18 10 310 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/b1efb34a899563cdd12d0c28a5a98c0d.pdf a1f5044848c05f1c935b7b05f20fd2c9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Déjà Vu- Parallels between High Rise System Built Housing and PFI Subject The topic of the resource Article in SCALA Newsletter September 2004 describing the intriguing parallels between the way the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) operates and the building by local authorities of system-built tower blocks in the 1950’s and 60’s. Description An account of the resource John Murray T: 020 8340 4359 E: johnmurray@ btinternet.com John Murray was formerly Borough Architect at the London Borough of Haringey. His 1977 MA Thesis on Design Evaluation and the Form of Council Housing included a historical review of council housing. 28 High rise system built housing and PFI: Have they anything in common? What Similarities? There are intriguing parallels between the way the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) operates and the building by local authorities of system-built tower blocks in the 1950’s and 60’s. • Both policies were introduced by a Conservative government. • In both cases, the Government promoted an unpopular policy by using financial incentives to encourage reluctant local authorities to adopt unfamiliar and untried methods of building. • In both cases control over design and construction was vested in large private construction companies, with local authority architects having little influence. The responses of the in-coming Labour governments of 1964 and 1997 were, initially, similar. PFI, introduced by the previous Conservative government in 1992, only took off after Labour took office in 1997. It was enthusiastically adopted and extended for a substantial proportion of large public sector building projects. In 2001-02 the PFI accounted for 9% of public investment. According to the NHS plan, more than 100 new hospitals will be provided using PFI by 2010. 1964-1973 By 1964, there was an increasing use of high high-rise systems imported from Europe. The in-coming Labour government, having promised to build 500,000 houses a year, continued the drive to industrialise and established the National Building Agency to advise on industrialised system building. But within three years, the new government set about changing the inherited policy of slum clearance and high-rise system-built council housing. The 1967 Labour Housing Act, which introduced the Housing Cost Yardstick, is less well known for effectively bringing an end to the building of high flats by local authorities. It reduced the financial support for high flats, abolishing the additional subsidy available for each storey in excess of six, and re-introduced the general needs subsidy. Thus ended an arrangement, which, since 1956, had encouraged often reluctant local authorities to build high blocks. The Housing Cost Yardstick, while strengthening central government control over the financing of public sector housing, drew attention to the excessive cost of high building and the possibilities of alternative patterns of housing layout. The partial collapse of Ronan Point, a system-built tower block in the London Borough of Newham and a customary datum, was therefore not the cause of the decline in the high block. It occurred one year later in 1968. In parallel with the decision to discourage the building of high-rise council flats, the efficacy of slum clearance was also questioned. In 1966 the government commissioned the Deeplish Study to assess the possibility of housing improvement in place of the slum clearance programme begun by the Conservative government in 1953. Its report of 1968 recommended rehabilitation rather than demolition, stressing the economic and social advantages. By 1969, the government had transferred the emphasis from slum clearance and high flats to rehabilitation. In the private sector also, improvement grants were introduced “to provide dwellings by conversion, or by improving dwellings and houses”. General Improvement Areas were introduced with compulsory powers to improve living conditions. In 1974, following the return of another Labour government, the policy was further extended to include municipalisation, the acquiring by local authorities of homes from private developers and agencies. PFI Time will tell whether the current government will have a similar change of heart about PFI. At present that seems unlikely, despite criticisms and public disquiet. The PFI was introduced by the Conservative government in the 1992 Budget, after the UK was forced to pull out of the European exchange rate mechanism earlier that year. The government wanted to stimulate the economy while at the same time holding down public spending - and the PFI appeared to offer a relatively inexpensive way of boosting a recession-hit construction industry. Under the PFI a private consortium raises the money needed to build or refurbish a capital project such as a school, hospital or housing estate. The project is financed, designed and built by the consortium, and is then leased back to the public authority complete with services such as routine maintenance, cleaning and catering, typically for a period of 25-30 years. The private consortium will be regularly paid from public money depending on its performance throughout that period. If the consortium misses performance targets, it will be paid less. The attraction of PFI for the Government is that it avoids making expensive one-off payments to build large-scale projects that might involve unpopular tax rises. Since the risk of PFI projects is technically transferred to the private consortium, in the government's accounts it does not show up as increased public borrowing. But there is a question mark over how much risk is genuinely transferred to the private sector given the record of government having to bail out private companies managing troubled public services. Critics also claim that as with any form of hire purchase, buying a product over a long period of time is more expensive than paying for it in full at the outset. They also point out that governments can borrow cash at a cheaper rate than the private sector. Growing concern has recently been expressed amongst experts about the cost of PFI. Public sector accountants claim that hospitals and schools would be cheaper to build using traditional funding methods. The national audit office described the value for money test used to justify PFI projects as "pseudo-scientific mumbo jumbo". It said that there was little evidence so far that the PFI offered increased value for money, especially in providing new schools and hospitals. (cited by Weaver, M, PFI: The issue explained, The Guardian 15/01/03) Public sector unions have criticised PFI as "back-door privatisation". They are concerned that the wages and conditions of support workers who are transferred from the public sector to the private sector consortia suffer as businesses seek to maximise profits. Economists also point out that the government can borrow money from the markets at cheaper rates than the private sector so the PFI saddles public services with higher interest repayments than if the cash had been borrowed by the Treasury. The Government does not dispute this but it believes that PFI encourages greater control of costs over the project's lifetime. For example, since the consortium will be penalised if part of the building becomes unusable, in theory, it is in its interest to use high quality construction materials, which in turn should keep maintenance costs low. High rise system built housing and PFI 29 “Growing concern has recently been expressed amongst experts about the cost of PFI.” “...there is continuing unease about the low priority given to design quality...” 30 High rise system built housing and PFI In an article, To PFI or not to PFI in the Summer 2004 Scalanews, Mark Mattison, in discussing alternatives to PFI, argued that, “Partnering contracts allow the provision of integrated design solutions by requiring the procurer, the contractor and related consultants working on a project to work closely together, providing an integrated service to the employer using a wider skill base and a (hopefully) non-adversarial approach to negotiation”. But the PFI is now the major source of capital funding for local authorities and NHS bodies because ministers will not countenance the borrowing or increased taxes that would be needed if PFI were to be abandoned. Design Quality In addition to these concerns, there is continuing unease about the low priority given to design quality in the process where control of projects has been taken over by contractors. Building Design magazine reported on the anxieties about contractors’ control debated at the July 2004 RIBA Conference. The Manchester City Council Chief Executive criticised the government for leaving local authorities with little control over their own areas by allowing control of regeneration projects to be taken over by contractors. “The mismatch at the moment is very serious. It is the notion that the private sector knows best; the contractor, heaven forbid, knows best. We have to be more responsive to the local, and to the particular circumstance in the community”. He also criticised the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (Cabe) for failing to challenge the Government in terms of procurement. Architects from the platform echoed his disapproval. A Cabe commissioner and architect pointed out that Cabe had challenged the government on design quality and had produced a report to ensure that design quality had a higher priority in PFI but the Government has not adopted all of Cabe’s recommendations. The complaints came just before the government announced an extra £16 billion of public funding to build houses. In his spending review in July 2004, the Chancellor extended the Government’s commitment to contractor-led procurement by announcing more PFI housing. More recently, the Architects Journal described a report by Public Policy Research commenting on the need to improve design quality in PFI projects: “There is enough evidence to argue that the design of some PFI facilities is below best practice...The Audit Commission report on early PFI schools establishes a correlative link between PFI and poorer design when compared to conventional procurement. New research into the effect of PFI on design standards should therefore be a top priority” (Three Steps Forward, Two steps Back Public Policy Research report). Cited in AJ 09/09/04 P10 Labour Boffins demand PFI Probe. Summary By jettisoning the inherited policy of slum clearance and high rise system built council housing, and by transforming it into a combination of rehabilitation of existing housing plus medium-rise, architect- designed new build, the 1964 Labour government anticipated the growing unpopularity and expense of the high-rise block. It seems unlikely that the current Labour government will discard its commitment to the PFI, at least in the near future, despite signs that the method is becoming increasingly unpopular. A Guardian/ICM poll in the latter part of 2002 showed that almost two thirds of voters supported a moratorium on any new PFI projects. So far, the Government has refused to grant one. It is not only the pared-down designs and long-term costs, which cause concern. Excessive charges for using facilities are also cited. Anecdotal evidence suggests that it is more expensive for visitors to park their cars at the new out-of-town PFI Edinburgh Royal Infirmary, than it is at Edinburgh Airport. One consolation for local authorities may be that while much of the blame for the consequences of high rise flats was laid at their door, rather than at the door of the culprits in central government, so far, at least, there seems little doubt in the public’s mind where responsibility for the PFI lies. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 18 September 2004 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/36d521705c46736a26743636c6d2189f.pdf f3ccab8935bd5a09ba8ea97ea8800060 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource SLATE Description An account of the resource To help promote its work and reduce dependence on the established professional press, NAM created its own newspaper SLATE. The editorial group met bi-monthly to gather together latest events, activities and ideas emerging from radical critiques and challenges to the established order of architectural practice and education. The content of each edition was collated, and cut-and-pasted into layouts of the magazine which typically ran from 16 to 28 pages. Each edition included a brilliant cartoon by Andrew Brown who emerged as a clever graphic artist synthesising NAM's radical ethics. SLATE's production ran to 17 issues in total. The SLATE Group also produced occasional annual calendars, of which three survive Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. 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Chango fom “The Aistooan Ba Qe Heaaty"OS (2) hid $227 Handlur+ Burclard P22e. | (2) Ray mont Willians ¢ Rey usevelo é ‘ (4) Evttebshawna Karl Mans cobibutoo Histriepabhy” é “ldeology bSsual Seurce Gl QBackbtin., b279 (6) Sawtateeter itil £ 278 jot sp AMA biting Sfulued nfo 7 Ay frrecal Cvtule Cauce ot LEY hy pettim—te eeh Cvceflby oy falasef eae ZH Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Feb 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/82fd65c8d2fee78d842e846159f74a85.pdf 1232cc26f4c9ae8fde884e72d5311b38 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Harrogate Founding Congress Subject The topic of the resource The Harrogate Congress was the founding of NAM. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 21-23 November 1975 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Individual stories from people who attended first NAM Congress Subject The topic of the resource Steering Group to do individual stories about joining NAM Description An account of the resource NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT HOW IT ALL BEGAN - A PERSONAL DESCRIPTION User involvement in Design As the project architect of the new Edgewick Primary School in Coventry, I was briefed by the City Education Client Officer, a helpful, experienced and committed client. But when I asked him how I should accommodate useful suggestions from the new Head Teacher about the design of her new school he said, “Just ignore her”. I decided instead to ignore him and went on to work closely with the Head teacher, staff and pupils in developing the design of a successful and well-regarded Primary School adjacent to the existing Victorian Primary School, situated near a large Courtaulds factory and not far from the centre of Coventry. For me this was proof that the users of a building must be fully involved if the design is to be successful. It was a very important lesson and my respect for the committed Head has stayed with me ever since. Working for Tenants and Residents In the early 1970s many architects while working in offices were also providing free design advice and alternative schemes to tenants and residents groups faced with unacceptable redevelopment proposals. This work was in stark contrast to how they were earning their living during the day, but it taught both sides the benefits of having a design service available to and accountable to the people who used buildings. I was working for tenants in Newham while during the day I worked for BDP. BDP incidentally was a very good firm whose idealistic founding partner Grenfell-Baines stated it should be multi-disciplinary and fully involve and reward its staff. (3Rs, Responsibility, Recognition and Reward) (These ideas subsequently influenced the NAM Public Design Group’s proposals). At that time, my wife Ursula was working in a Community Development Project in Canning Town. Through her I became involved with West Ham tenants. Most private firms were not so good as BDP for salaried staff, hence salaried architects desire for change. The RIBA was seen to be a mouthpiece for private Architectural Practice. These ideas became more widespread throughout the profession both amongst salaried architects and teachers in schools of architecture. At the same time, new young Labour councillors, who had emerged from tenants’ struggles, were beginning to be elected and this encouraged the development of NAM ideas in councils, for example Haringey. Architects Revolutionary Council (ARC) While working in BDP, we used to occasionally visit the AA in nearby Bedford Square at lunchtimes. There was also an AA Studio in Percy Street near the BDP office. There I met the tutor, Brian Anson and his students. Brian had established with his students the Architects Revolutionary Council (ARC). They talked to us about ARC’s proposal for a New Architecture Movement to develop ARC’s ideas and especially to take on the RIBA, ARC’s bête noir. They were trying to encourage sympathetic architects, teachers and students to attend an inaugural conference to establish the New Architecture Movement. After I talked to Brian about my interest in public design he asked me to make a presentation about a national design service at the proposed conference. In November 1975 an advert appeared in the architectural press inviting participants to attend the inaugural congress of a hitherto unheard of New Architecture Movement in the unlikely setting of Harrogate. The congress, organised by ARC after discussion with sympathetic architects, brought together a considerable number of like-minded salaried architects and students. NAM was born The New Architecture Movement Harrogate is a very attractive and stylish former spa town in Yorkshire. No doubt ARC chose it for that reason. I presented a paper on a National Design Service to the Congress. Apart from meeting many like-minded architects, the main thing I remember about the congress is the debate about the proposed structure for the New Architecture Movement. NAM Structure ARC proposed that an elected Leader and committee should govern NAM. This resulted in an animated debate. The women at the meeting persuaded the men that the New Architecture Movement should be structured like the women’s movement; ie, groups of people interested in particular issues who would come together as necessary, not at the diktat of a higher body. In retrospect I think this was NAM’s great strength so we didn’t spend our time nit-picking as would inevitably have been the case if we had agreed to the centrally controlled body that ARC wanted. It was eventually agreed that NAM should be structured as local groups. There was also to be a liaison group, whose role was to coordinate the different campaign groups, deal with correspondence and arrange the next annual congress. Groups would report to each other through a magazine called SLATE. Liaison Group I was involved in the first London liaison group and in due course we got a grant from the Rowntree Foundation, which enabled us to set up an office in 9 Poland Street. During the first few months after Harrogate, we discussed how NAM should develop. We drafted NAM’s objectives (attached) and organised our first meeting in May 1977 in Covent Garden to encourage more salaried architects to join. Anne Karpf reported the event very favourably in Building Design. Groups The following campaign groups developed over time: • Alternative Practice • Education • Feminist Group • Professional Issues (A number of us were elected to ARCUK to represent ‘unattached’ architects) • Public Design Group • SLATE • Trade Unions and Architecture These groups, which were largely autonomous, worked across local groups to develop their ideas. They arranged their own conferences and reported through SLATE and annually to the NAM Congress. Although I was involved in the liaison group and other groups, my main interest was in developing the ideas for a National Design Service. This eventually became the Public Design Group. It included one of Brian Anson’s AA students and architects and students from Sheffield and Nottingham. So we did a lot of travelling, usually meeting in Sheffield. See separate report on how the Public Design Group evolved and how its ideas were eventually developed in Haringey. NAM’s ideas became more widespread throughout the profession both amongst salaried architects and teachers in schools of architecture. John Murray NAM Founder Member 31 August 2015 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/294ab119a1b6c38ec8080a3be22a100e.pdf d61a52c560d42596917a96f50a1e2f99 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Harrogate Founding Congress Subject The topic of the resource The Harrogate Congress was the founding of NAM. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 21-23 November 1975 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A National Design Service Doc 1 Subject The topic of the resource Paper presented by John Murray to the first NAM Congress at Harrogate 21-23 November 1975 as requested by Brian Anson Description An account of the resource 1.0 Introduction A NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE Paper No 2. May 1976 At the Harrogate Conference last November we called for a National Design Service which would meet the right of everyone to exercise control over the buildings which surround them and in which they live and work. This is a right denied in part or in total to most people in this country. We saw that the present system of patronage is such that 80% of the population have no real control over what is built, where it is built, and who uses it. They must adapt to an environment which is imposed upon them, at best through a system of spurious choices, and usually not even that. Architectsworking arrangements are similarly affected. Larger and thus fewer practices are required to handle the big jobs. At present 36% of medium and large private practices carry out 81% of the work. These same offices employ 82% of increasingly frustrated salaried architects. The bigger the jobs, the greater the profit, so it is not surprising that the principal dominated RIBA, while commisera- ting on the ‘crisis’ in architecture, looks everywhere for the answer except towards the real cause - a system of public and private patronage, inwhichinitial access and subsequent control is severely limited. The remedy for this will not be architectural. It will only be achieved when society's values change. Within the present economic system it appears to us that it is only through the state that the majority of people can gainetheir. right= ful access to the resources necessary to have control over their environment. In our opinion therefore, the existing service provided by local government offices, provides, albeit in a very limited and unsatis- factory manner, the basis of a national design service. We recog- nise that to achieve our aim, the present power structures must be radically changed. Nevertheless we shall press for a freely avail- able national design service in the form of decentralised local government offices, coupled to local accountability and control. The patrons, a minority of rich and powerful organisations and indi- viduals effectively control the direction of architecture. The design and type of buildings reflect their structure and values. The tendency for these organisations to grow larger by incorporating smaller and weaker ones, results in fewer and fewer patrons commi= ssioning bigger and bigger buildings. The purpose of this paper is to examine the present processes at work in each case of current architectural patronage and to try to draw out factors which will help to clarify both the kind of service which would be désirable and the means by which that might be achieved. 2.0 SYMPTOMS AND CAUSES 2.1 Curing symptoms From school of architecture onwards architects are conditioned to accept the context in which they work, and to look for the solu-. tions to the problems of architecture in the symptons of the malaise. After all, anything more searching would involve questioning the status quo. So the architectural establishment, the schools, the RIBA and the magazines have elevated physical form to the position where it is widely accepted that bad design is at the root of all architecture problems. The contention is, of course, that universal good design would solve everything. This preoccupation with form has led us to view in their time, structural expression, modular coordination, prefabrication, rationalised traditional and so on, as the panacea for all ills. Now energy conservation is being dressed up for this exacting role. To all of these we are.told, must be added the ingredient of creati- vity. Improving the ideas of others is not accepted as valid in this concept -— even though we know that the various elements jn the Parthenon had been around for centuries before the architect put them together ina particular way. He wasn't asked to invent them. Creation has come to mean innovation — and in a substantial way and from scratch. But to innovate is to experiment with the people who will use our buildings. As we do not know who these people are, there is a tendency for the large buildings created for their use to be anonymous also. This is where innovation comes in, where we use a variety of devices to add visual interest. The result is always false and frequently foolish as well. In this respect schemes like Park- hill in Sheffield are at least a more honourable expression of the brief than those produced by people like Darbourne and Darke who, to the delight of the magazines, attempt to conceal the monolithic -nature of the brief by the use of complicated and arbitary forms. The latest "answer" as per participation in Bykker, looks suspi- ciously like yet another attempt to fool the working class. Without the demand and feedback from the users, all designs are carried out in a vacuum, and it is naive to look for a new archi- 3.0 LAND tecture in the means of construction and form, while ignoring the basic issue of patronage. ‘The designs which we create reflect precisely the values and aspira- tions of the patron and John Berger has described how this has been true - with one or two exceptions —- of art throughout history. We believe that there will only be a new architecture when the patronage base is radically extended to enable the majority of people to control the design of their environment. 2.2 Examining the Causes Money and land are necessary prerequisites of architectural patron- age, but the ability to raise and control finance is the key aspect and the basis of all patronage, for it enables the patron to gain control over land. Clearly in our society, only the state and a minority of private organisations and individuals can hope to be in this position, and the distribution is 40% by value private and 60% by value public architectural patronage. We should have a clear understanding of the present system, if we are to discover where advances can be made towards‘a more equitable distribution of patronage in the short term, and a complete redis-— tribution in the long term. The next three sections discuss briefly the role of land ownership, the link between control of resources and control of architecture, and the resulting effect on design, architectural practice and the relationships between user and architect. The last official comprehensive register of all land holdings in this’country was produced in 1874. Today there is no official register of private land holdings and all attempts to create one have been systematically blocked in Parliament. From this we can perhaps deduce that the majority of land is in private ownership. While we do not know-the average division of land between private and public ownership, we do know that in working class communities the proportion of publicly owned land is very high; as high as 80% for example, in-parts of the East End of London. Although the ownership of land is a necessary prerequisite of archi- tectural patronage clearly the converse is not true, as most owner occupiers have no direct contact or control over architects services. Land takes its value not only from its present use but also from its potential use, and it is at its most expensive under the pressure of competing useS5 as in city centres. The use to which the land is put is dictated by the profitability of the use; hence prime sites are taken by those activities which yield the highest profits. Although the free market in land is tempered somewhat nowadays by the local planning authority, this intervention in itself results in changes in land values. Because private profit is the motive underlying the free market in land, working people cannot penetrate this market far less control it, except through the medium of the state. But the inadequacies of public finance quite often results in cheap and unsuitable sites being bought for public use, and the need to optimise even this, leads to gross over:use. High densities are therefore accepted as the norm for public housing, giving rise to balcony access and other manifestations virtually unknown in the private sector. Under the present system of land ownership this is unlikely.to change. 4.0 PRIVATE PATRONAGE The building sector financed by private patronage falls into three broad sectors — Industrial, Commercial and private housing. This work accounts for around 63% by value of all commissions undertaken by private practice. h.|) The Patrons The major patrons are those companies and individuals who control these sectors. Financial institutions now own controlling. share- holdings in British companies and through their executives and directors dictate the patterns of investment throughout the economy. These are the main private patrons of architecture, and although private individuals exercise patronage, the value is minute in comparison. 4.2 Reasons for Patronage 4.3 Affect on Architecture The architecture will reflect the directness of the relationship between profit and the building. So if the activity yields the profit, as in industry say, then the building is required merely to house the activity, and little in the way of cosmetics are applied beyond that which is necessary to satisfy the Health and Safety at Work Act and the Planning Officer. 4.4 User Control of Design? Capital in any company is accumulated by profit. On the basis of its profitability, shares in it are also bought through the money market, which together finance further development with a view to creating further profit. The money market determines into which sectors resources should flow to gain the greatest return. On the other hand, speculative housing and office development, are in themselves the means of achieving profit. Sufficient money wil] therefore be directed into the appearance, commensurate always with the market for which it is aimed. Where it is more profitable, the patrons will elect to build their own offices, which will fulfil the dual function of housing their activities and presenting the required public image. The Commer-— cial Union Building is therefore designed to create an aura of prestige, restrained good taste, wealth and stability, while con- cealing the rather squalid nature of its source of wealth. It ful- fils this function admirably. Real user control over the design is achieved when the architect is designing private villas for the directors. In other instances those same directors and executives wi 1] certainly control the design process of a new office or factory but they will almost invariably be absentee clients. Where they are not they will be well insulated from reality in the penthouse, surrounded by solar reflecting glass and Barcelona.chairs. Money will therefore only be put into buildings in the first place if that is, or will lead to, the most profitable way of using the money. The type of development, whether industrial, commercial or private housing will be chosen according to the same logic. The workers on the shop floor or in the offices, on the other hand, are still unable to control the design of their environment, (although it is in the interests of the more enlightened manage- ments to indulge in participation) even although that design, as in the case of open plan offices, is a direct function of decisions to change working methods to increase productivity. There is no element of user control in speculative housing either. 62% of this market is designed by private practice but architects and users never meet. Although people who are able to buy into this market gain a certain amount of control through choice, the choice is initially limited by income and location, and further limited in terms of accommodation and design. . These have more to do with the developer's profit margins than the buyer's real needs. But the relationship between house prices and earnings is so organ- ised as to exclude half the population and in some working class areas, over three quarters. Ina free market house prices wil] always be out of reach of the majority of the working class. Any- one who doubts this should consider what £60 per week buys in the London housing market and remember that many people earn a lot less than this. 4.5 Public Accountability? The executives who control the building design are responsible only to their shareholders. Their job is to ensure maximum return on investment. The public good does not feature in this equation - nor can it. The people affected by private buildings have no control over the developer's actions other than indirectly through Planning Control. Even where the Planning Officers. do profess to have some regard for the ethic of public service, they will be in conflict with, and wil] often be overridden by the local political requirement for rate income. The argument is that the interests of the public as a whole takes precedence over the interests of a few local people, no matter how disastrous the effect on their lives may be.. Planning Control has failed too often in these situations in the past for us to have any confidence in its ability to safeguard the public interest. Private practice in turn is not accountable to the community affected by its designs. Not only is the partners' liability to the client, but the practice is also dependent on the client finan- cially. Not surprisingly therefore, private practice rarely opposes the client's demands. 4.6 Conclusion. Control over design cannot be separated from control over resources. In the private sector these resources are controlled by a minority - formerly rich individuals, now the representatives of giant instit— utions. The Private patron of architecture adopts this role solely to create more wealth, and is not accountable in any meaningful way to the people affected by his buildings. -Simi larly, Private prac- tice is in business to service these interests. Under a system of private patronage the needs of working people will be in conflict with the dictates of the client. Profit sharing and cooperative working arrangements may increase the material well being of the salaried architect but they will not altar this basic fact. 5.0 PUBLIC PATRONAGE: Public patronage of architecture comes through the central state, the nationalised industries, but in the main through local authori- ties. Jt accounts for all the work produced by public sector architects, and 37% of work by value of private practice. In total the state is responsible for 60% of the Building industry's annual turnover. 5.1 Reasons for State Patronage. It has often been argued before that the state fulfils two basic functions. The first is to try to promote or maintain the condi- tions in which economic growth is both possible and profitable for ‘the private sector. Secondly the state trys to maintain and pro- mote the conditions for social harmony, and make the existing social order seem acceptable. Both factors are at work when the state finances building. On the one hand, the state must intervene in the arena previously described, to provide enough housing, hospitals and schools to prevent the population from becoming restless. On the other hand, a well housed, healthy and reasonably educated working class are necessary if economic growth is to be achieved and sustained. The main, organ of this system of control is the local Authority. 5.2 Local Authority Finance: The largest part of local Authority finance is in the form of central government grants. A much smaller proportion comes from rates. The services provided from these funds, constitutes the return we. get on taxes and rates paid by us the public. Pressure to hold down rates and taxes results in a short fall of finance, and local authorities are forced to resort to the private money market to make up the difference. This is a very lucrative business for the private money lenders, to the extent that 1/3 of the housing expenditures of an Inner London Borough goes into paying back interest to the finance companies. 5.3 Control over Resources The directness of the flow of resources to the state is in inverse proportion to the extent to which the public are able to control, or even understand the mechanism for producing what we have paid for, local authorities are the local arm of the central state, and are obliged by law to carry out central policies, whether or not local politicians believe that these are in the interests of their constituents. All public resources are therefore controlled from the centre through grants, approvals and regulating machinery such as cost allowances and Housing Yardsticks. 5.4 User Control of Design? Control of architectural patronage at local authority level is exercised by the relevant spending committee, a large part of that power being wielded by the committee Chairman. The committee Chairmen are serviced by their departmental chief officer whose advice is backed up by arguments prepared bya large team of specialists. In the face of this formidable array it is little wonder that the full council can do little more than rubber stamp committee decisions, and that even ward councillors are unable to play an active role in controlling services to the people they represent, let alone the users themselves. Except, for example, where a head teacher is involved in the design of a replacement school, there are few other opportunities for the user to gain control over the design. It is a system in which a certain product is demanded of individual architects in return for continued employ ment. The product is imposed or "sold" to local groups by a poli- tical leadership which has no doubt as to where "participation" begins and ends. Whatever the source, the public pays it eventually, either through increased taxes, rates and charges, or by the reduction in services for which we thought we had already paid — witness the present expenditure cuts. 5.5 Design We are only too familiar with the effect which scarce, minimum re- sources and the lack of user control has on the buildings. Whi le there is just not enough money, the design decisions which have to be made by the architect in the absence of user instructions, un=- doubtedly.mean that what money there is will often be allocated wrongly. 5.6 Public Accountability of the Architect? The local authority departments - education, housing, social services, architecture etc. are concerned with the provision of city wide services and by and large they treat the city as a whole. Sectional interests, whether of wards or of classes of people are generally subordinated to those of the. general population. 5.7 Conclusion. . Centralised offices follow naturally from this city wide view, the departmental chief officers are accountable to the Counci| via the Chairman of the relevant committee, and a hierarchal pyramidal structure must follow. The individual job architect who actually produces the work is responsible to the Chief Officer through a series of steps in the hierachy. The chain of accountability of job architect to user is through: group architect, principal architect, Chief architect, spending department chief officer, committee chairman, committee, ward councillor, User. Seven steps between architect and user. Those steps are so immovable and con= cerned with prestige,screening and face saving operations that in practice the local authority jobs architect is not accountable to the user at all. The changes which are necessary to convert this monolithic structure into a freely available and locally controlled National Design Service are substantial indeed. However, in setting out the ills and authoritarian practice of government structures it is important not to lose sight of the more fundamental fact that these structures directly or. through grants supply the resources, and buy the land necessary to meet basic — social requirements. It is not possible for people to demand control over the design of buildings if there are no resources to build them. The relevance of public resources to the question of control is seen most clearly in housing. In old working class communities up and down the country there are millions of people living in clearance areas in which badly built spec housing of the last century has rotted for decades. Housing which needs redeve=~ lopment not rehabilitation. The long-term cuts in public spending in order to make good the lack of private investment in the economy mean that people in these areas are faced with the fact that re= sources for new homes is not to be made available. These areas have become marginal, peripheral and in the end expendable. Patched up rehab. is what people will be offered alongside increasingly under maintained existing counci|] developments. 6.0 ALTERNATIVES The third area of patronage is interesting in terms of the poten- tial for raising expectations of what can be possible in the way of alternative practice. 6.1 Source of Finance: In the private sector it includes grants from developers like Wates to Assist or the Ealing project andtrust funds of one kind or another to enable the provision of special buildings and services. Such sources of finance usually ultimately rest upon less than respectable activities and hence the importance of philanthropic gestures to buy an honest and respectable image. This is not an argument against pursuing such funds; merely a reminder that such grants are only renewable insofar as they fulfil this hidden motive. They usually dry up when they fail to do so. 6.2 Control of Finance: The source of finance is provided throughadiverse range of public and private grants which to varying degrees cover land, design and development costs. Grants from public sources include H.A.A.'s, GIA's, Housing Associations via the Housing Corporation and possibly Urban Aid in resourcing community design services. But once secured they often create considerable discretionary power over handling such resources, within the overall terms of the grant. This power is expressed in the growth of resident=controleld housing associations which employ technical services on their own terms. This is by no means general. Local Authority controlled H.A.A.'s usually strictly limit the role of residents and on the other hand many Housing. Associations are merely private practices masquerading in disguise. Control of their activities by local residents. is not on their agenda either. Lfwebelievethatcompetenceandqualityareintegrallytied-up with who controls the process, then it should also give rise to designs which are welcomed and liked. 6.3 User Control and Local Accountability: But because of the facility for innovation there is scope for change in the traditional pattern of patronage. It is possible for the resident organisation which controls and manages the resources to be both client and user.. In employing the services of an architect there is no ambiguity about accountability. Where resources are controlled via the 'professionals' a serious attempt to place such structures in aposition of accountability to a locally controlled Management Committee can be innovatory. However a major drawback is the same as that which arises when work is done on a voluntary basis. Real power rests on being able to change your designer if you don't like them. Limited access to alternative source of such skills distorts the relationship on either side. 6.4 Practice Structures: The further by-product which ‘alternative projects' can create is in the office structure. Hierarchal power structures normal to private and public offices can be replaced by collective authority:| and cooperative working relationships. A further choice is to work for a reasonable salary turning the excess fees over to the public interest, rather than merely extending the sharing of excess profits. C ONC LUS |ONS This summary of the three ways in which architectural patronage is exercised provides the foundation for a more realistic discussion of what strategies can be employed to begin to lay the basis for a national design service within the real control of ordinary working people. — Local Authority Services Local] Authorities are clearly, centrally important as the main structure through which people can exert demands and gain the necessary access to land and resources created by taxation and rates, They are also equally important structures of authoritarian social control which cannot afford and have no intention of giving © away power to the grassroots. In principle, local authorities are structures which cannot be radically changed in our present society —- of that we should have no illusions. However, as the lowest tier of government they are not only necessary from above but are also susceptible to the threats of vigorous pressure from below. In our view we must campaign to support the demands of those local groups, who represent the interests of future users, and who cal] for a direct relationship of control over local authority architects delegated to design peoples future homes etc. - control which “extends to rejection of unsatisfactory proposals. Such a demand will inevitably be strongly opposed and in NAM we need a strategy which can help sympathetic architects to organise inside local authorities, to demand direct accountability to users and the creation of small locally based offices. To protect individuals, we need to secure the support of public service unions and UCCAT for the principle of this demand. Alternative Initiatives: No-one who has worked in a local authority can listen to talk of changing Local Authorities without asinking heart! This leads on to the second conclusion, which is that one of the best ways to raise expectations of what people's real rights over design are, is to increase the number and range of alternative short-term initia- tives. Where they are successful in winning public support they can be used as practical examples to pressurize local: councils into incorpora- -ting changes. More widely, we must never ignore the basic fact that small scale alternatives are based on the limited sponsorship of private or public sources of finance which can usually only meet the demands of a small number of specific groups of people. But they can offer the means to work and demonstrate how local groups and neighbourhoods can effectively extend control over decisions and resources effecting peoples lives. Local design centres which place themselves in a formal relationship of accountability to the community have a contribution to make in this process. We need a strategy for pursuing sponsorship of such initiatives. These two major conclusions and the way they should be carried forward are suggested as the basis of discussion. What does this imply in terms of a national design service? Local Authorities already control.a national structure of public sector architects. Do we wish to or change this existing structure or provide a parallel service? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov 1975 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/eb93c9c1ed32aaba0ebf0703f5594a6f.pdf 5016b1dcf9ef822758e2c73eb594c293 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Letter to Reg Freeson MP Subject The topic of the resource Letter submitting 'COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE A Public Design Service?' to Minister Description An account of the resource Dear Sir, Yours faithfully, \ Hane : John Murray for Public Design Group New Architecture Movement. NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT 9, POLAND St,LONDON. W1V3DG. Telephone: (Work) 01-888.1212 The Right Honourable Reg. Freeson M.P. Minister of Housing and Construction Department of the Environment 2 Marsham Street LONDON. SWIP 3EB. 29th September, 1978. Re: Community Architecture Following reports in the Technical Press that you are inviting proposals from the architectural profession on the future potential of community architecture, we now submit for your consideration, two copies of our report entitled ''Community Architecture - A Public Design Service?". We trust that this report will constructively contribute to the material on which you will make your decision, and we confirm our willingness to participate in any further debate which you may wish to pursue. MINISTER FOR HOUSING AND CONSTRUCTION Dee M. Movay Mr John Murray New Architecture Movement 9 Poland Street LONDON WiV 3DG 5 October 1978 Mr Freeson has asked me to thank you for your letter of 29th September enclosing two copies of the report entitled "Community Architecture - A Public Design Service" which he will read with interest. DEPAORFTHEMENEVIRNONTMENT 2 MARSHAM STREET LONDON SW1P 3EB 01-212 7601 MRS S. DUNCAN Assistant Private Secretary Yous aivec—ey 3.Ounce. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray for PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 29/09/1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/4e74302c37a39d43bb3005166dcf9a1a.pdf 0db27bcc9e9497e5747dee8c4e7da13f https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/3ce488786c9eeee1ce9600b49265af4a.pdf 76161a0dd304963e7ed104a699596066 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE - A Public Design Service? Subject The topic of the resource Report of the Public Design Group to the Minister of Housing and Construction into the provision of architectural services to the community (in response to RIBA community architects working group report proposing private firms) Description An account of the resource APUll[ EInERUI[E , • PUBLIC DESIGN GROUP, NEW ARCHI TECTURE MOVEMENT, 9 Poland Street London WI. COMMUNITY ARCH ITECiURE A PUBLIC DESIGN SERVICE? Report of the Public Design Group of the New Architecture Movement to the Minister of Housing and Construction into the provision of architectural services to the community. Public Design Group New A rchitecture Movement 9 Poland Street London. W, 1. 29 September, 1978, CONTENTS: INTRODUCT ION SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE A Definition Central and Local Government Recognition . COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE - THROUGH LOCAL COUNCILS7 Resources Accountabil ity Integration Construction Tenant Participation LOCAL COUNCILS - CRITICISMS General Criticisms Criticisms by Tenants and Local Council Architects INTERIM PROPOSALS PROPOSALS OF THE RIBA COMMUNITY WORKING GROUP CONCLUSION INTRODUCTION: This report is submitted by the Publ ic Design Group of the New Architecture Movement to the Minister for Housing and Construction to assist in the investigation he is currently undertaking into the potential of various forms of Community Architecture. It is understood that the Royal Institute of British Architects is submitting its own report, prepared by its Community Architecture Working Group. The New Architecture Movement does not support the RIBA's proposals as described from time to time in the architectural press, and is therefore presenting its own arguments lest the impression be gained that the RIBA's view is accepted by the profession as a whole. The New Architecture Movement (NAM) is a substantial body of mainly salaried architects, working in both the public and private sectors. They share a consensus of views on different aspects of architecture and the profession. In the past these views have differed radically from those advanced by the RIBA. The Publ ic Design Group of NAM was delegated by the movement as a whole to undertake an enquiry into the public architectural service and to put forward proposals to a special conference in May 1978. These interim proposals, which are included in this report, and the analysis on which they were based were endorsed by the conference and the Group is currently engaged in extending their study and on promoting their views in the public sector. This report may be summarised as demonstrating that, since an architectural service cannot be considered in isolation from the provision of resources of land and finance, nor from the subsequent construction programme, and if this service is to be both freely available and accountabl~ to the majority of the public, then it l. must be a local authority service. Accepting that principle, careful consideration is given to the serious criticisms levelled at the present local counci I departments of architecture, and proposals for re-organisation are made which would enable the principle of direct accountability to be fulfi lIed. Finally, the report examines briefly the RIBA proposals for a community architecture as understood from reports in the technical press, and relates these to the current crisis in private architectural practice. Since it is understood that the Minister's terms of reference relate specifically to the ~uestion of architects' services to the community, the report has been confined as far as possible to this subject only. That is not to suggest that the New Architecture Movement bel ieves that the structure and financing of local government, its relationship to central government and the relationships of other counci I departments to the architects are unrelated or unimportant. These have not been included in the proposals because they fall outside the scope of this report. The New Architecture Movement trusts that this report will constructively contribute to the sum of material on which the Minister will formulate his decision, and we would confirm our wi llingness to participate in any further debate which the Minister may wish to pursue. 2. SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS: * THAT A COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURAL SERVICE SHOULD BE BASED ON THE PUBLIC SECTOR AND NOT ON PRIVATE PRACTICE. To achieve this, certain interim changes are proposed to present structures : .-.. ' -'.. * LOCAL AREA CONTROL OVER RESOURCES ~ * DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE AREA-BASED INSTEAD OF FUNCTION~BASED, * AREA DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE MULTIDISCIPLINARY. * JOB ARCHITECTS SHOULD REPORT DIRECTLYTQ CQMMITTEE, * ABOLISH POSTS BETWEEN GROUP LEADER AND CHIEF ARCHITECT. * ESTABLISH JOINT WORKING GROUPS WITH DLQls. COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE: A Definition: Although the term "community architecture!! has become common currency amongst at least a section of the architectural profession, five or six years ago the expression did not exist. In that short space of time it has also changed in meaning. The present concept of ,lIcommunity architecture'l embodies ideas about designing for poor cl ients. A paper on the subject presented to the Apri I 1978 RIBA Counci I Meeting stated, ....."this kind of architecture (community arch\tectllre) can only be practised with the knowledge and consent of the user. We must be moving towards an architecture for everyone, not just for thosewh.o have the money to pay for it ....• , so a national fund is needed to help the poor to aquire the skills of an architect,ll (cited in Architects Journal 19.4,78) This agreeable sentiment begs the question as to who provides the funds to buy land and pay the builder. The provision of these resources .is necessary before the skills of an architect can even become relevant. Control over land and finance is therefore the primary issue. By discarding this and other features of the community action of the 1960ls and early 1970's, the RIBA have at once depoliticised it and changed its meaning. The concept of the new "community architecture" is one in which the socially-responsible professional attends to the needs of the individual poor, rather in the way that a doctor helps a sick patient. Because of this the RIBA sti 11 find themselves in their perennial difficulty of locating cl ients: liThe emergence of this new client (the poor) is causing some architectural and some non-architectural teething troubles. The first is that of making contact with the new client and informing him of what the profession can offer." (RIBA CAWG Report - cited in Building Design 13.1.78) 4. The Ilcommunity architecture" of the past was quite different. It, and the community action from which it was generated are by now well documented. Discontent over unacceptable environmental and social conditions fol lowing ten years of slum clearance and large scale urban redevelopment were expressed in various forms of direct action, as organisations of tenants and residents demanded a say in the way their surroundings were designed and managed. The students and young salaried architects who were involved in this process w.orked with local residents in the preparatlon and presentation of alternative schemes for their own locality. This became known as IIcommunity architecture". It embodied several ideas * Local control by local people over their own environment. This entai led control over the way resources were al located. * Small scale activity based on a weI I defIned locality. * Architects working directly with and accountable to users, and more precisely to organisations of working class tenants and residents in urban areas. * A collective rather than an individual professional relationship. * It was consequently a pol itical as distinct from a professional matter and it involved at least the potential of conflict with the existing authority i ,e. with the establ ished patrons of architecture. 5. Community architecture so defined was for the architect a part~time, unpaid and temporary assignment. In many cases it resulted in the architect who worked with the tenants being in direct opposition to local authority architects, ~lthough the tenants themselves were the intended beneficiaries of the latter's proposals. Central and Local Government Recognition; Community architecture thus stemmed from a public need to prevent the worsi excesses of urban renewal and in so doing to control the general form of building in the areas in which people 1ived ~nd worked. Eventually the combined force of ten~nts dem~nds together with increasing official concern over the new estates rel~ting largely to vandal ism, lead to changes in government pol icy. The new policies took two main forms changes in built form, and changes in tenant involvement. Changes in Built Form:. Two years after is assumed office the 1964 Labour Government commissioned the Deeplish Study into the possibi litiesof rehabilitation instead of the clearance and high density urban redevelopment approach, established by the previous Conservative administration, and encouraged by means of subsidies. Under subsequent Labour governments the housing policy gradually changed from high rlsel high density to low rise/high density and finally to the current preoccupation with low rise/medium density new build linked to rehabil itation of existing stock. The built form of council housing was consequently transformed In the space of a few years in response to reactions to the problems caused by previous pol icies. These changes, which were intended to take account of the users and residents! wishes were directed by ministerial speeches and government reports and circulars; They were enforced by alterations to the subsidies. 6. The new form of housing however, reflected only the governinents technical solutions to the problems experienced in the past. It answered some of the most vigorous complaints and rectified some of the most obvious mistakes. But tenants' and residentsl views were as yet voiced through sample surveys. That is to say. the potential of a further mls~match between government policies and users~ needs remained. Changes in Tenant Involvement: The seco~d ~harig~tackled this weakness and it is more far reaching in that it sought to extend the democratic process. The 1974 Labour government began to look for ways In which tenants could have more say in the design Clnd mCinagernent of their estates , The government Working Party into Housing Co~operCltlves had included in its terms of reference the following: "(The Working Party is) to report to the Minister,." on ways in which local authority and housing associCjtion tenants. can be enabled by co-operative management schemes to participate collectively in decisions which Clffect them II t,~ and II The need for a degree of local control WCjS thus officiCilly acknowledged. A growing number of local authorities h~ve recognised that this process should be extended. Tenants in these authorities have won the right of veto over council proposals affecting their area;.their representatives have been co-opted with voting powers on to Council Committees; and the tenants co-operativ~ brief the counci I architects on the design of their new estates. The idea of local control over resources hCls therefore begun as a 10gicCjl progression taken in the light of past experience, The recipients of government policy are beginning to have a SCly in how their part of the Where conditions are not 5uitCible for co~operCitivesl tenants should nevertheless be Involved through consultation and participation in the running of their homes 'I" lit,1\ (DOE Circular 8/76) 7. social wage is allotated. It is the contention of this report that these policies are the basis of the way ahead. An accountable and freely avai lable publ ic design service cannot come in the long term from an arthitectural fund for ',.'the poor" serviced by private practitioners on an individual basis. It can only come through an extension of collective local control over resources which are channel led through local government and serviced by local authority architects and building workers . The situation- Is therefore envisaged where representat ives of tenants and ~esidents, together with local counciJlors, and trade unionists control the various components involved in producing the built environment in their area. Initiatives such as ASSIST~( and others have already demonstrated this potential for new f6rms of practice and working relationships. They differ markedly from the current RIBA proposals. But merely to advocate their expansion is to propose a selective programme. Their valuable contribution and conclusions are best general ised and taken forward in a more radical way, It is suggested here that the time has come for their ideas to be implemented within the existing structure of publicly financed design ~ can the experience of a previous community architecture be ext~nded. To suggest otherwise is to avoid the central issue at stake in developing greater community control over services which people aIready pay for. .~ ASSIST Tenant Involvement Project in Glasgow Initiated by University of Strathclyde. Only in thi sway 8. COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE - THROUGH THE LOCAL COUNCILS? The fullest possible democratisation of architectural practice, the development of "community architecture", is an important component of any attempt to give people more control over the environment in which they 1ive. The RIBA bel ieve, and their reasons will be examined later, that small private practices, given public subsidy, are the best way to promote this idea~-' Contrary to this it is argued here that a real publ ic design service should be developed through a restructuring and democratisation of the many local councils and publ ic architects departments already in existence throughout the country. Just as community architecture appeared in the second half of the 20th Century because it was necessary, local government emerged in the early 19th Century only because it was socially and economically necessary for the maintenance and continuation of the newly industrialising society. Similarly the various local government services were added only when society had no other acceptable choice, e.g. Council housing legislation in 1919 was passed becasue 70 years 6f private philanthropic and other ad hoc provision had failed to alleviate the housing problem. On the other hand it is only through the extension of public control that the vast majority of people are able to secure the resources necessary for their health education and housing. Local authority departments of architecture nQw emplqy nearly one third of all registered architects compared to less th.an 20?6 in 1952. Their emergence followed closely after legislation which made housing \., . and schools a statutory local govern~~nt responsibility, While loci31 government architects carry out a variety of work their growth and continued existence is almost wholly dependent on the provision of schools and housing, These two (>·:counted for 8 times th.e value of all other council building ,work in 1976, Thus local authority architects form the "in""'houseH design teams which local government required in its provision of bui ldings for various social services. Many detractors argue that local government provision as a whole, including architects departments, for various reasons will qlwqys be insensitive to public demands and needs. It is argued here thqt this need not be the case. If lessons are learne-d from the recent past and acted upon, the local autho~ity architectural service can become fully responsive to pub1 ic requirements. What has to be acknowledged is that this wi 11cq11 for rqdjcql qnd imaginative new departures and an effort of political will, The arguments for a "community architecture!! through the locql authorities may be summarised ~s fol lows: Resources: It has already been qrgued thqt access to qnd control over resources is central to the development of "community architecture", Local counci 1s are in a position to provide all the necessary resources - land, finance, architectural services and in many cases, with direct labour, bui 1ding services - through their existing, locally based structures. In addition, it is only when these resources are pub1 ic1y owned that their use can be controlled by perip~e through their elected represehtatives. Privately owned land and fina~ce, to which only a minority have access are used simply in the most profitable way for shareholders, regardless of social need. Accountability: Although the internal arrangements of local authorities may need some rigorous re-appra i sa 1, the i r depa rtments are, at least in theory, accountable at an overall pol icy level to the locally elected council . Their architects departments, operating as a service and not for private gain, are already indirectly accountable to the local community, and can become directly accountable. 10. Integration: Community involvement and control relates to more than housing. Social and welfare provision, transportation, industry the environment and other factors also affect the life of the community. A participatory and democratic local authority is the only existing agency able to co-ordinat~ and integrate all these services both within and between localities. Construction: The concept Ilcommunity architecture" suggests a new and dynamic relationship between architects and the locai~eople. This co-operation should be extended into the construction process itself, into the relationship between designers and building workers. - Labour's document "Building Britain's Futurell recognises the mistrust and misunderstanding that at present divides these two groups. It also recognises the value of Direct Works departments and cal Is for their expansion. Through the area-based local authority design and construction teams envisaged by this report, both these objectives could be met, to the advantage of all parties involved architects, building workers and local people, Tenant Participation: The Government has already committed Itself to encouraging the development of tenant Participation and control in housing management, but this type of involvement can only be a part of "enabling tenants to exercise real control over their living conditions" (D.C.E. Circular 8/76 "Housing Co-operatives"). There is obviously an accompanying need for tenants, collectively and individually, .to control provision and design of both rehabilitation and new build housing. With its already substantial involvement in this sector and its abi 1ity to bring together tenants, prospective tenants, resources, and designs and construction workers, the local authority has a central role to play in developing tenant par~icipation at all levels of housing provision. For these reasons it is argued in this report that local counci Is at the lowest tier of local government operate a service which is not motivated primarily by the concern with profitabIlity which is characteristic of the private sector nor with the paternal ism of charitable provision. Consequently, they form the most suitable basis for the development of a democratic and accountable "community architecture". 11. LOCAL COUNCILS - CRITICISMS: In the following section, the main criticisms of local authority departments of architecture wil I be examined briefly and changes proposed. Itis outside the scope of this report to suggest other radical changes to the structure _?f local government or to other counci I departments. However, as Malpass (2) for example pointed out, it is clear that Client as well as Town planning and - Valuation departments form pol icies which already determine land use and, to a large ext~~t, the overal I form of development, before the project architect even becomes involved, Nevertheless, it is bel ieved that the proposals contained here not only are substantial improvements in themselves but also incorporate the potential for future change in the same direction, That is, these are not seen as once and for all prescriptions, but as part of a continuing process of democratisation of local government, General Criticisms: Despite the fact that local authority architects and local government in general provide a socially useful service both are the subject of much criticism. Nor is the problem of explaining thi s persistent viI ification primeri Iy one of pointing to possible causes, Anyone aquainted with either the architectural profession or with tenants organisations could readi ly make suggestions. It appears that these general criticisms are based on two separate arguments. Firstly, because local authority practice is a public and non-profit-making institution it will be regarded in society generally, including within the architectural profession as a threat to the prevailing ideology of individual ism and the market place. 12. The denigration of the local authority architect began with the emergence of modern publ ic practice in the late 19th Century. As Summerson has noted, IIAII the glory and much of the profit was associated with 11 By the early 1920lS ideas which have continued to the present time were firm~y establ ished. "Employment in the staff of a local authority was sought on Iy by those to whom the pay enve ]'ope was a very much more urgent consideration than opportunities 1t The many examples of local authority architecture praised by the publ ic and the profession alike have been, and are still ignored when the image of public practice is being discussed, That Is~ ideas ab6ut public practice are generalised from the worst examples, For private practice the opposite appears to be the case, so that in successive surveys amongst architectural students for example, a large majority consistently put private practice as their first choice of work place. At the same time however, as local authorities themselves became increasingly important as patrons of architecture, the existence of in-house local authority architects wi!] certainly pose an economic threat to private practice. Thus, it may be thought not surprising that a profession which is dominated by the ethos of private practice but,which is dependent on the pub11c sector for work, rather than resolve the contradiction of its own position wi II conduct a continuous campaign of vi I ification against local authority departments of architecture , the private practitioners. (J. Summerson - liThe London Building \~orld of the 18601sll) for the creation of architecture. ( J . Summerson) ••• 13. Criticisms by Tenants and Local Authority Architetts: There is also another and separate concern over local authority departments of architecture. It is to be found amongst the consumers of the service and amongst local authority architects themselves. The tenants' problems have been documented and are still documented in magazines such asllCommunlty Acti.on~'. _Malp_~ss_ (2) has written one of the few serious studies of local authority architects and their problems. Both sources describeauthqrltarlan and hierarchial departments, : insensitive to the needs of user and architect alike. Job architects labouring under many external and internal constraints and the consumers of their work never meet because of the ~boundaries~ which haVe grown up in the local government institution. It is conventional to talk tif local government problems in terms of hierarchies, but these are essentially abstracted from other connections and are thus not very helpful. It Is more con~enient to think of the problem existing between architect and user as one of ~boundaries~~ The boundaries themselves exist because of the origins and social role of local government. Two of these boundaries which insulate producer from consumer are function-based teams and office hierarchies, Tenants and residents in the past have shown that they are able to formulate and achieve their own demands. Local authority architects have not met them halfway. Because of this the proposals contained here will be taken from the point of view of amending structures to increase the accountabil ity of the architect to the user while at the same time increasing democracy within the department. 14 . . INTERIM PROPOSALS: 1. LOCAL AREA CONTROL OVER RESOURCES · Since control over design cannot be separated from control over the resources of land and finance, changes are required in the formal council structure to enable control to be exercised at ..---. .. community level. Although counicllors are elected on an area basis they serve on function-based committees (housing, education) which have control over the expenditure of money on theprovision.of services across the whole local authority area. Real local needs tend to be subordinated to an assumed general interest. The role of a councillor as a committee member therefore may be {n conflict with his or her role asa representative of a local interest, In order that local area interests are safeguarded, it is suggested that a further tier be added below the main functional committees (c.f. neighbourhood counci Is). These would be area committees consisting of representatives of local tenants and residents organisations, local counci llors and trade unionfsts. The size of the area would obviously be a matter for discussion. These committees should deal with all council matters relating to their area and would consequently relate to several or all of the main function-based committees. They should have powers of recommendation and of veto in their relationship to the main committees. They should brief architects and have power of approval over designs and standards. 2. DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE AREA-BASED INSTEAD OF FUNCTION-BASED So that they can relate to local area committees and the requirements of local people. The present arrangement of function-based architectural teams servicing function-based client committees and depdrtments has two major disadvantages. Firstly, in providing a service 0ithin this structure, architects are fsolated from the people who will use their bui ldings. Architects work on a Borough wide basis, and people1s needs and wishes, insofar as they are tak~n 15. into account at all, are averaged out and presen~ed to the architect in briefing guides as criteria to be designed for in much the same way as are site constraints. The total constitutes a design problem and the concept of the a-pol itical ofHcer paid to solve technical problems is thus reinforced. Similarly the professional ideology of individual architects expressing themselves in their designs is sustained. Secondly,this system creates a "closed circuit"· method of .liaison. For the architect: architect-client department~ cl ient committee. It i~ i I logical as well as difficult to break this circle to relate to local residents or even local councillors. The publ ic also find this organisational boundary virtually impregnable, They are vulnerable to official action yet the boundary renders the officers immune to the consequence of that action. It should be noted thClt the term lIarea based team" as distinct from tlfunct ion based team" does not nece.ssa.ri Iy meqn thClt the team is located in an area, It merely means that a team is responsible for the work in Cln area. As such, it would offer the architects a variety of types of project. It would also enable them to initiate action in their area instead of being the recipient of decisions by others. 3. AREA DESIGN TEAMS SHOULD BE MULTI-DISCIPLINARY AND SHOULD HAVE AROUND TWELVE MEMBERS AS A SUGGESTED OPTIMUM The term multi-disciplinary would in the local authority context include planners and valuers as weI I as the more usual design team members such as quantity surveyors and engineers. 4. JOB ARCHITECTS (and other team members) SHOULD REPORT DIRECTLY TO COMMITTEE Each job architect and teClm member should be responsible directly to the committee for the work he or she carries out. In this way 16. not only will committee members relate to the person actually producing the work, but job architects wi 11 be aware that they work in a pol itical forum as well as a technical one, 5. ABOLISH POSTS BETWEEN GROUP LEADER AND CHIEF ARCHITECT Group leaders should become responsible directly to the are~ committee and thus to the Council for the collective work of the group, The chief architect would then perform a co~ordinating role amongst the groups, similar to the role performed by the elected leader of the council vis-~~vis committees.Occup~nts of redundant posts to be found a more useful role in the new structure. It is envisaged that in the future group leqders should be subject to election by their group and that the chief architect sh.ould be elected from amongst group le~ders, with periodic change built In. It should be noted that the present vertical structuring of the architects departments stemmed from the l~te 19th Century private practice model. That is, from a form of practice comprised. of one principal and a small number of apprentices, The largest practices of that time had one partner and around 25 apprentices. As private practices grew so did the number of partners, each being equally responsible under Partnership Law. ~ common ratio of partner to staff is 1:15}, In publ ic practice the concept of one chief remained so that when the chief architect became responsible to the council for the actions of more than 100 staff, intermediate grades were introduced whose sole function was to control the job architect, Theirs is a non-design function and thei r status is dependent on increasing the proportion of procedural and managerial matters under their control, They form an effective boundary between job architect and chief architect, let alone between job architect and councillor or job architect and user. 17. 6 . EST ABLISH JOINT WORKING GROUPS WITH DLOS To consider how to achieve-better designed, constructed and maintained buildings. In the longer term it is envisaged that separate professional teams should disappear in favour of design and build teams within the service of the local authority rather than within the building contractors' organisation. Summary; It is clear that many if not all, of these proposals could be put into effect_ fairly readily, It may be noted that in at least two London Boroughs, proposals similar to these are being actively discussed as departments of architecture are re-organised. These proposals are seen as p~rt of a continuing process of democratisation of local government, without which a lasting community architecture is not possible. They are not seen as a final solution but are offered as practical proposals appl icable at this stage. The next stage in the development of these ideas is to widen this discussion to include representatives of tenants, local councils, central government and NALGO and other pub] ic sector unions, In advocating these proposals it is recognised that there are other relevant questions which should be considered but which are outside the scope of this report. e,g. * Devolution of power from central to local government, particularly in relation to the control over building finance at present exercised by central government departments. * The relationships between architects and other council departments. 18. * How the RI BA form of building contract dictates the relationship between architect and building worker by separating design and construction, how this is unnecessary in the public sector, and how a new arrangement could be evolved to faci litate the formation of local authority design and bui ld teams. * The role played by architectural education, including further discussion of the labour Party proposals for overcoming the present sectarian and private practice bias. (3). 19. THE PROPOSALS OF THE RIBA COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE WORKING GROUP: It is significant that the RIBA's proposals for "community architecture" have developed now, when architecture, especially in the private sector, faces an unprecedented crisis. Although there are supporters of CAWG who are genuinely seeking new ways of relating to the community, hard economic logic and self-preservation rather than a new humanitarianism appear to lurk behind the present profess(onal-vogue for "community architecture". Figure 1. shows the serious position faced by private architectural practice. This declining workload is largely a result of economic recession in the economy as a whole. The construction industry, as usual, is affected particularly badly. However, this crisis has been compounded by structural changes in the construction in~ustry which threaten the position of the architect over and above the results of thegeneral recession. The RIBA acknowledge this; •• community architecture is not a passing trend. Economic and social pressures wi II ensure that for many architects, the nature of the job will change .....11 (cited in Architects Journal 19.4.78) The most important of these changes is the increasing division of labour, whereby special ists are taking over more and more of- the traditional functions of the architect, and the growth of the package deal and design and build which largely by-pass the architect altogether. The effect of the recession and structural change is made more difficult for the private architect by a fal ling amount of work commissioned from private practice by the public sector. (See Figure 2.). The RIBA are naturally anxious to find areas in which private practice can continue to function, both to help to ride out what after a11, may only be a relatively short-term crisis in the industry as a whole. They also need to adapt to the longer-term structural changes, Figure 3., which shows both the state of the traditional areas of private practice involvement and the comparitively healthy state of repairs and maintenance gives a clear indication of why private practice needs to move into small scale rehabi litation and renovation work. 20. ......... VI Cl) U " D- o r--... 0'\ +J ro c: 0 . E t...,) FIGURE 1. 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 lOa ~---+---4--~--~~~~--+---+---+-~~---r---+--~--~--~~~ 1963 64 65 66, 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 78 Source: The Monopol ies Commission Report and RIBA. NEW COMMISSIONS FOR PRIVATE ARCHITECTS • 45 40 . 35 30 . 25 20 10 Percentage 50 FIGURE 2. 65 66 67 70 71 72 7374 75 76 77 78 Sources: Monopolies Commission Report, A.J. and National Board for Prices and Incomes. PROPORTION OF NEW BUILDING WORK FOR PUBLIC AUTHORITIES CERTIFIED BY PRIVATE PRACTICE. FIGURE 3. ~ource: A . J . 2 8 . 6 , 7 8 1800· . ISOO 1400 .1200 1000 .... '" repairs and lIlai:ltel\.lJ>Ce " ' .I 'j; ... " .;- .. .. ."....-"\.......... ---- \ .'. priYlte industrial "" , , '.. ", ' ....: I>'ivat~ housing .:. ...." ... .... .... " • ,'-'-'- r.,._.... , ......... '. .'...., .. ',, o .' ,;' "., '."" '-'_'_' ~600 - c: ~. ... ' . ----'" ?"".- " 400-: -----r---···~··-·~--·-·i~~i 1968 69 io il 72 73 74 75 i6 n 78 79 1980 public non · housin, ! ' , .... , - ....:-7 ~ ----!-i----~'---;-·--:--~ actual~ · .. .....forecast S I BRITISH CONSTRUCTION OUTPUT, ACTUAL AND FORECAST BY SECTOR. I • ,. The problem they now face is to persuade a justifiably sceptical public, outlook and allegiances. So the new, democratic, humane and caring "community architect" is born . The RIBA's major proposal is for a community aid fund to be established, with finance from the Government, to enable the setting up of small, area-based architectural advice centres. They see these operating alongside and in a similar way to legal advice centres and, more interestingly, doctors ' surgeries. This latter parallel is important as the assumptions underlying it reflect how 1ittle the attitude of the profession has changed. The medical profession is not renowned for its openess. Certainly, a more aware publ ic would undermine the professional role of the doctor. Can the public expect qnything different from architects, or will mystification continue for the sake of the architect's social and economic standing, "Community qrchitectllrel' in the past was a dynamic relationship of co~operation, as equals, between architects and local people. The Community Architecture Working Group's proposals seem to contain a paternql ism and protection of professional interests inimical to this open and active relationship. Notwithstanding these professional and paternalistic qssumptions which seem likely to characterise any development of "community architecture" as envisaged by CAWG, there is a disturbing narrowness in the actual nature of the proposals which tends to 1imit any advantages they might otherwise contain. Firstly, they do not address themselves to the problem of the construction industry and the relationship between design and construction. Within their proposals the mistrust between the two sides will remain. The RIBA's response to this qllestion has been to criticise the Labour Party's proposals and to re-assert the professionql independence of the architect from the builder. Furthermore the proposals refer only to housing. There appears to be 1ittle attempt to see how this wi 11 relate to all the other social I pol itical and economic factors which go to make up the environment, and how these can be democratically integrated at the level of the community. in the concrete jungle and high-rise given the role of the ~rchitect boom of the '60's and early '70's, that they have really changed their 21. IICommunity architecture·· should not only involve democratic and co-operative relationships between architects, local people and building workers, but should also promote internal office democracy for the architects themselves. In private practice there is a growing awareness of the different interests of the salaried architects who produce the work and the partners who own the practice. We await expectantly to hear how the RIBA, dominated as it is by the owners in private practice, proposes to solve this internal confl ict in the new community style, private offices. • CONCLUSION: While the undoubted sincerity of many of the people involved in the Community Architecture \oJorking Group is beyond question, their overal I approach seems to contain more dedication to self-preservation in a period of crisis for the architectural profession than it does to the needs of the community. There is, however, a need to develop ··community architecture'· and democratic accountabi I ity. It has been suggested in this report that this is most Iikely to be achieved through Local Councils, The way forward should be seen not through a narrow professional self-defence but through a positive liaison between users, producers and designers arising from a development of the potential for greater democratic involvement and accountabi I ity within the existing local government structure. 22. oJ " Select Bibl iography: Some of the issues raised in this Brief Report are dealt with in more detaiIin : 1. NAN PDS Group papers on * The Origins, Evolution and Structure of Local Authority Departments of A rchitecture. ,', HoLising A ssociations - A Democratic A lternative, Both in "public Design Service Conference Proceedings May 197811, Available from NAM, 9 Poland Street, W.l Price £1.75.inc1.p&p. * NAM A National Design Service. Papers 2 &3 1976 Price 75p. inc!. p & p. P. Malpass - "Architects, Professional ism and Local Authority Housing", N.A. Thesis - Newcastle University, 1973. 2. 3. Labour Party - 'IBuilding Britain's Future - Labour1s Policy on Construction " . (35p. from Smith Square), Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray with PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 29 Sept 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0f2c1c68c26711f8a6c70b4b9aa84a5b.pdf 54c633382f7d7af4dde43951d54e6457 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NDS 1975-77 Subject The topic of the resource Draft papers about NDS, Tenant Coops, A Ladder of Citizen participation, proposed research project Description An account of the resource THE UMGO ARcWMWTeTURE ALO0EHGUT. $ WOeTH Cewror) GLOUP» A NATIOMAL ICEIGN SGLUICE t. fou 2 BAAlpiod Nav 1G, leasfaneotsnft tntdeceniloned vile heasonS torn acluficine fa controled by Qa pahenagg a)(te Inbroouchan + , mum ord], and bows Tey txoral thir ety ooM Luds began loya |te elfacts om te yes, hemes ad phryrteal a a \ Yardy » We ang eel [= a natal ALsigy senuce luck ural be accoulable toavd canholladby tu propledn AS Ipcalily » de Qmcluded lint tighloeurhoock based scat auultoudy Asay. affucss shautofae aca At Preset toemt fdsse offuces aut enrhaliacd pand buraucmlic Shuctures,SteminalyLnsensitso&Ceroyfhofle,frecass 4 thon is lwited t the ounce Sfunding Aapa Arnel comer oy thom is vested Wn tanmulee Chetimnen. 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Studien te Donelefimnent of Gppctalionn .4. Doblo .(Esp: Chaplet B,Y . 2. Vawour Commumiley bvilebwut Reports \partieculaedy “iscal Gavewmont Becomer bg busine ~ ‘Profs Agamat House ecard F eutt corning Gaweetsto rot m local tndcluclral decline bbeplan 97), % Hs bund TENANT CO-OPS Government Con-t rick or A Force for Tenant Power ? with the help and advice of the other workers from the Islington Co-ops. C7 March 1977 Written by: Richard Crossley Lucy de Groot Alison McLean INTRODUCTION concerned. For the past six months a group of workers from the five co-operatives in Islington have been meeting every few weelks to discuss issues of common interest. We decided to write this article in order to look at the role of co-ops within the whole field of housing policy. The government is encouraging housing co-operatives at a time when it is also making severe cuts in public sector expenditure including cuts in the housing budget. Recently the Housing Corporation's Co-operative Housing Agency was opened with the specific purpose of promoting and advising housing co-ops. There is clearly a lot of support from the housing establishment for co-ops while other forms of public housing are continually being criticised and attacked. This has led to a lot of suspicion amongst people involved in the tenants' movement as to the role of co-operatives, their relationship with the rest of the public housing cector, their potential elitism, their popularity with the government, the standards and methods they will operate and their real potential for changing the control of public housing. It is important to clarify that the Islington co-ons, which we work for, have emerged-out of tenants' struggles to get access to and control of decent housing. We believe that it is only in this way thas tenant co-ops (and other tenants’ organisations) can represent the needs and wishes of their members. The recent moves by come local authorities, to institute co-ops from above without any direct initiative coming from tensats' g-ovps themselves, clearly contradicts the whole concept of texents' co-ops beirs the basis for tenants taking control over their hotsing. It is this latter concept with which we are We feel that it is very important to look at ihe issues which are at the centre of the debate about co-ops - ownership, finence, membership, selection. These are also the crucial areas for tenant control. In discussing these issues we have drawn on our own specsfic experience as workers for the different Islington co-ops. We Go not claim to have a complete solution to all the questions whicn have been raised about co-ops. We hope, however, that this article will explain some of the problema, clarify the issues and encourage a wider discussion and a better understanding of the role of tenant co-ops in the tenant movement as a whole. | | I. OWNERSHIP The argument about the ownership of housing by tenant co-operatives is often very confused. within the existing political and economic structures and they are therefore It is important at the outset to recognise that co-ops operate »necessarily limited by those structures. been a central demand of radical activists Public ownership of housing has is only a first step in the struggle for a socialist housing system. a crucial condition for equal distribution, proper planning and higher standards for any of these in housing but it is not of itself a sufficient condition demands. The public sector, as the present economic crisis emphasises, is controlled by the politicians and officials who dominate the political system. The DoE, Treasury, all developments and policies in public sector housing and, of course, over for Over a century. However, it It is and leaders of the government have the final control over the subsidising of private housing. the important role that housing plays in the economic and political maneouvres Unless we recognise this and understand we will fail to confront the real problems of governments in capitalist Britain, No Real Option Many people (including most tenants) think that they will only really control with which both private and public sector tenants are faced. their housing when they individually own a home of their own. They are also concerned to have a capital investment which they can pass on to their children and which they can realise by Selling at any time. For all but a Minority, however, the ideal of a home of their own can never be more than a pipe dream in a market situation where the cost of housing has escalated way beyond the Public Ownership :Tenant Control reach of ordinary working people. Massive government expenditure is essential if vitally needed housing is to be made available and it is only right that some form of government control should follow. In principle, we think that all freeholds should be socially owned, but with the greatest possible power and effective control in the hands of the tenants living in the housing. In other words, we feel there is an important need for a different form of public ownership and control whereby tenants have all the advantages (and responsibilities) normally thought to derive only from owner-occupation, without having to make any capital investment, and where the government retains the final control and recall on the property. The control vested in the tenants would normally take the form of a lease held by the tenant OO exercised in any other way. e housing doesn't arise. Public and Frivate Sector Co-ops Tenant co-ops have developed in both the public housing sector, on estates and in areas of local authority development (eg. Charteris Road), and in’ the private *Where the public sector co-ops are concerned, the issue of We feel that there is no perfect blueprint for co-operative housing and that the response of tenants in different Situations will vary. The type of solution co-op collectively. But this option is not always going to be politically or tactically viable for a tenant co-op - (most local authorities baulk at the thought of such innovations!) so it is Sometimes necessary for a co-op itself to own the freeholds. This type of co-operative ownership should not be confused with equity sharing or co-ownership schemes, where members have a stake in the capital value of the property. The Islington co-ops are all "par-value! co-ops where members have a nominal and equal share in the co-op (normally £1 per member) which is not redeemable. They have no individual stake in the property owned by the co-op nor can the co--op as a body sell any of its houses. Thus, the type of ownership enjoyed by co-ops is very restricted, and is of real importance only in so far as it creates control which cannot at presentb.e sector where tenants have fought to get bad housing in an area improved. ownership has already been won in principle; what the co-op will be concerned to gain is an extensive and powerful agreement with the local authority covering selection, Maintenance and all aspects of management. Although an ordinary tenant association may be interested in exercising this sort of power and control, all too often their energies are taken up with battles against a large, anonymous, uncaring "public landlord' and the Se for real control over “In the case of co--ops working outside the public sector, tenants' anxiety to make sure that bad housing is acquired, improved and made available to them usually leads to the demand for control over the acquisition and development of housing as well as future management. must be based on the needs of the tenants concerned. Whether the local authority Access to Money and Houses as the way it is managed. Money Gives Control going to live. III. MEMBERSHIP AND SELECTION - ARB CO-OPS ELITIST? The problem of possible elitism has been raised by many people who are unsure Legally, the only way'at present that a group of tenants can gain access to finance in order to buy from the private market to oust the private landlord and therefore to ensure the improvement of their housing conditions, is to register with the Housing Corporation as a Housing Association and thus be eligible for HAG. In the case of PPNC where tenants forced the declaration 5f a Housing Action Area, the co-op has been instrumental in bringing additional finance into areas of severe housing need. Long term, it is only with increasing municipalisation by local authorities that a major impact will be made on the private landlord. It is still the case, however, that for many tenants in the private rented sector, to be a member of a co-operative which is buying and converting in their area is firstly their only hope of access t> decent housing and secondly, but perhaps more crucially, the only way in which collectively they can control the type and standard of housing that is provided as well Our experience in Islington has shown that the effective transfer 0f control to tenants demands the transfer 2f financial control. In the case of co-ops in the public sector who are concerned with control over the allocation and management of their houses, tenants have demanded a direct allocation 9f the full amount spent by the local authority on management, and complete control over the budgeting of these amounts. Where tenants want to control the acquisition and conversion of houses in their area the only way to do so is to be directly eligible for HAG. Thus, tenants directly control the decisions made by the professionals employed to produce housing (eg. the surveyors, valuers, architects) and the tenants themselves can decide the speed and priorities of the acquisition programmes and the standards of the houses in which they are of the role of tenant co-ops, and afraid that the nature of co-ops will pre-select a certain type 9f tenant. The question, "Who becomes a co-op member and why" raises the issue of whether co-ops are in reality open to working class, badly housed tenants who are trapped in the worst conditions with no real options open to them or whether they simply attract the articulate, the middle class, people for whom other options exist. It als» raises the question of the co-7p's relationship with the established local authority waiting list. Where Do Members Come From? Most co-ops, and certainly those in Islington, have been formed in response to the bad housing of their area. So their initial membership and foundation has been amongst tenants in the most acute housing need. New members come to the co-ops because they hear from friends about the co-9p, because they live in the area and can see things happening, or because they have been referred by law centres, housing aid centres, 2m the basis 9f their housing needs. In the early stages some co-ops may restrict their membership to a specific area, for example, PPNC which is based entirely in a Housing Action Area, but most of ~ the Islington co-ops are open to any tenant in bad housing, living in the borough. The tenants wh> come to the co-ops for help do not do so because 9f some prior commitment to 'the principles of co-operation', but because the co-9%p offers some hope of a solution to their housing problems. Clearly, the initial membership of a co-op is crucial since it will determine the style and direction of the co-op. People will stay as active members and become involved with the co-op's struggle t> improve housing conditions if they identify with the way the co-op works. An Ever Open Door? It should be noted that over time, keeping an open door t2 all those in housing need can present problems for co-9ps, not least the problem of size. Also it may be necessary t2 discriminate positively in favour of specific groups, such + as elderly people who don't easily launch into tenants' meetings, or families with language problems, and in some cases to discriminate against others. In the belief that co-ops should not attempt to become all things to all people, HTC recently took a decision t>2 consciozusly exclude any 'middle class' applicants and to preserve its working class neighbourhood base. Young professionals, students and other groups have the resources to produce solutions to their %wn problems which may involve setting up their own co-op as Islington Community Housing have done for young single people. The Waiting List this entails. Selection in Action Sa are usually looked at: personal %pinions. One of the most crucial and most controversial areas 9f control fought for by tenant co-ops has been that of selection, the right of tenants to decide for themselves who should have priority in rehousing. In Islington this demand arose because of the council's own failure to operate a fair allocation system. (Tenants saw that the council's points system in effect reflected the supply of housing and was totally insensitive t3 people's actual housing needs.) Also where tenants are being permanently rehoused by a co-op, it is important that they are aware and willing to accept the responsibilities and commitment that Islington co-ops each have an elected committee which visits and interviews members, discusses each case and comes to a collective decision. Three criteria ae Council criteria »f housing need (ie. points on waiting list) b. Wider criteria of housing need (eg. size and conditionof rooms, tenants! emotional and medical problems, harassment) This is a difficult task and committee members can find themselves under moral and emotional pressure t> rehouse a member which might »verride »bjective criteria. The struggle to resolve these problems and answer for the decisions taken constantly challenges members 9f any co-op. Committee members are often sbliged to publicly speak out in meetings and thus confront their own prejudices and necessitates constant discussion and debate amonst members to determine what the c. participation in the co-op. It is probably true to say that the selection process is the most sensitive area within any co-op. The decisions taken have always to be seen t> be fair and unbiased. This has to be in the first instance to the co-op membership as a whole. There is tremendous pressure on committee members to be consistent and to avoid creating unfair precedents. In return, the co-ops demand of their membership an understanding of what's possible; they cannot tolerate unreasonable demands or expectations; nor can they be susceptible to pressures from either the more desperate or more unscrupulous members. Yet at the same time the co-ops must operate a more sensitive, humane and sympathetic allocation policy. Treading the delicate line between these various requirements is often difficult and right decisions, morally, ethically and politically should be. Public Accountability In the final analysis the co-ops are, and: should be, accountable to the wider- public through the local authority. In Islington, the council has 100% veto powers on all selections of the Charteris Road Co-op, and 75% of HIC's allocations. This ensures that co-op tenants are always people in the greatest housing need. The council's veto powers have never presented a real problem since co-op members have in practice always had very high points and have had more than the full residence requirements, All members have to be registered on the council's waiting list. In fact, the check which Islington council has kept 2m selectishs within the co-ops has confirmed the fiarness of their selections. But it is an important safety valve to ensure that the co-ops continue t> guard against possible abuses and t> emphasise their continued accountability ts the public at large. The co-ops have a responsibility t> the homeless, and sthers in housing need who live in the borough and are not members of the co-9p. ~ IV. TENANT CONTROL : THE PROBLEMS So far we have looked at some 9f the basic political, legal, and institutional issues which co-ops raise. We need to consider now the actual problems of tenant control. How do tenants take decisions and are these any better than the decisions taken by more conventional bodies like the council? What are the mistakes that have been made and why have they happened? A tenant co-operative provides an organisational structure which allows tenants to take control sxver their housing. The actual form that this takes will always be rooted in the particular history and circumstances in which a tenants' group develops. Tenant t> Co-operator In Islington, tenants got together to fight bad landlords and to struggle collectively to gain access to better housing. This was the crucial basis 2 which they built strong commitment to each other and to the co-%p as their organisation. However, this pattern of struggle and conflict with outside agencies can easily remain, so that even when rehoused by the co-op, tenants still see themselves as the 'victims'.- The landlord tenant relationship dies hard. The co-op as a collective landlord, controlled by its members, is for many tenants co= perative to be largely problem orientated. Democracy Tenants as Employers A further major issue emerges when full-time workers are employed by the tenants. The whole relationship between the members of the co-op, like those of sther tenants' organisations, join voluntarily and people therefore get involved with it om top of their other family and work commitments. The workers are around the co-op, seeing people and discussing issues every day. They have regular involvement with the members, the funding bodies, the statutory authorities and so inevitably they know more about the details of a situation than most co-op members. There is a permanent 'dynamic' tension between the workers and the members, who both employ the workers and are also dependent on them for their full-time services and expertise. a purely abstract concept. Roofs still leak, builders are slow and incompetent, the rent, rates and other bills still have t> be paid. People (and houses) do not change o%vernight just because they have become involved in a co-operative. Problems continue to arise and in some ways the co-»ps can become an added focus for complaints because they are m2 open. As one member of HTC put it, "if we had to take a 6p bud ride to tell you, you wouldn't hear about most of the problems you get in this office." The co-op office is local and the atmosphere friendly and receptive s>) it is easy for communication between individual tenants and the Democracy does not come easily in any organisation. It has to be fought for and repeatedly reaffirmed. The mechanisms for decision making are often more complex than individuals would like. Quick, instant decisons, sr answers to problems, are not produced by going through well-developed democratic procedures. This is part of an ongoing educational process which tenants have t> understand. More importantly, it also comes as a salutory warning to 2.utside bodies (eg. local authorities, central government) that democracy does not provide easy answers 2r instant responses to problems. The co-»ps have faced real difficulties over certain aspects of their work. The clearest example is that of selections where it is extremely easy for committee members to take decisions under severe emotional pressure without looking at the longer-term implications >f the decision. However, the important aspect of this is that the co-ops learn by their own mistakes. They are not the passive recipients »f other people's decisions. ee The Individual v the Co-9sp Control *rules and management policy. structure for this balance t> be fought for and maintained. For tenants who are members of a co-op the issue 9f control will involve the *selection and allocation of tenants for the houses; *development; “financial control over all aspects of the housing programme; *membership}; “democracy within the co-op; Obviously some of these issues are more easily dealt with than others. The co-ops in Islington have shown a clear and fierce determination t> fight cuts in There is also a continual conflict between the needs and desires 3f individual members (eg. for improvements do their house) and the sverall need of the co-9p collectively. T> thrive, the co-op must remain spen and responsive t> wider housing issues but for the individual membér this may seem irrelevant or remote. On the other hand, if the co-op merely services the rising expectations 7f individual tenants, it will in the long-run degenerate not just financially, but socially and politically. The co-ops are therefore confronted with keeping a constant delicate balance between individual needs and collective responsibility. What is so important about tenant co-ops is that they do actually provide a V. CONCLUSION a It is clear then that the central issue for tenant co=9peratives is control. This control does not come easily, it needs t> be Fought for on a number of different fronts; within the co-op, locally with the council, architects and builders, nationally with the DoB and the government. The continuous battles a co-op has to fight in all these areas are very important, not just for the particular co-op involved but for the tenants' movement as a whole. In Islington the co-ops have frequently joined with other tenants’ groups to fight against the Section 105 cuts on money for council rehabilitation, to challenge the council's policies on homelessness and allocations, and to assert the needs of Single people. standards imposed by central government and to ensure that reasonable allocation The Members and much debate. Realising Potential Power eg ee 5f funds is made for their programmes. The very fact of being an organised group with a definite purpose gives the co-ops great political strength in relation to both the local authority (eg. Charteris Rd's fight over the management and maintenance allowances), the Housing Corporation (eg. HTC's demands for an allocation of development finance involving costs the co-2p considers reasonable) and the Do (eg. Pooles Park and HTC fighting over standards for the conversions). Internally, the co-ops provide the opportunity for tenants who have previsusly had no control over their housing to take major decisions and to take responsibility for those decisions. In a co-op, tenants collectively have to deal with problems of rent arrears, difficult members, disputes, individual personal and family problems and with the whole issue of directly employing full-time workers to deal with these things on a day-to day basis. This obviously creates difficulties All the co-ops which have developed in Islington are multi-racial and their memberships are made up of some of the most deprived communities in Inner London. Members have low incomes, little security of employment, work long hours and experience the whole range 2f urban stress created by living in areas with few facilities of any sort. However, in the work of the co-ops they are consistently challenged by other people with similar problems. All the prejudices that people feel individually have to be confronted in an open organisation like the co-op. Race, culture, attitude, life-style are all different and potentially antagonistic. Under the pressure of having real decisions to make collectively about urgent problems which affect everyone (including, in the final analysis, oneself), members are continually forced to rise above their individual prejudices. The continuous learning process that the co-ops in Islington have created is probably one of the most outstanding features about them. Black, white, Irish, Mauritian, young, old, single parent families and childless elderly couples, are brought together because they have a common need and increasingly because they have developed a common involvement and commitment to the aims of the co-op. Many people in the housing establishment as well as in the 'alternative' housing establishment, have expressed strong opinions about what co-%ps are or should be. Much of what has been said comes from genuine ignorance of any actual co-ops in Cuyi costs and to solve their management problems. Tenant co- ps need to be - control over housing. operation; much also reflects preconceived prejudices. There is obviously a danger that tenant co-ops will be used by local authorities to divide tenants, aware of this and to ensure that it is the tenants themselves who decide the pace for a co-op and not the council. Tenant co-2ps do not claim to be the solution to the crisis in housing but they do have a real role to play in the tenants' movement. They create an important base from which tenants become aware 9f their potential power and begin to exercise real power in the immediate context of their housing. 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Lis /:iLU 7 ) Sr CusGretl G Q QLUGsCo Sr ' '| =z , e -_ 4 L) —~ —-— a . x aeeSe oe —COTES : oy,STASQh at 6)Boxeo) Eee Ss A NE : 7? C4/Pa. y)WQS Ca Ox | Bey 6S QCSaeweAW | ' CN ee AD AQ —\ OS =e een Ow Tee. ,97A,QkKG { yi . Sts 77 = Air? SA Oa Riser Dau /s wre YAK7% “: pee ey > a 4|OL PeNe GIQS ~| ( os Om & Vax, \ awe T°FOrn >VJ Q re P=QQ bO5-Ofc,) ge a me | Sherry R. Arnstein is Director of Community Development Studies for The Commons, a non-profit research institute in W ashington, D.C, and Chicago, She is a former Chief Advisor on Citizen Participation in HUD's Model Cities Administra- tion and has served as Staff Consultant to the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of HEW, and Washington Editor of Current Magazine. you parjicipule . - - They profit. 216 Bale 64. EMPTY RITUAL VEKSUS BENEFIT There isacritical difference between going through the empty ritual of participation and having the real power needed to affect the outcome of the process. This difference is brilliantly capsulized in a poster painted Jast spring by the French students to explain the student-worker rebellion? (See Figure 1.) The poster highlights the fundamental point that participation without redistribution of power is an empty and frus- Fiala pNPYOcessuGe poe eee Itallows the power- holderstoclaimthatallsideswereees but Takes it possible for only some of those sides to benehtt. It maintains the status quo. Essentially, it is what has | | | oa | political | i | | \ | There have been many recent speeches, articles, and books * which explore in detail who are the have-nots of our time. There has been much recent documenta- tion of why the have-nots have become so offended and embittered by their powerlessness to deal with the pro- found inequities and injustices pervading their daily lives. But there has been very litle analysis of the content of the current controversial slogan: “citizen participation” or “maximum feasible participation.” In short: Wat is citizen participation and what is its relationship to the social imperatives of our time? A LADDER OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION . The idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle because it is good for you. Participation of the gov- erned in their government is, in theory, the corner- stone of democracy—a revered idea that ts vigorously applauded by virtually everyone. The applause is re- duced to polite handclaps, however, when this princi- ple is advocated by the have-not blacks, Mexican- ‘Americans, Puerto Ricans, Indians, Eskimos, and whites. And when the have-nots define participation as re- distribution of power, the American consensus on the fundamental principle explodes into many shades of outright racial, ethnic, ideological, and opposition. AIP JOURNAL JuLy 1969 Amencan Lx stitute of Plannéxs Towra! $1077 R.Arnstein Citizen Participation is Citizen Power Because the question has been a bone of political conten- tion, most of the answers have been purposely buried in innocuous euphemisms like “self-help” or “citizen involvement.” Still others have been embellished with misleading rhetoric like “absolute control’’ which is something no one—including the President of the United States—has or can have. Between understated euphemisms and exacerbated shictoric, even scholars have found it difficult to follow the controversy. To the headline reading public, it is simply bewildering. My answer to the critical what question is simply that citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen The heated controversy over “citizen participation,” “citizen control,” and “maximum feasible involvement of the poor,” has been waged largely in terms of ex- acerbated rhetoric and misleading cuphemisms. To encourage a more enlightened dialogue, a typology of citizen participation 1s offered using examples from three federal social programs: urban renewal, anti- poverty, and Model Citics. The typology, which is designed to be provocative, is accanged in a ladder pattern with cach rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the plan and/or program. power, It is the redistribution of power that enables the have-not citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic processes, to be deliberately included in thefuture.Itisthestratbyewghiychthehave-notsjoin in determining how information is shared, goals and policies are set, tax resources areallocated, programs are operated, and benefits like contracts and patronage are parceled Out. In short, t is the means by which they an induce significant social reform which enables them to “share in the benefits of the affluent society. —_—_—_——_ FIGURE 1 French Student Poster. In English, 1 participate; you parjicipate; be participates; we participate; e | {| LIMITATIONS OF THE TYPOLOGY The ladder juxtaposes powerless citizens with the powerful in order to highlight the fundamental di- visions between them. In actuality, neither the have-nots nor the powerholders are homogencous blocs. Each group encompasses a host of divergent points of view, significant cleavages, competing vested interests, and splintered subgroups. The justification for using such simplistic abstractions is that in most cases the have-nots really do perceive the powerful as a monolithic “sys- tem,” and powerholders actually do view the have-nots as a sea of “those people,’ with little comprehension of the class and caste differences among them. It should be noted that the typology does not include an analysis of the most significant roadblocks to achiev- ing genuine levels of participation. These roadblocks lie on both sides of the simplistic fence. On the power- holders’ side, they include racism, paternalism, and resistance to power redistribution. On the have-nots’ side, they include inadequacies of the poor community's v Further up the ladder are levels of citizen power with tions among ghem, Furthermore, some of the character- increasing degrees of decision-making clout. Citizens istics used tq jiJystrate each of the eight types might be 6 ? Delegated power Degrees we «=f Citizen control i Portnership 6- 6 4 Eon Placation Consultation 7 Informing 3— 2 < 1 FIGURE 2 Therapy wal Manipulation Eight Rungs on a Ladder of Citizen Partici- pation citizen power Degrees tokenisn — Nonperticipation —d they lack the power to insure that their views will be heeded by the powerful. When participation is re-| political socipecanomic infrastructure and knowledge- stricted to these levels, there is no followthrough, no “muscle,” hence no assurance of changing the status quo. Rung (5) Placation, is simply a higher level tokenism because the groundrules allow have-nots to advise, but retain for the powerholders the continued right to decide. base, plus difficulties of organizing a representative and accountable gitizens’ group in the face of futility, alienation, and distrust. : Another caysign about the eight separate rungs on the ladder: In the rea} world of people and programs, there might be 15Q rungs with less sharp and “pure” distinc- ARNSTEIN 217 can enter into a (6) Parinership that enables them to negotiate and engage in trade-offs with traditional powerholders. At the topmost rungs, (7) Delegated Power and (8) Citizen Control, have-not citizens obtain the majority of decision-making scats, or full managerial power. Obviously, the cight-rung ladder is a simplification, but it helps to illustrate the point that so many have missed—that there are significant gradations of citizen participation. Knowing these gradations makes itpossi- ble to cut through the hyperbole to understand the increasingly strident demands for participation from the have-nots as well as the gamut of confusing responses from the powerholders. Though the typology uses examples from federal programs such as urban renewal, anti-poverty, and Model Cities; it could just as easily be illustrated in the church, currently facing demands for power from priests and laymen who seek to change its mission; colleges and universities which in some cases have become literal battlegrounds over the issue of student power, or public schools, city halls, and police departments (or big busi- ness which is likely to be next on the expanding list of targets). The underlying issues are essentially the same —"“nobodies” in several arenas are trying to become “somebodies” with enough power to make the target institutions responsive to their views, aspirations, and needs. been happening in most of the 1,000 Community Action Programs, and what promises to be repeated in the vast majority of the 150 Model Cities programs. Types of Participation and “NomParticipation” A typology of eight Jevels of participation may help in analysis of this confused issue. For illustrative pur- poses the eight types are arranged in a ladder pattern with each rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the end product.® (See Figure 2.) The bottom rungs of the ladder are (1) Manipula- tion and (2) Therapy. These two rungs describe levels of “non-participation” that have been contrived by some 2 substitute for genuine participation. Their real ob- ijective is not to enable people to participate in planning |or conducting programs, but to enable powerholders to |"educate" or “cure” the participants. Rungs 3 and 4 'progress to levels of “tokenism’’ that allow the have- nots to hear and to have a voice: (3) Informing and (4) Consultation. When they are proffered by power- holders as the total extent of participation, citizens may indeed hear and be heard. But under these conditions Characteristics and Illustrations It is in this context of power and powerlessness that the characteristics of the eight rungs are illustrated by examples from current federal social programs. 1, MANIPULATION In the name of citizen participation, people are placed on rubberstamp advisory committees or advisory boards for the express purpose of “educating” them or engi- neering their support. Instead of genuine citizen par- ticipation, the bottom rung of the ladder signifies the distortion of participation into a public relations vehicle by powerholders. This illusory form of “participation’” initially came into vogue with urban renewal when the socially elite were invited by city housing officials to serve on Citizen Advisory Committees (CACs). Another target of ma- nipulation were the CAC subcommittees on minority gcoups, which in theory were to protect the rights of Negroes in the renewal program. In practice, these subcommittees, like their parent CACs, functioned mostly as letterheads, trotted forward at appropriate times to promote urban renewal plans (in recent years known as Negro removal plans). At meetings of the Citizen Advisory Committees, it was the officials who educated, persuaded, and advised the citizens, not the reverse. Federal guidelines for the ticipation, should be an the Jowest rung of the ladder renewal programs legitimized the manipulative agenda because it is both dishonest and arrogant. Its adminis- by emphasizing the terms “information-gathering,” trators—mental health experts from social workers to “public relations,” and “support” as the explicit func- _psychiatrists—assume shat powerlessness 1s synonymous tions of the committees.® with mental illness. Qn this assumption, under a mas- This style of nonparticipation has since been applied querade of involving citizens in planning, the experts to other programs encompassing the poor. Examples of subject the citizens ty clinical group therapy. What this are seen in Community Action Agencies (CAAs) makes this form of “participation” so jnvidious is that which have created structures called “neighborhood citizens are engaged ip extensive activity, but the focus councils” or “neighborhood advisory groups.” These bodies frequently have no legitimate function or power.® ‘ The CAAs use them to “prove’’ that “grassroots people” are involved in the program. But the program may not have been discussed with “the people.’” Or it may have been described at a meeting in the most general terms; “We need your signatures on this pro- posal for a multiservice center which will house, under one roof, doctors from the health department, workers from the welfare department, and specialists from the employment service.” : ; 218 Aig JOURNAL JULY 1969 In some respects group therapy, masked as citizen par- 2. THERAPY The signators are not informed that the $2 million- per-year center will only refer residents to the same old waiting lines at the same old agencies across town. No one is asked if such a referral center is really needed in his ncighborhood. No one realizes that the contractor for the building is the mayor's brother-in-law, or that the new director of the center will be the same old com- munity organization specialist from the urban renewal agency. After signing theic names, the proud grassrooters dutifully spread she word that they have “participated” in bringing « new and wonderful center to the neighbor- hood to provide people with drastically needed jobs and health and welfare services. Only after the ribbon- cutting ceremony do the members of the neighborhood council realize that they didn’t ask the important ques- tions, and that they had no technical advisors of their own to help them grasp the fine legal print. The new center, which is open 9 to 5 on weekdays only, actually adds to their problems. Now the old agencies across town won't talk with them unless they have a pink paper slip to prove that they have been referred by “their” shiny new neighborhood center. Unfortunately, this chicanery ts nota unique example. Instead it is almost typical of what has been perpetrated in the name of high-sounding rhetoric like “grassroots participation.” This sharn lies at the heart of the deep- seated exasperation and hostility of the have-nots toward the powerholders. One hopeful note is that, having been so grossly affronted, some citizens have learned the Mickey Mouse game, and now they too know how to play. Asa result _ of this knowledge, they are demanding genuine levels of participation to assuge them that public programs are relevant to their needs and responsive to their priorities. of itison curing them of their “patholopy” rather than \ changing the racism and victimization that create their “pathologies.” : Consider an incidept that occurred in Pennsylvania less than one year ago, When a father took his seriously il baby to the emergency clinic.of a local hospital, a young resident physician on duty instructed him to take the baby home and feed it sugar water. The baby died that afternoon of pygumanja and dehydration. The overwrought father cgmplaingd to the board of the local : applicable to other rungs. Vor example, employment of the have-nots in a program or on a planning staff could occur at any of the cight rungs and could represent either a legitimate or illegitimate characteristic of citi- zen participation. Depending on their motives, power- holders can hire poor people to coopt them, to placate them, or to utilize the have-nots’ special skills and insights. Sone mayors, in private, actually boast of their strategy in hiring, militant black leaders to muzzle them while destroying their credibility in the black community. Community Action Agency. Instead of launching an the official, the citizens accepted the “information” and investigationofthehospitaltodeterminewhatchanges endorsedtheagency'sproposaltoplacefourlotsinthe wouldpreventsimilardeathsorotherformsofmal- whiteneighborhood." practice, the board invited the father to attend the 4. CONSULTATION Inviting citizens’ opinions, like informing them, can be a legitimate step toward their full participation. But if Less dramatic, but more common examples of consulting them is not combined with other modes of therapy,masqueradingascitizenparticipation,maybe participation,thisrungoftheladderisstillashamsince seen in public housing programs where tenant groups itoffers no assurance that citizen concerns and ideas will are used as vehicles for promoting control-your-child or be taken into account. The most frequent methods used cleanup campaigns. The tenants are brought together for consulting people are attitude surveys, neighborhood CAA’s (therapy) child-care sessions for parents, and promised him that someone would “telephone the hos- pital director to see that it never happens again.” to help them “adjust their values and attitudes to those of the larger society.” Under these groundrules, they are diverted from dealing with such important matters as: arbitrary evictions; segregation of the housing proj- ect; or why is there a three-month time lapse to pet a broken window replaced in winter. The complexity of the concept of mental illness in “our time can be seen in the experiences of student/civil rights workers facing guns, whips, and other forms of terror in the South. They needed the help of socially mectings, and public hearings. When powerholders restrict the input of citizens’ ideas solely to this level, participation remains just a window-dressing ritual. Pcople are primarily perceived as statistical abstractions, and participation is measured by how many come to meetings, take brochures home, or answer a questionnaire. What citizens achieve in all this activity is that they have “participated in participa- tion.” And what powerholders achieve is the evidence that they have gone through the required motions of attunedpsychiatriststodealwiththeirfearsandtoavoid involving“thosepeople.” paranoia.’ 3. INFORMING Informing citizens of their rights, responsibilities, and options can be the most important first step toward legitimate citizen participation. However, too frequently the emphasis is placed on a one-way flow of information Attitude surveys have become a particular bone of contention in ghetto neighborhoods. Residents are in- creasingly unhappy about the number of times per week they are surveyed about theic problems and hopes. As one woman put it: “Nothing ever happens with those damned questions, except the surveyer gets $3 an hour, and my washing doesn’t get done that day.” In some —from officials to citizens—with no channel provided communities, residents are so annoyed that they ace for feedback and no power for negotiation, Under these conditions, particularly when information is provided at a late stage in planning, people have little opportunity to influence the program designed “for their benefit.” The most frequent tools used for such one-way com- poverty funds) has “documented” that poor housewives munication are the news media, pamphilets, posters, and responses to inquiries. Meetings can also be turned into vehicles for one-way communication by the simple device of providing super- ficial information, discouraging questions, or giving something small, they might just get something useful irrelevant answers. At a recent Model Cities citizen © in the neighborhood. Had the mothers known that a planning meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, the topic free prepaid health insurance plan was a possible option, was “tot-fots.” A group of elected citizen representa- they might not have put tot-lots so high on their wish tives, almost al of whom were attending three to five lists. meetings a week, devoted an hour to a discussion of the placement of six tot-lots. The neighborhood is half black, half white. Several of the black representatives noted that four tot-lots were proposed for the white district and only two for the black. The city official responded with a lengthy, highly technical explanation about costs per square foot and available property. It was clear that most of the residents did not understand his explanation. And it was clear to observers from the Office of Economic Opportunity that other options did exist which, considering available funds, would have brought about a more. equitable distribution of facilities. Intimidated by futility, legalistic jargon, and prestige of ARNSTEIN A classic misuse of the consultation rung occurred at a New Haven, Connecticut, community meeting held to consult citizens on a proposed Model Cities. grant. James V. Cunningham, in an unpublished report to the Ford Foundation, described the crowd as large and “mostly hostile:” ° demanding a fee for research interviews. Attitude surveys are not very valid indicators of com- munity opinion when used without other input from citizens. Survey after survey (paid for out of anti- most want tot-lots in their neighborhood where young children can play safely. But most of the women aa- swered these questionnaires without knowing what their options were. They assumed that if they asked for Members of The Hil] Parents Association de- manded to know why fesidents had not partici- pated in drawing up the praposal. CAA director — Spitz explained that it was merely a proposal for secking Federal planning funds—that once funds were obtained, residenty would be deeply involved in the planning. An oytsiqe observer who sat in * 219 5. PLACATION It is at this level that citizens begin to have some degree of influence though tokenism is still apparent. An example of placation strategy is to place a few hand- picked “worthy” poor on boards of Community Action Agencies or on public bodies like the board of educa- tion, police commission, or housing authority. If they are not accountable to a constituency in the community and if the traditional power elite hold the majority of seats, the have-nots can be easily outvoted and outfoxed. Another example is the Model Cities advisory and planning committees. They allow citizens to advise or plan ad infinitum but retain for powerholders the right to judge the legitimacy or feasibility of the advice. The degree to which citizens are actually placated, of course, depends largely on two factors: the quality of technical assistance they have in articulating their priorities; and the extent to which the community has been organized to press for those priorities. It is not surprising that the level of citizen participa- tion in the vast majority of Model Cities programs ts at the placation rung of the ladder or below. Policy- makers at the Department of Housing and Urban De- velopment (HUD) were determined to return the genie of citizen power to the bottle from which it had escaped 220 $$ = eee the audience described the mecting this way: “Spitz and Mel Adams ran the meeting on their own. No representatives of a Hill group mod- crated or even sat on the stage. Spitz told the 300 residents that this huge mecting, was an (in a few cities) as a result of the provision stipulating “maximum feasible participation” in poverty programs. Therefore, HUD channeled its physical-social-economic rejuvenation approach example of ‘participation in planning. To prove this, since there was a lot of dissatisfaction in the audience, he called for’a ‘vote’ on each component of the proposal. The vote took this form: “Can I sce the hands of all those in favor of a health clinic? All those opposed?’ It was a little like asking who favors motherhood.” for blighted neighborhoods through city hall. It drafted legislation requiring that al Model Cities’ moncy flow to a local City Demonstra- tion Agency (CDA) through the elected city council. ‘As enacted by Congress, this gave local city councils final veto power over planning and programming and ruled out any direct funding relationship between community groups and HUD. HUD required the CDAs to create coalition, policy- making boards that would include necessary local power- holders to create a comprehensive physical-social plan during the first year. The plan was to be carried out in a subsequent five-year action phase. HUD, unlike OEO, did not require that have-not citizens be included on the CDA decision-making boards. HUD’s Performance Standards for Citizen Participation only demanded that “citizens have clear and direct access to the decision- making process.” Accordingly, the CDAs structured theie policy- making boards to include some combination of elected officials; school representatives; housing, health, and welfare officials; employment and police department representatives; and various civic, labor, and business leaders. Some CDAs included citizens from the neigh- borhood. Many mayors correctly interpreted the HUD provision for ‘access to the decision-making process” as the escape hatch they sought to relegate citizens to the traditional advisory role. Most CDAs created residents’ advisory committees. An alarmingly significant number created citizens’ policy boards and citizens’ policy committees which are totally misnamed as they have cither no policy-making function or only a very limited authority. Almost every CDA created about a dozen planning committees or task forces on functional lines: health, welfare, education, housing, and ungmployment. In most cases, have-not citizens were invited to serve on these committees along with technicians from relevant public agencies. Some CDAs, on the other hand, structured planning committees of technicians and parallel committees of citizens. In most Model Cities programs, endless time has been spent fashioning complicated board, committee, and task force structures for the planning year. But the rights and responsibilities of the yarious elements of those structures are not defined and are ambiguous. Such It was a combination of the deep suspicion aroused at this meeting and a long history of similar forms of “window-dressing participation” that led New Haven residents to demand control of the program. By way of contrast, it is uscful to look at Denver where technicians learned that even the best intentioned among them are often unfamiliar with, and even in- sensitive to, the problems and aspirations of the poor. The technical director of the Model Cities program has described the way professional planners assumed that the residents, victimized by high-priced local storekeep- ers, “badly needed consumer education.” *° The resi- dents, on the other hand, pointed out that the local storekeepers performed a valuable function. Although they overcharged, they also gave credit, offered advice, and frequently were the only neighborhood place to cash welfare or salary checks. As a result of this con- sultation, technicians and residents agreed to substitute the creation of needed credit institutions in the neighborhood for a consumer education program. \ ambiguity is likely to cause considerable conflict at the end of the one-year planning process. For at this point, citizens may realize that they have once again exten- sively “participated” but have not profited beyond the extent the powerholders decide to placate them. Results of a staff study (conducted in the summer of 1968 before the second round of seventy-five planning grants were awarded) were released in a December 1968 HUD bulletin.® Though this public document uses much more delicate and diplomatic language, it AIP Tore arn attests to the already cited criticisms of non-policy- It also urge: CDAs to experiment with subcontracts makingpolicyboardsandambiguouscomplicatedstruc- tures, in addition to the following findings: 1. Most CDAs did not negotiate citizen par- ticipation requirements with residents. 2. Citizens, drawing on past negative experi- ences with local powerholders, were extremely sus- piciousofthisnewpanaceaprogram.Theywerelegiti- mately distrustful of city hall's motives. underwhichtheresidents’groupscouldhiretheirown trusted technjcians. A more recent evaluation was circulated in February 1969 by OSTI, a private firm that entered into a con- tract with OEO to provide technical assistance and train- ing to citizens involved in Model Cities programs in the northeastregionofthecountry.OSTI'sreporttoOEO corroborates the earlier study. In addition it states: 2 3. Most CDAs were not working with citizens’ groups that were genuinely representative of model neighborhoods and accountable to neighborhood con- stituencies. As in so many of the poverty programs, those who were involved were more representative of the upwardly mobile working-class. Thus their ac- quiescence to plans prepared by city agencies was not likelytoreflecttheviewsoftheunemployed,theyoung, plannersoftheCDAandtheplannersofexisting the more militant residents, and the hard-core poor. 4. Residents who were participating in as many as three to five meetings per week were unaware of their minimum yights, responsibilities, and the options avail- able ta them under the program. For example, they did not realize that they were not required to accept techni- cal help from city technicians they distrusted. 5. Most of the technical assistance provided by CDAs and city agencies was of third-rate quality, paternalistic, and condescending. Agency technicians did not suggest innovative options. They reacted bu- requcratically when the residents pressed for innovative approaches, The vested interests of the old-line city agencies were amajor—albeit hidden—agenda. 6. Most CDAs were not engaged in planning that was comprehensive enough to expose and deal with the roots of urban decay. They engaged in “'meetingitis” and were supporting strategies that resulted in “proj- ectitis,”” the outcome of which was a “Jaundry list’’ of traditional programs to be conducted by traditional agencies in the traditional manner under which slums emerged in the first place. 7. Residents were not getting enough informa- tion from CDAs to enable them to review CDA de- veloped plans or to initiate plans of their own as re- quired by HUD. At best, they were getting superficial copies of official HUD materials. 8. Most residents were unaware of their rights to be reimbursed for expenses incurred because of par- ficipation—babysitting, transportation costs, and so on. 9. The training of residents, which would en- able them to understand the labyrinth of the federal- state-city systems and networks of subsystems, was an item that most CDAs did not even consider. These findings led to a new public interpretation of HUD's approach to citizen participation. Though the requirements for the seventy-five “second-round” Model City- grantees were not changed, HUD's twenty-seven page technical bulletin on citizen participation repeat- ¢dly advocated that cities share power with residents. ARNSTEIN agencies are carrying out the actual planning with citizens having a peripheral role of watchdog and, ultimately, the “rubber stamp’ of the plan gen- erated. In cases where citizens fave the direct responsibility for generating program plans, the time period allowed and she independent technical resources being made ~yailable to them are not adequate to allow them tp do anything more than generate very traditional approaches to the prob- lems they are attempting to solve. In general, little or no thought has been given to the means of insuring continued citizen partici- pation during the stage of implementation. In most cases, traditiqnal agencies are envisaged as the implementors of Mode (Cities pragrams and few mechanisms have been developed bor encouraging organizational change or change in the method of program delivery within these agencies or for in- suring that citizens will have some influence over these agencies as they implement Model Cities programs. .. . By and large, caple are once again being plannedfor.Inmostsituationsthereel ning decisions are being made by CDA staft and approved in a formalistic way by policy boards. 6. PARTNERSHIP At this rung of the ladder, power is in fact redistributed _ through negotiation ketween citizens and powerholders. In practically no Medel Cities structure does citi- zen participation mean truly shared decision- making, such that citizens might view themselves as‘thepactnersinthisprogram. ...”’ In general, citizens are finding jt impossible to have a significant impact on the comprehensive planning which is going on. In mast cases the staff information. At worst, they were not even getting \They agree to share planning and decision-making responsibilities through such structures as joint policy boards, planning committees and mechanisms for re- solving impasses. After the groundsules have been established through some form of giye-and-take, they are not subject to unilgteral change. Partnership can wask most effectively when there is an organized power-byse jn the community to which the citizen leaders are accpuntable; when the citizens group has the financial resoyeces tq pay its leaders reasonable ~ honoraria for their time-consuming efforts; and when the group has the respurces to hire (and fire) its own technicians, lawyers, and community organizers. With these ingredients, citiyens have some genuine bargain- 221 city’s description of the model neighborhood from a | | ! x ; } paternalistic description of problems to a realistic analy- | sis of its strengths, weaknesses, and potentials.) Consequently, the proposed policy-making committee parallel groups of citizens and powerholders, with pro- of the Philadelphia CDA was revamped to give five out vision for citizen veto if differences of opinion cannot of eleven seats to the residents’ organization, which is be resolved through negotiation. This is a particularly called the Area Wide Council (AWC). The AWC), interesting coexistence model for hostile citizen groups 7. DELEGATED POWER Negotiations between citizens and pubtic officials can also result in citizens achieving dominant decision- making authority over a particular plan or program. Model City policy’ boards or CAA delegate agencies on which citizens have a clear majority of scats and genuine specified powers are typical examples. At this level, the ladder has been scaled to the point where citizens hold the significant cards to assure accountability of the pro- gram to them. To resolve differences, powerholders need to start the bargaining process rather than respond to pressure from the other end. Such a dominant decision-making role has been at- tained by residents in a handful of Model Cities includ- ing Cambridge, Massachusetts; Dayton, and Columbus, Ohio; Minneapolis, Minnesota; St. Louis, Missouri; Hartford and New Haven, Connecticut; and Oakland, California. In New Haven, residents of the Hill neighborhood have created a corporation that has been delegated the power to prepare the entire Model Cities plan. The city, which received a $117,000 planning grant from HUD, has subcontracted $110,000 of it to the neighborhood corporation to hire its own planning staff and consul- tants. The Hill Neighborhood Corporation has eleven representatives on the twenty-one-member CDA board} which assures it a majority voice when its proposed plan is reviewed by the CDA. Another model of delegated power is separate and { | obtained a subcontract from the CDA for more than too embittered toward city hall—as a result of past $20,000 per month, which it used to maintain the neigh- borhood organization, to pay citizen leaders $7 per meeting for their planning services, and to pay the salaries of a staff of community organizers, planners, and other technicians. AWC has the power to initiate plans of its own, to engage in joint planning with CDA committees, and to review plans initiated by city agen- California, the city council agreed to a citizens’ counter ; 222 “collaborative efforts’—to engage in joint planning. Since all Model Cities programs require approval by the city council before HUD will fund them, city coun- cils have final veto powers even when citizens have the majority of seats on the CDA Board. In Richmond, AIP JOURNAL july 1969 cies. It has a veto power in that no plans may be sub- mitted by the CDA to the city council until they have been reviewed, and any differences of opinion have been successfullynegotiatedwiththeAWC. Representatives of the AWC (which is a federation of neighborhood organizations grouped into sixteen neighborhood “hubs”) may attend al meetings of CDA task forces, planning committees, or subcommittees. Though the city council has final yeto power over the plan (by federal law), the AWC believes it has a neighborhood constituency that is strong enough to negotiate any eleventh-hour objections the city council might raise when itconsiders such AWC proposed in- novations as an AWC Land Bank, an AWC Economic Development Corporation, and an experimental income maintenance program for 900 poor families. { | At their next meeting, citizens handed the city offi- cials a substitute citizen participation section that changed the groundrules from a weak citizens’ ad- visory role to a strong shared power agreement. Phila- delphia'sapplicationtoHUD includedthecitizens’ ing influence over the outcome of the plan (as long as | both parties find it useful to maintain the partnership). - One community leader described it “like coming to city | hall with hat on head instead of in hand.” In the Model Cities program only about fifteen of the so-called first generation of seventy-five cities have reached some significant degree of power-sharing with residents. In al but one of those cities, it was angry citizen demands, rather than city initiative, that led to the negotiated sharing of power.” The negotiations were triggered by citizens who had been enraged by previous forms of alleged participation. They were both angry and sophisticated enough to refuse to be “conned” again. They threatened to oppose the awarding of a planning grant to the city. They sent delegations to HUD in Washington. They used abrasive language. Negotiation took place under a cloud of suspicion and rancor. In most cases where power has come to be shared it was taken by the citizens, not given by the city. There is nothing new about that process. Since those who have | power normally want to hang onto it, historically it has oe: tobewrestedbythepowerlessratherthanproffered y the powerful. Such a working partnership was negotiated by the residents in the Philadelphia model neighborhood. Like most applicants for a Model Cities grant, Philadelphia | wrote its more than 400 page application and waved it at a hastily called meeting of community leaders. When | those present were asked for an endorsement, they angrily protested the city’s failure to consult them on preparation of the extensive application. A community spokesman threatened to mobilize a neighborhood pro- test against the application unless the city agreed to give the citizens a couple of weeks to review the application and recommend changes. The officials agreed. ubstitution word for word. (It also included a new citizen prepared introductory chapter that changed the veto, but the details of that agreement are ambiguous to developa series of economic enterprises ranging from a novel combination shopping-center-public-housing Various delegated power arrangements are also project to a loan guarantee program for local building emerging in the Community Action Program as a result contractors. The membership and board of the non- . of demands from the neighborhoods and OEO’s most profit corporation is composed of leaders of major com- recent instruction guidelines which urged CAAs “to munity organizations in the black neighborhood. and have not been tested. exceed (the) basic requirements” for resident participa- tion.'* In some cities, CAAs have issued subcontracts to resident dominated groups to plan and/or operate one or more decentralized neighborhood program components like a multipurpose service center or a Headstart pro- gram. These contracts usually include an agreed upon the coop (which included the use of force to stop line-by-line budget and program specifications. They trucks on the way to market), first year membership also usually include a specific statement of the significant grew to 1,150 farmers who earned $52,000 on the sale powers that have been delegated, for example: policy- of theic new crops. The elected coop board is composed making; hiring and firing; issuing subcontracts for building, buying, or leasing. (Some of the subcontracts are so broad that they verge on models for citizen control.) 8, CITIZEN CONTROL Demands for community controlled schools, black con- trol, and neighborhood control are on the increase. Though no one in the nation has absolute control, it is very important that the rhetoric not be confused with intent. People are simply demanding that degree of power (or control) which guarantees that participants or residents can govern a program or an institution, be in full charge of policy and managerial aspects, and be able to negotiate the conditions under which “outsiders” may change them. A neighborhood corporation with no intermediaries between it and the source of funds is the model most frequently advocated. A small number of such expeti- mental corporations are already producing goods and/or social services. Several others are reportedly in the development stage, and new models for control will undoubtedly emerge as the have-nots continue to press for greater degrees of power over their lives. of two poor black farmers from each of the ten economi- cally depressed counties. Though the bitter steuggle for community control of the Ocean Hill-Brownsville schools in New York City has aroused great fears in the headline reading public, less publicized experiments are demonstrating that the have-nots can indeed improve their lot by handling the| power and accountability rest with the city council. entire job of planning, policy-making, and managing a Daniel P. Moynihan argues that city councils are program. Some are even demonstrating that they can do representative of the cormmunity, but Adam Walinsky al this with just one acm because they are forced to use illustrates the nonrepresentativeness of this kind of their other one to deal with a continuing barrage of local opposition triggered by the announcement that a federal grant has been given to a community group or an all black group. ! representation: *° Who . . . exercises “control” through the repre- sentative process? In the Bedford-Stuyvesant ghetto of New York there are 450,000 people—as many as in the entire city of Cincinnati, more than in _ Most of these experimental programs have been capi- talized with research and demonstration funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity in cooperation with | the entire state of Vermont. Yet the area has only_ other federal agencies. Examples include: 1. A $1.8 million grant was awarded to the Hough Area Development Corporation in Cleveland to plan economic development programs in the ghetto and ARNSTEIN one high school, and 80 per cent of its teen-agers are dropeuss the infant mortality rate is twice the national average; there are over 8000 buildings abandoned by evesyone but the rats, yet the arca received not one qollay pf urban renewal funds \ 223 2. Approximately $1 million ($595,751 for the second year) was awarded to the Southwest Alabama Farmers Cooperative Association (SW ATCA) in Selma, Alabama, for a ten-county marketing cooperative for food and livestock. Despite local attempts to intimidate 3. Approximately $600,000 ($300,000 in a supplemental grant) was granted to the Albina Cor- poration and the Albina Investment Trust to create a black-operated, black-owned manufacturing concern us- ing inexperienced management and unskilled minority group personnel from the Albina district. The profit- making wool and metal fabrication plant will be owned by its employees through a deferred compensation trust lan. 4. Approximately $800,000 ($400,600 for the second year) was awarded to the Harlem Common- wealth Council to demonstrate that a community-based development corporation can catalyze and implement an economic development program with broad community support and participation. After only eighteen months of program development and negotiation, the council will soon launch several large-scale ventures including operation of two supermarkets, an auto service and repair center (with built-in manpower training pro- gram), a finance company for families eacning less than $4,000 per year, and a data processing company. The al black Harlem-based board is already managing a metal castings foundry. Though several citizen groups (and their mayors) use the rhetoric of citizen control, no Model City can meet the criteria of citizen control since final approval — NOTES 1The literature on poverty and discrimination and their effects on people is extensive. As an introduction, the following will be 224 AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969 helpful: B. Bagidikian, In the Midst of Plenty: The Poor during the entire first 15 years of that program's operation; the unemployment rate is known only to God. in. America’ (New York: Teacon, 1964); Paul Jacobs, “The Drutalizing, of America,” Dissent, XI (Autumn 1961), p. 423-8; Stokely Carmichacl and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, 1967); Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: McGraw-Hill, Clearly, Bedford-Stuyvesant has some special needs; yet it has always been lost in the midst of the city’s eight million! In fact, it took a lawsuit to win for this vast area, in the year 1968, its first Congressman, In what sense can the repre- sentative system be said to have “spoken for’ this community, during the long years of neglect and decay? 1968); L. J. Duhl, The Urban Condition; People and Policy in the Metropolis (New York: Basic Books, 1963); William H. Grier and P. M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmitian, 1962); Peter Marcis and Martin Rein, Dilemmas of Social Reform: Poverty and Cammunity Action in the United States (New York: Atherton Press, 1967); Mollie Orshansky, “Who's Who Amone the Poor: A Demographic View of Poverty,” Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (July 1965), 3-32; and Richard T. Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State (New Haven: Walinsky’s point on Bedford-Stuyvesant has general Yale University Press, 1968) applicability to the ghettos from coast to coast. It ts 2 The poster is one of about 350 produced in May or pene 1968 at Atélicr Populaire, a graphics center launched by students from therefore likely that in those ghettos where residents the Sorbonne’s Ecole des Beaux Art and Feole des Acts Decoratifs 3 This typology is an outgrowth of a more crude typology I circulated in March 1967 in a HUD staff discussion paper titled Model Cities planning process, the first-year action plans “Rhetoric and Reality.” The carlier typology consisted of eight levels that were Jess discrete types and did not necessarily suggest a chronological progression: Inform, Consult, Joint Planning, institutions entirely governed by residents with a speci- Negotiate, Decide, Delegate, Advocate Planning, and Neighbor- have achieved a significant degree of power in the will call for the creation of some new community fied sum of money contracted to them. If the ground- rules for these programs are clear and if citizens under- stand that achieving a genuine place in the pluralistic scene subjects them to its legitimate forms of give-and- take, then these kinds of programs might begin to demonstrate how to counteract the various corrosive political and socioeconomic forces that plague the poor. hood Control. - 4For an article of some possible cmployment strategies, sec, In cities likely to become predominantly black through population growth, it is unlikely that strident citizens’ groups like AWC of Philadelphia will even- tually demand legal power for neighborhood self- government. Their grand design is more likely to call for a black city ‘hall, achieved by the elective process. In cities destined to remain predominantly white for the aay foresceable future, it is quite likely that counterpart groups to AWC will press for separatist forms of neighborhood government that can create and control decentralized public services such as police protection, education systems, and health facilities. Much may February 1, 1969, pp. 27, 28, and 35. depend on the willingness of city governments to enter- tain demands for resource allocation weighted in favor of the poor, reversing gross imbalances of the past. 13 In Cambridge, Massachusetts, city hall offered to share power with residents and anticipated the need for a period in which a representative citizens group could be engaged, and the ambiguities of authority, structure, and process would be resolved. At the re- quest of the mayor, HUD allowed the city to spend several months of Model Cities planning funds for community organization activi- ties. During these months, staff from the city manager's office also helped the residents draft a city ordinance that created a CDA com- Among the arguments.against community control are: itsupports separatism, itcreates balkanization of public services: it is more costly and less efficient; it enables posed of sixteen elected residents and cicht appointed public and minority group “hustlers” to be just as opportunistic and disdainful of the have-nots as their white prede- cessors; it is incompatible with merit systems and pro- fessionalism; and ironically enough, itcan turn out tobe a new Mickey Mouse game for the have-nots by allow- ing them to gain control but not allowing them sufh- private agency representatives. This resident-dominated body has the power to hire and fire CDA staff, approve all plans, review all model city budgets and contracts, set policy, and so forth. The ordinance, which was unanimously passed by the city council also includes a requirement that all Model City plans must be approved by a majority of residents in the neighborhood through arefer- endum. Final approval power rests with the city council by federal statute. cient dollar resources to succeed.* These arguments are not to be taken lightly. But neither can we take lightly of Community Action Programs (Washington, D.C.; December 1, the arguments of embittered advocates of 1968), pp. 1-2. 15 Adam Walinsky, “Review of Maximum Feasible Mitunder- community control—that every other means of trying to end their standing” by Daniel P. Moynihan, New York Times Book Review, February 2, 1969 Victimization has failed! 16 For thoughtful academic analyses of some of the potentials and pitfalls of emerging neighborhood control models, see, Alan Edmund M. Burke, “Citizen Participation Strategies,” ournal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV, No. 5 September 1968), 290-1. $US., Department of Housing and Urban Development, Workable Program for Community Improvement, Answers on Cur zen Participation, Program Guide 7, February, 1966, pp. 1 and 6. 6David Austin, “Study of Resident Participants in Twenty Community Action Agencies,” CAP Grant 9199. 7Robert Coles, “Social Struggle and Weariness,” Psychiatry, XXVIII (November 1961), 305-15 I am also indebted to Daniel M. Fox of Harvard University for some of his general insights into therapy being used as a diverston from genuine citizen participation, 8Sce, Gordon Fellman, “Neighborhood Protest of an Urban Highway,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXV, No. 2 (March 1969), 118-22. 9James V. Cunningham, “Resident Participation, Unpublished Report prepared for the Ford Foundation, August 1967, p 54. A. Interview with Maxine Kurtz, Technical Director, Denver 11U.S, Department of Housing and Urban Development, “Citizen Participation in Model Cities,” Technical Assistance Bulle- tin, No. 3 (December 19638). 12 Organization for Social and Technical Innovation, Six-Month Progress Report to Office of Economic Opportunity, Region 1, 1$U,S., Office of Economic Opportunity, OEQ Instruction, Participation of the Poor in the Planning, Conduct and Evaluation Altshuler, “The Demapd For Participation in Large American _ Cities.” An Unpublished Papes prepared for the Urban Institute, December 1968; and Hans Yj. C. Spiegel and Stephen D. Mitten- thal, “Neighborhood Pqwer and Control, Implications for Urban Planning,” A Report prepared for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Nayember 1968. hnaageceey AIM : TO ESTABLISH A FREELY AVAILABLE ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN AND ADVICE SERVICE. 2.0 PRESENT PATRONAGE Zio Lise ANOMALIES 3.1 Anomalies in Control and Use PROPOSED RESEARCH PROJECT The problems which stem from this basic injustice have been described often enough. Lack of power and control as the root cause is slowly emerging as one of the options which might be tackled. etl To study practical implications of setting up an architectural design service which would be available to all. The study would include the identification of financial, legal and political problems. od To establish an experimental locally based, small scale, short life project to test proposals. STATEMENT A recent report sponsored by the Association of Consulting Architects discusses the ills of architecture and concludes that there are too many architects. A more searching analysis might have decided that the way forward is to have more patrons. As the patron effectively controls the direction of architecture, it is clear that a large proportion of the population are excluded from this position. The tendency for large organis- ations to grow larger and thus reduce in overall numbers, suggests that there will probably be less, not more, patrons if the present trend continues. The present patrons of architecture are well enough known not to require cataloguing here; they are either rich and powerful individuals or organisations. The people who are not patrons of architecture form some 80% of the population. If the resulting architecture affected only the patron then it could be argued that this situation is acceptable. Unfortunately, the general rule now is that the patron is usually one of the few people not affected. The users rarely have control over either the design or subsequent management of buildings which they occupy. They must adapt to an environment imposed on them from outside. SEU ANOMALIES (continued) 32 Anomalies in Design The environment into which users must fit are dictated by bureaucracies who compromise the major patrons, whether public or private. They tend to see every design commissioned asa large scale exercise, assuming that size equals rationalisation, equals efficiency, equals economy. (Less expenditure or more profit). This often results in architects being asked to design buildings particularly for local councils under impossible conditions on what is often a totally unsuitable site. However, it is often true that architects compound this by striving for the simple, bold statement. Ona large site this can become pretty simple and pretty bold. The rationalising process must necessarily exclude all deviations. Those elements which are honestly and clearly expressed in small scale work must be rationalised and suppressed for the sake of the same architectural honesty and clarity, because of their quantity. The resulting plain design then requires some applied decoration which can be achieved by the form of the structure, lift enclosures, plant rooms etc. Without the demands and feedback from the users, we have had to rely on architectural magazines for approval or design. They have taught us from our student days that good architecture is visually exciting and every building is a potential monument. We have tended to forget that the built environment is composed of a large amount of background, however rich and varied, which acts as a foil to a small number of monuments. Anomalies in Architect / Client Relationship Many architects do not meet their clients. Even when they do it is rare indeed that they feel any empathy with their clients or sympathy to their aims. This is usually mutual and it is surprising that good buildings are sometimes created under these conditions. One can only speculate on the effect which the relationship between Le Corbusier and the Dominican monks had on the design of la Tourrette. 3.0 ANOMALIES (continued) 3.4 Conclusions 4.0 It is socially important that the users of buildings control the design process. Accordingly, the design should be carried out on a small scale local basis. Our recent experience suggests that while the sum of many buildings can produce a rich and varied environment, this cannot be achieved by designing the whole first and then trying to break it down into small parts. If the design is to work upwards from the parts, it can only be achieved properly by extending the patronage base considerably. One of the side benefits would be the opportunity for patrons and architects to achieve a creative working relationship. ULTI MATE AIM To have architects' services freely available to all, through a locally controlled National Design Service, which would give people the rights to which they are entitled. No doubt there would still be room for private practice. A large part of the proposed research would have to be devoted to identifying the many problems, including legal and financial ones which would confront such a solution. POSSIBLE INTERIM SOLUTION Technically it would seem to be a straight forward matter for such a technique to be employed in local government. Design teams, which are at present centrally situated and controlled could be dispersed through the local authority area to form local offices, in each ward for example. These teams would provide a design service to their area and would work directly with the people both with individuals and with groups. They should be controlled by local groups and local councillors. Again it would be necessary to identify problems during the research period. At this stage the most apparent of these seems to be that both councillors and chief officers would lose power to the people. It is doubtful that they will see this as an attractive proposition if their present attitude to HAAs is anything to go by. 9.0 1.0 Research 2.0 3.0 Evaluation Comments PROPOSED RESEARCH PROGRAMME 1.2 Identify particular problems, eg financial, legal and political. Wad Establish interim proposals on which to base stage 2.0. ot Study existing experiments and projects sponsored by local authorities and by other sources, eg HAAs, CDPs, law centres, ASSIST etc. Action Del Set up small scale short life locally based project (say Analyse aims, principles, working methods, range of work, source of finance etc. 2 - 3 people for 1 - 2 years) to test proposals and to form possible future prototype. oral Evaluate, write up and publicise. I recognise that the difficulties facing such a solution are numerous. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this is one way to move forward. The work being carried out by ASSIST in Govan, the moves towards involving local people in HAAs, and the possibilities for tenants control being discussed by the Minister of Housing, all give me cause for optimism that there is scope for initiatives at the present time, which will reflect the demands being pressed by tenants and other groups. Internationale Zeitschrift far Bauen und Wohnen VERLAG BAUEN +WOHNEN GmbH Redaktion Dear John I should like to thank you again for the time you had to talk to me in London, which interesting. Sincercly yours, Bauen+Wohnen Veli Schifer Editor i-A. Judith Pfau was very injoiable and Mr. John Murray 5 Milton Avenue GB -LondonN6 Bauen Vel aTaT=ya Bauen Wohnen Briefadresse: Postfach 8033 Zorich Telefon 01/289566 rj Construction A A Habitation Inseratenverwaltung Abonnementsverwaltung 8006 ZGrich, Vogelsangstr. 48 Zurich 22nd August 1977 jp As soon as there is something published out of the material you gaved me, I shall let you know, KeDarby Grove Loka Nothghan May 2277) L0Os (John) Nee ce Gk He NAM Uarordschor Giferoce hat Ke Noksxho~ goup WUL agar 4 Cutetasse wal Lvov. kkiy pie Speak neh Choa Dei Serres. The ones 4 bhFake Place on ie pi cst id & & BR hated Qrwd Dee ee ce 4.*Pole (Qa. plese a-fym a5 Maas possible IcDoveorofnolisn kethRaGe, ADB4 (st prebenol, (avies tnd (of b/eo. [of Ke Bimrgha. eo (as aliea.d eee bo Speak Cd e polkkrel Leeasmy of AOusA7 Csr ()2ose XGloGY Son28-2 prow Yj Utero . ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE Chairman: Alvin Boyarsky, B.Arch (McGill)., M.R.P. (Cornell), M.R.A.L.C., 34-36 Bedford Square London WCIB 3ES 01-636 0974 11 November 1976 John Murray 5 Milton Avenue London N6 Dear John: not be with you, but I had a bad cold. George tells me students greatly enjoyed your talk and I would like to thank you very much indeed. I enclose a cheque for £10 as we agreed. Hope to see you soon. Yours sincerely, LADLowe Briah Anson The School is run by the Architectural Association Incorporated, a company limited by guarantee and registered in England under No,171402. Its registered office address is as above. The AA (Inc) is also a registered charity under Section 4 of the Charities Act 1960. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray; RC, LdeG, AM; AIPJ; John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975-1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/9bf3a5b39c27f700e66478408b9e0ebf.pdf 9de39cae66276ec0f6f650fd71422c46 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Background Notes Subject The topic of the resource Background Notes following Hull Congress Resolution 1977 Description An account of the resource Background At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come through the public sector. By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange this conference. Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact : PDS Group NAM 9 Poland Street LONDON. WI. Background through the public sector. this conference. PDS Group NAM 3 Poland Street LONDON. WI. At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) Proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and Private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim Proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray/PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/4a1ea0cd30a53dd2f9ad92fedf11b963.pdf 8cdc3c5bf84e29ec6f34ff32be5da361 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/070df04ca1a338eeed29f698782658d1.pdf 478423a77c89849f5a117e27eaaba682 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Building Design Article Subject The topic of the resource Building Design article by John Tulloch commenting on NAM PDS group report to Minister of Housing Description An account of the resource John Tulloch comments.’ THE RIBA’s case for Faced by formulations like | ‘NAM concedes _ that community architecture is this out of the institute’s own j changes ‘in built form — the now: expected to. go to mouth one is reminded that ; new low rise/medium density Housing and Construction ‘Minister Reg Freeson next month. When he gets it, he will have had time to read, mark and inwardly digest a characteristically combative Statement of what community architecture should be from the New Architecture Movement. The main ingredient of NAM’s report* to the minister is a swift kick at some rather vulnerable parts of the Institute’s case. Cries of “‘Foul’’ canbe expected. Pecksniff was an architect.| dogma — and changes in With this sort of patronising ' tenant involvement leading to philanthropy (‘‘the poor’’!); adegreeoflocalcontrolhave mingled with evident self- changed thecharacter of the. interest even Dave Spart struggle. would have an easy job. “What it calls for now is an . The killing blow is, of extension ofcollective local course, smearing the RIBA : control over. resources which with its own ‘“‘professional’’ | includes an accountable and ‘label so it appears like any ' freely available design service. other club of hard-nosed pin- It argues that-this can never ‘striped. gents, such as (perish come from a RIBA-style According to NAM, -what the Institute ispresenting as srg community architecture is a watered-down, depoliticised | formula in which private | architects solve their work “‘architectural ‘fund for the -poor serviced by private prac-. titioners on an individual “The RIBA’s major proposal is for a community aid fund to be established, way local control can be the thought) that béte noir of Labour governments, the BMA. NAM claims that ‘the with finance from the created is through local RIBA’s elaborate display of Government to enable the .councils, suitably -restruc- interest in community archi- settiupngof small, area-based tured. tecture is something of a con. architectural advice centres. Brushi ide objecti Also that it stole the idea They see these operating to public design offices as anyway. alongside and in a similar way “It is significant that the to legal advice centres and, RIBA’s proposals _sfor more interestingly, doctors’ based on market ideology and the economic fears of private architects, the report calls for “community architecture” have developed now, when : ‘This latter parallel is architecture, .expecially in the ; important as the assumptions ; )Unpre- cedented crisis. Although there are supporters of CAWG who are genuinely seeking new ways of relating to the community, hard economic logic and self-pre- servation rather than a new humanitariansim appear to lurk behind the present professional vogue for ‘community architecture.”’ underlying it reflect how litle | based set the attitude of the profession has changed. The medical; professional is not renowned' for its openness. Certainly a: more aware public would undermine the professional role of the doctor... .” he surgeries. ; -theinsertionofanothertierof teda directoltyhe chi : The P include ideas for rendering design offices his account its defining more democratic, with group features are that it was’ leaders elected by the groups problems by running state- essentially a .small-scale’ and chief architects elected ae jinics for the | subsidised clinics for activity based on a well- from group leaders. \ defined localitywith architects A special swipe is reserved working directly with local, for intermediate managers difficult time making out a , People. between groups leaders and NAM doesn’t have a veryembarrassingcase.The‘Aboveall,NAM_sceschiefarchitect.© report starts by quoting with community architecture as “Theirs is a non-design: evident relish a RIBA council ' adopting an oppositional function and their status is paper - on community architecture which says: “We must be moving towards an architecture for everyéne, not just those who have the money to pay for it needed to help the poor to acquire the skills of an architect.” stance ‘‘a political as distinct, dependenotn increasing the from a professional matter’’ | proportion of procedural and involving potential conflict' managerial matters under with established patrons of their control.”’ In the design architecture. . The essence ofthis struggle, money an . *Community Architecture. A —| Public Design Service? Public but Design Group, New Architecture ' Movement, 9 Poland Street, DESIGN In NAM’s terms the only including valuers, led by responsible to tHe connatite for the work of the group and team of the elect, salvation is by works. London Wi. £f(00 grouseaiers BUILDING DESIGN, October 13, 1978 .. $0 & national fund is: NAM argues, was about Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Tulloch Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 13 October 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/bdb5e9cb2e9f7559217304f4bee83fc4.pdf dc28c305ca5dac7724e782731dd36847 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The National Design Service Subject The topic of the resource Minutes of meeting of NDS Group on 19.5.77 Description An account of the resource NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT The National Design Service Group Association. to the metropolitan death-wish syndrome, which dampened optimistic change. Minutes of Meeting on 19.5.77 at J.S.A.'s. Present: John Allan, John Murray, Neville Morgan & David Roebuck JeA. introduced meeting, suggesting that following the endorsement of J.M.'s work at Blackpool, our current task was to develov the work to the level of concerted action and be in a position to report real progress at the 3rd Congress. Much like the Unionization Group we had now to build on the foundatioonf theory already acheived by approaching outside bodies and taking interim steps towards the albeit indefined ultimate goal. DR. agreed that it should now be action's turn to influence and modify the theory. change: Community Groups, SERA, Supports ete. Jeli. recommended that our approach should be twofold, reflecting the two agencies involved in the process of institutionalised social building; on the one hand to the architects et al. by means of the public sector unions, and on the other to the tenants and communities by means of such bodies as the National Tenants NM. urged, to general agreement, that NAM's method was generally to work within the structure towards achieving change, rather than by "direct action’ on the streets — the latter being too easy prey to various sorts of official control. D.R. suggested that the preferred means was to 'de-officialise! the official types of services, while at the same time coordinating the 'unofficial' agencies of Ji. thought that criteria for selection of a particular Local Authority for development of our ideas, should include the readiness amongst the rank and file architects, housing officers etc. to act collectively through their union to acheive changes, the existence of a state of 'institutional instability’ ( e.¢. going through a process of being rehoused in new offices, or work=sharing with other agencies) and the likelyltiood that non®London authorities were less prone RESOLVED P.T.O. /2 NAM NDS. Meeting RESOLVED: 19.5677 her colleagues within the Authority. Gopies of this minute to: Next NDS. Meeting: John Murray's, 5, Milton Avenue, N. 6. Thursday, 2nd June, at 7.30 pm. ISA. 29/5/77 Cm Other avenues: Canvass suggestion that Tass / Building Design Staffs Union National Advisory Committee's task of making comparative study of the public and private sectors takes into consideration the N.D.S. proposal. ixplore possibilities of using Birmingham Authority as N.D.S. testbed by building on G.B.A.C. contacts and encouraging D.R.'s friend Claire to rally J.M. to investigate and make contact with National Tenants Association and Shelter. Jelie also to reread his papers with a view to producing a concise discussion paper for use in approaching outside bodies. JeA. to investigate the National Building Agency. DR. to investigate the Housing Corporation, N.l. to investigate NALGO ACTION as a possible vehicle for achieving changes. John Murray, Neville Morgan, David Roebuck, Mary Scott & NAM Liasom Group. Drag tna yf ne SuednQ ADH Ry . Res emASA, Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource JSA Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 19.5.77