a year’s action. We in ARC have no desire to fool either ourselves or our readers with false claims of success. We are more interested in our failures at community level, for only by understanding these can we move closer to that revolutionary situation in which a true community architecture can arise. The first time we spoke to the&#13;
fEaling at a public meeting we&#13;
n defeating this plan we may go some way to making our kind of action unnecessary; we may succeed in letting governments know that they cannot rail- road their plans through, irrespective of the wishes of indigenous communities. If our colleagues in the architecture and planning professions had any morality, none of us need be in this room tonight. We feel a specific responsibility because&#13;
these plans were done in our name, in the name of our art. That makes us angry and that is why we are architectural revolutionaries...”&#13;
The Problem (Therewilbeadetailedhistoryof planning in Ealing in future issues). In 1968 the town council presented its plan for the central area, in conjunction with developers Grovenor EMI —our old friends from Covent Garden and else- where —and architects HALPERN&#13;
ASSOCIATES. Itwasoneoftheworst examples of the sort of profit-orientated development that communities al over the country have been fighting against for the past decade. A massive road plan that would tear a great hole through the town centre; agreat covered shopping mall suitable for only the multiple stores&#13;
ARC iscalled in&#13;
In April 1975 we were asked to help. The request came not from the communities directly affected, but from representatives of other associations on the fringe of the area, ARC was then building up its National campaign and had turned away from local action. We agreed to spend only a specific amount of time, and to prepare alternatives for the vacant sites as ‘ammunition’ only (ultimately the plans must arise from the people) to help them organise a local action group and to arrange apublic meeting. We surveyed the area, we found out the facts and through numerous small meetings tested the ‘spirit’ of the local people. For strategic reasons we designed the latern- ative quite oblivious to the people; our plan was not the ultimate answer but it was a means of getting a response from the people. Our central concept was a medium sized town square, very under- designed so that the people could use it&#13;
in Covent Garden, Bootle, Donegal and other places).&#13;
But we are professionals doing this for nothing so we are limited. Given a fraction of the resources the enemy has (the local council, the establishment of this country), we could blow this plan to kingdomcome in a week. But we have no resources except you, the people. Ultimately the struggle isnot about rationality, Ultimately it’sabout power. There are only two kinds of power; money and people. The enemy has al the money (our money), we have the people. You and those you collect must constitute our power. The enemy has already decimated the community in the central area, so we must reinforce it. without such unity you don’t stand a snowballs chance in hell...”&#13;
“Whatever one may think of ARC's revolutionary rhetoric, this sort of exercise and advice by professionals experienced in community action is desperately needed by those commun- ities still under the threat of large-scale developments. The humanity and obvious quality of ARC’s alternative approach, involving rehab and infill, and preserving the scale of the old residential area, won the meeting over and gave it new hope that such an alternative was not only feasible but quicker, cheaper and better than the council’s plan.&#13;
Planning with the people&#13;
We set out to demystify the planning and design process by proving that the elementary firstconcepts ofaplanning scheme could better come from them (the people) than from the so-called ‘experts’ of the local authority. We held meetings in ARC’s studio where we began tentative- ly to design together.&#13;
Our varied projects for the core area were based on small scale spaces, on the traditional concept of streets; on flexibility and extensive rehabilitation. In the situation which we have today, where truly there are no real experts in urban design, it is logical to avoid large scale design projects, if only because the mistakes which are inevitably made can more easily be rectified.&#13;
One of our schemes was costed and was found to be not only cheaper and quicker to construct, but (ironically) produced a better rateable value for the borough.&#13;
The Ealing Alliance (of action groups) organised a large public meeting on February 10th. at which we outlined our ideastoanaudienceof400.Thisgather- ing by a massive majority of 383 passed a yote of no confidence in the council’s technical services department (the planning office) and declared the Council incompetent in planning matters.&#13;
The aftermath&#13;
Big articles appeared in the press picking up particularly the accusation of in-&#13;
~ Mpetence against the council. There is a major rule of radicals that says that&#13;
action springs from reaction; the strongest weapon of the system in an oppressive ‘democracy’ is to ignore those who struggle against it. Once the system starts to react then you are in business for changing it. This is exactly what began to happen in the Ealing struggle.&#13;
Threats&#13;
First a member of the Alliance was subjected to verbal threats from a senior council official who declared&#13;
“You people are in alot of trouble. We are going to sue you for a lot of money for your libellous attack on our competence.”&#13;
The community people were worried they had gone too far in their public condemn- ation of the authorities, til ARC’s lawyer assured them there was nothing slanderous in their actions.&#13;
Then the Council wrote a threatening lettertotheAlliance,butbynowthe people had their own legal advice and they treated the threat with the contempt itdeserved even considering action against the council for harrassment.&#13;
A bartering system&#13;
ARC receives no payment for the work it does, but it does seek the aid of local communities in its national fight against the profession and specifically the RIBA. Our message to communities is: “We'll help you fight oppressive plans. You help us defeat the RIBA”.&#13;
Conclusions sess **&#13;
NTE?&#13;
WED ¢ GREENHIGHion Ae&#13;
which would wipe out traditional shop- keepers, and to cap it all, the usual multi- storey office blocks.&#13;
Developers scheme&#13;
Over the years, though the building has&#13;
not begun, the central area of close-knit working class communities has been raped almost beyond repair. Where houses once stood, the distasteful National Car Parks and their permanent residents—RATS now exist. You might wonder how things have come to such a pass when community- action became such a common-place&#13;
event during the early seventies. We can only believe that this indigenous community was slaughtered overnight by compulsory purchase, evictions and promises of a better life in council tower blocks; whatever it was, little fight appearstohavetakenplace.&#13;
thenewformswouldbecomplimented by extensive rehabilitation.&#13;
The raped central area&#13;
1eo HellmansupportstheEulingrevolution.&#13;
gs anyway they wished. Eventually total support was given to this idea. No further demolition of the area was necessary and&#13;
ARC concept&#13;
First major event&#13;
A public meeting was held on July 2nd at which 350 people assembled. We made some basic statements to the people; we said:&#13;
“...Youdon’tknowusyet.&#13;
Firstly we are not amateurs; if you once get that idea into your head and begin to live with it, then we will all have a mill- stone round our necks from which we'll&#13;
Developers shopping mall&#13;
ARC did not try to fool the people, to mystify them or make grand promises about design schemes. We told them the truth. We were right to do so. 350 people cheered ARC that night and the Ealing Town Centre Action Group (ETCAG) was formed to represent the central community.&#13;
Publicity for the struggle followed imme- diately.&#13;
Four Ealing Residents Associations publicly praised ARC.&#13;
TheEalingTradesCouncilwassplit bitterly over the issue.&#13;
never escape.&#13;
We are professionals and here is the evidence (we showed some of our actions&#13;
OE&#13;
 Hellman&#13;
Federation&#13;
ARC found that itcould not walk quietly away from this situation even though we had an urgent national campaign to get off the ground. So in the summer of 75 we were instrumental in founding the EALING ALLIANCE, acollective body of seven residents associations.&#13;
Phase two&#13;
It was under the direction of this body that we began to work in greater detail in October 1975.&#13;
Wesetourtargetforamassivepublic meeting in February 1976, and this time we were to consider the wider area of Ealing town centre, not just the core area. Our work inyolved the production of several architectural schemes with models for the core area, anda critique of the Council’s planning proposals for the entire town centre.&#13;
Ss&#13;
An ARC project based on infill and rehab&#13;
We found that the council’s plan was based ona ludicrous 800% increase in off: street car-parking; a situation that would mean the destruction of the entire town centre putting the cars at one level.&#13;
In short we showed how the Council had designed a plan which haditself created the problems it would have to solve. This is a circular argument which occurs in nearly all large scale developments based onthecombinationofprofitmotiveand the worship of the private car.&#13;
—&#13;
\6FLL-THAT TARE CARE OF THE CAR PARKING PROBLEM was Mest?&#13;
A.J. July 1975&#13;
&#13;
 EALING: CONCLUSION&#13;
We mean the conclusions at this stage: ARC isn’t finished in Ealing, but the next move must come from the people and they must indicate they wish to carry on the fight at a more intense level.&#13;
There has been too much so-called ‘community action’ where the activists hay have done al the work of the people; this merely puts another layer of mystification between the grass-roots and the system.&#13;
Our campaign in Ealing proved to us that we had learnt lessons from previous actions in Covent Garden, Bootle etc.&#13;
In Ealing the local residents took on an increasing amount of the organisational work and thus left us free to get on with technical problems In addition we al made a deliberate attempt to cross the boundariesofclassandpartypoliticsso that we could develop as a team with a ‘cause’, the defeat of an oppressive plan and the creation ofa more just planning and decision-making process. Doing things this way can prove very beneficial; people are treated as people and not put into some doctrinaire box. We could create a&#13;
situation where we could discuss revo- lutionary processes with middle-class people, and wherewe could learn that the ‘working-class’ are not necessarily ‘God’s gift to creation’. So our successes, apart from creating panic in the local council bureaucracy, have been the creation ofa relationship with people based on trust,&#13;
integrity and mutual respect.&#13;
Our failures are connected with the mixed working-class and squatter community in the core area. We did our best to rally them at the first major meeting and they formed the majority on the Twon Centre Action Group. But then they drifted away. We appealed again. Still no&#13;
Tesponse, so we worked with the fringe communities who were more middle-class, though not entirely, and developed plans and techniques of action. Furthermore, even the fringe communities who have everything going for them, appear not to have the true sense of fight. We believe that the British people are really more oppressed (in the most invidious manner) than almost anyone. That is why planning bureaucracies and the architectural profession can beat them in the long run. Does this depress us? Certainly. Will we give up? Never. We will only fight harder to revolutionise the communities so that they fight for their own decent environ- ment.&#13;
OTHER PROFESSIONS&#13;
Newham Rights Centre is one of the 15 neighbourhood law centres in this country. It is funded by the Nuffield Foundation whose grant expires at the endofAugust 1976whenitishopedthat the Government will fund the Centre directly.&#13;
Like several other Centres, Newham Rights Centre does not undertake individual cases, although two evening&#13;
advice sessions are organised by the Centre and staffed by volunteer lawyers each week in the Borough. The Centre concentrates its resources on test cases, cases for tenants’ associations and similar organisations, and education and inform- ation on legal rights,&#13;
The Centre is staffed by two barristers, one solicitor, two community workers and three administrator secretaries.&#13;
The Centre deals largely with housing, employment and social security matters. In the housing field a lot of work is done with tenants’s associations. Apart from major problems over repairs, public health and so on, much time is taken up with redevelopment. It is in this area that the Centre’s contact with architect is most vital.&#13;
The situation is familiar. The tenants of a very run-down part of a run-down&#13;
borough havehadpromisesofbetter things for the last ten or fifteen years. Their loyalties are torn between a deep affection for the area and the community spirit which has survived the privations&#13;
of decades on the one hand, and on the other, a traditional east-end desire to get out and move further up the District line. The Council put forward unimaginative and insensitive plans for total redevelop- ment with the absolute minimum of public consultation, let alone participation. The plans are delayed year by year because of costs. The residents get hopelessly dis- illusioned in their desolate and half&#13;
demolished surroundings.&#13;
It is at this stage that the local Law Centre often gets involved. Its resources provide community workers to invigorate the tenants associations. The lawyers press for full compensation for residents whose houses are demolished and advise on other incidental legal problems.&#13;
But community architects are the real key to the situation. They can provide the expertise to fight the Council’s planning department on its own ground. They have the authority to say to the tenants’ association that the word of the Council’s planners is not gospel. They have the sensitivity to translate into architecture the inarticulated aspirations of people who have no experience and little knowledge of what is possible. They can take into account the social, cultural, economic and other complex needs and wishes of the people in the area. Most. importantly, they can involve the residents in decisions that will affect their lives so deeply.&#13;
There are other ways too, in which the architects and the Law Centres can work together, in the presentation of tenants’ cases against landlords to Court, and so on. But it is through community organ- isations such as tenants associations in situations like the one above, that law centresandarchitectscanreallyputtheir skills to the service of the people.&#13;
John Hendy&#13;
Barrister at Law Legal Adviser to ARC&#13;
RIBATE (Continued)&#13;
community and for the values they believe in. What has fee fixing to do with the true cause of architectural ideals that the&#13;
RIBA pretends to espouse? 80% of architects have no clients or fees and&#13;
yet the Architects Journal has the cheek to say that over this the RIBA is ‘the voice of the whole profession’. 95% of the community have no architects or access to fees and yet the RIBA has the gall to refer to the “public interest”.&#13;
What really scares the RIBA mandarins isthe thought that under competition dedicated architects would start providing better services for less fees, especially if they had no expensive offices or over- heads to maintain. More frightening — they might actually get their just share of work based on ability by competing in thiswayinsteadofbeingexploitedby their pseudo architect bosses. Even&#13;
worse, communities might be able to afford their own architects more and more; these would both combat the RIBA stranglehold and work for the people’s own interests. People are waking up to the fact that architecture as practised by the RIBA minority is irrelevant. Capitalism is also having its doubts. Ifthe Monopolies Commission’s investigation helps to loosen the privi- leged grip of the RIBA on the profession, then we support it.&#13;
Why Red House?”&#13;
We’re sorry to disappoint the categorisers,&#13;
labellers and dismissers, but ‘Red House’ has nothing to do with the Kremlin. We are not Syndicalists, Marxists, Maoists nor indeedCapitalistsbut,ifwemusttalkin ‘ists’, then artists, revolutionists, human- ists and anti-dogmatists.&#13;
The Red House was the first building designed by Philip Webb and William&#13;
Morris in 1860 when they were in their mid 20s and symbolises for us the welding together of art and revolution, architect- lure and social responsibility, style and commitment that we aim to revive in our profession. We follow the traditions of English radicalism — the Levellers, the Diggers, the 18th century revolutionaries&#13;
$well as Ruskin and Morris. Like Morris have arrived at revolution through our&#13;
.In fact the Red House was designed before Webb and Mortis became radical- ised politically. Its title refers to the red of indigenous English brick and tile, not&#13;
the tricolor. Ruskin and Morris were dater affected by the second wave of&#13;
olutionary change in Europe and the dea that artists should serve the emanci-&#13;
pation of the people and not “the winish luxury of the rich”, for “the&#13;
chitect iscarefully guarded from the ommon troubles of the common man, wilding for ignorant, purse proud igesting machines”. (Morris).&#13;
architectural terms Morris had the great revolutionary insight to see that the inspiration for a people’s architecture&#13;
must come neither from foreign neo- lassical monuments nor from the&#13;
equally monumental engineering structures ofthe new capitalist class but from the people’s own buildings — the vernacular dwellings to be seen in every village and&#13;
amlet. This was as worthy of the name “architecture” as the monuments of the ling elites of the past — more so since&#13;
itwas the democratic expression of the architecture of the future when “society...&#13;
ilproduce to live, and not live to produce as we do, under such conditions, architecture, as a part of the life of the people in general, will again become possible...itwillhaveanewbirth.Ihave ahope that it will be from such necessary,&#13;
npretentious buildings that the new and enuine architecture will spring, rather ‘an from our experiments in concious&#13;
le.”&#13;
Morris has consequently received unjust historical treatment by the bourgeois apologists for machine age “functional- ism”. Like Pevsner because he did not&#13;
ioningly revere the hine and had the effrontery to be a romantic.&#13;
We believe that Morris’ ideals could not be realised because they were far ahead of his time and perhaps because he looked too far back to the Middle Ages for solutions. But today the conditions that prompted Morris in his artistic/political revolutionism exist once more, only augmented and accelerated a hundred fold. What would Morris think ifhe were alive today about the destruction of our cities and towns for profit, about the third rate ghettos erected by indifferent committees of public authorities in the name of housing, about the desecration&#13;
of our countryside and towns by motor- ways, airports and polluti 5 and what oh what, citizens, would be his opinion of the RIBA? Would he have any reason to alter his verdicts: “Is money to be gathered? Cut down the pleasant trees among the houses, pull down ancient&#13;
and venerable buildings for the money that a few square yards of London dirt will fetch; blacken rivers, hide the sun and poison the air with smoke and worse. And it’s nobody’s business to see it and mend it.”&#13;
But the difference is that today communities have started to make it their business; to fight back against the regressiveanddestructiveenvironments of the money grubbers and bureaucrats and their RIBA condoned lackeys. They are forcing the profession (or those in it who care) to question its basic precepts and to find them wanting ifnot down- right irrelevant. Our fight today is not&#13;
Or architecture for a few. Thus “Red House”.&#13;
Message from Jamaica&#13;
Within the under-developed countries, the RIBA has abrogated to itself the “burden’ of setting standards of education and professional conduct for societies quite different from its own.&#13;
To maintain the status quo, the RIBA has supervised the education of, and maintain- ed strong links with a generation of architects within the oppressed Third World.&#13;
These professionals serve the interest of domestic and international capital, and are therefore against the aspirations of the workers and peasants of their Tespective countries. They represent&#13;
the culture of imperialism and give it form in their b i “inter-&#13;
national” style.&#13;
The RIBA, together with its alter ego the Commonwealth Association of Architects, Organise conferences and jamborees to strengthen and refuel this parasitic native elite.&#13;
The RIBA has very strong links with racist South Africa!&#13;
Where then are the morals and professicn- alstandardsof the RIBA itself?!&#13;
What right does the RIBA have to set our standards?! Progressive architects every- where must identify with ARC!&#13;
Together...&#13;
“Our force is irresistible, Away with al pests!”&#13;
VIVA ARC!!&#13;
Death of a Patriot for Community Architecture&#13;
Sam Driscoll, the ‘King of Covent Garden’ as we called him, died on Thursday 29th April. He had been il for a year and at times had suffered great pain.&#13;
Sam Driscoll created the Covent Garden Community Association many months before it became public, and to those of us who knew him throughout the struggle he always represented the true ideal of community action, no matter how much international fame Covent Garden achieved. Despite al the jargon that came to surround the community struggles, Sam clung to his basic belief that people hadarighttotheirhomes.Covent&#13;
Garden was his home and he struggled for it. It is not melodramatic to say that he died for it. The unbelievable amount of work and energy that he put into Covent Garden affairs over the last seven years gradually took their tol.&#13;
The Red House was the first iously designed building to take itsinspiration from peasant architecture — local materials used untreated, aformal planning from the inside out, an eclectic mix of elements, care for the natural environment and free expression for native craftsmanship.&#13;
against corrupt classicism but mindless “functionalism” and it i tendencies, Our style isonce again the people’s own architecture — but urban rather than rural, those urban villages where ‘people’ and ‘buildings’ are inseparable, where the place is as much about community telationships as about space, and which planners, developers&#13;
care welder...&#13;
But Morris saw that the struggle for a dignified and egalitarian society which&#13;
and architects treat with the same contempt they had for the vernacular in&#13;
levelled up not down could not be effected by art and design alone, and he&#13;
Morris’ time.&#13;
But this style must not be confused with&#13;
combined his revolutionary ideas on art with direct political action.&#13;
the thin veneer of ‘vernacular’ architect- ure with which some local authorities use&#13;
Thearchitecturalideasdevelopedinto daeee Uoaradae&#13;
athaedlEingvleitshnnyFreeanaArecshiteactnuraeemsovement n n&#13;
structiures. The peoSpaleast’ anrchitecteure will only really emerge when the people themselves have the power to appoint their own architects and advisors and not have these thrust upon them, “a taste imposed on the top as part of a subtle&#13;
movements in this country was smother-&#13;
ed and emasculateidn the fashionable middle class for their own ends, and later purloined by continental capitalism whose&#13;
bureaucracy distorted and recast it as&#13;
scheme for dividing off gentility from servitity”. Like Morris we “do not want&#13;
machine age functionalism” — or the ‘moder’ architecture that has become&#13;
art for a few anymore than education for the hated symbol of such regimes every- a few or freedom for a few”,&#13;
where today.&#13;
&#13;
 reviews&#13;
A Short History of the Architectural Profession&#13;
by Adam Purser Price 10p&#13;
“Why me? Why pick on me?” I said when asked to write this review. Well, I mean, “A Short History of the Architectural Profession’ didn’t really hit me as some- thing Ishouldn’t miss, there were no tasty graphics for a kick-off.&#13;
But suddenly it clicked. Could this really be a caricature of Eric Lyons on the cover? And if so this particular ‘History’ might have an interesting angle to it. And indeed it has.&#13;
Adam Purser’s thesis can be split into&#13;
two parts, the first dealing with the actual history of the profession, and the second being used by the author as a platform for his own ideas and ideals. The devolution of the ‘architect’ from the ‘master-craftsman’ is clearly illustrated and can be taken as the true starting point of the thesis and from here onwards the evolution of the profession can easily be followed, through the forming of the Institute of British Architects, through the granting of the Royal Charter, the setting up of the examination system in 1889 which is still the basis of archi- tectural education today as Adam Purser&#13;
so rightly states, carrying on up to the immediate issues of the R.I.B.A. report to the Monopolies Commission.&#13;
This thesis is good. It is clear, informative, and will no doubt be controversial. The front cover isby Hellman, the inside photos courtesy of the Architects Revo- lutionary Council, and on the inside of the back cover even an advert for the “Morning Star’.&#13;
Irecommend that you buy this booklet, read it, and then think really hard about the validity of the R.1.B.A. existing in the society of both the present and the future.&#13;
Rob Thompson&#13;
The Rape and Plunder of the Shankill by Ron Wiener&#13;
Notaems Press, 76 Shankill Rd. Belfast 13 Price £1.70&#13;
The British have a way of switching off when confronted by anything touching on Irish politics, particularly now that public opinion no doubt considers that saturation point has long since been passed as regards media coverage of the ‘troubles’. My instinct is that, because of this, many people will ignore ‘The Rape and Plunder of the Shankill’.&#13;
class community struggled for survival, and clearly illustrates how power comes from the point of a gun...”". Unnecessary histrionics? Not in this case. In the final resort most genuine community activists will admit that the fundamental issue is oneof power; that despite al the technical and social arguments, the status quo, as Harold Laski put it, *...does not abdicate in the face of logic...’ Power is transferred by other means, The com- munity activists of Britain have just had to live with this frustrating fact and direct action has reached no greater heights than the occasional squat or temporary occupation of a building.&#13;
But Wiener’s book isabout Belfast and, as the world now knows, threats made there are not idle. When such communities warn the politicians and planners to desist from smashing their BUM (Belfast Urban Motorway) through close-knit working- class neighbourhoods, the civil servants sit up and listen. In Britain threats result in marchers mouthing inane slogans like ‘Power to the People’; in Belfast they result in gelignite.&#13;
The book deals specifically with one area of Belfast, the famous Shankill Road, the Loyalist counterpart to the equally well- known Falls Road, spiritual centre of the Belfast Republicans. Wiener has docu- mented the Shankill’s struggle against the planners with exceptional thoroughness and has placed his critique neatly in the context of the peculiarly complex local politics of Northern Ireland. With fascinating detail he describes how the ruling Unionist Party in conjunction with the ancient Orange Order, manipulated&#13;
and deceived the Protestant working-class into accepting (at least initially) the decentralised, growth-centre planning policy which meant the destruction of the Shankill, by the old myth that the Catholic (IRA dominated) working-class were their true enemy. But through his book (which Wiener describes as ‘a horror story which just ran and ran’) he shows how the ‘troubles’ finally smashed al the&#13;
tidy visions of the planners. The climax came with the total strike of June 1974 organised by the UWC (Ulster Workers Council) and backed by the para-military group, the UDA. After years of being deceived by the establishment the Shankill had an indigenous power-base to which it could turn.&#13;
In 1968 the plans for the Shankill were based on 15 storey tower blocks, and 60% of al dwellings were to be flats, The community had persistently demanded 2- storey terraced houses. Once they obtained the help of the para-military groups overnight they got exactly what they wanted, and that ishow the plan stands today.&#13;
Brian Anson&#13;
|COMMUNITY ACTION IN EUROPE&#13;
Sol lentunaholm&#13;
Sweden, [5 - 21 August, 1976&#13;
lOrganised by the }INTERNATIONAL YOUTH FEDERATION&#13;
FOR ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES AND ICONSERVATION&#13;
IFEE, including full board for six Inights and including one trip to Stockholm £30.00&#13;
iApplication forms from Xaver Monbailliu&#13;
30 Rue Sadi Carnot&#13;
192 Vauves, Paris.&#13;
Civil Engineer Thomas Morrison was acquitted recently at the Old Bailey of charges of theft and arson.&#13;
He was brought to court for stealing plans and documents (in some cases burning them) from the GLC where he worked. His aim was to help his local residents association fight road improvements on the Kingston-by-pass.&#13;
Though Morrison was acquitted, he no longer works at the GLC and the fact that he was brought to court at al (especially to the Old Bailey) re-emphasises the tremendous struggle communities have against bureaucratic planners.&#13;
What price freedom?&#13;
SUBSCRIPTIONS Membership of ARC&#13;
There are two rules in ARC: To practise, where possible, community architecture and,&#13;
Synonymous with this, to work for the overthrow of the Royal Institute of British Architects,&#13;
If you accept these rules we would be interested to hear from you.&#13;
Anyone really interested in the struggle&#13;
of communities against oppressiveplanning schemes will wish this book as wide a circulation as possible, but I doubt it will happen for, in a very real sense, TheRape and Plunder of the Shankill is dynamite.&#13;
This would be a tragedy, as in my opinion, Ron Wiener’s book is arguably the most important yet written on community action and the planning process. It is in the same tradition as that other milestone in the genre After the Planners, and&#13;
indeed takes Robert Goodmans critique further.&#13;
The pre-publicity describes it as “...giving a blow by blow account of how a working-&#13;
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