20 10 310 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/b3d3a42cb717c08fbcb3ceeeb20e7789.pdf 92c6974f7aa9269d963cb4368f8f9e76 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Mailing List Subject The topic of the resource Letter 4/10/83 from David Jenkins Edinburgh Group to John Murray attaching earlier Mailing list Description An account of the resource COVICJenrKINSCSSOCIOIeS reese, 4th October 1983 John Murray, 37 Landrock Road London #8 Dear John, Please find enclosed NAM mailing list,which is at least two years out of date. Please bear this in mind when interpreting. Best of luck, DAIE. e 9 South College Street Edinburgh EH8 9AA O31°667s1417 David L Jenkins Bsc (Agric.) Dip LA ALI , / NAME ADDRESS PROF, AREA TRADE UNION Abley Allan Arndell Arnold Tan JOhn Jt Norman Havelock Hall Castle Leazes, Spital Tongues N-U-T 67 Romilly Road, London N4 19 The Grange, Gellinudd, Pontardang, W Glanorgan 2 St Martins Terrace, Chapeltown Rd. Leeds S/A N NIL A SE Beheshti Reza Dept. of Design Research, Royal College of Art Kensington Grove, London SW 7 23 Leweston Place, Stanford Hill, London N16 21 Drayton Gardens, Ealing,London W13 oLG Bisset Biernat Boys Broad Brohn Brown Bulley Burn David Burney David 286A Church St., Pimlico, London SW1 Pathead, Midlothian 71 Saltoun Road, London SW2 4 Eveline ST., Connaught Gardens, London N1O 3LA 146 Rushmore Road,London SE A Ss TASS Bush Blamire Caven Carver Clarke Clendenning leo Collective Actions A N NALGO A 4 NONE S N Cooper Cooper Comrie Tan ue Jamie s SE L TASS/ AUEW Davies Dunlop Andrew Malcolm 31 Honeywell House, Honeywell, Stoke-on-Trent 29 Aldeshot Road, London NW6 7LF A 4 A SE BDS TASS Eaton John 24 St Mark St., Gloucester, GL 1 200 SH Susan Field-Clegg Design 9 St Georges Avenue,London N7 1 Canton Place,London Road, Bath S/A SE NUS SW Francis Partnership Gillies Gordon Gorst Green Alec Robert Thonas Oave 74 Westwood Orive, Little Chalfont, Bucks 39 Walton Road, Sheffield 25C De Crespigny Park, Camberwell SE5 238A Spring Bank,Hull, North Hunberside $ SE $s N NALGO s SE Ss N E Jane Mr Marian S $ SE sSE ASE NONE Jos Mick Tony Andy Ton 4 SE BDS-TASS A SE NALGO A SE NALGO 4 SE NALGO C A Alex J Jacquetta Linda Elistree Road, Fulham, London SW6 Sandy Farn, Luckington, Chippenham, Wilts SN14 6PP 9 South East Circus Place Edinburgh 23 Springfield, Kegworth, Derbyshire 28 Marine Crescent,Liverpool 22 16 Northam, Cromer St., London WCl 94 Chantonbury Way, North Finchley,lLondon N12 7A8 175 Heningford Road London Nl 1DA 121 Arbury Road, Cambridge 75 Ball Pond Road, Hackney, London Ni 11A Ouesbery St., Hull, East Yorkshire A SE BDS-TASS SW Harns Hall Harley Hayhow David 4.Hawentng—tenSdetrriseientBbWawtyLeadWE. » SE wALGD- Hartmann Jack Oavid 105 Montgonery Street, Edinburgh EH? SEX B/Sur s TASS Leplat Leyland Lochhead Frederic 24 Godwin Court, Croundale Road, London NWI Christine 3B George Street, London W1 David T 34 Prince Regent Street, Edinburgh s Malte Malhey N@onald NcRiner HcVicar Melkshan Morgan Morris Murray Bob 14 Holmdale Road, London MW6 18S Kosta 1 Priory Grove,London SW Robert 89 Lon Maesycoed, Maesydail, Newtown, Powys 4 Tan "Rosedale", Butterrow West, Stroud, Glos. Gill 64 Northwestern Avenue, Northanpton Michael Neville 2nd Floor Flat, 18 Charlotte St., London WIP lHJ Ben c/o Oxford Polytechnic (Dept of Architecture) Oxford John 37 Landrock Road,London NB Hans Georgina John 29 Southhill Park, London W3 3B Carlton House, 29 Jesmond Road, Newcastle-upon-Tyne S/A N 4 Priory Terrace, Cheltenhan, Glos. SW Monika 1 Priory Grove, London SW8 2PD (Butternelchester 3 D-8000 Munchens, W Germany) s SE A SE SW s 4 A SE S/A SE A SE NALGO NALGO SW! NALGO N SE ASMS UCL Str.Eng SE Ss SE $ N SE BDS AUEW SE AME ADDRESS PROF. AREA UNION ? Napier Newte John Sue 959A Ronford Road, Manor Park, London E12 678 Langford Road, London SW6 $ 4 A SE NALGO Teck Ong Ordonez L C 2 Lord Napier Place, UpperHall,London W6 9UB 18 Finsbury Park Road,London N4& A SE NALGO SE ACTASS Paredes-Yapur AJ 4 N SE AUEW TASS Pearce Pebody Ken Giles 127 Fairbridge Road, Holloway, London N19 4B Sutherland Square,london N17 A SE AUEW TASS Resold Richards Rodgers Roebuck Rolfe Ross Ryding Janet Janet Mary David Andrew Laura Helene 22 Malden Road, Chalk Farn, London W5 Shelagh Shanks Christopher’ 163 Camberwell Road,London SES SE Sartin Shilton Snith Sonerwell Speedy Sutton Angela A SE S ALEW TASS Sutton De Syllas Startup Dave Justin HM Thonas Tily Tod Towers Graham 9 Midland Road, Leeds 6 10 Lionel House, 370 Portobello Road,London W10 STA 111 Culford Road, London NI N TASS A SE Turner John A SE 1Pcs Walker Ward Wates Wesolowski Willians Wilson Wilkinson Eddy PN Nick Peter Martin Jonathan 8A Northampton Park,London Nl $ Alan R 124 Lichfield Road, Dagenham, Essex Rod ORA David PM Mary John Tan Room 17, 14 Evelyn Gardens,London SW? A SE 96 Cairns Road, Redland, Bristol, 8S6 71G SW 23 Grove Hill Road, London SE5 SE 25 St Georges Avenue, London N7 OHB SE A 4 NALGO 84 Warrender Park Crescent, Edinburgh B13 BEX Ss 6 Hillcrest Road, Noseley, Birmingham B13 SX 4 "Oakfield", Station Road, Baschurch, Shrewsbury S 4 The Three Browns, Rowhedge, Nr Colchester, Essex SE 81. Mill Road, Cambridge 17 Delancey Street,London NWI 22Panmure Place, Edinburgh 3 51 Morton Street, London SW1 3 Brecknock Road, Knowle, Bristol Sa 149 Lower Cheltenhan Road, Bristol 8S6 5LB8 SW 54 Southwood Lane, Highgate,London N6 5ER SE 91 Allison Gardens, London W14 ODR SE s SE 31 Grimwood Road, Twickenham, Middlesex TW 1BY SE 28 Crab Lane, Arnley,Leeds LS12 2a0 46 Field Lane, Frimley, Canberley, Surrey 4 Newell Street,Linehouse, London £14 7HR 7 Gosforth Terrace, South Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne 43 Clarence Parade. Flat 5, Southsea Hants a N TASS Ss SE $ SE JOURN SE NUS S/A SE NUS SE $ SE TASS Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource David Jenkins Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/39f58996006b6ab7c352d6134d6a4dee.pdf d9cf2f62158799c8aec9fd3a4feac94b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource <p><span style="font-weight:400;">Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. </span></p> <ul><li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</span></li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM National Design Service Subject The topic of the resource NAM goes for public sector... report of third annual congress, held in Hull. Article in Building Week 2/12/1977 Description An account of the resource TAcCTicS rok SETTING ©6F AN NOS. — VeURAuotegenOehecarpuboaacysbooteeNeeiteee ChongeS a OBS ae 2) NAM. puek were fe change te eee a tle Loleud goConrarvatwe Partin» BKM. roakwerk becleuthenaprieors of (|; pedewomk emdaonionsCHA:G0. teGraticubinalen trarRasod wm ko thunlermay- } S.IWORM.elecklhs2ckRpowed aes whiehullofbecktheNDSUae ee 6)DS.A.M.shouldsedethesutrartASO Se Ko|Ta eos te a peek often eeptkaeene uihes hook [eekoukinsunpl.fesmstodotheee aAdieqateitmcrtainted ieumaglinclwledatetecbhcate (This Couldh Le onnitted of mMocafusc °) Onna SE Dies: thew dead fo acmterhatdneas Morewhamnban A) Ae Ne posters coulsh Qe oh Yedk hogethes to = atkrast moe athenkie,oanhre Andy smlee adlsaficta Re deck |Aven bocwrdk —dualeuistion- ai = | eae | weAGSeeQernraXee Fyeecanafford PrsucutcryIS. the Seota > of .D.S corn oral This Lo oy 4 ;unvelves pectic euienidys vteusy ge polikvcak Perm URA\owd adGUY CUM t plonress , social urovRers ,teanlhess oke . 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A ches Ws naku An More OW bation Nake preeenaleara oe a !goreGly dionAe ee Ro pena, eget ger eet eT Levdspinsh ie ieans wi beprin tl tenn, locabioankottoheebeetse Greater Lcendon Council \ Historic Buildings Board keport (27,9.72) by oe Cer CC col Lec va Gic Wie oe THE SCHOOLS OF THE LONDON SCHOOL A =£ ~“S : EP 523 sup. ie \or BOARD (1872-1904) AND THE LONDON _2-/ | COUNTY COUNCIL EDUCATION DEPARTMENT ? Vine > pe Ee | <2 “1904-1910—INVESTIGATIONFOR ae ~ / ,{ PRESERVATION : ee | The Board will recall that some time &@g0 a request was made that a detailed report on Board Schools of London snould be submitted for information and consideration. It will be appreciated that a very considerable amount of research was involved in the preparation of the report which is now presented for the Board's consideration. 1 The remarkeble architectural phenomenon of the Bozrd Schools of London was conceived iin that section of the Hlementary Education Act of 1870 concerned with the special provisions to have effect in the 'metropolis'. Requiring that the name of the school board 'shall be the School Board for London!’ the Act stated that the board 'shall proceed at once to supply their district with sufficient public school accommodation’. london was thus required to lead the way with a vast programme of school building, and, dividing the district into ten areas ~ Marylebone, Finsbury, Lambeth (East and West) Tower Hanilets, Hackney, Westminster, Southwark, City, Chelsea and Greenwich, the Board set immediately about its orgenisation. Ata meeting of the Works and General Purposes Committee in May 1871 it was decided that the duties should be divided under three headings: the Acquisition of sites, the selection 'from time to time', of an architect to erect buildings, and the appointment of a consulting architect end surveyor, with reference to talcing over schools and ‘the general business likely to arise’, The importance of getting the best possible designs for all ney buildings was stressed even et this early stage_ and the method favoured was to hold limited competitions of known school architects. The intention of the Boord-had first been to research the Situation fully, but 'at the instence of Lord Sandon it was determined to build a first batch of twenty schools in the most destitute districts without waiting the result of the laborious Statistical investigations'. Eighty-four architects applied for the post of consultant architect to the Board and from these six were shortlisted: Joseph Janes, J.i, Morris, Thomas Porter, John S. Quilter, E.R. Rodson and Yiliian Wigginton, E.R, Robson was appointed to the post with an overwhelming majority at a Board meeting early in July 1871. Born in Durhan iin 1835, Robson had been erticled to John Dobson of Newcastle— on-Tyne.e In 1857 he came to London whore ne worked for three years ‘in the office of George Gilbert Scott, and met there in 1858 as a fellow pupil the young Scotsman, John James Stevenson. Setting up in practice, Robson was Appointed Architect to Durham Cathedral and in 1864 became «chitect and surveyor to Liverpool City Corporation, a post he held for nearly five years. During this time he was responsible for the new ilunicipal offices end riany other public Works and improvements in the city. It was the prospect of the massive School Board commission that brought Robson finally to London: he resigned from the Liverpool post in 1859. Fhilip Robson wrote in a Memoir of his father that, seeeees ON the 2 75ing of the Forster Fducation Act my father determined 4f he cowl te Lead the way with regard to Educational Buildings'. Shortly after his aprointment in 1871 Robson took J.J. Stevenson into a partnership that lasted into 1875 and there can be no doubt that this action was decisive in the development of the Board School Style, as it came to be known. i However, for the first two years of the Board's existence, Robson and his partner had little or no influence upon the designs of the schools, for the competition system was pursued with the somewhat panic-stricken zeal of the. early Board until its unwieldy and expensive administration and by no means alvays satisfactory results led to its rejection in 1873. A characteristic example of these first competition schools was that at Johnson Street, Stepney, by T.R. Smith, opened in 1872 and now destroyed. In the Gothic manner, with little to distinguish it from the numbers of parochial and national schools that had gone before, Smith's design represented all that was to be rejected so dramatically within a year of its completion. Robson himself wrote in 1874, Pe e Johnson Street School cannot, when critically considered, be regarded the light of a success which invites general imitation.' One school emerged from the competition system to foreshadow the elements of the Board School Style: that at Harwood Road, Fulham, designed by Basil Champneys and opened in October 1873 (now demolished). The distinguishing features of this building - the red brick walls articulated with slender brick pilasters, gable ended roofs, tall chimneys, tell white-painted sash windows and mild Renaissance details - were those of the 'Qucen Anne’ manncr, about to become one of the stormiest controversies in art and architectural circles of the 19th century. Robson's ovm comments on Champney's school in his book School Architecture of 1874, were restrained in their approval, but reflect the crucial influence that Harwood Road must have exerted upon hin: 'The style in which the building has been thought out", he wrote, ‘is a quaint and able adaptation of old English brick architecture to modern school purposes. Apart irom the opinion, which may be termed that of fashion, because of its temporary nature, but which runs for the moment headlong after e favourite style, even when carried out in the most tasteless and unmean— é: manner, this building must be regarded as possessing decided architect-— ural character. The war between the rival styles has raged so long that we are in some danger of forgetting the existence of certain broad first principles common to the great architecture of all times and countries, and whicn are certainly never absent from the more conspicuous and representative examples. Among these first conditions of architecture must be ranked a regard tox good form, geod proportion, good grouping and, above all, good architectural character and good colour .....- .. The design in question must rank as thoughtful and artistic work, whatever may be our individual preference as to style.' . : With these words Robson was justifying his own decision, when in 1873 with Stevenson in unofficial partnership with him, he took over the designing of all Board Schools and chose to express the new age of education with the new style of architecture. : | The division of responsibility for the 'School Board style’ is by no means a straightforward matter, and was, it seems, already a subject tor arguaent in 1874, Stevenson was undoubtedly one of the principal spokesmen and apologists for 'Queen Anne' and among the first actually to have built in the new style. In 1870-1 he designed Red House, Bayswater Road for himself, in red brick with pedimented gables, tall chimneys and flat arched sash windows, at a date when Norman Shaw, later to be the arch—protagonist of the style, had not yct abandoned the picturesque Tudor of his work of the '60's. In 1874 when the programme of the Board Schools had already been formulated with Robson, and Shaw's Lowther Lodge Kensington, a classic example of 'Queen Anne’ was only in course of building, Stevenson read before the General Conference of Architects at the R.I.B.A. a paper entitled 'On the Recent Reaction of Taste in English Architecture’, a key document in the history of the Queen Anne revival. Emphasising the close affinities of Queen Anne with classical architecture - in the search for an appropriate label for-the style the term Free Classic was often recommended — Stevenson depended heavily for his justification on the practical ari economic advantages of the new manner, 2 reflection, no doubt, of the discussions he and Robson must have had when establishing a coherent and viable house style at the School Board. The central argument of his paper, quoted below, is immediately applicable to the Board's work: “(The Style) has much to be said for it on practical grounds. Take the ordinary conditions of London building - stock bricks and sliding sash windows. A flat arch of red cut bricks is the cheapest mode of forming a window-head: the red colour is naturally carried down the sides of the window, forming a frame; and is used also to emphasise the angles of the building. As the gables rise above the roofs, it costs nothing, and gives interest and character ........ to mould them into curves and sweeps. ~The appearance of wall-surface carried over the openings, which, in Gothic, the tracery and iron bars and reflecting surface of thick stained glass had taught us to appreciate, is obtained by massive wooden frames and sash bars set, where the silly interference of the Building Act does not prevent, almost flush with the walls, while to the rooms inSide these thick sash bars give a fecling of enclosure and comfort. . : : With these simple elements the style is complete, without any expenditure whatever on ornament ........ There is nothing but harmony and proportion to depend on for effect. We may, if we have money to spare, get horizontal division of the facade, in this style, as in Gothic, by string courses and cornices, and we have the advantages over Gothic that we can obtain vertical division by pilasters, which, though not constructive any more than string courses as used in modern Gothic, have at least as much meaning in a London house as pointed window arches ..... The style in all its forms has the merit of truthfulness; it is the outcome of our common modern wants picturesquely expressed. In its mode of working and details it is the common vernaculer style in which the British workman has been apprenticed, with some new life from Gothic added ....." 3 Later, in his book House Architecture, published in 1880, Stcvensor referred Specifically to the Boarda Sc Schools in this Context: "Within the last year or two there has been a revival of the ‘Queen Anne! - style for town houses and even for streets. The fashion scems to be spreading. It has received some accession of force from the schools of the London School Board, planted in every district of London, having been mostly built in that style. For the architecture of a few of the earliest of these I am responsible, having found by the practical expericnce of a house I built for myself in this manner, that the style adapts itself to every modern necessity and convenience. In that case I made no attempt to follow any particular style, the style grow naturally from using ordinary materials and modes of work, and trying to give them character and interest ........" eee nnd a - _—- - ote So * 1874 was the year in which Robson too published his important document School Architecture, already referred to above, in which, together with examples upon which he comments, he sets out to justify the adoption of the Queen Anne Style. More ideological in approach than Stevenson and less passionate, perhaps in his advocacy of the new style per se, Robson was nonetheless well aware of the great opportunity for changing the face of ‘London and the course of architectural development that his post as Board Architect was offering: "Among so large a number of new school houses," he wrote, "some are “4 fortunate in being placed in positions where they can be easily seen and it becomes of some importance to consider what style is most suitable ......! His rejection of Gothic - in theory, at least - seems characteristic now of the evangelistic fervour that the Act had inspired in the Victorian reformers in Education: "A building in which the teaching of dogma is strictly forbidden, can have no pretence for using with any point or meaning that symbolism which is so interwoven with every feature of church architecture as to be regarded as € its very life and soul. In its aim and object it should strive to express civil rather than ecclesiastical character." Thus, he reasoned, the idiom previously employed for National Schools in England (Gothic, that is) would be entirely inappropriate, and for the added reason that it would lack "anything to mark the great change which is coming over the education of the country." But a precedent had to be found somewhere - these were, after all, the 1870's ~ and it was observed that "iin London the plainer and less expensive buildings forming by far the most numerous class, must always be constructed of brick." Moreover, "specimens of good and thoughtful brickwork in sufficient numbers still remain scattered among the old architecture of the city and its suburbs to form the basis of a good style suited to modern requirements — Hackney and Putney, Chelsea and Deptford all furnish old examples." With a final flourish of logic Robson concluded, "The only really simple brick style available as a foundation is. that of the time of the Jameses, Queen Anne and the early Georges, whatever some enthusiasts may think of its value in point of art. The buildings ...... are invariably true in point of i@ construction and workmanlike feeling. Varying much in architectural merit, they form the nucleus of a good modern style." ‘Robson seems to have been unwilling to acknowledge Stevenenson's contribution fully. Philip Robson recorded that his father had observed how he "was occupied often in the afternoons rubbing out what John had done in the morning," and in School Architecture Robson did no more than mention in passing that "severai of the designs selected for illustration are from the pencil of my partner tir J.J. Stevenson, who, althoush haying no connection with the School Board, has rendered much valuable assistance in their work." Together with schools that are a clear expression of 'Queen Anne’ there are illustrated, in Robson's book, others that reflect a more conservative attitude to Gothic, as for example those at Winstanley Road, Battersea (demolished) and Mansfield Place, Kentish Tow (demolished); it is likely that these examples reveal Robson's individual hand, while the first group was predominately Stevenson's responsibility. Vith its immediate roots in the work of Philip Webb and W.E. Nesfield in the 1860's, the Queen Anne style was developed mainly in the field of domestic architecture, and it is reasonable to suppose that Stevenson, having "With the most basic means availeble for buildings regarded as nothing more than utilitarian, they si.ccessfully combined architectural distinction with good, honest construction. ‘Thoir essential charm is in the grouping of their building masses which is always interesting without boing contrived". In the informality of Robson's schools lies the central difference between them and the schools designed by the second Architect to the Board after 1884. Designing for smaller numbers of pupils than his successor, Rooson was able to Maintain the domestic scale and assymetrical plan which were crucial to the idea of the Board Schools as part of an Enplish vernacular revival. E.R. Robson resigned from his post in 1884 and returned to private practice. His later independent works included the People's Palace, Mile End Road and € these poor persons brighter, more interesting, nobler, by so treating the necessary Board Schools planted in their midst as to make each building undertake a sort of leavening influence, we have set on foot a permanent and ever active good - this is no mere theory - it is already proved by the manner in which builders of ordinary houses are imitating the Board Schools in every direction.'! ea applied its forms at an early date to his own house in Bayswater, provided the impetus for Robson's adoption of the style. Certainly little that fore- shadows the Board Schools of 1874 is to be found in the ponderous semi- classical formality of Liverpool Municipal offices. Whatever the truth of the matter, the influence of the Board Schools of London upon both the school and domestic architecture of England during the last decades of the 19th century was profound. It was Robson himself wno, in two articles published in the Art Journal in 1881 related the schools to the Aesthetic Movement as a whole, and he who should be allowed the last word: - "It must always be among the high purposes for which the Act exists to make any home brighter and more interesting, nobler if you will. We have seen how abject are the homes of countless thousands. If we can make the homes of Little remains of the schools with which Robson illustrated School Architecture, and where they have survived, as at the Charles Lamb School, Islington, they have often been enlarged almost beyond recognition. Indeed, examples of Schools from the whole period 1873-84 that have not been subjected to over~ whelming alterations ze now rare. € necessities of planning to introduce variety and intcrest into what might have becn a bleakly functional structure. Thus the decorative possibilities of the white sash windows and their repeating rhythms, the soaring chimneys and spirelets and the colour contrasts of yellow bricks with red briok dressings, white stone plaques, copings and cornices, were all exploited. So, too, were the opportunities for interesting formal compositions that the flexible plan afforded, with its simple units of hall, classrooms and cloakrooms on each storey. Hermann Nuthesius, the eminent critic of English architecture at the turn of the 19th century, wrote of the early Board schools in 1900: Usually, like Park Walk, Chelsea, they are of three lofty storeys, their height emphasised by the thin brick pilaster strips that frame the tall white painted Sash windows. The steeply pitched red—-tiled roofs are enlivened by delicate lanterns and pretty stonecoped gables carrying one of Robson's rare concessions to pure decoration —- the stone plaques with their flower reliefs that became one of the hallmarks of the early schools. Other small enrichments were the familiar title plaques and, occasionally, a wall panel in bas-relief of Knowledge strangling Ignorance, from a model designed by Spencer Stanhope. Robson was otherwise dependent solely on his materials and the bare Me Royal Institute Galleries in Piccadilly - both buildings of distinction. Eis successor as Board Architect was Thomas Jerram Bailey, who had been : Appointed chief draughtsman to Robson in 1873. Bailey had served his : apprenticeship with R.J. Withers and worked as an assistant to Ewan Christian before entering the School Board's Architect's offices in 1872 at the age of 28. In 1881 he became an Associate of Royal Institute of British Architects and a Fellow in 1893. In 1904 when the London County Council took over the School building programme of the London School Board, he was appointed Architect to the Education Department and, exempted from retirement in 1908, he continued to hold office for two more years and died only six months after he finally retired early in 1910. The R.I.B.A. dournal's obituary notice began: "By the death of Mr T.J. Bailey we have lost a member whose influence on the evolution of school planning during the last 25 years can hardly be exagserated." Drawing attention to the "enormous numbers' of schools built to his designs Since 1884, the report concluded: . "There is probably no type of modern building which more nearly combines the werits of carefully thought out planning with an xchitectural treatment so thoroughly expressive of its purpose, as a typical London Board School." Having observed the building of the Schools for more than ten years and contributed, no doubt, to details of their design, it is not surprising that Bailey's own work after 1884 was essentially a development of Robson's proto- types. But the assymetrical plan and the vocabulary of architectural rooms which had been evolved for the small schools of the '70's - and were essentially domestic in character - now had to be adapted to the demand for much larger buildings. Wherever possible, as Bailey himself explained in his paper quoted below, the domestic scale was maintained, but it is in the massive schools for up to 1500 pupils that the development of his individual style can best be appreciated. His first response to the problem of the long clevation was to multiply the familiar units of the original small schools: the Munster school and its twin the Sir John Lillie in Hammersmith are of this type, but in their plans that uncompromising rectangular symmetry which became the characteristic of Bailey's large schools, is already firmly established. The Hall forms the entral core and, unfolding on either side f it, are, in sequence, the staircases, the cloakroom blocks and classroom wings. Behind the hall, and completing the rectangle, are ranged in line the principe] classrooms. In his paper The Planning and Construction of Board “Schools, read before the R.I.B.A. in 1899, Bailey revealed the extent to which the problem of restricted and awkward sites had dictated the devclepment of his monumental school tyne: "WInere sites are sufficiently large and level, schools of all one storey aro usually built - as a rulc, a senior mixed school, consisting of classrooms grouped round a central hall, with an infants' department as a separate & pbuilding. Another type is to put the boys' and girls' as a two-storcy pbuilding; again with separate infants' school. This type is suitable for a large site where the levels are inconvenient for a one-storey school. The majority of sites will only allow for three-storey schools ...--." Proceeding to describe this type as being the most usual he explained: "The infants are naturally on the ground floor, on a level with their play- -ground, the girls on the first floor, the boys above. The London School | Board consider a hall indispensable to every department of a school. 7 \ Experience has shown that nearly every school built in London has required enlargement. There must naturally, however, be a limit to the Size of a School, so that the departments do not become unwieldy. The maximum size or accommodation of a group should not exceed 1,548 ...... and if further accommodation is required, it should be provided by a separate mixed department ...... On the other hand, if a smaller school is needed to begin with, it is convenient to take the figures named as a maximum, and built a portion first, leaving it to be added to as needs arise ....!" "The main line of classrooms should, if possible, face the playgrounds rather than a noisy road, and draw their light from the east, as that aspect suns up the rooms in the early morning and does not disturb them for the day. TI never build to the cheerless north if I can avoid it .....; the classrooms in the Wings cannot be so considered, but it would be impracticable and unworkable to place them all in one line. The hall, facing west, provides a good reservoir of sun-lighted air to help the classrooms, and, not being seated or reckoned in the accommodation, is a cheerful place into which to march the classes for recreation or collective purposes. Architecturally also, this elevation, being the more broken up (comprising, as it does, the main lighting of the hall, the Staircases, cloak and teachers! rooms and blocks, and gable end of wings) is more desirzble for a street front than the long unbroken lines of classrooms, though the aspects of the site do not always allow for this." Thus, for example, the Munster Road school Successfully presents its hall elevation s the principal front, while the Sir John Lillie has its classroom range fronting onto the main Lillie Road. By the late '90's Bailey had evolved for the large schools that bold ana monumental front which, though differing widely from Robson's prototype, is often held to be Synonymous with Board School architecture ana appears, with only minor variations, throughout London. Good examples are Vauxhall. Manor, Lambeth, Montem, Islington and Rhyl, Camden. The Slender central lantern and delicate gables of the earlier schools have given way to elaborate twin cupolas over the staircase blocks, to flank the plain central mass of the hall, and heavy pediments Surmount the wings. In this school type each part of the plan was expressed as a Separate architectural unit, linked primarily by the majestic Symmetry of their arrangement in 4 B C DC B A rhythm. The later development of Bailey's work - for the School Board and then for the L.C.C. - shows a general tendency towards a more Sculptural style and a more richly decorative use of materials, as shown for example in the magnificent South Hackney School Cassland Road or Torriano School in Camden. The plan, however, remained basically unchange@, and the variations in architectural treatment, although astonishingly inventive, were little more than superficial, Bailey was essentially an eclectic architect: reflections of current architectural fashion ~ the Ndwardian onilence of Ei. Mountford or Ernest George in the South Hackney Upper School, Hackney and the Harion Richardson School, Tower Hamlets, or the eccentricities of Art Nouveau in the Torriano and Kingsgate Schools, Camden - are constantly to be found, although his own feeling for sombre Baroque symmetry and mass is never absent. In the area office at St John's Hill, Wandsworth, Bailey achieved a final refinement of Edwardian "Wrenaissance" brick architecture and brought to a close the vernacular revival in which the carly Board Schools had played so important apart. That Riley had retained a firm influence on the designs produced in his office is indicetea by the fact that architectural standards abruptly declined after his retirement despite the continuing presence under his Successor R. Robertson, of his principal assistants, H.R. Perry and G.L. Wade. The contribution of Robson and Bailey to school architecture and to London erchitecture in general has been all but ignored for sixty years, although the — 8 o The School Board's real concern, fom the beginning, for architectural values, "The policy of the School Board has almost always been to Give these a buildings, as public buildings, some dignity of &ppearance, and make them ornaments rather than disfigurements to the neighbourhoods in which they are erected .... It was found that the difference of cost between bare utilitarianism and buildings designed in some sort of Style and with regard for matcrials and colour, was rather less then 5 per cent. At the same time, this ornamental appearance may be scured either by richness of detail, or by a dignified Grouping of masses; it is the policy of the Board, while studying, in the first instance, suitable arransements for teaching, not to Set aside the dignity and attractiveness of buildings, which the Board have e* feltshouldbeacontrasttotheirpoorSurroundings,!! 7A a . : - = One valuable assessment of the merit of the Schools was published in the Architectural Review in 1958 where it was stated, with reference to the early schools but with equal truth in the context of the 1884-1910 period. “Robson's achievement eesee lay firstly in his incisive analysis of his objectives, his ready understanding of the challenge which new social demands had placed before him; Secondly, in his prompt understanding that designers Such as Champneys and Stevenson had hit upon a stylistic approach that might be developed in answer to this challenge; thirdly, in the Superb confidence and virility with which he and his staff carried through the development of the style, Giving power and sometimes Grandeur where its originators could only achieve charm; anc, lastly, in the truly Victorian drive with which he pushed a vast programme of work to completion with architectural standards of the very highest order maintained throughout ......!! _/ *wirtuosity of their schools is everywhere apparant. The pleasant Spreading buildings of the Single storey schools Give a village air to arid suburban streets, while the larger Schools, their beautiful detailing expressly concentrated in their upper storeys, were built to S02r above the -crowded streets, often the only concession to dignity among the Victorian slums. Was emphasised in the Final Report of the Board, published in’1904: Z eley Principal sources School Board Chronicle “inutes of the London School Board rinal Report of the School Board for London 1870-1904. 1904 *loor Plans of L.C.cC. Blomentary Scnools, 1,.C.C. 1931 V9. Architacture U.R. Robson, 1874 "By sheer Victorian ruthlessness the L.S.B. achieved a far higher degree of standardisation than most education authorities have achieved since the last + Although the L.S.B, Schools vary from very plain building to the Greatest elaboration according to the openness of their sites, it cannot be Said that, in practice, Robson was over—anxious about tailoring each shool to suit its locality. The positive result of this is that these buildings, strong in personality, do a very great deal to set a stamp of unified character on the hodge-podge of Victorian London ....,." : (UOic of E.R. Robson, P.A, Robson, 2.1.B.A. Journal, February 1917 2 : renee COUR F On $ne Recent Reaction of Taste in English Architecture, J.J. Stevenson, 187} (i) Early Robson (ii) Classic Robson (iii) Late Robson (iv) Early Bailey (v) Classic Bailey (vi) Late Bailey (i) EARLY ROBSON (3) Camden Institute, Holmes Road, Caniden. (liolmes Road School, opened April 1874) S: 3-storeys, assymetrical plan, plain coped gables; square-headed windows on first floor and end bays of second floor are recessed in Gothic relieving arches. Brick buttress piers divide the bays. Elegant lantern spire. (fhe Victoria, opened January 1876, date plaque 1875, additional Junior Mixed School by Bailey, 18S) Two storeys, assymotrical plan. Single-storcy hall block on Becklow Road has square stone flower plagues in gables. Two storey end bays contain a large Gothic wincow with glazing bars in ogee-form and figured rclicf panel and titles tadlot in elnvorate Gethic frame with crockets and angel corbels. House Architecture, J.J. Stevenson, 1880 Das Englische Baukunstder Gegenwart, Hermann Vuthesius, 1900 Das Englische Haus, Hermann Muthesius, 1904 Ovituary of E.R. Robson, The Builder, 2nd February 1917 Obituary of T.J. Bailey, The Builder, 25 June 1910 R.I.B.A. Journal, 24 September 1910 Towers of Learning, David Gregory—Jones, Architectural Revicw, June 1958 In the following descriptive list, principal features only are noted. The Original names are given in brackets with the date and indication of type. Asterisks and letters indicate schools of closely similar typee The list is divided into the following groups: Of more than 550 schools built or projected during the period 1871-1910, 351 have been considered as possessing architectural and historic interest, while the remainder have been demolished or altered too extensively to merit consideration. The selection of the 37 buildings listed below has been dictated not only by individual architectural merit, but by the degree to which the schools illustrate the characteristic qualities of Board or early L.C.C. school architecture, and by the need to represent the principal stages of development. The architectural importance of each school within its _immediate neighbourhood has been taken into account, and wherever possible, a balanced distribution of selected schocls among the I.L.B.A. areas has been attempted. Minor external alterations and additions have not necessarily ruled out inclusion. The process of modification according to changing needs began almost immediately after the completion of the first Board Schools and has continuec ever since, though with declining respect for the character of the original buildings. Victoria Junior School - Becklow Road, Hammersmith. 4 f Hackney end Stoke Newington College for Further Education, Oldfield Road, Hackney. : » 10 (ii) CLASSIC ROBSON (5) aie Colville School, Lonsdale Road, Kensington. (Buckingham Terrace School, opened June 1879, Classic Robson) 5 storeys, assymetrical plan, with flat range of classrooms as principal front, hall and staircases at rear. Date and title plaques on ground floor, end bays. First floor windows recessed in blind arcade. Stone coped gables with ball finials and decorative plaques. Thomas Jones Primary School ~ Freston Road (ex. Latimer Road,) Hammersmith. (Latimer Road School, opened January 1880, date plaque 1879) 3 storeys, symmetrical plan with hall at centre of main facade, flanked by staircase blocks and recessed classroom Wings. Small shaped stone-coped gables with ball finials, flower plaques and semicircular pediment caps. Cut brick scroll decoration surmounts the title and date plaques on the. staircase blocks. s : J Sucen's Park School, Droop Street, Westminster. A Pinar (Droop Strect School, opened November 1877, early Robson, with much later alterations) Kingswood School, Gipsy Road, Lambeth. 2 storeys, assymetrical plan; fine corner sitc. Triangular gables, some Stone-coped. Elegant louvred ogce-roofed lantern with fleche. Ono of the two good stone gates to playground is intact. (Salters Hill School, opened April 1880, alterations 1905) - 3 storeys, assymetrical plan, halk at rear; the five stone-coped gables of the main front each have stone plaques in the apex with scrolls, pediment and finial. Buttress piers and pilaster strips. Tiny lantern tower. Park Welk Primary School, Park Welk, Kensington and Chelsea. (Park Walk School, opened January 1881, dated 1880) zee ve 5 storeys, assymetrical plan, flat classroom ranse to Park Wall’ and hall and staircases at rear. Shaped and pedimented brick gables, some with stone flower plaqyes. Date and title plaques on end elevation. (Oldfield Ro2d School, opened January 1882, additions 1899, dated 1881) 3 storeys, hall enclosed by classrooms in assymetrical plan. Brick gecbles with stone flower plaques alternate with paired circular windows in upper storey. First floor rectangular openings with brick corbelled stone cills, and fromee by pilaster strips. ,7 4 the (iii) LATS Rosson (5) “Weavers Fields School, Mane Street, Tower Hamlets. z ——— ergs school (Hague Strect School, opened October 1883) 5 storeys, assymetrical plan. Gables only at ends of classroom range, the other units finished by crenellated Stone-coped pzrapets. Cloakroom block expressed externally as hexagonal turret with Spire and lantern. ‘First floor openings recessed in pairs in relieving arches. *Kenmont Primary School, Valliere Road, Hammersmith. ——— mary school (Kenmont Gardens School, opened February 1884, date and title plaques 1883) As last. Primrose Hill School, Princess Rozd, Camden. Eltringham Primary School (Single storey infants block only) Eltringham Street, Wandsworth. (Princess Road School, opened Februsry 1885) 3 storeys, assymetrical plan, the principal bays surmounted by a variety of extravagant Stone-coped Dutch gables. (Eltringhem Road School, opened January 1886, dated 1885) Single storey, assymetrical plan, long classroom range to York Road, 2 dormer gables and broad ond gebles with flower, monogram and date plaques énd finials at base and apex. Stone coping. Daubeney Junior School and Daubeney Infants School, Daubeney Road, Hackney (Daubeney Road School, opened May 1886, dated 1884) Junior School: 2 storeys, symmetrical, classroom range as principal front, triangular gables with shaped stone coping. Date cnd title plaques. Good wrought-iron railings. Infants School: Single storey, assymetrical plan, classroom range as principal front, trianguler gables with shaped copings, the large end -gables carrying elaborate stone finials at base and capex and stone plaques. Good railings. (iv) EARLY BAILEY (6) Copenhagen School, Boadices Street, Islington. eeLeeROO (Bondicca Street School, opened February 1887, dated 1885) 3 storcys, assymetrical plan, with architectural features th-t emphasise this. H22i enclosed by classrooms and cloakrooris. Roof playground with picrced p2rapet. One staircase block boldly treated as ansle turret with Surmounting lantern. Gable end of one classroom wing has pediment with floral relief decoration and large shell motif below. r ——— “* Laneford School, Marineficld Road, Hammersmith. } Sa : =e <i = X eee 12 a Riversdale Primary, School, Merton Road, Wondsworth. 3 storeys, assymetrical plan; unusual use of Board School decorative features. Projecting turret with copper ogee roof and Spire on side elevation; main front with two smal] Stone-coped shaped @2bles and one large gable with corbelicd lantern at “pex and finials at base. Ivydeale School, Ivydale Rond, Southwark —chool (Ivydale Road School, openod August 1892) **Munster Primary School — Filmer Road, Hammersmith. S ey school (Munster Road School, opened June 1893, drawings dated October 1890) Fine island site. 3 storeys, symmetrical plan, principal front of 7 bays with central hall, staircase blocks, cloakroom bays and gable ends of classroom wings. The hall block With sm211 centrally placed 2-tier lantern, has crenellated parapet and giant brick picrs surmounted by stone corbels, Scrolled gables Over classroom wings, return elevations and six main bays of the rear elevation, where rear staircases are pressed as round arched recesses, : **Sir John Lillie, Lillie Road, Hammersmith. —_—_—_— _(Merton Road School, opencd May 1891, dated 1890) (Lillie Roza School, opened September 1893) Similar to Munster Ps. (Longford Road School, opened June 1890, enlarged 1893) Similar to Munster PS (below) 2 (v) CLAssic BAILEY (8) — et B Hungerford School, Hungerford Road, Islington. (Hungerford Road School, opened April 1896, enlerged 1904) -3 storeys, symmetrical plan, facade of 7 units; stairense towers with leaded Ogee roofs surmounted by tiny wooden balustrades ond lentern spires. Cloakroom blocks with Shaped coped parapets and trianguler pedimented classroon Wing bays. This school is of the type repeated, with minor variations of detail and different tower form in Rhyl School, Camden. B WNontom Primary School, Islington. —eeeeeee——— (Montem Strect School, dated 1897) Similar type to last. -: : B Vauxhall Manor School (annexe) Kennington Road, Lambeth. nor school Similar type to Hungerford School. 353 Richard Atkins School, Kingwood Road, Lanbeth. =e ensschool (Beixton Hill School, onened fugust 1897). Similar to Kennington School (below) but the towers lack 2 contral lantern. BB Kennington School, Cormont Road, Lambcth. ———— (Cormont Road School, cpened January 1898) 5 5 storeys, symactrical plan; 7 unit hall facade to Cormont Road; a variation on Hungerford ang Rhyl Schools type, with different These ench have 4 corbelled angle turrets and a centrel lantern Spire, while the gables of the classroom wings arc shaped, with Single circular openings. form of staircase towers. (vi) LATE BAILEY (10) ALLEL C Rosendale School, Turney Road, Lambeth. EEechool Rhyl School, Malden Road, Camden ve School (Rhyl Street School, ovencd August 1898) 5 storeys, symmetrical plan, principal front of 7bays, central hall 5 windows Wide, the first Storey arcuated with Stone~banded pilaster Picrs; flanking Staircase towers with spires of intricate snd fanciful form; cloakroom bays with date tablets end railed playgrounds Over; classroom wing bays with Giant Ionic brick pilasters and triangular stone pedinents, BB Henry Compton School, Kingwood Road, Hammersmith (Kingwood Roaa School, opened March 1898) Similar to Kennington School (above). B Smallwood School, Smallwood Road, Wandsworth. _ oe =Kood School 2 (Smallwood Road School, opened February 1898) Similar to Hungerford School (above) C Sunnynill School, Sunnyrill Road, Lambeth. FonS REsensigroemaoe i= schoo) (Rosendale Road School, Junior block opened January 1900, Infants School added 1908, domestic, for School Board) j Single Storey, both blocks with symmetrical plan and elevation. Low red- tiled roofs broken by broad gables with pebble dash finish, deeply moulded "cornice! Surrounds and small tablets with date and LSB monogram. End gables of Junior school contain vestigial shaped 'gabdles' in facing bricks. Delicate lantern with spire and weather-vane. A school with closely Similar characteristics to those of Rosendale is South Hackney (Upper) Scnool, Casslana Road, Hackney. (Cassland Road School, opened August 1902, for School Board) (Sunnyhill Roza School, opened January 1901, datea 1900) Similar to last. 2 storeys, Symmetrical, all req bricks with terracotta dressings. Main facade with central 4—bay hell flanked by Staircase blocks and classroom Wing bays. Outstanding Yor the exuberant uSec of terracotta decoration: cudins, cnannelied pilasters, modillion cornice, window arcoitraves, friezes and pediments, the Staircase towers terminating in deep frieze, cornice and balustrated parapets with elaborate angle urns, all in terracotta. Good wrought iron reilings and gates and low enclosing wall with Stone copins and pedinented piers, nh 1h Millbank Primary School, Erasmus Strect, Westminster. ° x —— ime ny school Kingsgate School, Messina Avenue, Camden. aware school (Kingsgate Road School, opened November 1903, for School Board) (The Nillbank, opened January 1902, domestic) Ei Scparate single storey and 2 storey buildings, assymetrical plans, excellent Stone date and title plaques. The Single storey (infants') school has gable ends with rough cast finish characteristic of Bailey's small shools. The two- Storey block has eccentric Spire and gables with pilaster strip motif. +Charlies Lamb Junior School, Dibden Strect, Islington. (Popham Road School, 1875, 1903, mostly Bailey for School Board) Bailey's work of 1903 was to attach a School of his classic symmetrical type to Robson's early building, illustrated in his 1874 book on School Architecture. Parts of this are still visible. Bailey's principal front hes the central halj block expressed as a projecting splayed bay on 3 Storeys, with buttress piers at angles. The staircase blocks are without towers but numerous tall chimneys enliven the roof. The classroom wing bays have triangular gables with pairs of round Windows. The school exhibits the Q@rmre Sculptural tendencies of Bailey's late work. 2 storeys, assymetrical plan; extravagant use of highly mannered stone details — bands, parapets, date vlaque and gable copings, eccentric circular louvred lantern. Gordon Primary School, Craigton Road, Greenwich. (The Gordon, opened August 1904, for School Board) (Senrab Street School, opened April 1907, for L.C.C.) > Pane 1 2 ct o borcys, symuotrical plan, a variation on the familier classic Bailey type ange rraicen ron facade; heavy classical details in stone. Hell front has trircase blocks with Squat copper turrets; closkroom blocks terminated by tone arches Springing from Giant pilasters. Trianguler stone pediments with date and L.C.c. monogram surmount the rear and return clevations. Stone- banded chimney stacks. i 3 storeys, symmetrical plan; terracotta dressings and date plaques; a variation on Bailey's late '90's type with 7 unit hall facade, the classroom range facing Craigton Road. Staircase blocks flanking 5 bay hall torminate in terracotta balustrades and are linked to hall by the cornice which is @oontinvea round the triangular gable ofthe classroom wings. Marion Richardson School, Senrab Street, Tower Hamlets. I.L.5.4. Division Office, 92 St. John's Hill, Wandsworth. (Dated 1909, for L.c.c.) ALtHOuEN not built as 2 School, the offices were designed for the Education Depsrtmcent under Bailey's Supervision: it scoms appropriate thet one example of this branch of his work should be represented here. The office is conceived as an elegant "Wrenaissance! town house. Built of brick, it is of two storeys, with dormers ond is 9 bays wide with plain sash windows and 15 modillion cornice, Stone pilasters énd a bold Segmental pediment with high relicf decoration and date inscription emphasise the entral entrance, The dominant feature of the steeply pitchca tiled roof is the central dormor with its Surmounting wooden balustrade framed between two delicately detailed tall chimneys, Torriano School, Torriano Avenue, Camden. school (Torriano Avenue School, opened November, 1910, for L.C.C.) 2 storeys, Symmetrical plan, principal facade 5 units wide, the stcircases placed in the wings. Central hall of five windows with three miniature dormer &ables; flanking classroom bays with belled g2ble ends finished with white painted rough-cast; cloakroom blocks at the ends of the facade aro of unusual cubic form; the Separate units of this School are much more closely inter-related on the facade than in the Symmetrical schools of the 1890's. RECOMMENDING — (a) That the Boora adopts the attached list of School buildings Set out in the foregoing report as representing the best remaining examples of the work of E.R. Robson and PJ. Bailey in the remarkable sequence of designs produced for the London School Board and the London County Council between 1873 and 1910. (b) That the officers be euthorised to investigate any means by which preservation might be achieved. (c) That a furthor report be Submitted in duo course, AR/HB/NME/5869 > OF SPRCLAL ADCEITECTURAL INTEREST. SHAS GOO e! Se5)) Salat CAuty GRESNVICH 172 Euston 2ozd Lancaster Grove 30-2 Cannon Street *Bishopsgate (ambulance station) “Carmelite Street “121 Charlton Road Eltham High Street Eaglesfield Rd., Shooters Hill 1912-3 Lakedale Rozd, Plunstead Tunnel Avenue, ©=.Greenwich Eltham Road, Lee Green Sunbury St., Woolwich EACKNSY HAMMERSEITH TSLINGTON Ta Homerton High Street Shepherd's Bush Road 685 Fulham Road Mayton Street, Holloway *Calverley eae *217 Blackstock Road Old Court Place, Kensington ‘ Basil Street *Herne Hill ' 41,5 Norwool Road Gresham Rozd, Brixton *aterloo Roid (ambulance stn) *Renfrew RNoud, Kennington 19071 1913-4. 1896 1908 1906-7 1902-3 High Street, 1902 191),-15 1$06 : 1885 1896 1907-5 1901, 1905-6 1887 (Tose I know to be in other use marked with * but others may now have joined 4 LVTSIAM “Lewisham High Stre.4 1899 1903, 1902 Evelyn Street, Yoolstone Road, Perry Vale Deptforat SOUTHWARK 306-8 01d Kent Road 1903 *59-61 Chatham Rd, Bettersea 1906 TOVSR HAMLETS eae eee west Ferry Road, Millwall Brunswick Road, Bow 1904, 1910 WANDS YORTH Trinity Road, Tooting 1907 WOSTUINS TSS Chiltern Street Greycoat Place, 1888-90 1505-6 The Euston Fire Brigade Station was designed in the Fire Brigade Branch of the L.C.C. Architect's Department's Constructional Division in 1901 and was opened the following year. ‘The Assistant Architect in charge of the fire Brigade Branch at this time was Owen Fleming, with Charles Canning Winmill] as his second—in-command. Suston Firs 3ricade Station, 172 Suston Road, Camden. The authorship of the design of the Zuston station has been much dsiputed. When photographs of the building were published in the years imnediately after completion it was described as the work of W-E.Riley, the then chief architect to the Council. Even Riley's obituariyn the R.1I.8.A. Journal (December 20, 1937) wrongly cites the station as one of the principal works for which he was personally responsible, It was then described as 'so logical in its outwardly visible form that it would be almost possible to draw the plans from externa] examination only. It is a genuine firerunner of the modern movement towards a franker method of design and if its details were translated into concrete would immediately be recognised as such'. David Gregory Jones in his excellent essay on Some Garly Works of the L.C.c. Architect's Department (A.A. Journal, November 1954) wrote: 'I have not discover the names of the designer who deserves to be known to posterity‘;it was certain]; not designed by Owen Fleming to whom I have heard it ascribed". That Gregory Jones had consulted Fleming before writing his essay gives considerable weight to this statement. John Brandon-Jones, in the correspondence that followed the publication of the article, sugzested that Matthew Dawson, a disciple of Lethaby, and closely involved at the Council with the designer of the Central School of Arts and Crafts, may have designed the station. It seems highly unlikely, however, that an assistant outside the Fire Brigade Branch would have been given any hand in its work. There is little doubt that the man responsible for Huston Fire Brigade:Station was Charles Winmill, an architect, on the evidence of the later Swiss Cottage Station and many other stations in London, of unusual originality, and the friend and admirer of Philip Webb. As in all the best examples of L.C.C. stations built before the First World War and under his direction there are clos links in the Suston design with the Arts and Crafts movement, reflecting the association of Winmill with Webb, Lethaby, Thackeray Turner, C. R. Ashbee and others. Gregory Jones describes the station as ‘an eminently serious essay in the romant its multitudinous forms seem drawn together by the concentrating force of its own personality...... Certain details such as the entrance porch to the flats which the station contains are eccentric and mannered in the style of Mackintosh while the whole building is perhaps over—picturesjue for a city site. But it extracts undeniable power from its corner position and is extravagantly fertile in ideas —- note the treatment of the lintels over the garage doors.....' The Suston Fire 3rigade Station, with the Swiss Cottage Station at the junction of Ston Avenue and Lancaster Grove, is not only among the best examples in London of this building type, but must be considered as one of the most outstanding achievements of early L.C.C. architecture. Marke) Como Csndio- Wehaidi 5-50 IZ) Gwe —PYO Mb.gasora>efel.ubetz lo | (OyMoye) eS ees Ligaen Felumli hel tIoigrs (8 PS Pore totatrcl«ferepyOgle ® Sop pec aeae “Shylet Sook ©fv h +sCraps Giuk =) Peer IST So Scleels wag of A jldeg g 1 The penultimate design by Inigo Jones for the Banqueting Hall 2 A working drawing for Somerset House. 3 Barry and Pugin's Houses of Parliament. 4 The Great Hall at Westminster, just before its mid-nineteenth century restoration; itwas designed by the Board's master-carpenter Hugh Herland during the 1370s. (Print: Mansell Collection.) 5 Somerset House, designed by William Chambers in 1776, was the first purpose-built government office. Inigo Jones, Christopher Wren, Robert Adam, John Soane, even Geoffrey Chaucer are among the famous figures who have been employed by what could be called the most distinguished, and certainly the most ancient, architect's office in the land. The Office of Works (as the Property Services Agency was then known) was formed 600 years ago this year—an event which is being celebrated this month with an exhibition in London's Banqueting House.* Bur, of course, the Office of Works was (as is the PSA today) much more than just a design office. Under a clerk of works (a post held by Geoffrey Chaucer from 1389-1391) were gathered masterbuilders and craftsmen capable of maintaining and constructing major state buildings and royal residences. In 1615, when Inigo Jones became surveyor-general, an office structure was sect up which lasted for the next 100 years Under the chairmanship of the surveyor-general was a Board which consisted of master- masons, master-carpenters and acomptroller (who watched the money). During the period when Wren was surveyor-gencral (1669- 1718) the office reached its golden age with virtually all the country’s leading designers and craftsmen being employed by it Grindling Gibbons was master sculptor and carver in wood. John Vanburgh was comptroller between 1702-1726 and Hawks- moor was secretary to the Board from 1713-1718. After 1718, when Wren was replaced, the Board was reorganised with the various posts generally being held as sinecures by relative nonentities until William Chambers and Robert Adam became joint architects of the Works in 1761 (this was the first time in official history that the term ‘architect’ was used). Thereafter other distinguished architects again became involved with the Board—James Wyatt was surveyor-general from 1796- 1813, John Soane was an attached architect from 1814-1832. However, by the mid-nineteenth century the Board's responsibility had grown to such an extent that it became bogged down in what one can only suppose to have been a stifling bureaucracy. After about 1850 we find very few of the country’s leading architects employed directly by the Office, with most of its major building operations being undertaken (usually following competition) by leading architects in private practice, such as Gilbert Scott at the Foreign Office or Edmund Street at the Law Courts. This state of affairs continued well into this century. In 1940— *25 April-7 May, admission free. The Architects’ Journal 19 April 1978 PSA 600 J \ The Architects’ Journal 19 April 1978 Number 16 Volume 167 726 PSA 600 730 The editors 730 Notes and topics 732 Letters 734 RIBA Council 737 The week 740 743 745 761 775 See "Theroos thewhole Roof -and nothing but Contents NEWS AND COMMENT 600th anniversary of the Property Services Agency Small change from Healey Astragal on: GLC architects; RIBA future presidents; The army museum Defending the Anti Nazi League A national architectural service; SA schools get the chop; Salaried architects sat upon All-party support for Savidge; Budget brings little cheer; Workload up but jobs fall Hellman and Diary AJ INFORMATION LIBRARY Manufacturers’ catalogues helpful to the architect Coed Glas Assessment and Observation Centre Handbook of Sports and Recreational Design Glass reinforced cement 4 APPOINTMENTS Vacant posts and partnerships Registered as a newspaper Copyright © 1978 The Architectural Press Ltd 9 Queen Anne's Gate London, SW1H 9BY (01-930 0611) ISSN 0003-8466 Each feature of the AJ Information Library is CI/S{B classified and punck marks are provided. Further information about advertisements or Products file notes may be obtained from manufacturers by using one of the reply-paid folders on the last pages of this tsswe. theRoo TECTON the complete timber roofing system from Blacknell Timber has a lot of advantages. It’s light and easy to handle. It’s strong and rigid. It’s economical. It’s available. For al those reasons, if you have not specified The Tecton System before, now is the time. Tecton is the timber beam roofing system with the ability to support all types of decking over flat or sloping roofs. But its most important asset isthat itiscomplete. Blacknell developed it that way — even to the extent of taking care of fascias, and super- vision on site. That’s why throughout the country, Blacknell are recognised as experts in timber roofing. The Tecton roof provides the proof. Show us how quickly you can return this coupon and we’ll show you how Trade literature file Building study Section 3Indoor dry sports: Introduction Technical study @ coloured pages at end Blacknell Buildings Ltd., Westmead, Farnborough, Hants GUI47LB. Tel. 0252 44333. | Name __ Position _ A Add. SS SSF eS quickly we can provide aTecton roofing system. interested n rapid roofing Tell me abour Tecton. Subscription rates per paid £18 a year; abroad £44 a year (US and Canada $78); student rate £13°50 to members of a UK school of architecture. A reduced rate of £28 for a combined subscription to both The Architectural Review and The Architects’ Journal is available in the UK to architects or other members of the building dengn team and associated disciplines (see order form on last page of AJ). Single copies ef AJ: UK and Eire 32p (post paid 70p); overseas B5p (post paid £1°15). Back numbers more than 3 months old: UK and Eire £1 post paid; overseas £2 post paid. Your half-yearly volumes can be bound complere with index in cloth case for £11; carriage £1-20 extra. os tz (alea(|FRGaP)sje The Architects’ Journal 19 April 1978 The Architects’ Journal 19 April 19/% fae a 58 iT NTxa aDiy OANad get i l i 6 Institute of Geology, Edinburgh, 7 British Embassy, Rome, Sir Basil Spence & Partners for PSA. 8 Leicester Crown courts, Perspective designed by Midland Region PSA. pacemaker for high quality work across the range of PSA projects. Leading by example as Lacey puts it. The design panel was set up at the same time to review and discuss sensitive jobs. The pancl, made up of PSA board members including two architects from privatepractice, has a monthly programme of visits. Lacey reports considerable success with this system, but the object is not to achieve a PSA house style: "You can unify objectives not approach’ The design office on the other hand does seem to be producing 4 recognisable style. ‘We are after the logical and unpreten- tious,’ says Lacey. He sees the essentially domestic feeling of much contemporary PSA work aS springing naturally from the type of work being undertaken ‘T’'ve been keen to make sure that the design office doesn’t get all the plum jobs,’ says Lacey. As far as the future is concerned Lacey isrelatively confident. Workload is stabilising after a period of Government cut-backs, though its nature is changing. Most of the big defence projects are giving way to the programme of dispersing civil servants. The other mainstay is the Crown courts’ programme. Expansion in graduate recruitment is being sought by the agency and Lacey speaks glowingly of the committed and talented new recruits now coming to the PSA. As far as the PSA’s next 600th anniversary is concerned, Lacey hopes to see his years remembered for laying the foundations of an architecture which made ‘buildings humane, good places in which to work and for people to derive pleasure from’ 9 Worthing Crown Building, designed by Doman Hatton and PSA 10 Civil service block Liverpool, sketch axonometric, 11 Harlow telephone exchange. ‘The Architects’ Journal 19 April 1978 when the board was renamed the Ministry of Works—it had 6000 employees, which increased to 20 000 by 1946 and steadily gtew thereafter. Indeed, itwas to reverse the trend towards mediocrity that the Matthew Skillington report on ways of upgrading official architecture was produced in 1974. The report criticised the PSA for its ‘unsatisfactory and even daunting image’ and its con- clusion, accepted by the Government, asked for higher standards from the PSA ‘to influence for the better the environment as a whole’ As a result of this report Dan Lacey was appointed, in 1975, to a newly created top post with a brief to stimulate design awareness, At 55, Lacey is an architect who has spent his whole carcer in the public sector, rising to Notts county architect in 1958 and DES chief architect in 1964. From his 13th floor office at the DOE Marsham Street headquarters, Lacey, whose official title is director-general of design services, has care of more than 500 architects working on a £417 million annual programme. Apart from them, the PSA, which now employs almost 50 000 people, has civil and mechanical engineers, surveyors and estate managers among its professional ranks Talking to the AJ last week, Lacey looked back on his first three years as the most senior architect working for the Government. With his architects Scattered through 15 offices round the country, his approach has been at various levels, but Lacey sees his major function as being to introduce ‘values’. A first step was the establish- ment of a multi-disciplinary design office acting as a The Architects’ Journal 19 April 1978 Chopping Cutler The destruction of the GLC architecture department iscontinuing with accelerating speed. The latest butchery being considered by the cash-register-obsessed Tory administration is the abolition of the ILEA. If the Inner London boroughs produce a Conservative majority at the elections next month, the plan seems to be to push school building responsibilities back onto impoverished and ill-equipped boroughs. With housing already badly mauled, the total disappearance of school building would make the final rundown of the architecture department so much easier. Especially if, as is strongly rumoured in County Hall, the job of architect to the council goes to Fred Pooley, currently head of planning. Tory thinking seems to be that allowing Pooley to hold both jobs would leave both departments ripe for culling when Pooley retires in a couple of years time. 730 The Architects’ Journal 19 April 1978 —_— The architectural shop floor is coming in for attack too. “The productivity (in value terms) of GLC architects on construction work is about half the standard adopted by RIBA in the private sector’ wrote Tory GLC leader Horace Cutler in the March issue of the council’s staff gazette London Town. Horrific one might think. Get rid of the lot of them. And indeed this is what Cutler seems to be trying to do. ouwatw Ses i, SMALL CHANGE FROM HEALEY If you say it loud enough, they’ll all believe you. This seems to be the Government’s technique for dealing with the building industry. After the budget, Housing and Construction minister Reg Freeson claimed that £100 million had been injected into construction. Yet most of this bonus goes in equipping hospitals, paying for increases in the costs of school buildings already being built, and in help to householders to insulate their own roofs. Precious little new building or rehabilitation will result. The chancellor has apparently decided that he can buy off the industry by making sympathetic noises and by offering a few tax concessions to private partners. Environment secretary Peter Shore must be as disappointed as the building industry that Healey has not accepted the vital role the industry has to play in underpinning the industrial strategy. There were no tax concessions to spur factory building. And despite pleas from the industry’s representatives and from Shore, Healey has not seen fit to raise the level of public spending on building from its pitifully low level. In fact, including the £400 million which he gave the industry last autumn, he has only restored half the cuts in public spending he made in 1976 alone. No one wants to return to the overheated days of the early 1970s boom. But the quarter of a million unemployed building workers have a right to a higher level of investment in the industry. The industry’s pressure on Healey must not be relaxed. It must find MPs to fight for it in the Finance Bill battles when, in this Parliament, quite radical revisions of the chancellor’s budget policies are possible. But the productivity of GLC architects can be precisely measured by an ingenious Cost of Production Scheme which has stood up to the closest scrutiny by an all party members’ Steering group and an especially appointed assistant director general. All staff costs (including productive architects and non-productive staff) are measured on time sheets. To this is added departmental overheads and another 32-5 per cent as central ‘on costs’. If this is compared with costs of each project by the standard adopted by the RIBA in the private sector, then the productivity (in value terms) of GLC architects engaged in housing construction has worked out to be 30 to 45 per cent more than their private sector counter- parts in every year for the last 15 years. public who sources of <oanna - 22! 584") : A he U fs y buildings. arranged on The public \ Telephone 24017 k RE 31 March 1978 besa | MODERN REC ORDS GENT RE Ee i University of Warwick Library Coventry GV4 7AL Ext. 2014 Our Ref. R/RAS Dear Mr. Murray, My former colleague, Janet Druker, who is now engaged in full-time research, has passed me your enquiry of the 27th about the ABT records heres I enclose a check-list of these and information on the Centre. We should be pleased to make the papers available to you to study here; it is helpful if we could be given a few days' prior notice of your intention to visit. We look forward to your visit. Apart from the late summer bank holiday and the day » following, we expect to remain open throughout the led services on adjacent to or. University's summer vacation. peeronithe igtonSpa to On the architectural side of the question, you are probably aware of Alastair Service's Edwardian architecture (Thames & Hudson, 4977) and his collection of essays Edwardian architecture and its origins (1975), ir. both of which Gnclude material on the LCC's Architect's Dept. yetween the | Road Yours sincerely, R. A. Storey ® irs are 9.00 ns Encs- id9.00 a.m. and jar's Mr. J. Murray, 5 Milton Avenue, London N6- A rewrey wernerat euveney Buu Wie Walang med sd We West Midland No. 28A and No. 29A bus services start from Pool Meadow in the city centre. The 28A and 294A call at the Main Site of the University. vetanea inrormation about courses at the University is contained in the Guide to First Degree Courses and the graduate prospectuses, copies of which are on, obtainable on request from the Academic Registrar. s April 1977 De is ie Archivist University t yhich has a rom see ares eae ee Centre is part of a national network of repositories, Sa yocoupeuniversityandotherspecialisedarchives.The eee a enrecangivesomeadviceaboutotherpossible ical information and the principal guides to these. A selective guideOtNotheeerecentteeacrceesssions0fotherWesstMiMidlandsreposiitorieisis {| L | I COVENTRY, VVarwic = of . . University . Information for Visitors Access by rail The Euston/Coventry between the CV4 7AL TELEPHONE: COVENTRY (0203) 24011 The University is situated three miles south of Coventry and 1'/, miles north of Kenilworth, in Gibbet Hill Road off the Kenilworth — Coventry section of the A4G. pyar Access by road See the location plan inside. From Leamington Spa station Midland Red servicetso De Motorists should note the one-way traffic system in arr on the Main Site. Motoring times Birmingham 40 minutes, Kenilworth 10 minutes, Leamington 20 minutes, Leicestér 1'/, hours, London 2 hours, Oxford 1'/, hours. 517. 518, and 536 leave the bus station adjaceont the the railway station and pass Gibbet Hill Road way to Coventry. The journey from Leamington Gibbet Hill Road takes about half-an-hour. train service is half-hourly between 08.10 and 19.40 (journey time 11/, hours). There are also trains from Paddington via Reading, Oxford and Banbury to Leamington Spa, which is seven miles away from the University. Local bus services Footpath Visitors on foot should use the footpath East and Main Sites, and not Gibbet Hill Road. : The University welcomes members of the public who wish to see the campus and the University buildings. a ee ; F on LorSee a aeereSee ome Conductedvisitsforlargepartiesmaybearrangepdublic Sa Ceo ee oe big MeSemiiere ore prior;request:tothecaAecademic Reogeistrar.ThUeniv,ersit.y | are in particular invited to visit the bookshop, situated in the Arts Centre, whichare 9.00 wide range of books on sale. Opening Hours eeSee eSeSCRaeCaan eae a.m.top5.m1.5onp.m.,FridMaoyn.daytoThursday,and Midland Red bus services to Kenilworth¢, wWhiarwick, : S pe has2 eon ins Seana on ee see rat areTe MY ee Bee e. Uniwersitysine ane ; son je most frequent 9.00 a.m. pao lar's minutes. e ; 7 , and : also)pass the University. The bus stop for the University is Gibbet Hill Road; it is about five minutes walk from the stop to the East Site and fifteen to the Main Site. From Central Coventry Both the Midland Red and the West Midland No. 28A and No. 29A bus services Start from Pool Meadow in the city centre. The 28A and 29A call at the Main Site of the University. April 1977 De to 4.20 Detailed information about courses at the Universityandis contained in the Guide to First DegreeofCowuhriscehs are Registrar. on, 5 is copies obtainable on request from the Academic the graduate prospectuses, Spa to A ‘the Modern Records Centre is part of a national network of repositories, including city, county, university and other specialised archives. The staff of the Centre can give some advice about other possible sources of historical information and the principal guides to these. A selective guide to the recent accessions of other West Midlands repositories is maintained in the Centre. Je 2e 3e 4, De Modern Records Centre, University of Warwick Library, Coventry, CV4 7AL. RULES FOR RESEARCHERS WORKING IN THE MODERN RECORDS CENTRE 4. A Research Record form is to be completed on a researcher's first visit. 2. <A Deoument Requisition form is to be filled in for each request for material. 3. No smoking. 4, Pencil only to be used : no ink or ballpoint pens. 5. No documents may be marked. 6. Documents are not to be leaned on or have writing materials or other items laid on then. 7- Documents are to be returned to staff in the condition and order in which they are received by the researcher. August 1974. Q@re HULU UnUuGc. CU vei Ve 2we ewww ewwwnne How to find out about the Centre's holdings A Guide, describing principal accessions to June 1977, is available from the Centre, price £1.50 (inclusive of inland postage). New accessions are described in a quarterly Information Bulletin (No. 1, April 1974) and the appendices to the Centre's annual Reports give details of each year's accessions. Each accession receives a number in a running sequence (MSS.1, etc.). A numerically arranged Accessions Register with alphabetical index is maintained in the Centre. In due course check-lists or catalogues are compiled for each accession, and a set of these is held in the Centre. (Copies of most catalogues are also held in the National Register of Archives in London.) A Selective Index of names and subjects appearing in these catalogues is maintained on cards in the Centre. The Modern Records Centre is part of a national network of repositories, including city, county, university and other specialised archives. The staff of the Centre can give some advice about other possible sources of historical information and the principal guides to these. A selective guide to the recent accessions of other West Midlands repositories is maintained in the Centre. UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK LIBRARY THE MODERN RECORDS CENTRE Normal opening hours: 9 aeme - 5 Pee Monday - Thursday, 9 am. — 4 pem. Friday. Other times by arrangement. Address & Telephone no.: Modern Records Centre, University of Warwick Library, Coventry, CV4 7AL. Coventry 24011 ext. 2014 The object of the Centre is to collect and make available for research original sources for British political, social and economic history, with particular reference to labour history and industrial relations. How to find out about the Centre's holdings 4k. A Selective Index of names and subjects appearing in these catalogues is maintained on cards in the Centre. 5. The Modern Records Centre is part of a national network of repositories, including city, county, university and other specialised archives. The staff of the Centre can give some advice about other possible sources of historical information and the principal guides to these. A selective guide to the recent accessions of other West Midlands repositories is maintained in the Centre. The type of material held by the Centre includes signed minutes, correspondence files, runs of printed journals and ephemera of trade unions and other organisations and individuals, including some local political parties in the West Midlands. All material is kept in closed-access secure accommodation and may only be worked on in the Centre, under the supervision of its staff. Some deposits are held under conditions of restricted accesSe 16 A Guide, describing principal accessions to June 1977, is available from the Centre, price £1.50 (inclusive of inland postage). New accessions are described in a quarterly Information Bulletin (No. 1, April 1974) and the appendices to the Centre's annual Reports give details of each year's accessionSe 2. Each accession receives a number in a running sequence (MSS.1, etc.) open numerically arranged Accessions Register with alphabetical index is maintained in the Centre. 3e In due course check-lists or catalogues are compiled for each accession, and a set of these is held in the Centre. (Copies of most catalogues are also held in the National Register of Archives in London.) Classification of records held in the Centre As far as possible, a uniform scheme of arrangement and classification is applied to all accessions. The main classes are: /\ minutes (and related papers, such as 2xendas and reports) f2 financial records (e.g. account books, balance sheets) /3 correspondence (including subject files) /4 publications of the institution or individual creating the archive o /5 other publications /7 miscellaneous (this category may be subdivided in a number of ways, @efe by alphabetical suffixes: /7/LE legal papers (other than agreements: see 9 below); /7/ST staff records) [8 diaries /9 +agreements /10 press-cuttings {11 reports Examples: MSS.5/1/4 3 Accession 5, minutes series, volume 4 NSS.9/3/24 ote Accession 9, correspondence, file 24 ras 1/78 /6 sub-groups within a deposit (e.g. the personal papers of a member of an organisation handed over to it for safekeeping on retirement) MSS.78 ARCHITLOT ASSOCIATICN 1942 the AS! TANTS, PROFESSIONAL UNION later the VEYORS AND TLCHNICAL ASSISTANTS, from IG TECHNICIANS EC minutes 1919-29 (includes GC mins. 1919) & 1948-69. Council mins, 1943=42. With Kmergency ixece mins. 1938-9. Ceneral Council winse, 1942-69 AGM mins. 1919-69 with mins. of National Conventions 1919-26. Accounts bks., 1940's-60's. re sir-raid shelters & war-time building. Check-list by J. Druker, May 1977 e journal of the ABT, Mar 19/9-Nov 1968 (incomplete). tame j =C ubs. of the University of Warwick Library GUIDE TO THE MODERN RECORDS CENTRE, UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK LIBRARY compiled by Richard Storey & Janet Druker The Modern Records Centre was established within the University of Warwick Library in October 1973 with the aid of a grant from the Leverhulme Trust. Its object is to collect and make available for research primary sources for British political, social and economic history with particular reference to labour history and industrial relations. Since its foundation it has received records from several dozen trade unions, including numerous defunct or absorbed unions, and from a number of other organisations in the field of indus- trial relations. It also holds records from some pressure groups and special purpose organisations in other fields, as well as some West Midlands political records, business records and some important groups of personal papers. All except the smallest accessions received between October 1973 and May 1977 are described in the Guide temee published shertty. As well as a description of the records, each entry includes, where appropriate, background notes and bibliographical references. Entries are arranged in a classified sequence and a full index is provided. Occasional Publications No. 2 AS format, card covers. Price inclusive of inland postage and packing: £1.50 ISBN 0 903220 O1 6 June 1977 Onc afHe pote arjuntAs f afe bac ar tue 16 — GEE, APAFT. 15-378. hat ot bucgs tefe frt Ue tlahin-shp bsfoseer gually ad quantity 2] laboww ipinsted, Suiadiby Isa seal comapl aeft.di-d a plece --cA Yont It defoctha 1Schet aolafin%debate|yet bhAclussonsisto bawfhecerhalGutinra)arclulectarallpracecefr oe |e. quaranliz af qualily YAM Nnigag teal fifforavec wtul. He batis | tte ~ anclilicts bargair tugll.secu y : of quality asa aap? fe[etemsis fn arqualele OG ecaqusittier Hout?ThequalclyGfLhetuapronudtdaClatb}nai A>tteAeoity Spent or pone consoque-Th goon pect of write tel Ind done dnderictval tedncloridual tat Crete dab! smn - H fess a Averey Yoms yeaa Moree 2NU YWthhr be caleilalead (fy clfferers|o-flouléo yore tpThecat.Whalt|Pq cy, ae bent Hope coitl eit to thy irnf plasofqualdyfre. atin wots savy tout tor opouct guamnilets wally Lut lem quali Car oly de achive tHhbhe A Cyfyrr ansut of eboouv har bee eipadled a te fhrertuct. Tyr. ofent rey Soe Sate tucl qealily ton Lt achived an bewarlpud Tur«©nte tee Chata/tepresentRBAjoeScalePurqualdytlewe] kb ancalel. Gr addition He arelulcte urd fon Uo fees Wares not Cortef matiomals- rolatin ho qualdy but& rahe The fu avebule”gftcficspee quaiddyad ay pce te wut ot a ar allimalixe , te (fe will be turce argeal cal barelee nat +Thawllalse jaleowy font expo cted cceuy +f Yer ile gual ef + maleiel glicfucd » fofo!atsche ieee heLrintingeetragpnetegiv &das ole.Weqeavthd0XcantoVeusette,becauac , con Wane Hp A~-a-teve thin vert reduce te fee ork: ake Gp) Lacser6l al % B beducz Valse, faa a ShaslA ets xferdid ne Aprnrcpal toAAA. mM) C.creaae to prof? Jha Xiong fe scale rar be crn manistd a ae cotucl At ® netAte anCeleNtxlfefeddicebuildi~gcarsLutetuclAes spit. are A Ontese Wy MAU bualdnng Graliby. he qutstin Wwhelley Ha i¢a suka bass [ srcehy/) barvga- witt. Kearchutictiretpapsnn Y cde quali pb te crnertme ofprofesional conven of ORLA Sn fkbeatleaatlayfteh&e¢hbobelaClebacofiVemee)jeSal Ke only qparilfabteehemeut ® @) arehcabpetuyo—ThaDoaneAoacriodAg[Shisee- |"Guokionafie aghoat Quality] t“hore nocoraany Hemd quatelyae ae ,2 carMaeyyoot tzHightfu patteMightprice. eRener + RS [wot a 4 4LXMC_« band Shut Le cul a2 bp “54eee amycgoufafdsalbotwood. ie eck A lilceeenney |i ee ej | Se ee AatheGeatoled—(asCeLESEL oe Ke19%ot." aeChrorebAtulweLaveceatrable_tefa+29 ; «|publi.aed.oficln¢ WO naibie_1faseHle" |eiHeiclohgae EhAGflorFiley.FleIZ 1a)a ERMatha ear, by eer &, Say Lr1949 ue MeNon=ple cirBE | WeA-= treet ; 5 7Ga DN ei ce MAL Digithete ae. eae Iealicheetes CoH oo 20Sformewap«a paeeta tie cabotsigee AderspateBaaMMAge | pe date te eta a |eu he re ae 4i BA covetcolape iE 0 ae ef | tlepusaty pacticehoa|<I Lalrf-d 4a | caeweg ey paFeeSS er es o} v8 ug t a‘e an » evan Green Yellow Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Building Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2 December 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/d6f06ac91b95b00e4eeb418a3bf465ba.pdf fcd88a0bfdea344549ae7adb39f2a8ed Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Outlines Subject The topic of the resource 2015 The ARCUK Initiative. 5 page introduction to NAM's ARCUK involvement Description An account of the resource NAM OUTLINES - 2015 The ARCUK Initiative This commentary has been prepared to assist in the process of reprising the history of the New Architecture Movement in 2015 for the possible interest of a new generation of students and researchers forty years after NAM's original foundation in 1975. It is one of a series of short summaries that it is hoped to produce for this purpose and intended to identify and focus on particular aspects of NAM's activities. This Outline looks back at what I shall call 'The ARCUK Initiative'. It might not be too gross a generalisation to suggest that NAM's activities were of two broad types — 'outward facing' and 'inward facing'. In the former category might be placed its various engagements in community architecture, the interest in direct labour organisations (DLO's), linkage with the Feminist Movement and the initiative towards establishing a public design service within the framework of municipal democracy. In the latter category were those activities directed towards mobilizing a general critique of the architectural profession at the time — unionisation of the salaried profession and support staff, the development of cooperative models of practice, etc. NAM's engagement with ARCUK (Architects' Registration Council of the United Kingdom) may be best placed in the 'inward facing' category inasmuch as it was motivated by the desire to understand and re-appraise the governance structures of the profession itself. To appreciate the relevance of this rather obscure-seeming body, ARCUK, to a movement such as NAM one has to understand the pre-disposing 'in-grown' culture of the contemporary profession and specifically its principal organization, the RIBA, which was largely controlled by principals in private practice and seemed to epitomise the elitism and exclusivity of architecture, its predominantly 'top-down' organisation and its apparent inaccessibility to 'the common man'. Even the (then) quite considerable investment in social housing — the building type perhaps most directly relevant to ordinary people - was generally pursued through various surrogate procurement processes that avoided any actual or meaningful engagement with the supposed beneficiaries. The RIBA, an institution established by royal charter and dating from 1834, seemed not to offer any very accessible or likely means of changing this situation. The ARCUK — a statutory registration body established by Parliament in 1931 to regulate entry to the profession and use of the title 'architect' - did however have more 'secular' credentials and also presented opportunities for access through the statutory mechanisms for creating its governing Council as defined in Schedule 1 of the 1931 Act. These provided for a range of representation by various architectural associations and also several other bodies connected with the building industry, including trade unions. Within the architectural constituency provision was made for pro-rata representation (1 delegate per 500 members, or part thereof) of those architects who were not members of any of the associations named in the Act — a definition for which the term 'Unattached Architects' was commonly used. Unlike other representatives on the ARCUK Council, who were generally just appointed annually by their sponsoring organizations, the Unattached were elected by their peers — a democratic feature which added to its attraction as a vehicle for NAM's interest. From the mid-70s accordingly (dates to be checked) an increasing number of NAM members began to stand for election to ARCUK, soon forming a coherent grouping within the Council that could present an alternative position to the long-standing orthodoxy of the (majority) RIBA representation. Apart from forming a distinct bloc within Council itself, the NAM delegates were also able to participate in the work of its various committees — Admissions, Professional Conduct, Finance & General Purposes, Disciplinary — by virtue of a convention known as the Gentlemen's Agreement, whereby token representation was accorded to minorities in Council by the RIBA, whose membership quota of course always ensured their continuing majority in all committees and council. In this way NAM gained a platform for the presentation of what might be termed an oppositional stance within an organisation which had hitherto functioned as little more than a statutory rubber stamping agency for RIBA policy. From the fairly wide range of topics that came before ARCUK over this period (c. 1976- 1982 — dates to be checked) the one that in retrospect seems to have dominated (apart from NAM campaigning for majority lay representation on Council) was the issue of the mandatory minimum fees (MMF). Adherence to the MMF was one of a number of stipulations imposed by the RIBA Code of Professional Conduct, which in all essentials was given quasi-statutory force by being endorsed (via the RIBA majority) through the ARCUK Code — at the time an almost identical series of prohibitions imposed on all registered architects. The MMF required architects to charge minimum fees according to a sliding scale that related remuneration to construction value and building type. This ensured, at least theoretically, that no architect could undercut a fellow professional for undertaking similar services on similar projects, and that a potential client would therefore be left to select his/her architect solely on the basis of 'quality'. Looking back some 35 years later, and in light of the minefield that architectural procurement has since become, it might be thought that such a system had much to recommend it. However, regardless of NAM's interventions, the profession's fee cartel (as well as many of its other 'closed shop' conventions) was already doomed. Successive governments had looked with disfavour on what it regarded as a professional monopoly and in the late 1970s the Monopolies and Mergers Commission was tasked to investigate fee practices within the architectural profession. The de facto existence of a monopoly was easy to establish, amply passing the defined industry threshold, and was reportedly one of the most total monopolies the MMC had ever investigated — virtually every professional respondent acknowledging that they charged fees according to the MMF. The particular aspect of this that was of concern to NAM was the RI BA's defence of the MMF on the basis that it operated 'in the public interest' — when it quite clearly served primarily the interest of the profession. As a chartered (or registered) professional, it was claimed, the architect owed a special duty of care to the public which could only be ensured by maintenance of the MMF. The flaw in this argument seemed to NAM observers to go to the heart of the disingenuous relationship between the architect and his clients. If this, as was alleged by the RIBA lobby, was the subject of a special duty of care — ie. in effect an oath — it should logically be honoured regardless of considerations of money. If architects were to be trusted to serve the interests of their clients in the utmost good faith they should also be trusted to charge whatever fees were appropriate, without these being artificially fixed through a professional cartel. The MMC duly concluded that the MMF could not be justified under fair trading standards and the necessary orders were laid before Parliament to abolish it. In retrospect it might be suggested that the abandonment of the MMF — whether or not of benefit to the public - has done nothing but damage to the profession. Yet it must equally be acknowledged that the profession's subsequent readiness to cut and undercut its fees has exposed the flimsiness of the 'oath' of utmost good faith that was claimed as its justification. If the architectural profession deserved to be regarded as synonymous with a special quality of service (as compared with unqualified practitioners), then it could have maintained its solidarity and have demonstrated that this legitimately deserved a commensurate level of remuneration regardless of the MMF. Irrespective of NAM's interventions, given the advancing culture of deregulation (not just in architecture) and the proliferation of alternative modes of building procurement that began to accelerate in the later 1970s and 80s it is inconceivable that the MMF could have survived. At the time however it was the way in which it appeared to operate as another barrier between the profession and the public that attracted NAM's attention, and it is in this respect - in the context of the rise of 'community architecture' and other such secularizing programmes - that the ARCUK initiative (of which by virtue of the Code of Conduct the MMF issue was an intrinsic element) may be seen as an integral part of NAM's overall reforming aspirations. Regarding the other principal focus of NAM's interest in ARCUK, namely the move towards majority lay representation - which we regarded as only equitable for a body claiming to represent the public interest in relation to the profession — it may also be suggested that the objective was eventually achieved, albeit through the ARB (Architects' Registration Board) the statutory agency superseding ARCUK and established by the Architects' Act 1997. The Board comprises 15 members, of which 7 are architects and the remaining majority of 8 are lay persons. In this way the ARB may be seen to act as a 'secular' counterbalance to the RIBA, which remains a 'trade association' for architects and which despite repeated attempts to abolish, or take over, the functions of the registration body has (to date) been unable to do so. Indeed it may be suggested that the RIBA's prevailing stance of latent hostility towards the ARB now that the registration agency is no longer under its control is evidence of the discomfort that a public interest body continues to cause the professional establishment. John Allan, February 2015 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource J Allan Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a73afa35b5014f23b178ce980e456d1b.pdf 640675f7decf8c56d9a0b9d993b684fb Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource <p><span style="font-weight:400;">Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. </span></p> <ul><li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</span></li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM PDS RESEARCH 1978 Subject The topic of the resource A file of several papers used as research for the PDS Group Description An account of the resource = CU rs G} Joint Centre for Regional Urban and Local Government Studies J G Smith Building UniversityofBirmingham PO Box 363 Birmingham B15 2TT Telephone 021 472 1301 extn 2143 Cables Inlogov Birmingham Telex Spacephys B’ham 339838 CentreforUrbanandRegionalStudies InstituteofLocalGovernmentStudies Director Professor A S Travis 14th April, 1978. s Unfortunately, I can recommend no material in this library of direct relevance to the subject you are studying. Of course we have the normal abstracting and indexing sources such as Departments of Environment and Transport Library Bulletin and Urban Abstracts and so on which you may well have found in other libraries. The only reference which may be of use to you is "Professionalism and the role of architects in local authority housing" by Peter Malpass in RIBA Journal, June 1975. Of course you are welcome to come up to Birmingham and use our facilities at anytime although we do not loan material to anyone outside the Centre. I am sorry I could not help you further. Yours sincerely, Mem A. R. NEWSON Librarian. Mr. John Murray, 5 Milton Avenue, London, N.6. Dear Mr. Murray, Director Professor J D Stewart Thank you for your letter concerning your research into architectural departments in local authorities. a Curs 9) J G Smith Building University of Birmingham PO Box 363 Birmingham B15 21T Telephone 021 472 1301 extn 2143 Cables Inlogov Birmingham Telex Spacephys B’ham 339838 CentreforUrbanandRegionalStudies InstituteofLocalGovernmentStudies Dear Mr. Murray, Yours sincerely, A. R. NEWSON Librarian. Director Professor A S Travis 14th April, 1978. Director Professor J D Stewart Joint Centre for Regional Urban and Local Government Studies Mr. John Murray, : 5 Milton Avenue, London, N.6. v4 Thank you for your letter concerning your research into architectural departments in local authorities. Unfortunately, I can recommend no material in this library of direct relevance to the subject you are studying. Of course we have the normal abstracting and indexing sources such as Departments of Environment and Transport Library Bulletin and Urban Abstracts and so on which you may well have found in other libraries. The only reference which may be of use to you is "Professionalism and the role of architects in local authority housing" by Peter Malpass in RIBA Journal, June 1975. Of course you are welcome to come up to Birmingham and use our facilities at anytime although we do not loan material to anyone outside the Centre. T am sorry I could not help you further. geriatric ward by sin reciting and will also behanding ing A outEaster“®andpresents defeated. A COMMUNIST candidate who strongly youth centre on Broadwater Farm opposes racism is to stand in the Borough Elections in West Green ward. Mr Terry Heath, 44, has represented Estate and for more full-day nurseries in Haringey. He intends to mobilise public campaigns involving community groups the Broadwater Farm Tenants and trade unions to defend and improve Association in regular meetings with the council for the past five years, and has been involved in campaigns against rent increases and for better conditions on the estate. If elected, he says he will fight for a public services and for more jobs He is a full time official of the Union of Construction, Allied Trades and Technicians (UCATT), the building workers union. Terry Heath Joins ight Royal Institute of British Architects 66 Portland PlaceLondonW1N4AD SM/DR 26th April 1978 Mr. Murray, 5, Milton Avenue, LONDON N6. Dear Mr. Murray, Architects! Field of Employment With reference to our telephone conversation of today, the figures below represent the most readily available. All figures from 1970 to 1977 are based on Earnings Surveys. I found a rather ancient document which was also derived from an Darnings Survey, which includes some of the figures you require for 1950. I have enclosed a complete copy of this, as you may find the comments of interest. Employment Distribution of Architects 16h 1970meno72 elo(Onee1D Principals in Private Practice 26.0 29.6 29.1 27.0 27.6 Employees in Private Practice 24.1 19.2 20.5 20.0 17.6 localAuthorities POOeeolez31613163 Central Govt. & National Boards 10.5 11.9 9.8 131 14.4 Education Other Private Employment Yours sincerely, AG rnthe~ Sheila Miller (Mrs) Statistician 2.7 3.3 35.0 3-3 8.0 8.6 6.0 5.0 (All figures are percentages) 3.0 6.1 > 01-580 5533 Ext. 261 "\ and local organisations. Outside the Town Hall a view often express-— ed is that the Council is run by a hier- archy of paid officials and not by the 64 elected members. The new Council intends to ensure that this is not the case, I am pleased that this Labour administration 1s the support of the Conservative yinority group in condueting a thorough This committee meets in public and anyone interested is welcome to attend (see page 2 for timetable). Representatives of our staff and works sides sit on the committee as advisers, which emphasises that we are definitely not aiming to make cuts,create redundancies or run down any of our essential services to the community. While we are likely to be proposing changes in our management and committee procedures, our objectives are to improve the Council's services to, and relation= ships with, the public and to make I am sure most people agree that there is much room for improvement so far as the Council is concerned, On the next pages are some notes setting out the main sub- jects being looked at by the Special Review Committee, However we are interest- ed in positive suggestions on any aspects of the Council's operations (not individ- ual cases or grievances please),.Further background information is included later in the bulletin, to make the changes which are needed, It is vital for the future of Lambeth that together we really do succeed in this goal. Councillor Bryn Davies LAMBETH eas a issued on behalf of the Spe Review Committee by the Public Relations Office, a LambethTownHal,BrixtonHil,SW21RW. AUGUST 1978 For additional copies or information contact Pat Cox (274 7722 ext 50: internal 233) YOU TELL US review of the organisation and work of the Council. A Special Review Committee of Send your comments by 15 September if possible to the Chairman of the Special councillors of both parties has been set up which will complete its work within a vear. Any urgent or obvious changes can be made as the work proceeds. Review Committee, Lambeth Town Hall, Brixton, SW2 1RW. You will get a chance to comment on our specific proposals early next year, Help your new Council (Introduction by Deputy Leader of the Council and Chairman of the Special Review Committee). This"#reen paper” seeks the views of local people on how their local authority should be organised and run. Comments are also effective the involvement of the elected councillors in the making of policies and decisions. This after all, is what open government is all about. invited fromthe Council's 9,000 employees, their trade unions, members of the Council 15 Sept.1978 4 Oct.1978 18 Oct 1978 19 Oct.1978 15 Nov.i978 29 Nov.1978 13 Dec.1978 Ist week in January 1979 15 Feb.1979 7 Mar.1979 21 Mar.1979 April cycle ending with Council meeting 2.5.79) Committee meeting to con- sider draft initial report for consultation with members, staff and the community. Publish draft initial report inviting comments by 15th February. Closing date for submission of comments on the draft initial report, (i.e. allowing about 6 weeks for consultation). report, 2 Council meeting to consider the final report for implementation from the Council's Meeting in May 1979, Annual with effect ; PROGRAMME FOR SPECIAL REVIEW COMMITTEE Closing date for submission of comments on the Discuss— ion Document. Committee meeting "to rec-— eive replies and, if appropriate, invite oral evidence and also consider published works on manage- ment", Committee meeting to receive replies and consider final Committee meeting to consider preliminary draft Proposals, If any conclus- ions finalised on short term changes or otherwise recommendations can be Submitted to the Council, Meetings can be arranged in this cycle if it has not been possible for the Committee to complete its work by 7th March, THE PRINCIPAL ISSUES Committee meeting to receive oral evidence, "To review the organisation of the work of the Council including the structure of the Council's committees and departments", 1.2 In order to carry out their work the Committee are anxious to obtain information and Opinions on as wide a basis as possible: not Council meeting to receive outline report on evidence received and any firm ideas under consider- ation. Council meeting to rec- eive any recommendations which may have been finalis-— ed by the Committee on 15th November, le Introduction 1.1 The notes which follow concern the review of the Council being undertaken by the Special Review Committee which was established by the Council at their meeting on May 24th, 1978. The Committee was Given the following terms of reference:— 2. The format of these notes 2el The notes which follow outline the five principal issues in which the Committee are particularly interested, and provide background material against which those intending to give evidence to the 3- Evidence 3.2 Ewidence for the review should be sent to the Chairman of the Special Review Committee, Lambeth Town Hall, Brixton Hill, Swe 1RW. The Committee would be grateful if it could be sent in no later than 15thSeptember, 1978. 4, Issue One: Policy formation and implementation 4.1 The Committee wish to have views on how and where the Council should create its policy and the way in which it should establish its priorities between these policies. In particular how can policy options be presented openly to members with information on their different effectse On the basis of the policies which have been decided how can the Council best monitor and review the way in which these policies are being carried out? In what way should the Council control and deploy its principal resources of finance, land and personnel? 4,2 At present the Council has a Community Plan, a Borough Development Plan, in course of preparation under town planning legisla- tion, and an Annual Budget. What role should the preparation and implementation of such plans and similar approaches have in the Council's work? How should the Council carry out its longer term thinking and research? 5. Issue : Committee structure 5.1 The Review Committee have to report on what is the appropriate Committee structure for the Council. At present, the main principle upon which the Committee structure is based is that all activities of the Council should be classified by their objectives and services contributing to the same general objectives should as far as practicable be grouped under a single Committee. 5.2 The Committee would welcome views on what should be the responsibilities, powers, number and size of the Council's Committees. How can these committees be run so as to take effective decisions in the most efficient way that is desirable? What form of co-ordination and control is needed between the Council's various activities as carried out by different committees? At present, cmsiderable reliance is placed on a Policy Committee to achieve this. 5-3 Because of the considerable and detailed nature of much of the Council's work a lot of issues are delegated to Sub-Committees, Committee Chairmen and the Council's principal officers. What role should such delegation of powers play in the Council's operations, is there scope for further delegation and how should the exercise of such delegated powers be monitored and controlled? . : 5-4 To assist in their work the Council co-opts non-councillors to some committees. What value do such co-options have, and to what extent should the Council use this provision? How should the authority's employees be ok2 Committee can give their own views. The notes are not intended to restrict the nature of the evidence; nor is there any necessity to comment on all the matters raised in them. 3.1 The Committee may wish to include in their reports, extracts from the evidence sent to them. In the absence of statements to the opposite effect, the Committee will assume that they are free to use the evidence in their reports if they wish to do so. 8. Issue Five: Devolution of powers 4 involved (under present law voting membership of committees is prohibited)? Committees have also established a considerable number of sub-committees, working parties and policy groups; what should be the role and function of such bodies within an improved Committee atxcucture? 6. Issue Three: The e of the illor 6.1 The Committee are particularly concerned to consider what are the appropriate role, powers and functions of Councillors and would welcome views on the following points. Is there a need for a greater involvement of individual members, in particular backbenchers, in the making of council policy and its administration? If so, how is this best to be achieved? To what extent should Councillors be in touch with all the Council's activities and how can -phis be facilitated? Alternatively, should Councillors be assisted and epnouraged to exercise their specialist interest and if so what ways? 6.2 What information do Councillors require to exercise their functions most effectively and how should this information be supplied? What other services do Councillors need as ward representatives and in ® particular how can they be assisted to deal with their individual case work? Te Issue Four: + structure 7.1 At present the management structure of the Council is based on a corporate approach. The intended aim is to enable each of the Council's policies and the allocation of resources to be considered in relation to each other. The cornerstone of this structure is the Board of Directors. The Committee are interested in views as to whether the stated aim is being achieved in practice and if not how can it be improved? In particular can the problems of comprehension involved in any attempt to oversee the whole of the Council's activi- ties be overcome and if so how? 7.2 The Committee will also wish to consider whether there are alternative structures which would better serve the Council's needs. Would a structure based more on departments be better or is there scope for a mare generalist approach to solving the Council's problems? In particular should a project based approach, as has already been adopted to some extent in Housing Action Areas, be used on a wider basis? ) 8,1 The Council's intention is to make the Town Hall machinery more accessible to and responsive to the needs of local people. The Comaittee are interested in receiving views on how this can be achieved. In particular they will wish to consider whether the Council should delegate some of its powers to lower tier bodies on either a functional or a geographical basis. If some form of area Ranagoment were adopted,what functions and decisions would it be appropriate to delegate and how would any such geographical areas be determined? What effect would such delegation have on the Council's RPanagement structure? 8.2 In more general terms how can more local involvement in the aotivities of the Council be achieved? How should the Council open up its processes and what information should be provided to strengthen this involvement? SOME BACKGROUND NOTES ELECTED COUNCILLORS The Council consists of 64 councillors representing the 22 wards into which the borough is divided. Twenty wards elect three councillors each, two wards two councillors each, The Mayor who may be a man or woman is elected by the Council each year from among their members. He or she is the chief citizen of the borough and plays an active role as civic representative in the public life of the community, is chairman of the Council and also presides at Council meetings. Politics play an integral part in the itish democratic system at local as well ~ at national level. Anyone who complies with statutory requirements may stand for election at the four-yearly borough elect- ions, but it is the practice of the major political parties to put up most of the candidates, After the election, party groupings continue to play an important role in shaping Council policies, operating in a similar way to those of the House of Commons. At present Labour hold a majority of about two to one over the Conservatives. The Leader of the Council, who is also Chairman of the Policy Committee is selected hy the majority party group from among its membership. The minority party group selects one of its members to be Leader of the Opposition, These political groups also appoint their own officers such as Whips, to help them promote their Wei cise interests in accordance with ir election manifestos. In most cases, members combine Council work which involves attendance at evening Council and committee meetings with ther full-time jobs. They are entitled to a small attendance allowance when particip- ating in official meetings, but otherwise they work voluntarily. COUNCIL MEETINGS The Council meets once every six weeks (August excepted) at the Town Hall at 7pm on Wednesdays, The agenda and minutes are printed and canbe seen at any public library and are available on application from the Information Centre at the Town Hall. Council meetings and most committee meet—- ings are open to the public and press. Tickets can be obtained at the main entrance to the Town Hall on the day of the meeting. WORK OF THE COUNCIL You can get an idea of the Council's activities, how much they cost and future proposals from the Lambeth Community Plan published annually, setting out the Council's policies and forward planning The Community Plan is divided into seven volumes covering different Council services, each volume dealing with one or more of the Council's committees, Copies are available for reference at all public libraries and also for purchase at the Town Hall, The Community Plan is revised each year in an extensive planning process, involving all members of the Council, leading up to the making of the rate in the Spring. However, throughout the year there remain many other decisions to be made in order to implement the Community Plan policies, Most of this work is carried out by nine major committees cach responsible for a group of services. Some of these committ— ces appoint sub-committees to deal with certain aspeets of their work, In addit- ion, the Council appoints a policy committee to give guidance to overall strategy and corporate planning. During a six-week period each committee usually meets once and at the end of the six week cycle a full Council meeting is held at which each committee reports its decisions or makes recommendations to the Council. As the volume of business to be dealt with during the Municipal year is so great certain decisions are delegated to committees, sub-committes, chairmen and directors without reporting back to the full Council. Lambeth's committee meetings are open to the press and public, but there are some matters which have to be kept private for the time being and are discussed E after the public part of tle meeting,such as the buying of land or property, possible redevelopment proposals, legal procedures, contracts and items concerning individual people or families. : THE COMMITTEES Policy Formulating the Annual budget strategy. General co-ordination of policy and administration. Amenity Services Libraries, swimming pools and aeratone baths, sports, arts and recreation Planning and Development Local development plans, development facilities; entertainments Spaces, childrens playgrounds; town-twinn- ing, hiring out of public halls. Construction Services ————eeee Building and housing maintenance, rehabil- itation, conversion and construction, Finance and General Purposes Social Services eS SES. Health and Consumer Services Environmental health, food hygiene, control of noise and air pollution control of factories, registration trades, food and drugs licensing functions, consumer protection and advice,schvol milk, registration of charities, births, deaths public baths and Laundries, promotion of publie and home safety, Housing Management and maintenance of Council dwellings. Housing advisory service, provision for homeless under Council's purchase improvement areas and housing action areas, Management Services a e aEeee parks and open of specific street trading, and marriages, families, mortgages scheme. General control, town planning, ions, employment matters, Public Services patSAnLa planning applicat- MANAGEMENT STRUCTURE Continuous assessment and amendment of a Community Plan setting out the broad pattern of proposed changes in and the development of services in relation to the financial and other resources avai lable New roads, traffic management schemes, road cleansing, refuse collection, street lighting, trees, sewerage (as agents for the Thames Water Authority) drainage, flood prevention, public conveniences, cemeteries and crematoria, maintenance of Council transport, and regularly monitoring its implementation, Control of all Council financial trans- actions, rates, raising of loans, insurance, Superannuation and investments, central public and community relations, neighbour- hood councils, Mayoralty, clectoral registration, elections, The management structure of the Council is organised into ten directorates, Each is headed by a director responsible to the Chief Executive for the management and effective operation of the directorate, Between them Lambeth directorates have a combined work force of officers and Children's services, welfare of old people and physically and mentally handicapped, travel concessions, The ten directorates are listed on the chart following. This also shows the main services provided and the relationship of) directorates with committees, Staff matters, recruitment, training, promotion and working conditions, manual staff of about 9,000, The Chief Executive is the Council's principal adviser and head of the Council's administration, He is chairman of the Board of Directors which aets as the foeal point of the co-ordination of advice and information to the Council's committees, SNOILONN4 ONY 3HNLONYLS LNIWADVNYW ~H 147 40 HONOWOE NOGNOT anya induiod | sean | | | DIIA195 JH WOG LANIT) HOMIEN | UBIS “sUONeDUNUIWOD serjuieig “SPIE, ssapRUIOH Asiong (yowuos pus uByt8g Ave Guiuiers | 3UIWIO|AAIG 199185 | Divas woydajay MAUOF OPINIIH| WEDD) — aeersnusy suOneruNWWO? JOHPPOWWOIIy bulUUrig sa6sey2 PUP; 1207) |Guiness VONtpOWWOIIy jPUYQeIsSeHUMOL ‘uondopy pue Buus, “98S SPupUNe?) 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REOODOODOOHAOO¢ WLA2 7®@ ine EP Mat Reward - 6066000000000 0008008 = HARINGEY O°"T2AL AREA +LEADER'S CONFERENCE (COMMITTEE STRUCTURE) Notes of conclusion of meeting held on 15 February 1978 OF 27 FEBI978 err RECEIVED COMMITTED STRUCTURE TERMS OF REFERENCE AND DELEGATION POWERS AND OUTSIDE REPRESHULALTICN D,_- SUBORDINATE BODIES 17 COMMITTEES Considered the discussion document prepared by the Chief Executive ana Borough Secretary and Solicitor and arising therefrom dealt with the following matters so as to enable more detailed consideration to be given at a subsequent meeting. A. OBJECTIVES The purpose of this review of the Committee Structure, with consequential adjustments to the Terma of Reference and Delegation.of Powers, ig to suostantinlly reduce the number of evening commitments for Members by reducing the number of bodies constructing the Committee structure, limiting membersaip thereof, and ensuring that the decision making machinery is effective and efficient. The review is necessary not only because total membership of the Council is reduced from 70 to 59 from May, but because Members commitments, particularly meetings, have reached unacceptable levels. B. POLICY MAKING Agreed that the present arrangements, whereby matters requiring policy guidance etc are referred to the Policy Advisory Group (or specially to a Leader's Conference) whose advice, if approved by Majority Group, is relayed to the Service Committees for implementation,is an effective system and should continue. Agreed further that the creation of a Policy Committee is not necessary. % Officers were asked to >eport upon ways of achieving this broader delegation, together with such checks and limitations that may be necessary; levels of decision making,and the eiministrative arrangements to give effect thereto. G. BASE FOR COMMITTEE STRUCTURE Considered whether the structure should be Service based, or Area based with ‘mini Councils! controlling the requiren ats of areas. Acreed that a Service based structure broadly similar to present arrangements should continue. : Considered that Service Committees should be made more autonomous by considerably relaxing central controls exercised in relation to Terms of Reference and Delegation of Powers, estimates and budgetary control, staffing matters, land transactions ete. The function of central resource committees should be to provide broad guidelines for Service Conmittees who should operate within such guidelines with only exceptions being subject to Central Committee consideration -and approval. }. Service Committees shou.d themselves control the delegation of powers to their Bubordinate groups; control changes in their expenditure within their approved total expenditure; approve staff changes within approved guidelines and approve land transactions and, possibly some planning matters within approved policies. In principle, these should ;onsist broadly oft- . ,G. DIVISION OF COMMITTEE FUNCTIONS t —_——<— 1. Sub-Committees mecting regularly within the time-table, having delegated powers for a continuing purpose, a formal agenda, serviceé by the Secretariat, and open to the press and public. 9. Civis Amenities Committee to carry out the ‘unctions of the present Committes with the addition of Community Development and Town Twinning. 2. Panels created by the Committce and consisting of three members having formal business to conduct preferably by correspondence and meeting only as and when required. Serviced! by the Secretariat. 3, Working Parties who are appointee for a specific pirpose only, have a Limited life and meet informally. Services by appropriate service officers to consult and advise. The Tercs of Reference and Delegation of Powers for these subordinate bodies would rest wich the parent committees. E, SERVICING OF MEETINGS ‘The servicing of formal meetiigs by the Committee Division of the Borough Secretariat will be controlled by) the allocation of staffing resources within which the Committee must contain its activities. Any escalation of meetings requiring additional resources wil require Council approval. ' Recommend that an allocation of committees broadly as frllows be examined in detail: 1. Manacement_and Finance to carry out the presert functions of the .General Purposes, Finance and Personnel and Manement Committees, --=-Texsept for Comnunity Development, Area Managemet and Town Twinning. ‘2, (Public) Worke Committee to carry out the functions of the Highways and Works Panel, al direct labour works and the ac:ivities of the Borough .-Architect. 3. Planning and levelopment Committee to carry out the functions «cf the present Commitiee, less those allocated to the “ublic Works Committee, but with the acdition of Area Management. . 7 4, Rousing Committee broadly in line with present Terms of Reference. ‘5. Sorzial Services Committee broadly in line with present Terms of Reference. ) “6. Education Comm.ttee broadly in line with present Terms of Reference. F.CCMMITTERSTRUCTURE PeTee ig fi b GeneraZly it is considered that each Committee should be directly responsible for sor) main function.s) and that the number of sub-ordinate bodies should be restricted to essential subordinate areas but they be given a wide measure of delegation to enable their functions to be properly performed. The current nusher of appointed bodies excluding staff and employee consultation is 47. A division of functions is proposed which vould have this. . ; ae Tenancy Selection Panel. 5. Social Services Committee with only an Apneals Panel. forking Parties to 2e appointed for ‘one-off' functions as needed. It is also suggeszed that certain membe:s be designated to tase a special interest in specific functions. 6. Education Joumittee to be assisted by Schools Sub-Committee whose functions will be enlarged to include those of the present Boarding and Independent Schools Panel, and Further Education Sub-Committee to whose finctions will be added ‘hose of the Youth and Community Services Sub-Committee. All remaining functione, including Development will be direct responsibility of the Committee. 7- Civic Amenities Committee will be directly responsible for Recreational Services baths, parks, allotments, recreation, entertainment and Catering’ and to be assisted by a Public H2alth Panel ox Sub-Committee to embody the functions of health, safety and protection, cemeteries and crematorium, and Cleansing and Transz0rt; a Libraries, Museum _and trts Panel to which would be added Town twinning; and a Community Development Panel. H. TERMS OF REFERENCE Oi".cers yere asked to report upon Terms of Reference and Delegation of Funstions to give effect to the revised Committee Structure and division of funstions, including those contained in Paragraph © (Base for Committee Structure) and land and planning control. The report to cover the legal requirements and other implications of the proposed allocation. Ofricers shoul¢d consult Chairmen of Committees as they consider desirable. “The suggested division and subordinate bodies are:— 1. Manazement and Finance Committee to be directly resnonsible for the residual functions of the present General Purposes and Finance Committee, and to be assisted in Personnel and Management functions by a Personnel Sub-Committee whose responsibilities will include Work Study and O & M matters, job evaluation, appeals and personnel matters concerned with staff and employees, other than teachers. Staff and employee representatives currently_ attending Personnel and Management Committee to be invited to attend the Sub-Committee. A Finance Panel of 3 Members will function as the present Panel meeting only 2 or 3 times per year. A Disciplinary Panel to be appointed by the Chairman to meet only as required. To continue to monitor the Working Party for Unemployed Younes People pending its review. oe 3. Planning and Development Jommittee to be directly rssponsible for Central Area. IGS have Development Control Sub-Commistee, Employment (or Development) Sub-Committee, Land Act Acquisition 2anel, and for the Area Manaement Advisory Sonmittee to continue but as another Sub- Committee. 4, Housing Committee to be itself responsible for housing management and to be assisted by aNew WorksSub-Committees and aRehavlitatiSoubns Lomittee (both subject to evaluation of workload) and io appoint a I, STAFefe LOY OoUSUMINEEVEIAGIERETS K. REPRESENTATION CN OUTSIDE BODIES ' . '. <peesmoega4 Tt was not considered advisavle to jnelude teachers in the Staff and Employees Joint Consultative Committers, bul officers werensked to report vpon ways of reducing Members commitments jn respect of joint consultations whilst maintaining the opportunities for close contact petween Members and employees. : Cenoi.cered 3 mugged vic rant the number of committee cycles should be reduced, put were of the opinion that this could lead to a substantial number of unscheculed meetings, due to the Jenthened time span between Council and committee maetingse Asked that consideration be given to the possibility of introducing 4 seven cycle time-table designed to minimise the calling of unscheduled meetings. : Deferred sonsideration of this matter, put are of the opinion that commitments must be veduced. wt see Peds ea cores J. NUMBER OF couua Tem CYCLES. AgreedtomeetonFricay10March1978at7Pets see eenste iee b= e NEXTMEETING aBagain, Vera er ¢ ete gs i * fC poeta Tues THD servi rats ‘ wee pelsies te pean 3% + - : . - 7 of Rita COLLINWARE popebeigeenaltacpmtetRearih : -‘vais AC*sHyOLSeos5 Chairman ~ caidascote ares p mh . nae we ' ¢ » a . shic att “ mA‘ tu a ' - 4 \ i at - - oo ~ r+ ate 3 nee { - it la“2. ~«ayo<£ti fe sae Bee : ‘i Z ‘ eae .- Ia ?:2- 5 ‘{3 Bpaow : x (iP a + real P : 4 in + wn -Vidaoteomeso Sow )t jHi ‘ cececetaeaa and Be Aee Ital From the outset, the Council will wish to state its objectives < for this review and establish targets as necessary. Members will no doubt take account of the mounting pressures on their time and their current commitnents occasioned by the present Committee structure, Details of 47 committees, sub- committees and panels and 6 consultative committees are appended for information. This list does not take into account the Policy Advisory Group, Leader's Conferences and other bodies appointed for specific purposes. An indication of these commitments can be obtained from the fact that in 1976/77 there were more than 400 evening, meetings serviced by the Secretariat and that an analysis of the meetings held in Cycle 2 and 3 of this year compared with 1976/77 shows an increase of approximately 16%. If continued throughout the year a total of some 470 evening meetings would be realised. The timetable of scheduled meetings published for 1977/78 totals less than 200 meetings, the balance being made up of special meetings and wmscheduled meetings of Panels and ad hoc bodies. f REVISIONS TO COMMITISE STMUCTUNG i. os 3. Sou 3.2 SUBJECT: To consider poasible revisions to the Committee Structure and consequentiol adjustmepts to the Terms of Reference and Deleyation of Poversy (a8 well as representation on outside bodies.) PURPOSE: The purpose of ;thies report is not to make recommendations but to provide a discussion document to enable members to formulate their views. OBJECTIVES: 4.2 4,3 (a) reducing the number of committees, ‘ (b) reducing the number of Members on each Committee; and (c) a combination of (a) and (b). TEADSRSS CONFERENCE (COMMLTTES STRUCTURE) JOINT REPORT OF THE CHIEF NXECUTIVE AND BOROUGH SECRETARY AND SOLICITOR It is assumed that one purpose of the exercise is to reduce members commitments in regard to meetings, particularly evening meetings, after the elections in May 1978, when the number of Members making up the Comcil will be reduced from 70 to 59. ie further objective may be to reduce their ¢ommitments in ‘meetings of outside bodies, REPORT: A reduction in Members committee workloads may be obtained by:- fh reduction in the number of committee meetings may be obtained by:- (a) reducing the number of committee cycles; and (b) a streamlining of the Structure and the decision making machinery. e @& REVISIONS 10 COMMTIZE STUCTUNG IEADSRSS CONFENSNCE (COMMITTEE STRUCTURE) 3.2 It is assumed that one purpose of the exercise is to reduce members commitments in regard to meetings, particularly evening meetings, after the elections in May 1978, when the number of Members making up the Comceil will be reduced from 70 to 59. \A further objective may be to reduce their Gommitments in meetings of outside bodies. , REPORT: 4 A reduction in Members committee workloads may be obtained by:- (a) reducing the number of committees, ‘ (b) reducing the number of Members on each Committee; and (c) a combination of (a) and (b). JOINT REPORT OF THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE AND BOROUGH SECRETARY AND SOLICITOR I. SUBJECT: To consider poasible revinions to the Committee Structure and consequentinl adjustmepts to the Terms of Reference and Deleation of Powers, (a8 well as representation on outside bodies.\, 2. PURPOSE: The purpose of;this report is not to make recommendations but to provide a discussion document to enable members to formulate their views. Sok From the outset, the Council will wish to state its objectives ° for this reviow and establish targets as necessary. 4.2 Ah reduction in the number of committee meetings may be obtained by:- (a) reducing the number of committee cycles; and (b) a streamlining of the Structure and the decision making machinery. 43 Members will no doubt take account of the mounting pressures on their time and their current commitments occasioned by the present Committee structure, Details of 47 committees, sub- committees and panels and 6 consultative committees are appended for information. This list does not take into account the Policy Advisory Group, Leader's Conferences and other bodies appointed for specific purposes. An indication of these commitments can be obtnined from the fact that in 1976/77 there were more than 400 evening meetings serviced by the Secretariat and that an analysis of the meetings held in Cycle 2 and 3 of thie year compared with 1976/77 shows an increase of approximately 16%. If continued throughout the year a total of some 470 evening meetings would be realised. The timetable of scheduled meetings published for 1977/78 totals less than 200 meetings, the balance being made up of special meetings and unscheduled meetings of Panels and ad hoc bodies. 3. OBJECTIVES: e @& hk 45 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.9 4,10 4.10.1 Haringey is 4 small borough in area. - Members generally have : a very detailed lmowledge of the place and are readily accessible to the public and to representative groups and organisations. There is, therefore, an almost inevitable involvement of Members jn day to day detail. Changes in the Committee Structure in Haringey are more likely to vorl: successfully in practice if they accord with the local traditions and outlook of Membarna. The present "Panel-based Structure!! vas undoubtedly adventurous and innovative in concep. but its operation in practice over the years has apparently strayed considerabl; from the original intention. The "Panel-based Structure"! worke best vhen there are few main committees (perhaps no more than h or 5) with a substantial number of Panels working informally with the mascimum delegation and the minimum generation of paper. In Haringey it is difficult in many instances to distinguish between "committees! and “panels! in their method of operation. \hat Haringey now seems to have is a large number of "committees (although they have the variety of different names including "panel", "sub-committee and "working party'') whose activities have to be co-ordinated by a rather complicated pattern of inter-committee communication and control. In addition, the formal structure generates an ever increasing number of other groups and meetings which are given povers to make decisions on behalf of the Council. The reduction to, say; k committees with panels/sub-committees reporting action taken under delegated powers may result in such committees becoming largely formal instruments for the transmission of information to the Council. ‘The nearest example in our present structure being the Education Committee. The contrary to such an arrangement would be to maximise the number of committees, each performing within more limited but realistic terms of reference, rut with extensive delegation, while at the same time panels/sub-commi ttees are severely restricted. Coupled with a reduction in the number of "bodies! (committees panels, etc) would be greater delegation to officers in order to reduce the number of decisions required of Chairmen or OtGumas Members. Some of the ideas have been mentioned with the purpose of making fever demanés upon the smaller number of Council Members, where the balance of the Council might algo change to make either majority party even smaller proportionally than the present position. There should be a considerable relaxation in the control exercisalover Committees by General Purposes (Tarms of Reference, delegat‘.on), Finance (Estimates and control of budgets), Personnel and Management (staffing matters) and Planning and Development (iand transactions and planning control). The function of central committees should be to provide broad guidelines for other committees. 4.10.2 4.11 4.11.1 4.11.2 4.11.3 44 The main Service committees should themselves control the delegation of powers to their Bub-Committees and other subordinate groups; they should also control changes in their expenditure within their approved total expenditure; in addition, they should be able to approve atafi changes within approved guidelines and should themselves approve land transactions and, possibly. some planning matters within approved policies. There should be provision in the structure for subordinate bodies both formal (having delegated powers, a formal Agenda and meeting and serviced by the Secretariat either for a continuing purpose, e.g. development control, or for a one-off but formal task, €.&- new Leisure Centre; new structure for building works/housing repairs;) and {nformal (having no delegated powers, meeting informally and serviced by the appropriate service officers to consult and advise.) The control of their Terms of Reference vould rest with their parent committee or, their parent committees. Even if these general principles were accepted there must ani jnevitably be a variety of preferences about the number of committees and distribution of functions. For the purpose of thi report the following is however, a list of some of the proposale which had been suggested from time to’.time:- Combine General Purposes and Finance (currently 7 bodies) to form a General Purposes and Finance Committee (reducing to 2/% bodies). Combine General Purposes, Finance and Personnel and Management (currently 10 bodies) to form a Resources Committee (reducing to 3/6 bodies). Under either of these arrangements it is visualised that subordinate bodies alcdin to the Management Services Panel and the Finance Panel would ‘be required with more active roles and that Community Development and Area Menagement would pass to the i Planning and Development Commi ctee. Concidexation would also need to be given to the position with regard to the Joint Consultative Committee representatives who currently attend Personnel and Management Committee. Planning and Development Committee (currently 5 bodies) to divide into an (Architecture and)(Public) \lorks Committee (Including Highways and Works etc. and perhaps Cleansing and Transport): and a committee carrying the Planning and Valuation functions along with Community Development, rea Management,- Central Area and Employment (reducing to 3/4 bodies). Housing Committee to continue but to distinguish tio major functions by "Sub-Committees"; namely the management function and the develonment (new works and rehabilitation) function (reducing to 3/' bodies to include separate JCC). 4.11.5 Alternatively the Housing Committee be divided into tuo Committees namely the management function and the development function. 4.11.11 Employee Consultative Bodies Attached is 4 note setting out the eurrent position. In practice : the present machinery does not often leai to prompt ansvers from either the Council or the Employee's Sides and it produces a lot of cross-referencing from Personnel and Management Committee to Enrp loying Conmittees/Penels and baclt. 4.11.6 Social Services (currently 3 + @ occasional bodies) to be 4 Comnittes \ithout formal Panels put allowing for working partics to be appointed \ith delegation {o carry out one-off functionse 4.11.7 Education (currently 9 bodies, 2/3 only occasionally). It may be considered that there ia no continuing need for a separate Development Sub-Committee. Youth and Community Services and Careers Advisory (possibly with Unemployed Young People Working Party) should be examined (reducing overall to 6). 4.11.8 Civic Amenities (currently 6 bodies). Consider possible joining of Rec: eational Services, \Libraries and Allotments to form & ‘Teisure end Recreation Committee. Contrary views have been expressed about Cleansing and Transport remaining separate or joining the "Works" Committee. However, Health fafety and Protection and Cemeteries ard Crematorium could combine’ with Cleansing and Transport to form an Environmentel (or Public) Health Committee (vaducing to 2 oF 3 bodies). 4.11.10 Or even maintain a Civic Anonition Commi ttoe with one sub-committee carrying either the Recreation ete. activities or the Public Health functions. Revisions to the current machinery should aim at resolving problems within Services wherever appropriate and ensuring that the Member time spent in meeting with Trade Union representatives is spent as effectively as possible. The following broad out): 1e is one suggested way of improving the position:- JCC should meet re_..-arly with Councillors 4s the Management. This couid be extended to include Teacherse Personnel or other officers denending on the subject matter should meet all the ate. rds in sufficient time before the meetin, to explain Management proposals so. that the Trades Union represent..tives can speak for their member: at the meeting and equally the Trade Union Side could explain their items that the Councillors also can be better briefed and abi: to enter into more meaningful digounsiod. 4.11.9 If Gleansing and Transport is accepted as part of a "\lorks Committee" the rem: ying functions of Civic Amenities could be contained within 4cimilarly named Committee with perhaps one Sub-Committee for leisure and Recreation and a Panel to deal with the Health, Satety and Protection and Cemeteries and Crematorium functions. : ; 8. 8.1 9. 9.1 9-5 9.4 9.5 A MEMBER'S SUPPORTING SERVICES Members are finding that the increasing demands on their tine are euch that to carry out their functions satisfactorily; they need to be supported in a number of ways. The General Purposes Committee has vequested the Borough Secretary on| Solicitor to report upon Wiuys of achieving some additional me wwes of support and it ig anticipated that this will be u:dertaken during Cycle 6 so that approvst measures may be introduced in the new Municipal Year. There are more than 60 such bodies requiring Council representation, and 37 governing bodies in Education having 186 Council seats. ‘ The Area Hee.lth Authority currently uses 10 Members but they occupy 26 Member places. a Special mention should also be made of the Joint Committees, TOL) Middlesex Polytechnic Pip.0) N.E.L.E.G. Some rationalisation of Member commitment to outside bodies ust be seriously considered and Conference is asked to advise thereon. R.C. LIMB G.A. BIOOR Chie? Executive Borough Secretary and Solici OUTSIDE AND OTHER BODIES Representation 1 outside and other bodies carries with i. 4 further considerable commiivent sor Members, although it «ould be remembered that persons other than Members may be appointed to some bodies. 9.2 t Council Side Members Staff Side Reps. Frequency of Meetings 9©, ®+ 6 + 2@ Deputies 6 + 4 Deputies Oluce every cycle(6) 500 (fluctuates) h 18-20 esee IPADER'S CONFERENCE (COMMITTEE STRUCTURE) 15 Femnvany¥ 1672 JOINT CONSULTATIVEMACHINERY EXCLUDING TEACHERS 1.Council_and Staff Joint Numbers within purview 3,60 4,600 2. ___Tocal Joint Worka (Craftsnen) se Lecal Joint Works (Nen-Craftsmen) Numbers within purview Council Side Members Employees' Reps. 4,600 I; 12 Numbers within purview Council Side Members Employees’ Reps. Frequency of Meetings Ouce every 3 cycles (2) Council end Employee Joint Conaultntive Caml ttee @ Numbers within purview Council Side Employees Frequency of meetings 6,700 1? + @ Deputies Frequency of meetings Cnce every 3 cycles (2) We FocalJointWorks(Man-Euducnatiin) Nunbers within purview Council Side Menbers Employees! Side Frequency of meetings 2,059 6 N.B. The teachers’ involvement in this body is currently being explored If necessary, additional meetings are arranged, or tieetings cre concelled through lack of business. Above figures are pveraje re meetings « 6 Once every 3 cycles (2) 12 + 4 Deputies Once every 2 cycles (3) ® © © COMUTTEE PANEISOR HEMEL g HOUSING 5 Chairmen 2 Opposition Members ( ( ( ( ( ( ( SUB-0OMMIETTEES lonenaces ad Speyabe COMMETTHES, PANEIS AND SUB-COMITIEES (47) Finance Panel. Working Party on Unemployed Young People indicates meetings open to the public Research Panel Management Service Panel Haringey Council. & 10 Mombora of the Ceunott 2 Majority Party Mombera 1 Opposition Moubor g FINAE 4 Majority Party Mombers 2 Opposition Members & Tenants Representatives g GENERAL PURPOSES Homeless Families Re Selection Panel 10 Monmbern of the Comehl 2 Majority Varty Howl-ora 1 Opponition Merther 2 Majority Party Hemera 1 Opponition Horler Majority Party Members Opposition Members Majority Party Members Opposition Members ~~ “o_o Q PERSCNNEL & MANAGEMEND Community Development Panel 5 Mnjority Party fordore 2 Opposition Honlera Town Twinning Panel Disciplinary Panel 1 Members of the Councs.1 Majority Party Members Opposition Members Housing Development Panel Housing Rehabilitation Panel Housing Management & Pinance Panel. Tenants! Joint Consul- tative Committee 8 Ward Mombers 1 Majority Porty Membor 1 Oppositien Monber 2 Majority Party Members 1 Opposition Mombor 10 Members of the Council frea Management Advisory Committee 2 Mojority Party Menbers 1 Opposition Mombey 5 Majority Party Members 2 Opposition Members nna om — mow Mm nw Haringey Central Area Panel ( ¢ ( 7 Majority Party Members ( 3 Opposition Members ( ( ( ( COMMTTEE PANEIS OR SUB-COMUTTERS MENERSTIE g PLANNING & DEVELOPMENT 15 Members of kthe Council Development Control Panel 4 te ere 2 Opposition Members 2 Majority Party Members 1 Opposition Member € Employment Panel 5 Majority Party Members 2 Opposition Members ; g Highways & Works Panel 5 Majority Party Members i g civic AMENITIES 14 Members of the Council“) g SOCIAL SERVICES 14 Members of the Council g Recreational Services Panel ( 5 Majority Party Menbers (| 2 Opposition Members g Allotments, Cemeterics ( 3 Majority Party Members & Crematorium Panel ( 1. Opposition Member Iibreries, Museum and Arts Panel ( 2 Majority Party Members (| 1 Opposition Member g Health, Safety and Protection Panel ( 2 Majority Party Members ( 1 Opposition Member Leisure Centre Panel 3% Chairmen { Opposition Member 0 ee Canteen Committee ( 4 Majority Party Members ( 1 Opposition Member G5 T.U.Representatives g Residential & Day Care Darel! 7 Members g Community Care Panel 7?Members Appeals( Pre-School Ohildren) Panel ( Chairman, Vice-Chairman an ( 1 Opposition Member of the ( 2Co-opted Members Cleansing and Transport ( 5 Majority Party Members Panel ( 2 Opposition Members Commnity Land Act Acquisitions Panel ( Residential & Day Care Par COMMUDTIRE SOCTAL SERVICES EDUCATION PANELS OR Sus-COMTAES MENPERSUE_ ( 3 Members ( 2 Officers ( Chairmen of Education, Social Services & Housing Committees & Youth Com- munity Sub-Committee ( 2 Opposition Members 18 Members of the Council and § Co-opted Members ( 9 Members of the Council ( 2 Co-opted Members (Chairman, Vice-Chairman & ( one other Member of the ( Schools Sub-Committee ( 9 Menbers of the Council and ( 2 Co-opted Members 7 Members of the Council and ( 2 Co-opted Members ( 4 Members of the Council & ( 1 Co-opted Member 1 February 1978 Adoption Case Committoe Honelless & Detached Youths' Working Party Schools Sub-Committee Appointinents Panel Further Education Sub-C ommittee Development Sub-Committee( Youth & Commnity Services Sub-Committee Boarding and Independant ( Chairman and 2 other Members Schools Panel ( of the Schools Sub-Committee Careers Service Advisory ( 2 Majority Party Members Committee ( 1 Opposition Member Working Party Conditions ( 4+ Members of Service of Teachers in( 4 Teachers FE Nstablishments @ Council & Staff Joint Comittee Builders Joint Consultative (Craftsmen) Committee Local Joint Works (NonCraftsmen) Committee Local Joint Works (Manual Employees - Education) Committee Council & Employees’ Consultative Committee (Education). Premature Retirement Voupensation Panel ( 2 Majority Party Members (1 Opposition Member 343 Joint Consultative Committee CEo2{ Af,, > TAT C LOY Byukleckg Craprinels” SLURS: Val.View," lnba VityVAs jlA Go TRS bt No C Lay fa reloA— Clif hin Be Cluirtéy . g frel+Gray J o eel f -(S6 Yur O72 \e Attia SlCe LIAV l (onWir. Ayate [To a4 Mon we Bay liaMrzm,ig V Dent eet :tl IWy,(/ Rutigo—a ULee PS Aah (EQns:2 ((KiLf Tsga 4Woon) zee eo STS ae (2)2?) Ld CotLe 5 LTA S tha Aha : ‘ KX Fpe Nan ((AS 6 aALp Gn e4 LWare Ee CcUfAes 6 4feiee 1 AOI NG7 Saye aja/ usual l, Caeepfaceclanlid b,yf. SCcot ppeyoq ;Cae|Corols anh/MYheabdullerby atc AAS VAUDCrobonWsafi Realeeasandl.S§trvwer (ER Cabex Qvt)-of,K795% (Ca +16° B wm a te{. TCALG pentGrn. o : PISG Hladaod “| (A4se Siey : . Te Sale of local Auffoihy Building. Folgeit experditun rag achniy, 4 No aeietne,|raneHa.Seona~allft ry [cpast ves Seka Tasty: Ce x, = nie“th Me. ISO a eee ee I9S~ _hou-rSrLoaol, Arum a4Bp parjr ce bout }eanepeta Ke hong-me hynaa{Ldve, Gain— dnoAendwilpl CEC es lao~g + Mk, fbuatg a ovale gy doo. NomCR+ApWeds—cridtAmol vollhax Sano.|LMSWateeco ae y Ie but Ee eer Manto thc [i~9 eyp5 MoiG, amy lhrerss,prurted cals; ce tn es 4euba §athe Cutie -SLah. bg pe LTS04ta— eet Ves]eee NeOfer_aFieSts lscolouytbwitltgr,yfpered Police buch Motel Chinn wWeelt cetran ant tNao drat keg meallyoe ee 1s courhy corel <Bs ely Arhanes haloy, Teucteg had uot. 4] tad < (9506. wit healt ote, ¢age 4 n Pi ne > 3 contribute in a much broader way than they have ever done in the past.” with my fellow chief officers, overriding particular departmental interests. Today the architect, engineer, town clerk and treasurer must act as a team, not as contestants.” His consciousness of the new roles ahead for the architect is accom- panied by a progressive attitude to new methods. Unselfish teamwork is the keynote, whether in his establish- ment of the co-operative office rather than the hierarchical office (“nobody should play at being God’) or in his enthusiasm for consortia working—he is closely involved as honorary archi- tect to the West Group of the London should be looked at on its own merits, and a decision taken as to whether the design function should be under- taken at county or district level.” He sees no reason, for instance, why a county council should not act as the design agent for a district council, bringing all the design skills together. Like all good local authority men, he is adamant that the public sector offers unrivalled opportunities for serving society, and rejects the ‘rat race” tag applied recently by Malcolm MacEwen. “It is probably true that with some authorities there has been a struggle for power, but it is not necessarily generally true. [tis not true of my own authority and | think if architects are prepared to take the responsibility there are far greater opportunities now, and certainly will be in the new Thurston Williams, Hillingdon Borough Architect, on the oppor- tunities and challenges of, the public sector practice. is likely to occur in the reduction in the total number of authorities in the country. Nor do |see there being any major problem at chief officer level, because most of the major boroughs with architectural chief officers are likely to continue as at least the nucleus of the new district councils.” What he is anxious about is that the division of responsibility between the counties and districts will take into account the need for a consistent and varied workload. “| think it is impor- tant that each of the new authorities has a sufficiently wide workload to attract good professional staff. | don’t think architects are going to come into local government in the future unless there is this varied work- load, and unless they feel that they can make a positive contribution to the general improvement of the environ- ment. It is my experience that very few architects want to become in- volved in a practice that has a very narrow range of design opportunities, and if you look at the functions suggested for district councils, out- side of housing there is very little. It is most important that there is not a universal application of function, ‘’There are far greater oppor- tunities now, and certainly will be in the new authorities proposed, for architects to but that each new local authority Housing Consortium, is chairman of authorities proposed, for architects to the consortium’s chief officers’ com- contribute in a much broader way mittee and is a member of the steering than they have ever done in the past.” He has also been extensively involved his authority is involved in a wide in joint project working with private range of consortium work for both architects, and regrets that the enforced reduction in the council's Uppermost in his mind at the moment, housing programme from 1000 to 450 however, are the implications of the dwellings a year has drastically cur- local government reorganisation pro- tailed the scope for more joint working. committee of MACE. Mirroring this, housing and education. posals for publia authority srehiteats, Nevertheless he is suspicious about Tae 2 } _danuer srusent Government intentions ta NTERVIEW . sector architecture probably «much to Thurston Williams - present considerable place in 'oN scheme of things as to any s een As an architect in his at Tshe was at the forefront of the we revolution which influenced the pre become the more repre- ralbodyitistoday. Uptothe er {ties it was undisguisedly an »,pon for private practices, until em “yng, intense architect, then with moc, had the unprecedented ny to lay down a motion from ane atanAGM callingforatrade ee salariedarchitectsinthe gen tor. The formation of the ation of Official Architects was eocehsnly result; a popular front ae assparkedoffwhichledtoa e tchange in council representa- en inthewholecomplexionof maplisnment. Such is the nature nemocracy what yesterday's angry : outsider is now firmly estab- re nthe hierarchy of influence and oe! _as borough architect of the pe porough of Hillingdon, with an fessional department of 140 i Fim, as Honorary Secretary of wr oA and as President of the AOA, tyociation he was instrumental in we Now, at 46, the intensity wm Dy transmuted into an urbane, ” * scholarly, charm but the same we Getermination persists in the pir of what is fair and rational. |wtoftoday's angry young men are » -oning the need for a pro- a ‘institution, but Thurston jwe’ stresses the importance of its sth edexistence. “There isaneed v “essionalism in the widest sense wre held, and the RIBA can assist ide in a positive way. Look at # nad against the Monopolies sane, The present attack on fession IS aimed as much at the . gs at the private sector. I ile ays believed that the public wea architects should participate soemanedly in the RIBA and gain wot antage of the experience of the * jon as a whole. There is an per ndence in such things as wand salaries.” w “veinterdependenceandcom- oe” tariness crop up often in his pression, indicating an attitude to are of the architect that is borne »TM ¢own approach. Heisvery #* cartofthepost-Maud new of manager architects, par- in the design places as part = — =at ty Architect bert H. Clarke, FRIBA, AMTPI in 1937 the amount of architectural work in various departments of the Bristol Corporation brought about the need to co-ordinate that work and the problem was reported upon to the City Council. In January 1938 the appropriate Committee reported the Council on the architectural work already being carried out in the various departments and the manner of its execution, and the City Council accepted recommendations that a separate architectural department should be formed under the direction of a City Architect on a whole-time duty basis. A City Architect was also required to advise the many committees of the City Council on al architectural and building matters. The position relating to quantity surveying work was also reviewed, but it was sot until 1955 that quantity surveyors were appointed. The City Architect is responsible for the organisation and administration of the department which carries out the architectural requirements of the committees of the Corporation, and also undertakes a proportion of the quantity surveying work connected with it, His duties relate to the erection of new “buildings and the reconstruction, adaptation, and alteration of ting buildings in Corporation ownership, and include the . hole range of Architect's work from the sketch plan stage to the supervision of work in the course of erection, the issue of certificates, and preparation of final accounts. The quantity surveying section of the department carries out the full range of duties usually undertaken by Chartered Quantity Surveyors. He 50 acts as architectural consultant to the planning authority, Former City Architect J. Nelson Meredith, FRIBA ai aga | my sine7hy 4iy |5Wo ne|ofthe BristolCity Architect's Department and collaborates with the City Engineer and Planning Officer in approving and reporting upon plans and elevations submitted under by-laws for the erection of buildings by private enterprise and in relationship to the Town and Country Planning Acts, where it is necessary to take into account the design of buildings to be erected within the city boundary. The Department is organised under the control of the Architects’ Committee of the City Council. Such a Committee ensures that the department is organised to deal with the work of other client Committees and that the commissions are allotted proper priority. The Department is under the direction of Mr Albert H. Clarke, FRIBA, AMTPI, the City Architect, with MrT. S. Singer, ARIBA, AMTPI, as Deputy City Architect. Ithas an establishment of architects, quantity surveyors, clerks of works, administrative and clerical personnel, totalling some 140, including 30 chartered architects, 27 assistant architects, 28 assistants, 20 quantity surveyors and 15 clerks of works. This staff establishment has never been up to full strength and a number of vacancies still exist which itis hoped to fil. For ease of operation, the architectural personnel are divided into three sections, specialising in housing, education and general work. Each of these sections ts led by a chief assistant architect and deputy chief assistant architect, who take charge of the detailed day-to-day work on individual projects being dealt with in the section. The quantity surveying section, with a chief quantity surveyor and deputy chief quantity surveyor, Top row: J. Nolson Meredith Former City Architect Albert H. Clarke City Architect K. J. Watson Chief Assistant Architect (Education) Bottom row: T. 5S. Singer rs Dogety Oly Arehitoct OAP May 64 SfB (9) eri -2 4 City Architect from 1908 to 1926 F. E. Pearce Edwards, FRIBA City Architect since 1953 J. L. Womersley, CBE, FRIBA, MTPI On the 5th October, 1908, Mr. F. E. Pearce Edwards, formerly the City Architect and Architect to the Education Committee of Bradford, took up his duties as the first City Architect of Sheffield. The officers formerly employed in the architectural department of the City Surveyors Department and those of the buildings department of the Education Department were transferred to Mr. Edwards, who became responsible for al architectural work including the preparation of plans, specifications for new buildings, alterations or extensions required by the various committees and departments of the City Council as occasion arose, except where the City Council otherwise determined. He also was responsible for the preparation of bills of quantities and for the small repairs and maintenance branch which then existed. It is perhaps of interest to note that in 1910 the repairs branch had 12 workmen whose total wages bill was £20 per week. Mr. Edwards retired on December 31st, 1925, having devoted nearly 40 years to public service. During the 17 years he served Sheffield his department was responsible for the design and construction of many new council schools, secondary and special schools and extensions to colleges and schools. New buildings for other committees included several tramway depots, new swimming baths at Walkley and Hillsborough, depots for the Waterworks and Cleansing Departments, and extension of the Lodge Moor Hospital, but perhaps the work for which he will be best remembered is the very fine extension he completed in 1923 to the Town Hall designed by A. W. Mountford and opened in 1897. The Sheffield City Council has always been a progressive housing authority and under the Housing Acts of 1919 to 1924 over 5,000 new houses were built under Mr. Edwards's direction. Mr. W. George Davies became Sheffield’s second City Architect on May 1st, 1926, and stayed until he retired on January 1st, 1953. Mr. Davies had previous local government service at Bradford, Essex and Belfast and had specialised in schools work. Undoubtedly, some very fine school buildings were produced by the Department under Mr. Davies’ direction. The Central Secondary School, now the High Storrs Grammar School, and the Abbey Lane School are two good examples. During Mr. Davies's period of office, over 33,000 dwellings, including some interesting pre-war flats schemes, were erected. One of the outstanding buildings for which he was responsible, and which will form an important feature of the new Civic Centre, is the Central Library and Graves Art Gallery. Another is the extension to the Weston Park Museum and Mappin Art Gallery, which unfortunately was badly damaged during the War and is now being reinstated. (The Civic Reception for the Conference is to be held in this building.) This extension was carried out by direct labour under Mr. Davies's control. The Department had a repairs and maintenance branch which was developed under Mr. Edwards. In 1927 the City Council 636 City Architect from 1926 to 1953 W. George Davies, FRIBA decided to build some schools by direct labour an force was set up under Mr. Davies and grew unt * size of over 800 employees, undertaking al kinds °’ work. In 1938, it was decided to place the direct! under a separate chief officer and the Public Wor > was then formed, which now has some 2,000 em During the 1939-45 War, when approximately 70° were damaged in Sheffield, the Department wes for first-aid repairs and the ultimate reinstatement © buildings The City Council has throughout the years suppler work of the Department by that of private architecTM the outstanding buildings, designed by E. Vincent” City Hall, opened in 1934, where the opening a sessions of the Conference will be held é Mr. Davies had the difficult task of re-establishine Department after the war, when the demand for and technical officers and building resources far ot supply. However, he achieved a great deal witho himself much limelight. It was on the firm four = first by Mr. Edwards and built upon by Mr. Dar Mr. J. Lewis Womersley was able to develop t when he became the City’s third City Architect © 1953. it is perhaps during the past ten years that the wo’ © Department has attracted most attention. Mr came to the Department from Northampton wher 2 reputation for his housing work. He now fis 200 of which 80 are architectural; the remaine quantity surveyors, structural, heating and elect’ land surveyors, clerks of works and administratv been responsible for much of the recent rebuildin for major housing redevelopment schemes anc peripheral developments, in which he has sought to improve housing standards and to secure pect segregation from traffic. One of the best-known schemes is Park Hill wi! designed as a neighbourhood unit with schools §!** centres, clubs, tenants’ meeting hall and laundries © was awarded the Good Design for Housing Med!” the RIBA Bronze Medal for Sheffield, South Yorks" District for 1962. This scheme, costing over £2.07 built by the Public Works Department under its > Manager, Mr. H. Smith, ARICS. Another is 1 Valley Development where interest centres on 5° excessively steep slopes and on the use of exist © landscape. Mr. Womersley was awarded the 815” in Town Planning in March, 1958, for his work * and at Greenhill, Gleadless and Park Hil! in She" Another RIBA Bronze Medal was awardec Greenland Road Bus Garage When awarded the CBE last year Mr. Wome” a a) eee — Fal ah a ~~ . on Saas TM By bs criia * a = re 1 2! 5 ae ” ed . ed ~ End ; ae Yorkshire. 10 January 1978 Dear Mr. Smith, Yours sincerely, Aicunr Os When telephoning please ask for: General Secretary: GEOFFREY DRAIN BA, LL B, JP. Mike Dobson Alan Jinkinson Local Government Service Conditions Officer LG/7/GA/G2 Uy NATIONAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT OFFICERS ASSOCIATION Barrister B. Smith, Esq., 56 Sunnyvale Road, Totley, Sheffield, 1Mabledon Place London WC1H 9AJ 01-388 2366 ASSISTANT GENERAL SECRETARY JOHN DALY Service Conditions In reply to your letter dated 5 January 1978 I have noted your observations but the point you have raised would be more appropriately dealt with by your professional association the Association of Official Architects. As a trade union NALGO is concerned directly with service conditions matters affecting its members and the problems to which you refer should be directed through the professional body who will be better equipped to deal with them. SHEFFIELD JULY 1977 A SPECIAL BULLETIN FROM THE NALGO/MRC PROJECT STEERING COMMITTEE Approximately 2000 members completed questionnaires in the survey carried out earlier this year ~ about one third of the Branchmembership. Althoughit{snotpossibletoprovethesampleisatotallyrepresentativeone,thesampleislargeby All Departments and status levels are represented. 51% are male and 4% female. eos) 31%areunder25,38%26-40,and31%41orolder. 34% have less than 3 years’ service, 39%] 3-10 years, and 27% 11 or more years. 55% say their political opinions are "right" of centre, 45% "left" of centre. The results are helpful in answering certain questions: IS IT TRUE THAT ONLY A SMALL MINORITY ARE EVER ACTIVE IN THE BRANCH? Yes and No. If you take any single activity - such as attending union rallies, attending meetings, canvassing or raising issues with shop stewards ~ then generally fewer than 40%} of the membership have done any one of these in the last 12 months, However 73% of the sample reported having voted {n a unfon election in the past 12 months, and taking all activitiestogetheronly12%reporttheyhavedonenoneofthem. Inotherwordsonlyjustover1in10istruly“inactive”. ARE ONLY POLITICALLY MINDED PEOPLE ACTIVE IN THE UNION ? FOR WHAT REASONS DO PEOPLE GET INVOLVED IN UNION AFFAIRS ? 0 Ideology and politics are not the most common reasons; more people see involvement 4s 8 way of putting their point >f view across, and concem over service conditions seems to be the predominant motivation here. For example, 39% feel their salary {s unfair compared with that of other Council employees; 44% feel their promotion opportunities are unfairly Hmited, and 41% feel the economic climate represents a direct threat to them in their jobs. For many it seems the union is important as a path to industrial democracy - 47% want more involvement in higher management decision-making. WHY DO PEOPLE NOT TURN UP TO MEETINGS ? Reasons differ but the most common ones are: because people “have too many other things to do” (88%), because meetings are held at an “inconvenient” time (82%), or because they are "not interested in that particular meeting” (81%). (Contd. overleaf) The views expressed in this publication are not necessarily those BRANCH oftheExecutiveCommittee. First results of UNION DEMOCRACY SURVEY No. Only 5% take an “ideological” approach to union involvement whilst 7% say they are actively involved but with no interest in politics. Both groups are oumumbered by those who are content to be inactive most of the time but prepared to be more active over certain specific issues, 1.e. 37% of the sample, of opinion on the extent to which the main Branch policy makers are seen as receptive to membership feelings and opinions, though it could be said that the number who think they are not {s disturbingly high ~45%. most survey standards, and the diversity of respondents suggests that all sections of branch membership are represented, Here {s a brief profile of the sample: In contrast, only a minority say "it would be a waste of time, my opinion wouldn't carry any weight" (47%), that they haven't been informed of meetings (38%), that the location is inconvenient (31%), or that they don't know or like the people who do attend (35% and 29% respectively). HOW MANY PEOPLE ARE HOSTILE TOWARDS THE UNION IN GENERAL AND BRANCH POLICIES IN PARTICULAR 2? A minority, though a noticeable one, are “reluctant union members” = just under 17% say they wouldn't be in the union if it were not a condition of service. A larger proportion are out of sympathy with Branch policy (34%) - but these are out~ numbered by the 39%} who agree with most Branch policy (27% couldn't decide on this question). There is a similar division Gale. if me 66% of the sample well-informed but the way they make decisions seems to vary considerably, WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE OF THE BRANCH ? Representatives also keep 15% involve members FOR FURTHER DETAILS OF THE SURVEY ++++++ee+- Please contact your shop steward, who has a more detailed report of the main findings. -~ 2 MORE QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS The MRC (University) team are carrying out further investigations within the Branch, via interviews with all shop stewards and Branch Officers, by attending meetings, and by more complex analyses of all the findings. This information will provide further insights into how the branch is working. If there is a question you would like answering please write to the address below and we will endeavour to provide an answer in a special “question and answer" column of Nalgo News, Please write to: MRC/NALGO Project, 32 Northumberland Road, Sheffield, S10 2TN. Membership of the Project Steering Group Rn ; Es\akz.. Press Cactus SBISTS (pvext See(7IaSBofp-coKadkeer,Piste(xeS5 Mr Scanbonad 4 S| S22 | 2E2S4 par«eo Of sous By -§Jack te i Seem eeee _ HOW EFFECTIVE ARE COMMUNICATIONS WITHIN THE BRANCH 2? They are definitely good, as is suggested by the small number who say they are not informed about meetings. More directly, 68% say that the branch keeps the membership well informed about what it is doing, whilst 29% disagree with this. A large majority also report that they are kept well informed by their shop steward. ARE PEOPLE SATISFIED WITH TUE WAY THE BRANCII IS ORGANISED FOR UNION DEMOCRACY 2 Generally yes. Only 25% feel that they don't get suffictent Opportunity to express their feelings about Branch leadership through the existing electoral machinery, and a similarly small proportion feel that there has been too much “devolution” to department level union organisation. ‘The shop steward system is important here and most people regard it as a progressive development for union democracy and the welfare of members. There fs agreement that its introduction has increased the union's effectiveness in negotiating with management, improved the flow of information within the branch, enhanced membership commitment to the union, and made the Branch more democratic. Quite well, insofar as almost all members have regular access to and contact with a shop steward or worksite Time, materials, and analysis were all provided free by the Medical Research Council HOW WELL IS THE SHOP STEWARD SYSTEM WORKING ? ; rep. Only jb say there is no union representative of any kind within easy reach, Similarly over half the sample see their representatives at least once a week, though 28% have very infrequent contact with one. completely equally in decision-making, and 35% consult with members before making decisions, But 50% only communicate with members about decisions after they have made them. In view of the fact that 77% of the sample say they feel stewards should be “followers” rather than "leaders" of membership opinion, this clearly leaves room for more consultation, Finally, there is considerable uncertainty and disagreement about how much influence on Branch policy AD is available via the shop steward system. Although the shop steward system is alive and well, there is no cause for complacency in these results, and there is a clear need for improvements in certain areas, Whilst "downwards" communication from Branch to membership is effective, the "upward" communications and decision-making links need to be strengthened. Two areas suggest themselves for future attention; 1. The links between stewards and members need to be strengthened. Representatives should have more opportunity to consult directly with their electors, and both members and representatives should see thattheseopportunitiesareutilized. Constituency-basedelectionsofshopstewards,thoughnotwitnoutproblems,isone way of helping to create this closeness of representation, 2. The links between shop stewards and Branch policy making should be strengthened. Recent changes in Branch committee organisation are helping in this, but it requires a lively climate of departmental shop steward committee organisation to ensure that Branch policy continually evolves to reflect membership opinion. WHAT HAS THIS COST THE BRANGH ? Practically nothing. Unit in the University. MRC - N. Nicholson, G. Ursell, P. Blyton, Jackie Lubbock Zn Neo leaner « she. Steconret ae NALGO = Yvonne Rose, Ruth Sanders, Kath Butler, Keith Dugdale, David Haslam ~ > 7S ae S S 3 Werk foWed azeriraoas ~ / The NALGO- activists Nigel Nicholson and Gill Ursell A... it gives me a chance to give vent to my feelings B .. .-it identifies ma with ae Labour Movement 23 64 i9 72 15 74 13 73 collar unions themselves face the challenge raised an issue with a of accommodating new high status members union rep with diverse needs. Clearly, the first chal- attended a fullbranch lenge is highly dependent on the second. meeting Yet very little is Known about what white canvassed within the members’ opinions and feelings in these 61 26 13 areas. What attitudes and opinions encourage. 65 22 34 12 and discourage activism? First, it is im- branch their unions, still less about Aow they parti- spoke at a meeting 84 6 85 6 85 7 collar workers want from, or feel about, tion, but in both cases the answer is no. common among people who are active First, we asked members to define their members of political organisations outside own level of activism (table 1): Table 1: How members describe their involvement %o |amonlyamemberbecause|havetobe 17 1don’t mind being a member but |don't have any interest in the union 35 the workplace. In terms of personal charac- teristics, activists are more often male, long service, older employees and have higher educational qualifications. At a more psychological level we have sought to identify what mofivates activists. Asking people directly about different possible needs for involvement shows (table Most of the time | don’t gat involved but | do on certain issues 37 I'ma loyal and active member most of the time but |have no concern for the ideological aspects of trade unionism My involvement in the union is an exten- sion of my political and ideological beliefs 5 While the closed shop agreement seems to have netted a sizeable minority of “reluct- ant” or “unwilling” union members, just about half the sample say they are occasion- ally or regularly active in union affairs. A problem here is one’s definition of “active”; clearly people may be active in a number of different ways. To look at levels of membership participation multi-dimension- influence others ally we asked respondents to state how However, admission of any of these needs often in the previous twelye months they is highly correlated with activism—most had participated in each of seven ways strongly so in the case of needs for affilia- (table 2): tion and influence (items c and pD in table 10 sonsiderable growth in white collar Table 2: Participation in union activi- 3) and to a somewhat lesser extent for nsM1 Over recent years poses two im- ties over a twelve-month period expressive and ideological needs (items A portant challenges. On the one hand, it presents a challenge to traditional patterns of management as dual membership and activity allegiance (to both union and management) reach -upward into the higher levels of voted in union elections 27 56 7 want from the union. A large part of the organisations. On the other hand, white attended a dept mesting 54 26 13 questionnaire was devoted to revealing cipate in union activity. r attended aunion rally These issues form the focus of a major What is particularly interesting about these Table 4: Members’ attitudes to branch research collaboration between a team forms of -participation is that they are not policy from Sheffield University and one of the as highly correlated as one might expect: largest provincia! city branches of NALGo, Who does or does not participate is not the the local government union. The 6,000 ‘same across al forms. This is illustrated strong branch is pioneering an industry- by tabulating how many. different activities agree disagree Yo Yo style shop steward system, which was ' people have engaged in. From this it re y endorsed and recommended to emerges that only 13 per cent have engaged |am strongly opposed toa lot of 57 33 other branches by the union’s annual con- in none of the seven activities in the last what this branch does 32 39 ference. The current programme of action- twelve months, 26 per cent have done only As one might expect, the more active Tesearch is thus for the union branch a one of them, 26 per cent have done any members tend to be those who wish the ccurageous piece of self-examination and two, 15 per cent any three, 21 per cent union to have a wider role than solely a declaration of intent to use systematic- four or more. defending job and pay levels. They are ally gathered information to further re- It is notable here that if one accepts a more ready to endorse branch policy (much form and refine it’s representational system. generous definition of participation then of which concerns issues over and above The part of this continuing research pro- it is by no means a minority phenomenon; local service conditions). This tendency for Stamme that we report here consists of on the contrary it is the totally inactive non-activists to disassociate themselves the first results of a postal survey of the members who are the small minority. Yet attitudinally from the union also emerges entire branch membership, which yielded the possibility still exists for the highly in the reasons people give for not attending a return of 2,050 questionnaires. active minority to wield an effective and meetings (table 5). Nigel Nicholson end Gill Urselt are researchers with the Medical Research Council Social and Applied Psychology Unit at Sheffield University. Our primary analysis of the results has unrepresentative control over union affairs. Correlations from these and similar ques- been geared to seeking answers to a Thus the second major question we tions reinforces the conclusion that in- number of questions. First: Js it true that sought to answer was: What types of mem- difference, torpor, negativism and a feeling only a small minority participate in union ber are active? Contrary to popular belief, of “weightlessness” in the face of the union affairs? The questicnnaire results provide activism is not confined to left-wingers. In machine are felt ‘by non-active members. two different sorts of answer to this ques- 7 Table 3: |value being a union member because... ~ 3) that each of these needs is only acknow- Talal g to be personally relevant by a minority. agree disagree ~ YoYo C .. it helps bring me into con- tact with other people D... it gives me-a chance to three and B). not once or or more Clearly such needs do nce exist inde- atall twice times pendently of people’s experiences and atti- %o So Yo tudes to work and what they expect and epiae portant to note that wide differences of 8 opinion exist among the membership about 9 what the branch should be and is doing 8 (table 4): our sample an equal number of right-wing Nonetheless it might be expected that activ- members are highly active. However actiy- ists would have negative attitudes to aspects ism is positively related to people's self- of employment such as job content, pay, assessed interest in politics and is especially promotion opportunities, and the employer 1 want the union branch to con- fine itself to defending my job and pay level 581 VST TEtan pesewpegs - oe = cere + 2 :tineiaaginaaieSpPayFEPEtosbo TS - ESL as ME SEEREPras i /- “excessive stress” in their jobs, feel that the present economic climate directly threatens their own jobs and desire more involve- ment in higher management decision- making. The latter result is particularly important: demonstrating that white collar employees value their involvement in trade making a decision 37 unions as a form of “workers’ participa- # city corporation). Surprisingly, this is regular contact with stewards described Ot the case, though activism is related to their “style” of decision-making: Some other work attitudes. More active / members tend to admit to being under Table 7: Members’ descriptions of their shop steward’s ‘style’ tion.” This leads us finally to the question that Table 5: Members’ reasons for not attending union meetings some- never times/often allows me an equal Say in decisions 15 This brings us finally to the most import- |have too many other things to do The time of meetings is in- convenient - I'm not interested in that particular meeting I'm not interested in the union generally 12 18 19 Stand A feeling -39 my opinion wouldn't carry ‘ of fun Angela Carter It would be a waste of time— any weight | haven't been informed of @: meeting 533 62 63 65 71 and’ attending full branch meetings. The is unambiguous; but the noun certainly the reason %o the reason - %o " 88 62 81 61 47 38 27 35 29 ant findings to emerge from the research so far. Correlational analysis clearly shows that members who have good access to shop stewards are more likely to be active than those who do not. In other words, the shop steward may have a crucial part to play in developing membership interest and partici- pation. Still more interesting relationships emerge on the shop steward “style” variable, for results suggest that “democratic” shop stewards tend to foster “local’’ forms of union involyement—attending departmental meetings, raising issues, and convassing for causes. Members with “autocratic” stewards are more likely to engage in ‘“‘central’’ forms of participation—voting, attending rallies, The idea of “fun” is an odd one. “Funny” e& place of the meetings is inconvenient Idon't know the people who are active in the union Idon't like the people who are active in the union encapsulates the main purpose of our research: What patterns of union organisa- tion stimulate membership involvement? The branch adopted the shop steward system some four years ago with the aim of strengthening members’ ties with union decision-making and to devolve responsi- bility for negotiation from the centre to the departments of the corporation. We asked members to evaluate the changes they had witnessed as a result of the sys- tem’s introduction and found that percep- direction of causation in all these relation- tudes and behaviour will shed further light machine killed you with too much pleasure. T% makes decisions and then informs me about them afterwards 25 makes decisions and then takes some trouble to explain or justify them 23 consults me about the options before does not imply the simply risible. And fun ships is probably two-way, and it is hoped is quite different from pleasure, which has that closer scrutiny of shop stewards’ atti- obscure overtones of the erotic. Barbarella’s on these results. Buying votes Since the 1972 us presidential election— when, among other things, Richard Nixon’s Campaign to Re-Elect the President (CREEP) greatly outspent George McGovy- ern’s Democratic Party campaign—new laws have been introduced in the us to limit private and corporate financial contribu- tions to political campaigns with the object of curtailing abuses. But. does campaign spending really matter anyway? Lawrence Shepard has investigated the extent to which spending sways public opinion in Californian congressional elections (Public” Opinion Quarterly, vol 41, No. 2, page 196). A machine that killed you with too much fun suggests a far less swooning death. Death by tickling, perhaps. (The World's Fair advertises tickling sticks, “ideal for Glasgow Fair.”) Fun is also quite different from delight, which is a more cerebral and elevated concept. You might get pleasure, or delight, froma good performance of The Marriage of Figaro. If you found it fun, or worse, “great fun,” it would only go to show what a camp little number you were. According to the Oxford English Dic- tionary, “fun” originally meant a cheat, a hoax, a practical joke; widened to involve ridicule (“to poke fun’) and heartlessness, always an aspect of the comic, It only finally settled to a significance of guiltless enjoyment at around the tum of this cen- tions were largely favourable (table 6): Table 6: Members’ perceptions of changes since adoption of a shop After a complex multiple linear regression tury. Perhaps some folk memory of its eward system information flow union. effectiveness conflict in branch membership commitment democracy in branch 31 50 management—union analysis, Shepard found that public opinion earlier meaning is what lends a certain am- as expressed by voting behaviour was more ‘bivalence to funfairs. (Which are not the more no change %o So 65 32 less %o 9 was shown to vary directly with population 54 42 44 52 responsive to Republican spending than same as fairs.) 4 Democratic spending. The proportion voting Since fun is pleasure without. guilt, as in 4 Democratic in each district was simply re- the euphemistic “fun-loving,” we are bound 35 56 the thing is the guilt, anyway. Adultery is to feel it must be inherently trivial. In a towards Democratic candidates. This total Judaeo-Christian culture, half the fun of 4 lated to the number of citizens predisposed 18 density, degree of urbanisation and un- never fun; look at Anna Karenina. Swap- employment—and it also varied inversely 28° with income. ping is fun, or so the writers to Forum harmony 19 52 A more direct evaluation of the system is Although Democratic spending does in- you in approved school, but “having a bit provided by members’ own reports of their crease when the election result is expected contact with shop stewards. These reveal to be close, it makes no difference to Demo- that the great majority have easy and cratic performance. Shepard therefore con- regular access to, and information from, cludes that incumbency and predeliction their representatives, though it is less are the most important influences in Demo- evident that all stewards are approaching cratic voting behaviour. But the new legis- the pleasure of the working class, as defined their role in an overtly democratic manner, lation on campaign’ expenditure docs Table 7 shows how those members in diminish Republican prospects. from outside that class. Nevertheless, it’s a shibboleth that ain Ree ————————cncneecacape-roerciestalea teneeeAI TTTETTET claim. Promiscuity isn’t fun and will land of fun” with a consenting adult suggests that nobody minds a slice off a cut loaf. Fun is pleasure that does not involve the conscience or, furthermore, the intellect. Hegel is never fun. Fun, in fact, might be "New Society 15 December 1977 Dick Scott Stewart NRC/NALGO FROJECT -- UNION DsvOCRACY SURVEY /DEPARMMENTAL FROEILE This sheet summarises the results for your Department of the membership survey carried out earlier in.the year. It docs so by showing under 5 head— ings in what ways your Department differs from "the Rest". If no differences are mentioned, you may sssume your Decvartment's results are broadly similar to those of "the Rest". For details of these, consult the full revort of results issued to shop stewards, or to the. summary issues to all the memoder— ship. Department PLANNING & DESIGN 4) SAMPLE CHARACTERTSTICS ——---- eee ee ee Sample Size 272 Response Rate 56% . "the Rest" 1781 2) MEMBERSHIP ACTIVISM/INVOLWVRENT P&D 74%| 615| 2he65| us the Rest 13% 19% 29.55 8.5% venue for union meetings is a greater consideration. ‘ 82% of Planning & Design respondents are male, which is a much larger pro- portion of men than among the Rest (425 male). This Department tends to be more highly educated than most, with 65% holding first degree or higher equivalent qualifications compared with 3% among, the Rest. However, Planning and Design members are likely to supervise fewer other people than is generally the case. Members in this Department seem less likely to do nothing in the union but more likely to do very little rather than a lot. Measuring participating in 7 forms of union activity and comparing this Department with the Best gives the following percentage distributions for extent of activity: A larger proportion of P & D members have voted in union elections than among the Rest 83% as against 725), but-fewer have attended derartmental union meetings (225 as against 73 » and have taken part in union rallies ($5 as against 153). Apparently for P & D members the inconvenience of the 0 4-2 3-6 7 Number of Activities engaged in SDaaa Sag ASOEaTeTRTSECSCDERRaaaeca Fewer P & D members feel themselves to be under stress intheir jobs (414 feel under stress as against 265 of the Rest), and fewer find their work is boring (124 say it is, os against 164 of the Rest). Also there seems to be less inchnation to feel that the Department has more than its fair share of pro- blems (235 feel it has, as against 31% of the Rest). Problem-loaded, stressful and/or boring work would not then appear to be substantial reasons for union involvement in this Department. The membership here is also less likely to look to union involvement as a way of identifying with the labour movement (11% regard it in these terms, as against 193 of the Rest). However 564 of P& D respondents do feel that the current economic climate represents a threat to them in their jobs, i.e. more than half those replying and significantly more than the 38% of tne Rest who feel this threat. 1,) REPRESENTATION AND THE SHOP STEWARD SYSTEM Generally soeaking P & D members are better served by their shop stewards in >?) that more of them have frequent contact with their representatives {at least once per week for 67% of them, which compares with 5/% among the Rest). Also more P & D snop stewards are employing consultative and democratic styles of decision-making in their relationship with their constituents: 51% of the membership describe their steward in these terms, as against 35% among the Rest. So far as assessing the introduction of the shop steward system is concerned, P & D attitudes tend to be very close the the norm (se2 Section & of the full report), with the excention that slightly more people see the system as generating greater conflict within the branch. . 5) APTITUDSS TOWARD THE UNLON AND BRANCH TEMOCRACY Greater dissatisfaction with the union branch is expressed by P & D members on counts: 49% of P & D membership is strongly opposed to a lot of what the branch does, simificantly more than the 325 of the Rest who feel this; 38 regard shop stewards as having too little say in branch policy, some 84 more than those among the Rest who say this; 32 are dissatisfied with the current electoral system for-branch leadership, some 74 than among _ the Rests finally, fewer P & D members regard Chief Shop Stewards and Branch Officers as taking sufficient acount of membership feeling (21% say they do, as against 234 of the Rest). : oD xe First Results of U.D.S - Some interpretative comments from the University teom Ree First, what do people do in the won? se wae The survey is significant for several reasons. In the wider sphere as a tpoical comnentm on the growth of white-collar wiionism, Implications also for industrial democracy, for managerial and white collar unionism established democratic lines of comminichytion that cut across the boundaries of arganisatibnal hierarchy. fhis msns it is important to Pind x out who particivates in theimion and why Whilst it is avparent that only a smll proportion have ever held office (taple 16%) » this is not the whole story and larger proportions participate in others ways (tables 17-23). Even so, a large proportion are generally inactive, Some clue to reasons are to be found in table 2), where a general disinclinaticn/apathy is more canmon than feelings of haxtitrtyy; alienation, Our study is especially interesting being based on a large ard heterogeneous population - 2000 returns from all levels, fimctions, areas. A better understanding of people's feelings about union invdlvement is to be found in table 1)., which shows that most inactivity is potentially activity given the right stimulus — one mist asaume that this means tmt members are content with their ovm inactitity. How do people's needs and attitwies explain activity/apathy? Tables 32-5 show that the union is no’ serving individuel needs ina deeper psychologicel sense for mare than a minority, but that of these needs the n'"opinion expressive" function is the strongest. i.e. the remainzder (on the evidence of +14) are only pulled into action by crisis-created needs. It would seem that the membershin are rexlatively content about sm:h-axs the Unions's effectiveness as an information channel (4.39), and is reasonably confident that electoral checks on the leadership do exist44+2> (.42). Moreover, whilst the membership"s view af what the scope of twrtomcx Branch policy/is narrower than ib is in reality (+.36) they are not,on balance, opposed to Branch polity (t.37), though the no. of yeses here is not insignifiayt. Opinion is divided omer the extent to which Branch Officers take account of members feelings.(t.38) What checks are there on exécufive action? How well is the shop steward system working? This is crucial to the interpretation of all foregoing results. Insofar as the ses. system epitcmise& devolved power, the membership neither clearly endorse nor criticise the system (t,l4), though there is an uncomfortabiz large proportion (albeit balanced by one of opposite opinion) who lack faith in their rep.'s access to power and decision-making(+¢.10) More positive are results concerning s.S »-member relations, which seem to be close and canmmicative (+.25)(t.26). However, stecards seem to vary widely in their "style" of operation (¢.27) ané clearly some need to be less autocratic and more sresvonsive to their members, It seems that stewards are viewed most favourably as information chanrels (4.28), and are not sccm as concerned or aware of members' individial problems (+29). Let us be clear on this point — the members want their stewards +d be more receptive to their needs (t.31). However, from those who were in a position to assess the effects of the introduction of the system, (aprrox 1200), -L~ people are gererally positive about the changes it has brought about (t.20) = the system does work, though with some possibly uncomfartable (butarguably beneficial) side-effects (e.g- conflict within the Branch). “ Binally, in view of table 48, it is clear that the union has a role to play in giving people access to decision-making, The implications for the Branch are relatively clear: first, there is a need to strengthen links between shop stewards and Branch policy-making; second, there is a need to iimpzove the patterns of consultation between shop stewards and membership, It showld be stessed that we have no data on the wider union system and the tim links between membership and bodies beyond Branch level, but the evidence of all participation research strongly urges the point of view the democracy begins at hame, Sheffield Branch has got a head start over others on this, and the results of this survey offer the opportunity for future advances. y Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/79fe4a306cfa379b3460ce25aacf97f2.pdf 431469fb840ba56f27d5482be0f903f5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM questions findings of RIBA earnings survey: Letter published in AJ 4 May 1977 (P2 overleaf) Description An account of the resource The editor reserves the right to shorten letters unless writers specify otherwise, Short letters can be dictated to Fane Pike over the telephone on Thursdays, for possible inclusion in the following issue of the Af. partners’ profits are greater as well. Profits vary with the size of practice. The RIBA’s method of averaging out apparently random samples, or of relating partners’ income to age is therefore of dubious value as a source of knowledge about the state of the profession, Presumably for this reason, the National Board for Prices and Incomes, in its 1968 Survey of architects’ fees and costs, used size of practice as the only relevant yardstick for comparing) incomes. This was also the method used in our submission to the Monopolies Commission, and we enclose copies of the relevant tables showing figures references and sources, We would draw your attention to the main findings: 1 There is a considerable difference between the average income of partners in small and large firms. In 1974 these incomes were £6129 and £22 327 respectively. 2 There is an increasing trend towards larger offices, the percentage of medium and large practices almost doubled as fees are exempt from the ‘social contract’, inflation has created something of a bonanza for the partners. For example it appears that it is not unusual for partners’ incomes (clear of overheads but not taxed) ina medium/large firm to range from £45 000 to £65 000. Other returns show even higher incomes. next visit to one of our sites in case he should run into one of the World’s End team. Peter A. Kreamer London SW1 Henry Herzberg replies: Iam sorry that Mr Kreamer feels that we failed to give sufficient credit to Bovis. No ‘side swipe’ was intended: the words complained of are a plain statement of fact. NAM< questions findings of RIBA earnings survey From Dan Bullen of the LondonGroup,NAM between1958and1972.The Whataboutthebuilder? FromG.WigglesworthRIBA Sir: We would take issue with the findings of the RIBA’s 1976 earnings survey (AJ 6.4.77 p635). While we are not surprised that the RIBA’s interpretation attempts to show that there is a trend towards the reduction of differentials between partners and salaried staff, we would point out that our 1976 submission to the Monopolies Commission showed the exact Opposite, It appears that it is the method of presentation of the RIBA’s results which is particularly misleading. All your readers know that the income ofa medium to large sized practice, doing medium to large sized jobs is considerably greater than that ofa two person firm eking out a living on kitchen conversions. Consequently the Prices and Incomes Board found that while comprising only 30 per cent of all practices (32-1 per cent according to the RIBA), these firms received 81 per cent of all fee income. In 1972 the same group of offices employed 82 per cent of salaried architects in private practice. 3 At the same time as partners in medium/large firms were averaging £22 327 per annum, the average income of all salaried architects in private practice was £4743. The differential between partners and salaried architects thus increases in relation to the size of practice. We are in the process of updating our data, and we would welcome further information from salaried architects regarding their partners’ profits. At this preliminary stage itappears that From Peter A. Kreamer of Bovis Construction Ltd Sir: Henry Herzberg’s article on World’s End (AJ 20.4.77) claims not to attempt to discuss the architectural, but to concentrate on other things. One would have thought that such a disclaimer would have prefaced at least some passing reference to the form of contract used to build the majority of the project. One would have thought that since that form of contract is a fee based one, and that the builder concerned is fee remunerated for all his work, that his name would be deemed worthy of a mention among the other professionals involved on p734. But no. Henry Herzberg, it seems, is so concerned with slanging what he regards as the evil main contractors of the "sixties (p743) that he doesn’t have Space to describe how the ultimate contractor on this job managed a disaster into a success story. While taking a side swipe at the client for accepting the higher of two so-called ‘tenders’ to complete the project, he fails to mention that the work was completed by the chosen contractor well within his estimate of prime cost. He also fails to mention that the management team involved achieved every phased handover by the original date promised. Finally, in his last sentence he to avoid even a grudging acknowledgment that the completion date also met the programme promised when Bovis took over in 1973. I would advise Henry Herzberg to wear a disguise before his Sir: I very much agree with Christian Hamp’s letter (AJ 13.4.77 p674) about the oriental or Japanese bath. I too enjoyed using it in Japan. It is not only very economical because the hot water is not drained away, but topped up and re-used, but itisakin to the sauna in that it is relaxing. Washing before entering the bath is, of course, essential. In the past, the Japanese used energy sparingly in their houses; there Was no attempt to warm the house, but only the person. Before getting into your padded bed, a hot bath was essential; once warm in bed, you could remain warm all night even when the room temperature might be just above freezing. G. Wigglesworth London SE1 Earning survey wrong? From M. 7. McCarthy RIBA Sir: The 1976 RIBA earnings survey (AJ 6.4.77 p635) shows that the increase in architects’ earnings between June 1975 and June 1976 was significantly greater in the public sector than in the pri- vate sector. The explanation for this disparity was attributed to ‘the existence of incremental scales for public employees which were allowed to operate during the Incomes Policy’. I believe this to be a fundamentally wrong interpretation. Local authority pay review periods run from July to July each year whereas the Incomes Policy runs from August to August. The effect of these periods is that local authority employees are one of the last groups to be affected by an Incomes Policy for any year. Between June 1975 and June Table IAverage annual income per Architectural Partner by size of Architectural Team Size of practice arch team 1-5 6-10 11-25 Average income per architectural partner 1966 1970 1974 £££ 2575 3811 6129 3778 5591 8 992 6108 9040 14537 26 or more 9381 13 884 22 327 Sources: National Board for Prices and Incomes report on architects’ 1968; Updating Factor—RICS building cost information March 1976. costsand fees Table Il Average salary of all 1966 £1993 I d archi 1970 £2950 in all private practices 1974 £4 743 _ Source: Ibid. Note: All technical salaries in 1967 formed 34-5 per cent of costs; RIBA handbook Suggests approx similar figures. Table IM Distribution of private practices by size 1958-1972 Size of practice arch staff 1-5 6-10 11-30 31-50 51 and over Source: RIBA Submission to Monopolies Commission May 1976. NAM?'s tables: see Bullen’s letter. 1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 74:3 69°0 63:4 61:7 61-8 67:9 63-7 16-2 18-0 22-1 22°8 1972 22:6 18:5 20-1 13-0 2oh6:s jos 1370 14:5 15-5 123 15:6 i5}is6 0-8 1-3. The Architects’ Journal 4 May 1977 Dan Bullen London W1 Bathing for warmth 1OE fe 818 The Architects’ Journal 4 May 1977 1976 local authority employees were not ‘entitled to their annual increments on top of the £312 per annum which was the maximum increase allowed in the first year of the Social Contract’ because their pay award for that period was made in July 1975, before the Social Contract came into force. It follows that for the year in question normal negotiating procedures applied. The £312 per annum cost of living award under the first year of the Social Contract will be refiected in the next RIBA earnings survey, and itcan be expected that a closer correlation between the sectors will be shown. The 4 per cent or £4 a week second stage of the Social Contract will not be awarded to local authority employees until July of this year. When the results of the 1978 RIBA earn- ings survey are published the relative positions of the two sectors over the whole period should have balanced out. There is currently much discussion on a possible stage 3 of the Social Contract. Whatever happens, local authority employees will be forced to fund stage 3 inflation from a stage 2 increase in income. It is well known by tradeunionsthatpayawards are held down prior to the entering of a formal period of pay restraint, and that there is considerable advantage in having an annual pay review date at the beginning rather than the end of statutory periods. I believe that at the end of the period of Incomes Policy the public sector will be seen to have lost ground. Incremental scales of pay are inflexible and can be criticised on a number of grounds but they should not be blamed for discrepancies in earnings of architects in different sectors. M. J. McCarthy London WS5 Lakeside Drive designs From Michael Wilson RIBA Sir: I do not wish to deny credit to Royston Summers for his overall design scheme and commendable standard detailing system for Lakeside Drive (AJ 13.4.77 p691), but wish you to note that approximately one-third of the illustrating photographs related to ‘the only non-standard house’, and also accounted for half of the interior shots. These photographs demon- strated, in most cases, major design features which are not attributable to Royston Summers, set within an adaptation which paid respect to the overall design idiom and constraints imposed by his system. The only departure from this discipline is also the only feature that your article attributes to “different architects’, namely the placing of three windows in what would other- wise have been a blank wall (photo 22), due to a good, practical requirement for change by the client when the building was well under way. Unfortunately, the Royston Summers approach did not permit a less inharmonious solution at that juncture. Was not to ‘chop a road through Petworth’s incomparable park’ but to tunnel under the park— this following an evaluation of over 20 alternative schemes, public mectings and even a referendum of the locals, item in your issue of 13 April (p675) with a picture of the nearly completed first phase. The photograph, which I guess to be taken with a wide-angle lens, gave the effect of an isolated building surrounded by large areas of tarmac. Jeffrey Mansfield continued the work begun by Royston Summers for two years following his resignation from the commission, and handed it over to myself carly in 1972 in close liaison—particularly with reference to the above-mentioned housewhichhehadalready problemofPetworthisextremely clearwayfortheGLCandwith designed in outline. The design work to this house, and to others requiring variation, was continued by myself and my former partner, Gerald Harvey. Michael Wilson London SES Petworth county line From B. J. Seaman RIBA, West Sussex county architect Sir: Astragal’s Petworth reprieve (AJ 13.4.77 p672) must get my nomination of the year for the most inaccurate and sensational piece of journalism. Anyone who knows Petworth will certainly support a plan by West Sussex County Council to divert heavy traffic from the narrow streets of the town and anyone in the area will certainly know that the dialogue between the county council, the National Trust and the local people has been going on for many years. The council’s plan difficult. Not only is it a town of great architectural and ~ historical interest but it is also set in an outstanding landscape. I consider the council and its officers have acted and are acting in avery responsible manner. I would hope the Architectural Press would act in an equally responsible manner. B. J. Seaman Chichester, Sussex Sorry about the Hutchinson error. The council did propose to chop a road through the park—though a short tunnel was to run in front of the house. Astragal Credit for code” From Bob Giles RIBA, chairman SAG Sir: Your otherwise excellent report of the work of the RIBA Salaried Architects Group (AJ 30.3.77 p579) was marred by a misleading description of the group as ‘the leading force’ in the work of revising the Code of Professional Conduct. Although SAG was involved in the production of the final draft the present code is the culmination of nearly 10 years’ work by successive working groups under the direction of David Waterhouse, to whom just credit should be given. Bob Giles London W1 Vauxhall Bridge Road From H. A. P. Quince, architect Sir: Inoted with interest the news high buildings on its north side, and the rest of the building tapers down to match the domestic scale of the Victorian terraces to the south of Tachbrook Street. Similarly, the text could be misleading. As you know, many local authority architect’s departments have some kind of hierarchical structure and design teams containing several architects. In this context I feel it is difficult and possibly invidious to single out one individual to whom the design can be attributed. However, your news item contrasts with a similarly brief item on the next page of the same issue by not naming the job architect; instead it attributes the design to the person who was the group leader. As job architect, I designed the overall layout of the redevelopment for which planning permission was obtained, originated the design of the building illustrated and supervised its development up to tender stage. H. A. P. Quince London SW17 Tax alternatives for practices incurring losses From K.J. Slade ATII Sir: One reads ofa recession in the building and construction industry which indicates that some of your readers in private practice on their own account are suffering from adiminution of income which, in the more Serious cases, means that the practice isincurring aloss. The county surveyor, Mr Harrison (not Hutchinson), actually commented that the one virtue of the postponement was that it would enable the dialogue on Petworth’s traffic problem to continue. The This misses the whole concept of a building designed as a link between two differing urban scales. The high mass of the building fronts Vauxhall Bridge Road, safeguarded as an urban Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM London Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 04-May-77 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/29f7f6e8e8f43907ef2a8e7b9b66b4a1.pdf 71f4cc54be7e0e02b8d5491956f9f57e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Report Subject The topic of the resource "Architectural Workers & Trade Unionism" Report Description An account of the resource WSINOINN J0VUL ONY SYEYMOM. TVHRISALIKOMY STAMP : the architects’ union ? The Supervisory, Technical, Administrative, Managerial and Professional section of the building industry union, UCATT, historically owes its existence to the attempts made during the 1920s and 30s by salaried architects and technicians to organise themselves into a trade union. Inspite of the fact that its recent change of name from the "Assoc= lation of Building Technicians" indicates a desire on their part to recruit from amongst all the 300,000 or so white collar workers in the industry, they retain for this reason a special regard and sympathy for the problems of architects and technicians generally. This represents an ideological if somewhat Quixotic commitment on their part within a traditionally conservative area; for over 50 years of activity within the architectural field never gained them more than 3,500 members (as opposed to their present membership of around 20,000). Nevertheless, for the architect wishing to join a trade union, STAMP possesses ad- vantages over larger staff unions such as APEX and ASTMS, by virtue of its long experience within the field and orientation towards the build- ing industry. There is however, an underlying mood of impatience in the union's att- itude towards the architectural profession. Alan Black, its National Organiser is quick to point out that highly qualified workers within the industry, such as architects and technicians have traditionally been the most reluctant to look after their own interests and ensure even minimum conditions of employment. The union accounts for this by referring to the elitist and insular outlook of the profession which inspite of their attempts to the contrary, has not progressed very much beyond the conditions in the private sector of 50 years ago. In this respect they refer to private practice in terms of its totally non- collective way of working, its secretive management techniques, divis= ive salary differentials, and exploitiveness towards its "vast army of radically underpaid technicians", They remain committed to the issue of establishing a national negotiating machinery for the profession and all white collar workers in the building industry, and their long- term aim is to set up a minimum wage structure and salary scale with regional weightings, on the lines of those that already exist in local authorities. They see membership of a union like STAMP as one of the best means of breaking down the compartmentalisation of the professions in- volved in building, by bringing them together in one staff union. With regard to salaried architects and technicians they maintain that they are underpaid and underpnrepresented and that their interests cannot be guaranteed within the RIBA or other parts of the architectural profession by virtue of its orientation towards employer rather than employee inter- ests. they further argue that since 80% of the profession is in salaried employment and since for the most part prospects of partnership and "principal" status are remote, there is a real need for architects to recognise this fact by organising their own labour and by being prepared to use their potential for industrial action in the manner that the teaching;, nedical and engineering professions have already demonstrated, in order to gain adequate renumeration for the work they carry out. For this reason, STAMP is still regarded by the RIBA as somewhat of a "red" union; a description they are not entirely anxious to accommodate, for they subscribe to no particular political fund. However, inspite of the reluctance on the part of the profession as a whole to take part in union activities, architects hav.. tended in the past to be a vocal and influential element within the union, both at Branch level and on its National Executive Committee. Thus there exists on the part of the union a willingness to encourage its architectural membership and an under- standing of its problens and language. In its form and membership, STAMP is at present the product of a rec- ent reorganisation which has resulted in the transfer to the section of all salaried, supervisory and non-manual grades previously to be found in UCATT, creating thereby a separate staff union in conjunction with its old ABT membership. It is administered and funded independ- ently of its parent union, and possesses a separate General Council, National Executive Committee and Branch structure, whilst retaining the larger backup resources of UCATT itself. Its relationship with UCATT is bound in some cases to be somewhat ambiguous for its member- ship's interests often reflect those of the employer and of management rather than those of the worker on site. In certain cases of industrial dispute this means that STAMP must occasionally defend its members against those of UCATT, and is prepared to do so, although a tendency exists for inter=-union disputes to be settled outside Industrial Tri- bunal. A further reflection of the nature of its membership is a "waver" in the union's rules, providing exemption from industrial action for its members where this can be demonstrated to conflict with their ob= ligations under professional codes of conduct. The greatest scope for the union in terms of reaching salary and con- ditions agreements for its architectural and technician members exists where there are large numbers of them in one practice or office. Such an instance is an agreement they have negotiated with the "Scottish Special Housing Association", where they have a closed-shop arrangement in conjunction with NALGO. This would in normal circumstances under free-collective bargaining, provide tri-annual wage reviews, but pres- ent government pay policy rules this out. Nevertheless, the agreement with the SSHA remains a unique example of STAMP's activities, for else- where in the architectural field their membership is scattered and its negotiating strength is somewhat lessened as a consequence. Even so, now that the Employment Protection Act has been extended to offices employing under 5 people, their action on behalf of individual members of the profession is guaranteed. On the matter of redundancies, STAMP is in the same position as other unions. The Act provides the machinery for consultations only between the union and employers. Yet STAMP's policy on the matter is quite clear. - If the matter of redundancies arises they are committed to ensuring that their members take prece- dence in retaining their jobs, over non-union members in architectural offices. If this would appear somewhat harsh on the redundant non-union member, they point out that the union exists in order to guarantee its members interests precisely in instances such as this. In relation to UCATT, with its 286,000 members, STAMP remains however, a small union, working within a largely unorganised field. (Only 10% of white collar workers within the building industry belong to trade unions) Even UCATT itself accounts for only 30/35% of the total work= force of the construction industry, although it represents by far the largest union in the field. These figures consequently illustrate the divergencies that exist within what the union refers to as a "rather old fashioned industry", between the large multi-national conglomerates on the one hand, and the small local contractors on the other. UCATT has always found the latter difficult to organise and has had its great est successes with the largest companies. Similarly, in the architect- ural field, STAMP views the greatest potential for recruitment of mem- bers as lying in the larger practices where architectural grievances are perhaps more clear-cute The organisation and governing structure of the union is similar in many respects to others. Branches may be set up wherever there are ten or more members, and can in turn appoint representatives to the union's General Council, thereby participating in policy decisions at a higher level. Union policy is decided at its Annual General Meeting, and at the bi=annual conventions of the General Council. These meetings con= fine themselves to matters of general policy, whilst details of imple- mentation are worked out by the union's Executive Committee, the ten members of which are elected from the General Council. The Committee meets on a monthly basis in order to receive reports and recommendations from specialist sub-committees, on such issues as Industrial Relations, or Housing. Outstanding issues are sometimes decided by polling the general membership of the union by postal ballot. In conclusion, the union possesses the advantages and disadvantages of a relatively "small" organisation. Its management structure is not top= heavy or burocratic, but accessible, helpful and friendly. It is however weak in the Branches, and in some areas membership is too scattered to justify setting these up. Nevertheless, it must be remembered that it is a section of the largest building industry union in the country, and is the only union which aims to cater for the needs of the architectural profession. Being part of an "industrial" union it does not possess the range of conflicting interests one might find in a large general union such as ASTMS, and which could in all probability engulf an architect- ural presence. ARCHITECTS AGAINST RIBA : IMI9-19S5 This paper proceeds from two motives. Firstly in order to illuminate a much neglected aspect of the history of the architectural profession; that of its first attempt to organise itself into a trade union; and secondly, as a cautionary tale to those concerned with the situation of the salaried architect and technician within the profession. Yet one may indeed ask why for all that, one ought to concern oneself with or even be interested in the events of forty or fifty years ago. Never- theless, an examination of the issues of the 20's and 30's reveals how little the profession has progressed since then, and how much hard-won ground the salaried architect has lost. Many of the experiences of the old "Association of Architects, Surveyors, and Technical Assistants" (AASTA) hold their lessons for us today, and can perhaps be applied to our present circumstances. Moreover, in many respects, the form the profession now takes is still governed by the events of that time; the 1931 Registration Act, and the formation of the ARCUK and the profess- ion's regulating committees and boards are all case points. Furthermore, the AASTA played a leading role in the formation of most of these. Thus the union's experiences also raise many key questions for the New Arch- itectural Movement. What are for example, the consequences of adopting a reformist position which accepts working within the structure of the profession, and the RIBA itself? What is the most effective way of or- ganising opposition to the RIBA and its policies, and how voice this critical stance? An impression of the spirit and flavour of the union can be guaged from the often eloquent expressions of salaried architects’ grievances to be found in the pages of its journal "Keystone". These reveal the predominantly intellectual, theoretical and political interest its professional members found in the issue of unionism, and at times the journal comes to resemble an architectural version of "Country Life", in its discussion of aesthetic and philosophical matters, more than the journal of a union dedicated to fighting for the rights of salaried architects and technicians. However, a 1935 editorial comment paints a particularly graphic picture of the profession as it existed then. "The ability to realise economic facts seems to be singularly lacking in the architectural mind, which always appears to be 50 absorbed in the production of the goods that it is oblivious to the very defective nature of their marketing, with the result that while the private practioner sits in his office waiting for a job or wastes his ability in a competition gamble, the salaried man works at high pressure for the maximum renumeration which he can individually procure, which is in fact, the minimum at which his patron can procure his services. Students emerge from the schools of architecture utterly devoid of any knowledge of the economic position of their profession. In- dividually every one of them enters upon his career with a more or less vague idea that through the medium of competition he will ultimately reveal his outstanding ability to an appreciative pub- lic and his triumphant future will be assured. Perhaps one ina thousand may live to see the fulfillment of this fantasy." The union however, had its lighter moments. Its references to the Modern Movement for example, were seldom less than caustic. "Everybody who is in the habit of making a noise about anything is asking "What is modernism?" Was it Chesterton who asked the question? It does not matter, for the spasmodic efforts of Peret and Corbusier along with their English immitators are not worth serious discussion, if only because they are deliberately att- empting to cut away all established cannons and traditions - to direct us to a philosopher's or a saint's heaven, when the pur- pose of art is to make life liveable and delightful here. From its inception in 1919, as the "Architects and Surveyors Assistants Professional Union" (ASAPU) the union's primary function, putting aside its intellectual aspirations, was to campaign for the rights of salar- ied architects and technicians and to ensure adequate representation for them on the RIBA Council, and later on ARCUK. The RIBA as they pointed out was governed according to the circumstances of the 1880's and not those of the 1920's and 30's. During the period the proportion of those in salaried employment rose from 40% in 1880, 60% in 1924, to 70% in 1935, whilst the RIBA remained largely a club for the principals of private practices. At the same time the numbers of architects had risen 71% from 7,000 in 1880 to 12,000 in 1924, as against a 46% rise in population. Furthermore, in real terms the salaries of architects during the 1920's had fallen 10-25% below the levels for 1914. (Levels which they claimed were derisory enough in the first place) As they were fond of noting, they were thus working within an "overcrowded", underpaid, and under-represented profession, and their strategy and policies were aimed at combating these facts. Their action however, lay primarily in the political field, in the form of bringing pressure to bear on the RIBA, rather than in the form of organising themselves into a shop-floor orientated union, in which demands could be met or campaigned for within the circumstances of work. To begin with, following on from "supply and demand" notions, the union proceeded to examine the salary issue in terms of actually limiting the number of architects in practice. In their report of 1924, "Overcrowding in the profession" they argued for tougher limits on the education of architects, fewer pupils being taken into private practice, and the "control" of their syllabuses so that instead of being reduced to mere “drawing board hacks" they might stand a better chance of becoming qual- ified architects. They further advocated a tightening up of the arch- itectural schools' courses so that they would conform better to pro- fessional requirements. The basis of their argument was that the pres- ence of unqualified staff in the profession "lowered" the prospects of renumeration for the profession as a whole. Not unnaturally, their proposals were to be instrumental in setting up the RIBA Board of Ed-= ucation in 1928, on which they were represented. For the same reasons, the union consistently supported the principle of registration, indeed going as far as to suggest that registration of all architects, students and qualified technicians should be made compulsory, with the important reservation that Architectural Registration Council should be a body representative of the entire profession, and that its composition should reflect the profession's orientation towards the salaried man, and not the private practitioner. Indeed the AASTA pinned a great many of its hopes for the future on the development of ARCUK, thinking that its existence would help relegate the role of the RIBA to that of learned institute only. However, above all else, the union remained commited to the notion of a "minimum salary scale" for all salaried architectural staffs. To this end it began negotiations with the RIBA in 1920, and these dragged on in the form of the "Joint AASTA and RIBA Practice Standing Committee and Allied Societies Conference" until 1927. Whilst thus absorbing the union in Committee activities in the hope of the ev- entual drafting of a joint memorandum recommending the adoption of a minimum salary scale, the RIBA succeeded in gaining their endorsement for their Registration Bill, and only after the union had thus comm- itted itself, were the proposals on salaries rejected. The RIBA's action in doing so, caused no little amount of bitterness amongst the union's membership, and at a stormy meeting at the Caxton Hall in February 1928, more than reformist changes were called for, culminating in the resol- ution; "No minimum salary scale - No Registration Act". Building News commented: "The attitude of the RIBA Council leaves the rather unpleasant impression that while it is prepared to do battle for its rec- ognised scale against the public, it is indifferent to explot- ation by its members of the assistant architects, even though the latter may also be members." Amidst the publicity surrounding the meeting, the RIBA's second Reg- istration Bill was thrown out by parliament, and the union's membership as a consequence of its refusal to support the Bill, increased by 150% to around 2,500. To some extent however, the union was to blame for the treatment it received at the time, for whilst engaged in raprochement with the RIBA from 1924-27, it remained exceptionally quiet and unwilling to "rock the boat'' over the issues on which it was supposedly campaigning. Thus at the height of the General Strike "Keystone" opens with these somewhat inappropriate words: "Sir Thomas More's "Utopia'' has lately passed through my hands againescece" gradually declined. Throughout the union's literature of the time, there is no mention of the economic and political turbulence of the 20's. After 1928 however, the union took on a far more serious-minded and militant outlook, and succeeded at last in forming a "Salaried Members Committee" within the RIBA, and in gaining statutory representation on the Architectural Reg- istration Council, in the form of one representative for every five hundred architectural members in the union. (Its modern successor, STAMP, retains this representation inspite of the very small number of architects it actually represents) Nevertheless, the experience of the Salaried Members Committee, proved to be similar to that of the 1924—=27 period. The AASTA finally withdrew from this in 1953 when the RIBA had yet again, and in principle rejected the proposed scale of salaries for private offices, after having already accepted scales for public and commercial offices in 1930. One of the reasons for the union's withdrawal from the RIBA at the time lay also in the fact that they considered that their presence on the Architectural Registration Council would prove to be more effective; nevertheless, the 1920-1933 period of cooperation with the RIBA had proved to be a diversionary one. The 13 nominees on various RIBA boards representing the AASTA were easily assimilated, and given work which gave the appearance rather than the substance of progress. The Depress— ion and eventually the War also, proved to be events which dissipated the strengths of the union. Thus by the end of the forties, its members were either disillusioned with the failure of a 20 year long campaign, or had been absorbed into successful careers within the professional establishment. Those who stayed on in the union, on its change of name and emphasis to the "Association of Building Technicians" did so in senior positions. They had become older, more conservative, more pros— perous, and consequently less "radical". In the circumstances of the failure of the AASTA, it is inevitable that the RIBA would have appeared to the majority of the profession as an irrestible force, and equally inevitable that the union's architectural membership from there onwards Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a234ae6da1f81339dda9034565e9bb87.pdf a9fda7b20fa542b8d81c86589663bad1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Later NAM Congresses, 2-5 Subject The topic of the resource A further 5 NAM Congresses after the initial Harrogate Congress in 1975, plus other documents Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Reports Subject The topic of the resource Reports available at Blackpool Congress (18). Hardcopies In File 2 above Description An account of the resource Ngd The following NAM documents are available at the Blackpool Congress. Numbers 1 - II are papers included in the oonferenoe fee and are issued at Registration. The remainder may be obtained at the "bookshop'. 1.11/1nformation NAM Leaflet 2. Historical Perspective 3. vi Private Practice : Progress Report 4."A National Design Service (2 parts) 5. "Education and the Profession 6. 'F'Architeatural Workers & Trade Unionism 7. a. Architects v The 1919-1935. 9. %/Professionalism 10.v/The Politics of Aesthetics 11. Index : List of all NA N documents, references (not including Blaokpool papers.) 12.V.The Monopolies Commission Report (U) IV/Report to the Birmingham Green Ban. Action Committee (50p) STAMP - The Architects' Union ? Hawser Trunnion North London Group Central London Group ftanois Bradshaw David Somervel Andrew Pekete Central London Group Andrew Fekete Andrew ftkete Anne Delaney Paul Dot on etc., 14. Interior Perspective 15. New Architecture Calendar (50p) 16. Asbestos : Information Leaflet 17/A Short History of the Architectural Profession (100, Central London Group Central London. Group North London Group North London Group Adam Purser V Do lief -kew-; VIA-444* -40. (Arndt- ettr4,11144$11 ciO484. 10.444- Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Liaison Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/77550145802069726d9e309749d1036a.pdf 294253805cb3cd394df2cb1301e908d9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Website Index https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/aff2be56dfda55d240d8d385a8f3f3bc.pdf 4949ba400b48fdc8823cd0ae7133df7b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource <p><span style="font-weight:400;">Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. </span></p> <ul><li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</span></li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NDS Subject The topic of the resource NDS Group preliminary steps recommendations to 3rd Congress 2pp. 3 copies Description An account of the resource leave DYNCMDLs cervecertraetrenUeMaligationof foboifcrmiuirntaralppprsionaoe deaviiesof puspleynndefter,lonheCele ‘lateexciltpualyWML? arclidiae ovetved ar an Allonolive meas Weaiy by phich.profleeatMAHI. FavetiwwrachunrePers Public <fituctibionk Md a shdf ofresources fags publeesect srfotepruyele,partecularttyn beisng nae housing Rehab iliteahor. ; a Pitin)fdas afCourseatnddy anchiA22t0atfftayeudneted,16 a /yate praclich hie Sora C0_ LL fale of contolHotes idl gp sn aN 2'ln4 (o (ohesottrite prluae |EBS 1tall hn “ae eA reelsteetecledel nsarvdtele prpanalé fisLa Nabael chetigen SomeaebasedmwAcuque€pectic lathinagpsSti 4k ffeck on archukechnal sernce tp te public jarclufacts anamapninksandee ee fouart. Weanyudfladebiserviceartucl.ouldbe rectly accounleble & and conhollad by te pesple tn th lgcabidy We <upesled trot peighbeurhrod based trea auiberdy offices WhuleMealgoveumaeytbeMgaarsatutdaSeprudment Y scuak cated it 1sat te same fewn te wan and oflr Be only stuchise through —ortutl, tle reajoity ofpeoplecar sett cima’ and gavin accord he tnd» feairuc on eller Kioures vecravy Paw housing , eabld’ od ducati Megnbnik « That ts, leak goverment prices tase coral Vitipan) conrneces ebucl, te print soa cect tarfound &be Jn Cortol ovetase pesecmnests A crtfealfoal Kaotucl corkedcnev clecign 5 polated. tshalosev Haul Secinkfanshin Us ewgl, Ce Atwacrabee Itt; 2~A rot Ahgoegl Ue Lacal grremasmoit “> Acdiiid A; Lé Ue ody efpryiniee A prereguscle a patimal Aeciyn connie epalt be Ue Litlevon a/4eleut ee x ee : freaplea ;foe wesfy decalgotu.nirdawol Eee eave dashed- hawMat20CeLawstattees 4 4 mint at 1S saceftib® a vg @noue preSsune fia bela): Fil. decal akkaulibo Can an Haw Chag of dinvelion 07 a roculf Me celeelode Aomands a Grats aganinatios , tral foliteal fariies oA” peck MANUS5 Pomudlgatr tis ddsaofev x Meslyn sence arth <orpol AY s0semcr Hol Le 9px An Crucspructjo. Was by dszall be ath tuinboingAesiguofficerXe20talallel, thepeel a megetCalaullouty Ara stopAn torlang fourrde tia goals Le Third WAI Cugnnr aclepted te fallawing tes an! “ThinCeguencostes)Mototbynary recervary 8developflies I frites Nitds avanr ~ te Ppublia sectv. To Ler Lud yf wavdals aneelNratiornaldBésiy.d.sloysiceGpoufpee ae Lebar 0 a rnponen cor, werden,tra foclovatiaAnAS\Hferopriale(hakeuninS~# AlalociedvGebratirs Ie: f Md: A Wabioral Design Sennen”, P 2 CA7L Bw 3 ea, 3 Sts Anedtalole 5 NAM, 2 Pland Shet london SI. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NDS Group John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0f2c1c68c26711f8a6c70b4b9aa84a5b.pdf 54c633382f7d7af4dde43951d54e6457 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource <p><span style="font-weight:400;">Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. </span></p> <ul><li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </span></li> <li style="font-weight:400;"><span style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</span></li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NDS 1975-77 Subject The topic of the resource Draft papers about NDS, Tenant Coops, A Ladder of Citizen participation, proposed research project Description An account of the resource THE UMGO ARcWMWTeTURE ALO0EHGUT. $ WOeTH Cewror) GLOUP» A NATIOMAL ICEIGN SGLUICE t. fou 2 BAAlpiod Nav 1G, leasfaneotsnft tntdeceniloned vile heasonS torn acluficine fa controled by Qa pahenagg a)(te Inbroouchan + , mum ord], and bows Tey txoral thir ety ooM Luds began loya |te elfacts om te yes, hemes ad phryrteal a a \ Yardy » We ang eel [= a natal ALsigy senuce luck ural be accoulable toavd canholladby tu propledn AS Ipcalily » de Qmcluded lint tighloeurhoock based scat auultoudy Asay. affucss shautofae aca At Preset toemt fdsse offuces aut enrhaliacd pand buraucmlic Shuctures,SteminalyLnsensitso&Ceroyfhofle,frecass 4 thon is lwited t the ounce Sfunding Aapa Arnel comer oy thom is vested Wn tanmulee Chetimnen. 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Studien te Donelefimnent of Gppctalionn .4. Doblo .(Esp: Chaplet B,Y . 2. Vawour Commumiley bvilebwut Reports \partieculaedy “iscal Gavewmont Becomer bg busine ~ ‘Profs Agamat House ecard F eutt corning Gaweetsto rot m local tndcluclral decline bbeplan 97), % Hs bund TENANT CO-OPS Government Con-t rick or A Force for Tenant Power ? with the help and advice of the other workers from the Islington Co-ops. C7 March 1977 Written by: Richard Crossley Lucy de Groot Alison McLean INTRODUCTION concerned. For the past six months a group of workers from the five co-operatives in Islington have been meeting every few weelks to discuss issues of common interest. We decided to write this article in order to look at the role of co-ops within the whole field of housing policy. The government is encouraging housing co-operatives at a time when it is also making severe cuts in public sector expenditure including cuts in the housing budget. Recently the Housing Corporation's Co-operative Housing Agency was opened with the specific purpose of promoting and advising housing co-ops. There is clearly a lot of support from the housing establishment for co-ops while other forms of public housing are continually being criticised and attacked. This has led to a lot of suspicion amongst people involved in the tenants' movement as to the role of co-operatives, their relationship with the rest of the public housing cector, their potential elitism, their popularity with the government, the standards and methods they will operate and their real potential for changing the control of public housing. It is important to clarify that the Islington co-ons, which we work for, have emerged-out of tenants' struggles to get access to and control of decent housing. We believe that it is only in this way thas tenant co-ops (and other tenants’ organisations) can represent the needs and wishes of their members. The recent moves by come local authorities, to institute co-ops from above without any direct initiative coming from tensats' g-ovps themselves, clearly contradicts the whole concept of texents' co-ops beirs the basis for tenants taking control over their hotsing. It is this latter concept with which we are We feel that it is very important to look at ihe issues which are at the centre of the debate about co-ops - ownership, finence, membership, selection. These are also the crucial areas for tenant control. In discussing these issues we have drawn on our own specsfic experience as workers for the different Islington co-ops. We Go not claim to have a complete solution to all the questions whicn have been raised about co-ops. We hope, however, that this article will explain some of the problema, clarify the issues and encourage a wider discussion and a better understanding of the role of tenant co-ops in the tenant movement as a whole. | | I. OWNERSHIP The argument about the ownership of housing by tenant co-operatives is often very confused. within the existing political and economic structures and they are therefore It is important at the outset to recognise that co-ops operate »necessarily limited by those structures. been a central demand of radical activists Public ownership of housing has is only a first step in the struggle for a socialist housing system. a crucial condition for equal distribution, proper planning and higher standards for any of these in housing but it is not of itself a sufficient condition demands. The public sector, as the present economic crisis emphasises, is controlled by the politicians and officials who dominate the political system. The DoE, Treasury, all developments and policies in public sector housing and, of course, over for Over a century. However, it It is and leaders of the government have the final control over the subsidising of private housing. the important role that housing plays in the economic and political maneouvres Unless we recognise this and understand we will fail to confront the real problems of governments in capitalist Britain, No Real Option Many people (including most tenants) think that they will only really control with which both private and public sector tenants are faced. their housing when they individually own a home of their own. They are also concerned to have a capital investment which they can pass on to their children and which they can realise by Selling at any time. For all but a Minority, however, the ideal of a home of their own can never be more than a pipe dream in a market situation where the cost of housing has escalated way beyond the Public Ownership :Tenant Control reach of ordinary working people. Massive government expenditure is essential if vitally needed housing is to be made available and it is only right that some form of government control should follow. In principle, we think that all freeholds should be socially owned, but with the greatest possible power and effective control in the hands of the tenants living in the housing. In other words, we feel there is an important need for a different form of public ownership and control whereby tenants have all the advantages (and responsibilities) normally thought to derive only from owner-occupation, without having to make any capital investment, and where the government retains the final control and recall on the property. The control vested in the tenants would normally take the form of a lease held by the tenant OO exercised in any other way. e housing doesn't arise. Public and Frivate Sector Co-ops Tenant co-ops have developed in both the public housing sector, on estates and in areas of local authority development (eg. Charteris Road), and in’ the private *Where the public sector co-ops are concerned, the issue of We feel that there is no perfect blueprint for co-operative housing and that the response of tenants in different Situations will vary. The type of solution co-op collectively. But this option is not always going to be politically or tactically viable for a tenant co-op - (most local authorities baulk at the thought of such innovations!) so it is Sometimes necessary for a co-op itself to own the freeholds. This type of co-operative ownership should not be confused with equity sharing or co-ownership schemes, where members have a stake in the capital value of the property. The Islington co-ops are all "par-value! co-ops where members have a nominal and equal share in the co-op (normally £1 per member) which is not redeemable. They have no individual stake in the property owned by the co-op nor can the co--op as a body sell any of its houses. Thus, the type of ownership enjoyed by co-ops is very restricted, and is of real importance only in so far as it creates control which cannot at presentb.e sector where tenants have fought to get bad housing in an area improved. ownership has already been won in principle; what the co-op will be concerned to gain is an extensive and powerful agreement with the local authority covering selection, Maintenance and all aspects of management. Although an ordinary tenant association may be interested in exercising this sort of power and control, all too often their energies are taken up with battles against a large, anonymous, uncaring "public landlord' and the Se for real control over “In the case of co--ops working outside the public sector, tenants' anxiety to make sure that bad housing is acquired, improved and made available to them usually leads to the demand for control over the acquisition and development of housing as well as future management. must be based on the needs of the tenants concerned. Whether the local authority Access to Money and Houses as the way it is managed. Money Gives Control going to live. III. MEMBERSHIP AND SELECTION - ARB CO-OPS ELITIST? The problem of possible elitism has been raised by many people who are unsure Legally, the only way'at present that a group of tenants can gain access to finance in order to buy from the private market to oust the private landlord and therefore to ensure the improvement of their housing conditions, is to register with the Housing Corporation as a Housing Association and thus be eligible for HAG. In the case of PPNC where tenants forced the declaration 5f a Housing Action Area, the co-op has been instrumental in bringing additional finance into areas of severe housing need. Long term, it is only with increasing municipalisation by local authorities that a major impact will be made on the private landlord. It is still the case, however, that for many tenants in the private rented sector, to be a member of a co-operative which is buying and converting in their area is firstly their only hope of access t> decent housing and secondly, but perhaps more crucially, the only way in which collectively they can control the type and standard of housing that is provided as well Our experience in Islington has shown that the effective transfer 0f control to tenants demands the transfer 2f financial control. In the case of co-ops in the public sector who are concerned with control over the allocation and management of their houses, tenants have demanded a direct allocation 9f the full amount spent by the local authority on management, and complete control over the budgeting of these amounts. Where tenants want to control the acquisition and conversion of houses in their area the only way to do so is to be directly eligible for HAG. Thus, tenants directly control the decisions made by the professionals employed to produce housing (eg. the surveyors, valuers, architects) and the tenants themselves can decide the speed and priorities of the acquisition programmes and the standards of the houses in which they are of the role of tenant co-ops, and afraid that the nature of co-ops will pre-select a certain type 9f tenant. The question, "Who becomes a co-op member and why" raises the issue of whether co-ops are in reality open to working class, badly housed tenants who are trapped in the worst conditions with no real options open to them or whether they simply attract the articulate, the middle class, people for whom other options exist. It als» raises the question of the co-7p's relationship with the established local authority waiting list. Where Do Members Come From? Most co-ops, and certainly those in Islington, have been formed in response to the bad housing of their area. So their initial membership and foundation has been amongst tenants in the most acute housing need. New members come to the co-ops because they hear from friends about the co-9p, because they live in the area and can see things happening, or because they have been referred by law centres, housing aid centres, 2m the basis 9f their housing needs. In the early stages some co-ops may restrict their membership to a specific area, for example, PPNC which is based entirely in a Housing Action Area, but most of ~ the Islington co-ops are open to any tenant in bad housing, living in the borough. The tenants wh> come to the co-ops for help do not do so because 9f some prior commitment to 'the principles of co-operation', but because the co-9%p offers some hope of a solution to their housing problems. Clearly, the initial membership of a co-op is crucial since it will determine the style and direction of the co-op. People will stay as active members and become involved with the co-op's struggle t> improve housing conditions if they identify with the way the co-op works. An Ever Open Door? It should be noted that over time, keeping an open door t2 all those in housing need can present problems for co-9ps, not least the problem of size. Also it may be necessary t2 discriminate positively in favour of specific groups, such + as elderly people who don't easily launch into tenants' meetings, or families with language problems, and in some cases to discriminate against others. In the belief that co-ops should not attempt to become all things to all people, HTC recently took a decision t>2 consciozusly exclude any 'middle class' applicants and to preserve its working class neighbourhood base. Young professionals, students and other groups have the resources to produce solutions to their %wn problems which may involve setting up their own co-op as Islington Community Housing have done for young single people. The Waiting List this entails. Selection in Action Sa are usually looked at: personal %pinions. One of the most crucial and most controversial areas 9f control fought for by tenant co-ops has been that of selection, the right of tenants to decide for themselves who should have priority in rehousing. In Islington this demand arose because of the council's own failure to operate a fair allocation system. (Tenants saw that the council's points system in effect reflected the supply of housing and was totally insensitive t3 people's actual housing needs.) Also where tenants are being permanently rehoused by a co-op, it is important that they are aware and willing to accept the responsibilities and commitment that Islington co-ops each have an elected committee which visits and interviews members, discusses each case and comes to a collective decision. Three criteria ae Council criteria »f housing need (ie. points on waiting list) b. Wider criteria of housing need (eg. size and conditionof rooms, tenants! emotional and medical problems, harassment) This is a difficult task and committee members can find themselves under moral and emotional pressure t> rehouse a member which might »verride »bjective criteria. The struggle to resolve these problems and answer for the decisions taken constantly challenges members 9f any co-op. Committee members are often sbliged to publicly speak out in meetings and thus confront their own prejudices and necessitates constant discussion and debate amonst members to determine what the c. participation in the co-op. It is probably true to say that the selection process is the most sensitive area within any co-op. The decisions taken have always to be seen t> be fair and unbiased. This has to be in the first instance to the co-op membership as a whole. There is tremendous pressure on committee members to be consistent and to avoid creating unfair precedents. In return, the co-ops demand of their membership an understanding of what's possible; they cannot tolerate unreasonable demands or expectations; nor can they be susceptible to pressures from either the more desperate or more unscrupulous members. Yet at the same time the co-ops must operate a more sensitive, humane and sympathetic allocation policy. Treading the delicate line between these various requirements is often difficult and right decisions, morally, ethically and politically should be. Public Accountability In the final analysis the co-ops are, and: should be, accountable to the wider- public through the local authority. In Islington, the council has 100% veto powers on all selections of the Charteris Road Co-op, and 75% of HIC's allocations. This ensures that co-op tenants are always people in the greatest housing need. The council's veto powers have never presented a real problem since co-op members have in practice always had very high points and have had more than the full residence requirements, All members have to be registered on the council's waiting list. In fact, the check which Islington council has kept 2m selectishs within the co-ops has confirmed the fiarness of their selections. But it is an important safety valve to ensure that the co-ops continue t> guard against possible abuses and t> emphasise their continued accountability ts the public at large. The co-ops have a responsibility t> the homeless, and sthers in housing need who live in the borough and are not members of the co-9p. ~ IV. TENANT CONTROL : THE PROBLEMS So far we have looked at some 9f the basic political, legal, and institutional issues which co-ops raise. We need to consider now the actual problems of tenant control. How do tenants take decisions and are these any better than the decisions taken by more conventional bodies like the council? What are the mistakes that have been made and why have they happened? A tenant co-operative provides an organisational structure which allows tenants to take control sxver their housing. The actual form that this takes will always be rooted in the particular history and circumstances in which a tenants' group develops. Tenant t> Co-operator In Islington, tenants got together to fight bad landlords and to struggle collectively to gain access to better housing. This was the crucial basis 2 which they built strong commitment to each other and to the co-%p as their organisation. However, this pattern of struggle and conflict with outside agencies can easily remain, so that even when rehoused by the co-op, tenants still see themselves as the 'victims'.- The landlord tenant relationship dies hard. The co-op as a collective landlord, controlled by its members, is for many tenants co= perative to be largely problem orientated. Democracy Tenants as Employers A further major issue emerges when full-time workers are employed by the tenants. The whole relationship between the members of the co-op, like those of sther tenants' organisations, join voluntarily and people therefore get involved with it om top of their other family and work commitments. The workers are around the co-op, seeing people and discussing issues every day. They have regular involvement with the members, the funding bodies, the statutory authorities and so inevitably they know more about the details of a situation than most co-op members. There is a permanent 'dynamic' tension between the workers and the members, who both employ the workers and are also dependent on them for their full-time services and expertise. a purely abstract concept. Roofs still leak, builders are slow and incompetent, the rent, rates and other bills still have t> be paid. People (and houses) do not change o%vernight just because they have become involved in a co-operative. Problems continue to arise and in some ways the co-»ps can become an added focus for complaints because they are m2 open. As one member of HTC put it, "if we had to take a 6p bud ride to tell you, you wouldn't hear about most of the problems you get in this office." The co-op office is local and the atmosphere friendly and receptive s>) it is easy for communication between individual tenants and the Democracy does not come easily in any organisation. It has to be fought for and repeatedly reaffirmed. The mechanisms for decision making are often more complex than individuals would like. Quick, instant decisons, sr answers to problems, are not produced by going through well-developed democratic procedures. This is part of an ongoing educational process which tenants have t> understand. More importantly, it also comes as a salutory warning to 2.utside bodies (eg. local authorities, central government) that democracy does not provide easy answers 2r instant responses to problems. The co-»ps have faced real difficulties over certain aspects of their work. The clearest example is that of selections where it is extremely easy for committee members to take decisions under severe emotional pressure without looking at the longer-term implications >f the decision. However, the important aspect of this is that the co-ops learn by their own mistakes. They are not the passive recipients »f other people's decisions. ee The Individual v the Co-9sp Control *rules and management policy. structure for this balance t> be fought for and maintained. For tenants who are members of a co-op the issue 9f control will involve the *selection and allocation of tenants for the houses; *development; “financial control over all aspects of the housing programme; *membership}; “democracy within the co-op; Obviously some of these issues are more easily dealt with than others. The co-ops in Islington have shown a clear and fierce determination t> fight cuts in There is also a continual conflict between the needs and desires 3f individual members (eg. for improvements do their house) and the sverall need of the co-9p collectively. T> thrive, the co-op must remain spen and responsive t> wider housing issues but for the individual membér this may seem irrelevant or remote. On the other hand, if the co-op merely services the rising expectations 7f individual tenants, it will in the long-run degenerate not just financially, but socially and politically. The co-ops are therefore confronted with keeping a constant delicate balance between individual needs and collective responsibility. What is so important about tenant co-ops is that they do actually provide a V. CONCLUSION a It is clear then that the central issue for tenant co=9peratives is control. This control does not come easily, it needs t> be Fought for on a number of different fronts; within the co-op, locally with the council, architects and builders, nationally with the DoB and the government. The continuous battles a co-op has to fight in all these areas are very important, not just for the particular co-op involved but for the tenants' movement as a whole. In Islington the co-ops have frequently joined with other tenants’ groups to fight against the Section 105 cuts on money for council rehabilitation, to challenge the council's policies on homelessness and allocations, and to assert the needs of Single people. standards imposed by central government and to ensure that reasonable allocation The Members and much debate. Realising Potential Power eg ee 5f funds is made for their programmes. The very fact of being an organised group with a definite purpose gives the co-ops great political strength in relation to both the local authority (eg. Charteris Rd's fight over the management and maintenance allowances), the Housing Corporation (eg. HTC's demands for an allocation of development finance involving costs the co-2p considers reasonable) and the Do (eg. Pooles Park and HTC fighting over standards for the conversions). Internally, the co-ops provide the opportunity for tenants who have previsusly had no control over their housing to take major decisions and to take responsibility for those decisions. In a co-op, tenants collectively have to deal with problems of rent arrears, difficult members, disputes, individual personal and family problems and with the whole issue of directly employing full-time workers to deal with these things on a day-to day basis. This obviously creates difficulties All the co-ops which have developed in Islington are multi-racial and their memberships are made up of some of the most deprived communities in Inner London. Members have low incomes, little security of employment, work long hours and experience the whole range 2f urban stress created by living in areas with few facilities of any sort. However, in the work of the co-ops they are consistently challenged by other people with similar problems. All the prejudices that people feel individually have to be confronted in an open organisation like the co-op. Race, culture, attitude, life-style are all different and potentially antagonistic. Under the pressure of having real decisions to make collectively about urgent problems which affect everyone (including, in the final analysis, oneself), members are continually forced to rise above their individual prejudices. The continuous learning process that the co-ops in Islington have created is probably one of the most outstanding features about them. Black, white, Irish, Mauritian, young, old, single parent families and childless elderly couples, are brought together because they have a common need and increasingly because they have developed a common involvement and commitment to the aims of the co-op. Many people in the housing establishment as well as in the 'alternative' housing establishment, have expressed strong opinions about what co-%ps are or should be. Much of what has been said comes from genuine ignorance of any actual co-ops in Cuyi costs and to solve their management problems. Tenant co- ps need to be - control over housing. operation; much also reflects preconceived prejudices. There is obviously a danger that tenant co-ops will be used by local authorities to divide tenants, aware of this and to ensure that it is the tenants themselves who decide the pace for a co-op and not the council. Tenant co-2ps do not claim to be the solution to the crisis in housing but they do have a real role to play in the tenants' movement. They create an important base from which tenants become aware 9f their potential power and begin to exercise real power in the immediate context of their housing. 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Lis /:iLU 7 ) Sr CusGretl G Q QLUGsCo Sr ' '| =z , e -_ 4 L) —~ —-— a . x aeeSe oe —COTES : oy,STASQh at 6)Boxeo) Eee Ss A NE : 7? C4/Pa. y)WQS Ca Ox | Bey 6S QCSaeweAW | ' CN ee AD AQ —\ OS =e een Ow Tee. ,97A,QkKG { yi . Sts 77 = Air? SA Oa Riser Dau /s wre YAK7% “: pee ey > a 4|OL PeNe GIQS ~| ( os Om & Vax, \ awe T°FOrn >VJ Q re P=QQ bO5-Ofc,) ge a me | Sherry R. Arnstein is Director of Community Development Studies for The Commons, a non-profit research institute in W ashington, D.C, and Chicago, She is a former Chief Advisor on Citizen Participation in HUD's Model Cities Administra- tion and has served as Staff Consultant to the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of HEW, and Washington Editor of Current Magazine. you parjicipule . - - They profit. 216 Bale 64. EMPTY RITUAL VEKSUS BENEFIT There isacritical difference between going through the empty ritual of participation and having the real power needed to affect the outcome of the process. This difference is brilliantly capsulized in a poster painted Jast spring by the French students to explain the student-worker rebellion? (See Figure 1.) The poster highlights the fundamental point that participation without redistribution of power is an empty and frus- Fiala pNPYOcessuGe poe eee Itallows the power- holderstoclaimthatallsideswereees but Takes it possible for only some of those sides to benehtt. It maintains the status quo. Essentially, it is what has | | | oa | political | i | | \ | There have been many recent speeches, articles, and books * which explore in detail who are the have-nots of our time. There has been much recent documenta- tion of why the have-nots have become so offended and embittered by their powerlessness to deal with the pro- found inequities and injustices pervading their daily lives. But there has been very litle analysis of the content of the current controversial slogan: “citizen participation” or “maximum feasible participation.” In short: Wat is citizen participation and what is its relationship to the social imperatives of our time? A LADDER OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION . The idea of citizen participation is a little like eating spinach: no one is against it in principle because it is good for you. Participation of the gov- erned in their government is, in theory, the corner- stone of democracy—a revered idea that ts vigorously applauded by virtually everyone. The applause is re- duced to polite handclaps, however, when this princi- ple is advocated by the have-not blacks, Mexican- ‘Americans, Puerto Ricans, Indians, Eskimos, and whites. And when the have-nots define participation as re- distribution of power, the American consensus on the fundamental principle explodes into many shades of outright racial, ethnic, ideological, and opposition. AIP JOURNAL JuLy 1969 Amencan Lx stitute of Plannéxs Towra! $1077 R.Arnstein Citizen Participation is Citizen Power Because the question has been a bone of political conten- tion, most of the answers have been purposely buried in innocuous euphemisms like “self-help” or “citizen involvement.” Still others have been embellished with misleading rhetoric like “absolute control’’ which is something no one—including the President of the United States—has or can have. Between understated euphemisms and exacerbated shictoric, even scholars have found it difficult to follow the controversy. To the headline reading public, it is simply bewildering. My answer to the critical what question is simply that citizen participation is a categorical term for citizen The heated controversy over “citizen participation,” “citizen control,” and “maximum feasible involvement of the poor,” has been waged largely in terms of ex- acerbated rhetoric and misleading cuphemisms. To encourage a more enlightened dialogue, a typology of citizen participation 1s offered using examples from three federal social programs: urban renewal, anti- poverty, and Model Citics. The typology, which is designed to be provocative, is accanged in a ladder pattern with cach rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the plan and/or program. power, It is the redistribution of power that enables the have-not citizens, presently excluded from the political and economic processes, to be deliberately included in thefuture.Itisthestratbyewghiychthehave-notsjoin in determining how information is shared, goals and policies are set, tax resources areallocated, programs are operated, and benefits like contracts and patronage are parceled Out. In short, t is the means by which they an induce significant social reform which enables them to “share in the benefits of the affluent society. —_—_—_——_ FIGURE 1 French Student Poster. In English, 1 participate; you parjicipate; be participates; we participate; e | {| LIMITATIONS OF THE TYPOLOGY The ladder juxtaposes powerless citizens with the powerful in order to highlight the fundamental di- visions between them. In actuality, neither the have-nots nor the powerholders are homogencous blocs. Each group encompasses a host of divergent points of view, significant cleavages, competing vested interests, and splintered subgroups. The justification for using such simplistic abstractions is that in most cases the have-nots really do perceive the powerful as a monolithic “sys- tem,” and powerholders actually do view the have-nots as a sea of “those people,’ with little comprehension of the class and caste differences among them. It should be noted that the typology does not include an analysis of the most significant roadblocks to achiev- ing genuine levels of participation. These roadblocks lie on both sides of the simplistic fence. On the power- holders’ side, they include racism, paternalism, and resistance to power redistribution. On the have-nots’ side, they include inadequacies of the poor community's v Further up the ladder are levels of citizen power with tions among ghem, Furthermore, some of the character- increasing degrees of decision-making clout. Citizens istics used tq jiJystrate each of the eight types might be 6 ? Delegated power Degrees we «=f Citizen control i Portnership 6- 6 4 Eon Placation Consultation 7 Informing 3— 2 < 1 FIGURE 2 Therapy wal Manipulation Eight Rungs on a Ladder of Citizen Partici- pation citizen power Degrees tokenisn — Nonperticipation —d they lack the power to insure that their views will be heeded by the powerful. When participation is re-| political socipecanomic infrastructure and knowledge- stricted to these levels, there is no followthrough, no “muscle,” hence no assurance of changing the status quo. Rung (5) Placation, is simply a higher level tokenism because the groundrules allow have-nots to advise, but retain for the powerholders the continued right to decide. base, plus difficulties of organizing a representative and accountable gitizens’ group in the face of futility, alienation, and distrust. : Another caysign about the eight separate rungs on the ladder: In the rea} world of people and programs, there might be 15Q rungs with less sharp and “pure” distinc- ARNSTEIN 217 can enter into a (6) Parinership that enables them to negotiate and engage in trade-offs with traditional powerholders. At the topmost rungs, (7) Delegated Power and (8) Citizen Control, have-not citizens obtain the majority of decision-making scats, or full managerial power. Obviously, the cight-rung ladder is a simplification, but it helps to illustrate the point that so many have missed—that there are significant gradations of citizen participation. Knowing these gradations makes itpossi- ble to cut through the hyperbole to understand the increasingly strident demands for participation from the have-nots as well as the gamut of confusing responses from the powerholders. Though the typology uses examples from federal programs such as urban renewal, anti-poverty, and Model Cities; it could just as easily be illustrated in the church, currently facing demands for power from priests and laymen who seek to change its mission; colleges and universities which in some cases have become literal battlegrounds over the issue of student power, or public schools, city halls, and police departments (or big busi- ness which is likely to be next on the expanding list of targets). The underlying issues are essentially the same —"“nobodies” in several arenas are trying to become “somebodies” with enough power to make the target institutions responsive to their views, aspirations, and needs. been happening in most of the 1,000 Community Action Programs, and what promises to be repeated in the vast majority of the 150 Model Cities programs. Types of Participation and “NomParticipation” A typology of eight Jevels of participation may help in analysis of this confused issue. For illustrative pur- poses the eight types are arranged in a ladder pattern with each rung corresponding to the extent of citizens’ power in determining the end product.® (See Figure 2.) The bottom rungs of the ladder are (1) Manipula- tion and (2) Therapy. These two rungs describe levels of “non-participation” that have been contrived by some 2 substitute for genuine participation. Their real ob- ijective is not to enable people to participate in planning |or conducting programs, but to enable powerholders to |"educate" or “cure” the participants. Rungs 3 and 4 'progress to levels of “tokenism’’ that allow the have- nots to hear and to have a voice: (3) Informing and (4) Consultation. When they are proffered by power- holders as the total extent of participation, citizens may indeed hear and be heard. But under these conditions Characteristics and Illustrations It is in this context of power and powerlessness that the characteristics of the eight rungs are illustrated by examples from current federal social programs. 1, MANIPULATION In the name of citizen participation, people are placed on rubberstamp advisory committees or advisory boards for the express purpose of “educating” them or engi- neering their support. Instead of genuine citizen par- ticipation, the bottom rung of the ladder signifies the distortion of participation into a public relations vehicle by powerholders. This illusory form of “participation’” initially came into vogue with urban renewal when the socially elite were invited by city housing officials to serve on Citizen Advisory Committees (CACs). Another target of ma- nipulation were the CAC subcommittees on minority gcoups, which in theory were to protect the rights of Negroes in the renewal program. In practice, these subcommittees, like their parent CACs, functioned mostly as letterheads, trotted forward at appropriate times to promote urban renewal plans (in recent years known as Negro removal plans). At meetings of the Citizen Advisory Committees, it was the officials who educated, persuaded, and advised the citizens, not the reverse. Federal guidelines for the ticipation, should be an the Jowest rung of the ladder renewal programs legitimized the manipulative agenda because it is both dishonest and arrogant. Its adminis- by emphasizing the terms “information-gathering,” trators—mental health experts from social workers to “public relations,” and “support” as the explicit func- _psychiatrists—assume shat powerlessness 1s synonymous tions of the committees.® with mental illness. Qn this assumption, under a mas- This style of nonparticipation has since been applied querade of involving citizens in planning, the experts to other programs encompassing the poor. Examples of subject the citizens ty clinical group therapy. What this are seen in Community Action Agencies (CAAs) makes this form of “participation” so jnvidious is that which have created structures called “neighborhood citizens are engaged ip extensive activity, but the focus councils” or “neighborhood advisory groups.” These bodies frequently have no legitimate function or power.® ‘ The CAAs use them to “prove’’ that “grassroots people” are involved in the program. But the program may not have been discussed with “the people.’” Or it may have been described at a meeting in the most general terms; “We need your signatures on this pro- posal for a multiservice center which will house, under one roof, doctors from the health department, workers from the welfare department, and specialists from the employment service.” : ; 218 Aig JOURNAL JULY 1969 In some respects group therapy, masked as citizen par- 2. THERAPY The signators are not informed that the $2 million- per-year center will only refer residents to the same old waiting lines at the same old agencies across town. No one is asked if such a referral center is really needed in his ncighborhood. No one realizes that the contractor for the building is the mayor's brother-in-law, or that the new director of the center will be the same old com- munity organization specialist from the urban renewal agency. After signing theic names, the proud grassrooters dutifully spread she word that they have “participated” in bringing « new and wonderful center to the neighbor- hood to provide people with drastically needed jobs and health and welfare services. Only after the ribbon- cutting ceremony do the members of the neighborhood council realize that they didn’t ask the important ques- tions, and that they had no technical advisors of their own to help them grasp the fine legal print. The new center, which is open 9 to 5 on weekdays only, actually adds to their problems. Now the old agencies across town won't talk with them unless they have a pink paper slip to prove that they have been referred by “their” shiny new neighborhood center. Unfortunately, this chicanery ts nota unique example. Instead it is almost typical of what has been perpetrated in the name of high-sounding rhetoric like “grassroots participation.” This sharn lies at the heart of the deep- seated exasperation and hostility of the have-nots toward the powerholders. One hopeful note is that, having been so grossly affronted, some citizens have learned the Mickey Mouse game, and now they too know how to play. Asa result _ of this knowledge, they are demanding genuine levels of participation to assuge them that public programs are relevant to their needs and responsive to their priorities. of itison curing them of their “patholopy” rather than \ changing the racism and victimization that create their “pathologies.” : Consider an incidept that occurred in Pennsylvania less than one year ago, When a father took his seriously il baby to the emergency clinic.of a local hospital, a young resident physician on duty instructed him to take the baby home and feed it sugar water. The baby died that afternoon of pygumanja and dehydration. The overwrought father cgmplaingd to the board of the local : applicable to other rungs. Vor example, employment of the have-nots in a program or on a planning staff could occur at any of the cight rungs and could represent either a legitimate or illegitimate characteristic of citi- zen participation. Depending on their motives, power- holders can hire poor people to coopt them, to placate them, or to utilize the have-nots’ special skills and insights. Sone mayors, in private, actually boast of their strategy in hiring, militant black leaders to muzzle them while destroying their credibility in the black community. Community Action Agency. Instead of launching an the official, the citizens accepted the “information” and investigationofthehospitaltodeterminewhatchanges endorsedtheagency'sproposaltoplacefourlotsinthe wouldpreventsimilardeathsorotherformsofmal- whiteneighborhood." practice, the board invited the father to attend the 4. CONSULTATION Inviting citizens’ opinions, like informing them, can be a legitimate step toward their full participation. But if Less dramatic, but more common examples of consulting them is not combined with other modes of therapy,masqueradingascitizenparticipation,maybe participation,thisrungoftheladderisstillashamsince seen in public housing programs where tenant groups itoffers no assurance that citizen concerns and ideas will are used as vehicles for promoting control-your-child or be taken into account. The most frequent methods used cleanup campaigns. The tenants are brought together for consulting people are attitude surveys, neighborhood CAA’s (therapy) child-care sessions for parents, and promised him that someone would “telephone the hos- pital director to see that it never happens again.” to help them “adjust their values and attitudes to those of the larger society.” Under these groundrules, they are diverted from dealing with such important matters as: arbitrary evictions; segregation of the housing proj- ect; or why is there a three-month time lapse to pet a broken window replaced in winter. The complexity of the concept of mental illness in “our time can be seen in the experiences of student/civil rights workers facing guns, whips, and other forms of terror in the South. They needed the help of socially mectings, and public hearings. When powerholders restrict the input of citizens’ ideas solely to this level, participation remains just a window-dressing ritual. Pcople are primarily perceived as statistical abstractions, and participation is measured by how many come to meetings, take brochures home, or answer a questionnaire. What citizens achieve in all this activity is that they have “participated in participa- tion.” And what powerholders achieve is the evidence that they have gone through the required motions of attunedpsychiatriststodealwiththeirfearsandtoavoid involving“thosepeople.” paranoia.’ 3. INFORMING Informing citizens of their rights, responsibilities, and options can be the most important first step toward legitimate citizen participation. However, too frequently the emphasis is placed on a one-way flow of information Attitude surveys have become a particular bone of contention in ghetto neighborhoods. Residents are in- creasingly unhappy about the number of times per week they are surveyed about theic problems and hopes. As one woman put it: “Nothing ever happens with those damned questions, except the surveyer gets $3 an hour, and my washing doesn’t get done that day.” In some —from officials to citizens—with no channel provided communities, residents are so annoyed that they ace for feedback and no power for negotiation, Under these conditions, particularly when information is provided at a late stage in planning, people have little opportunity to influence the program designed “for their benefit.” The most frequent tools used for such one-way com- poverty funds) has “documented” that poor housewives munication are the news media, pamphilets, posters, and responses to inquiries. Meetings can also be turned into vehicles for one-way communication by the simple device of providing super- ficial information, discouraging questions, or giving something small, they might just get something useful irrelevant answers. At a recent Model Cities citizen © in the neighborhood. Had the mothers known that a planning meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, the topic free prepaid health insurance plan was a possible option, was “tot-fots.” A group of elected citizen representa- they might not have put tot-lots so high on their wish tives, almost al of whom were attending three to five lists. meetings a week, devoted an hour to a discussion of the placement of six tot-lots. The neighborhood is half black, half white. Several of the black representatives noted that four tot-lots were proposed for the white district and only two for the black. The city official responded with a lengthy, highly technical explanation about costs per square foot and available property. It was clear that most of the residents did not understand his explanation. And it was clear to observers from the Office of Economic Opportunity that other options did exist which, considering available funds, would have brought about a more. equitable distribution of facilities. Intimidated by futility, legalistic jargon, and prestige of ARNSTEIN A classic misuse of the consultation rung occurred at a New Haven, Connecticut, community meeting held to consult citizens on a proposed Model Cities. grant. James V. Cunningham, in an unpublished report to the Ford Foundation, described the crowd as large and “mostly hostile:” ° demanding a fee for research interviews. Attitude surveys are not very valid indicators of com- munity opinion when used without other input from citizens. Survey after survey (paid for out of anti- most want tot-lots in their neighborhood where young children can play safely. But most of the women aa- swered these questionnaires without knowing what their options were. They assumed that if they asked for Members of The Hil] Parents Association de- manded to know why fesidents had not partici- pated in drawing up the praposal. CAA director — Spitz explained that it was merely a proposal for secking Federal planning funds—that once funds were obtained, residenty would be deeply involved in the planning. An oytsiqe observer who sat in * 219 5. PLACATION It is at this level that citizens begin to have some degree of influence though tokenism is still apparent. An example of placation strategy is to place a few hand- picked “worthy” poor on boards of Community Action Agencies or on public bodies like the board of educa- tion, police commission, or housing authority. If they are not accountable to a constituency in the community and if the traditional power elite hold the majority of seats, the have-nots can be easily outvoted and outfoxed. Another example is the Model Cities advisory and planning committees. They allow citizens to advise or plan ad infinitum but retain for powerholders the right to judge the legitimacy or feasibility of the advice. The degree to which citizens are actually placated, of course, depends largely on two factors: the quality of technical assistance they have in articulating their priorities; and the extent to which the community has been organized to press for those priorities. It is not surprising that the level of citizen participa- tion in the vast majority of Model Cities programs ts at the placation rung of the ladder or below. Policy- makers at the Department of Housing and Urban De- velopment (HUD) were determined to return the genie of citizen power to the bottle from which it had escaped 220 $$ = eee the audience described the mecting this way: “Spitz and Mel Adams ran the meeting on their own. No representatives of a Hill group mod- crated or even sat on the stage. Spitz told the 300 residents that this huge mecting, was an (in a few cities) as a result of the provision stipulating “maximum feasible participation” in poverty programs. Therefore, HUD channeled its physical-social-economic rejuvenation approach example of ‘participation in planning. To prove this, since there was a lot of dissatisfaction in the audience, he called for’a ‘vote’ on each component of the proposal. The vote took this form: “Can I sce the hands of all those in favor of a health clinic? All those opposed?’ It was a little like asking who favors motherhood.” for blighted neighborhoods through city hall. It drafted legislation requiring that al Model Cities’ moncy flow to a local City Demonstra- tion Agency (CDA) through the elected city council. ‘As enacted by Congress, this gave local city councils final veto power over planning and programming and ruled out any direct funding relationship between community groups and HUD. HUD required the CDAs to create coalition, policy- making boards that would include necessary local power- holders to create a comprehensive physical-social plan during the first year. The plan was to be carried out in a subsequent five-year action phase. HUD, unlike OEO, did not require that have-not citizens be included on the CDA decision-making boards. HUD’s Performance Standards for Citizen Participation only demanded that “citizens have clear and direct access to the decision- making process.” Accordingly, the CDAs structured theie policy- making boards to include some combination of elected officials; school representatives; housing, health, and welfare officials; employment and police department representatives; and various civic, labor, and business leaders. Some CDAs included citizens from the neigh- borhood. Many mayors correctly interpreted the HUD provision for ‘access to the decision-making process” as the escape hatch they sought to relegate citizens to the traditional advisory role. Most CDAs created residents’ advisory committees. An alarmingly significant number created citizens’ policy boards and citizens’ policy committees which are totally misnamed as they have cither no policy-making function or only a very limited authority. Almost every CDA created about a dozen planning committees or task forces on functional lines: health, welfare, education, housing, and ungmployment. In most cases, have-not citizens were invited to serve on these committees along with technicians from relevant public agencies. Some CDAs, on the other hand, structured planning committees of technicians and parallel committees of citizens. In most Model Cities programs, endless time has been spent fashioning complicated board, committee, and task force structures for the planning year. But the rights and responsibilities of the yarious elements of those structures are not defined and are ambiguous. Such It was a combination of the deep suspicion aroused at this meeting and a long history of similar forms of “window-dressing participation” that led New Haven residents to demand control of the program. By way of contrast, it is uscful to look at Denver where technicians learned that even the best intentioned among them are often unfamiliar with, and even in- sensitive to, the problems and aspirations of the poor. The technical director of the Model Cities program has described the way professional planners assumed that the residents, victimized by high-priced local storekeep- ers, “badly needed consumer education.” *° The resi- dents, on the other hand, pointed out that the local storekeepers performed a valuable function. Although they overcharged, they also gave credit, offered advice, and frequently were the only neighborhood place to cash welfare or salary checks. As a result of this con- sultation, technicians and residents agreed to substitute the creation of needed credit institutions in the neighborhood for a consumer education program. \ ambiguity is likely to cause considerable conflict at the end of the one-year planning process. For at this point, citizens may realize that they have once again exten- sively “participated” but have not profited beyond the extent the powerholders decide to placate them. Results of a staff study (conducted in the summer of 1968 before the second round of seventy-five planning grants were awarded) were released in a December 1968 HUD bulletin.® Though this public document uses much more delicate and diplomatic language, it AIP Tore arn attests to the already cited criticisms of non-policy- It also urge: CDAs to experiment with subcontracts makingpolicyboardsandambiguouscomplicatedstruc- tures, in addition to the following findings: 1. Most CDAs did not negotiate citizen par- ticipation requirements with residents. 2. Citizens, drawing on past negative experi- ences with local powerholders, were extremely sus- piciousofthisnewpanaceaprogram.Theywerelegiti- mately distrustful of city hall's motives. underwhichtheresidents’groupscouldhiretheirown trusted technjcians. A more recent evaluation was circulated in February 1969 by OSTI, a private firm that entered into a con- tract with OEO to provide technical assistance and train- ing to citizens involved in Model Cities programs in the northeastregionofthecountry.OSTI'sreporttoOEO corroborates the earlier study. In addition it states: 2 3. Most CDAs were not working with citizens’ groups that were genuinely representative of model neighborhoods and accountable to neighborhood con- stituencies. As in so many of the poverty programs, those who were involved were more representative of the upwardly mobile working-class. Thus their ac- quiescence to plans prepared by city agencies was not likelytoreflecttheviewsoftheunemployed,theyoung, plannersoftheCDAandtheplannersofexisting the more militant residents, and the hard-core poor. 4. Residents who were participating in as many as three to five meetings per week were unaware of their minimum yights, responsibilities, and the options avail- able ta them under the program. For example, they did not realize that they were not required to accept techni- cal help from city technicians they distrusted. 5. Most of the technical assistance provided by CDAs and city agencies was of third-rate quality, paternalistic, and condescending. Agency technicians did not suggest innovative options. They reacted bu- requcratically when the residents pressed for innovative approaches, The vested interests of the old-line city agencies were amajor—albeit hidden—agenda. 6. Most CDAs were not engaged in planning that was comprehensive enough to expose and deal with the roots of urban decay. They engaged in “'meetingitis” and were supporting strategies that resulted in “proj- ectitis,”” the outcome of which was a “Jaundry list’’ of traditional programs to be conducted by traditional agencies in the traditional manner under which slums emerged in the first place. 7. Residents were not getting enough informa- tion from CDAs to enable them to review CDA de- veloped plans or to initiate plans of their own as re- quired by HUD. At best, they were getting superficial copies of official HUD materials. 8. Most residents were unaware of their rights to be reimbursed for expenses incurred because of par- ficipation—babysitting, transportation costs, and so on. 9. The training of residents, which would en- able them to understand the labyrinth of the federal- state-city systems and networks of subsystems, was an item that most CDAs did not even consider. These findings led to a new public interpretation of HUD's approach to citizen participation. Though the requirements for the seventy-five “second-round” Model City- grantees were not changed, HUD's twenty-seven page technical bulletin on citizen participation repeat- ¢dly advocated that cities share power with residents. ARNSTEIN agencies are carrying out the actual planning with citizens having a peripheral role of watchdog and, ultimately, the “rubber stamp’ of the plan gen- erated. In cases where citizens fave the direct responsibility for generating program plans, the time period allowed and she independent technical resources being made ~yailable to them are not adequate to allow them tp do anything more than generate very traditional approaches to the prob- lems they are attempting to solve. In general, little or no thought has been given to the means of insuring continued citizen partici- pation during the stage of implementation. In most cases, traditiqnal agencies are envisaged as the implementors of Mode (Cities pragrams and few mechanisms have been developed bor encouraging organizational change or change in the method of program delivery within these agencies or for in- suring that citizens will have some influence over these agencies as they implement Model Cities programs. .. . By and large, caple are once again being plannedfor.Inmostsituationsthereel ning decisions are being made by CDA staft and approved in a formalistic way by policy boards. 6. PARTNERSHIP At this rung of the ladder, power is in fact redistributed _ through negotiation ketween citizens and powerholders. In practically no Medel Cities structure does citi- zen participation mean truly shared decision- making, such that citizens might view themselves as‘thepactnersinthisprogram. ...”’ In general, citizens are finding jt impossible to have a significant impact on the comprehensive planning which is going on. In mast cases the staff information. At worst, they were not even getting \They agree to share planning and decision-making responsibilities through such structures as joint policy boards, planning committees and mechanisms for re- solving impasses. After the groundsules have been established through some form of giye-and-take, they are not subject to unilgteral change. Partnership can wask most effectively when there is an organized power-byse jn the community to which the citizen leaders are accpuntable; when the citizens group has the financial resoyeces tq pay its leaders reasonable ~ honoraria for their time-consuming efforts; and when the group has the respurces to hire (and fire) its own technicians, lawyers, and community organizers. With these ingredients, citiyens have some genuine bargain- 221 city’s description of the model neighborhood from a | | ! x ; } paternalistic description of problems to a realistic analy- | sis of its strengths, weaknesses, and potentials.) Consequently, the proposed policy-making committee parallel groups of citizens and powerholders, with pro- of the Philadelphia CDA was revamped to give five out vision for citizen veto if differences of opinion cannot of eleven seats to the residents’ organization, which is be resolved through negotiation. This is a particularly called the Area Wide Council (AWC). The AWC), interesting coexistence model for hostile citizen groups 7. DELEGATED POWER Negotiations between citizens and pubtic officials can also result in citizens achieving dominant decision- making authority over a particular plan or program. Model City policy’ boards or CAA delegate agencies on which citizens have a clear majority of scats and genuine specified powers are typical examples. At this level, the ladder has been scaled to the point where citizens hold the significant cards to assure accountability of the pro- gram to them. To resolve differences, powerholders need to start the bargaining process rather than respond to pressure from the other end. Such a dominant decision-making role has been at- tained by residents in a handful of Model Cities includ- ing Cambridge, Massachusetts; Dayton, and Columbus, Ohio; Minneapolis, Minnesota; St. Louis, Missouri; Hartford and New Haven, Connecticut; and Oakland, California. In New Haven, residents of the Hill neighborhood have created a corporation that has been delegated the power to prepare the entire Model Cities plan. The city, which received a $117,000 planning grant from HUD, has subcontracted $110,000 of it to the neighborhood corporation to hire its own planning staff and consul- tants. The Hill Neighborhood Corporation has eleven representatives on the twenty-one-member CDA board} which assures it a majority voice when its proposed plan is reviewed by the CDA. Another model of delegated power is separate and { | obtained a subcontract from the CDA for more than too embittered toward city hall—as a result of past $20,000 per month, which it used to maintain the neigh- borhood organization, to pay citizen leaders $7 per meeting for their planning services, and to pay the salaries of a staff of community organizers, planners, and other technicians. AWC has the power to initiate plans of its own, to engage in joint planning with CDA committees, and to review plans initiated by city agen- California, the city council agreed to a citizens’ counter ; 222 “collaborative efforts’—to engage in joint planning. Since all Model Cities programs require approval by the city council before HUD will fund them, city coun- cils have final veto powers even when citizens have the majority of seats on the CDA Board. In Richmond, AIP JOURNAL july 1969 cies. It has a veto power in that no plans may be sub- mitted by the CDA to the city council until they have been reviewed, and any differences of opinion have been successfullynegotiatedwiththeAWC. Representatives of the AWC (which is a federation of neighborhood organizations grouped into sixteen neighborhood “hubs”) may attend al meetings of CDA task forces, planning committees, or subcommittees. Though the city council has final yeto power over the plan (by federal law), the AWC believes it has a neighborhood constituency that is strong enough to negotiate any eleventh-hour objections the city council might raise when itconsiders such AWC proposed in- novations as an AWC Land Bank, an AWC Economic Development Corporation, and an experimental income maintenance program for 900 poor families. { | At their next meeting, citizens handed the city offi- cials a substitute citizen participation section that changed the groundrules from a weak citizens’ ad- visory role to a strong shared power agreement. Phila- delphia'sapplicationtoHUD includedthecitizens’ ing influence over the outcome of the plan (as long as | both parties find it useful to maintain the partnership). - One community leader described it “like coming to city | hall with hat on head instead of in hand.” In the Model Cities program only about fifteen of the so-called first generation of seventy-five cities have reached some significant degree of power-sharing with residents. In al but one of those cities, it was angry citizen demands, rather than city initiative, that led to the negotiated sharing of power.” The negotiations were triggered by citizens who had been enraged by previous forms of alleged participation. They were both angry and sophisticated enough to refuse to be “conned” again. They threatened to oppose the awarding of a planning grant to the city. They sent delegations to HUD in Washington. They used abrasive language. Negotiation took place under a cloud of suspicion and rancor. In most cases where power has come to be shared it was taken by the citizens, not given by the city. There is nothing new about that process. Since those who have | power normally want to hang onto it, historically it has oe: tobewrestedbythepowerlessratherthanproffered y the powerful. Such a working partnership was negotiated by the residents in the Philadelphia model neighborhood. Like most applicants for a Model Cities grant, Philadelphia | wrote its more than 400 page application and waved it at a hastily called meeting of community leaders. When | those present were asked for an endorsement, they angrily protested the city’s failure to consult them on preparation of the extensive application. A community spokesman threatened to mobilize a neighborhood pro- test against the application unless the city agreed to give the citizens a couple of weeks to review the application and recommend changes. The officials agreed. ubstitution word for word. (It also included a new citizen prepared introductory chapter that changed the veto, but the details of that agreement are ambiguous to developa series of economic enterprises ranging from a novel combination shopping-center-public-housing Various delegated power arrangements are also project to a loan guarantee program for local building emerging in the Community Action Program as a result contractors. The membership and board of the non- . of demands from the neighborhoods and OEO’s most profit corporation is composed of leaders of major com- recent instruction guidelines which urged CAAs “to munity organizations in the black neighborhood. and have not been tested. exceed (the) basic requirements” for resident participa- tion.'* In some cities, CAAs have issued subcontracts to resident dominated groups to plan and/or operate one or more decentralized neighborhood program components like a multipurpose service center or a Headstart pro- gram. These contracts usually include an agreed upon the coop (which included the use of force to stop line-by-line budget and program specifications. They trucks on the way to market), first year membership also usually include a specific statement of the significant grew to 1,150 farmers who earned $52,000 on the sale powers that have been delegated, for example: policy- of theic new crops. The elected coop board is composed making; hiring and firing; issuing subcontracts for building, buying, or leasing. (Some of the subcontracts are so broad that they verge on models for citizen control.) 8, CITIZEN CONTROL Demands for community controlled schools, black con- trol, and neighborhood control are on the increase. Though no one in the nation has absolute control, it is very important that the rhetoric not be confused with intent. People are simply demanding that degree of power (or control) which guarantees that participants or residents can govern a program or an institution, be in full charge of policy and managerial aspects, and be able to negotiate the conditions under which “outsiders” may change them. A neighborhood corporation with no intermediaries between it and the source of funds is the model most frequently advocated. A small number of such expeti- mental corporations are already producing goods and/or social services. Several others are reportedly in the development stage, and new models for control will undoubtedly emerge as the have-nots continue to press for greater degrees of power over their lives. of two poor black farmers from each of the ten economi- cally depressed counties. Though the bitter steuggle for community control of the Ocean Hill-Brownsville schools in New York City has aroused great fears in the headline reading public, less publicized experiments are demonstrating that the have-nots can indeed improve their lot by handling the| power and accountability rest with the city council. entire job of planning, policy-making, and managing a Daniel P. Moynihan argues that city councils are program. Some are even demonstrating that they can do representative of the cormmunity, but Adam Walinsky al this with just one acm because they are forced to use illustrates the nonrepresentativeness of this kind of their other one to deal with a continuing barrage of local opposition triggered by the announcement that a federal grant has been given to a community group or an all black group. ! representation: *° Who . . . exercises “control” through the repre- sentative process? In the Bedford-Stuyvesant ghetto of New York there are 450,000 people—as many as in the entire city of Cincinnati, more than in _ Most of these experimental programs have been capi- talized with research and demonstration funds from the Office of Economic Opportunity in cooperation with | the entire state of Vermont. Yet the area has only_ other federal agencies. Examples include: 1. A $1.8 million grant was awarded to the Hough Area Development Corporation in Cleveland to plan economic development programs in the ghetto and ARNSTEIN one high school, and 80 per cent of its teen-agers are dropeuss the infant mortality rate is twice the national average; there are over 8000 buildings abandoned by evesyone but the rats, yet the arca received not one qollay pf urban renewal funds \ 223 2. Approximately $1 million ($595,751 for the second year) was awarded to the Southwest Alabama Farmers Cooperative Association (SW ATCA) in Selma, Alabama, for a ten-county marketing cooperative for food and livestock. Despite local attempts to intimidate 3. Approximately $600,000 ($300,000 in a supplemental grant) was granted to the Albina Cor- poration and the Albina Investment Trust to create a black-operated, black-owned manufacturing concern us- ing inexperienced management and unskilled minority group personnel from the Albina district. The profit- making wool and metal fabrication plant will be owned by its employees through a deferred compensation trust lan. 4. Approximately $800,000 ($400,600 for the second year) was awarded to the Harlem Common- wealth Council to demonstrate that a community-based development corporation can catalyze and implement an economic development program with broad community support and participation. After only eighteen months of program development and negotiation, the council will soon launch several large-scale ventures including operation of two supermarkets, an auto service and repair center (with built-in manpower training pro- gram), a finance company for families eacning less than $4,000 per year, and a data processing company. The al black Harlem-based board is already managing a metal castings foundry. Though several citizen groups (and their mayors) use the rhetoric of citizen control, no Model City can meet the criteria of citizen control since final approval — NOTES 1The literature on poverty and discrimination and their effects on people is extensive. As an introduction, the following will be 224 AIP JOURNAL JULY 1969 helpful: B. Bagidikian, In the Midst of Plenty: The Poor during the entire first 15 years of that program's operation; the unemployment rate is known only to God. in. America’ (New York: Teacon, 1964); Paul Jacobs, “The Drutalizing, of America,” Dissent, XI (Autumn 1961), p. 423-8; Stokely Carmichacl and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Random House, 1967); Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (New York: McGraw-Hill, Clearly, Bedford-Stuyvesant has some special needs; yet it has always been lost in the midst of the city’s eight million! In fact, it took a lawsuit to win for this vast area, in the year 1968, its first Congressman, In what sense can the repre- sentative system be said to have “spoken for’ this community, during the long years of neglect and decay? 1968); L. J. Duhl, The Urban Condition; People and Policy in the Metropolis (New York: Basic Books, 1963); William H. Grier and P. M. Cobbs, Black Rage (New York: Basic Books, 1968); Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmitian, 1962); Peter Marcis and Martin Rein, Dilemmas of Social Reform: Poverty and Cammunity Action in the United States (New York: Atherton Press, 1967); Mollie Orshansky, “Who's Who Amone the Poor: A Demographic View of Poverty,” Social Security Bulletin, XXVII (July 1965), 3-32; and Richard T. Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State (New Haven: Walinsky’s point on Bedford-Stuyvesant has general Yale University Press, 1968) applicability to the ghettos from coast to coast. It ts 2 The poster is one of about 350 produced in May or pene 1968 at Atélicr Populaire, a graphics center launched by students from therefore likely that in those ghettos where residents the Sorbonne’s Ecole des Beaux Art and Feole des Acts Decoratifs 3 This typology is an outgrowth of a more crude typology I circulated in March 1967 in a HUD staff discussion paper titled Model Cities planning process, the first-year action plans “Rhetoric and Reality.” The carlier typology consisted of eight levels that were Jess discrete types and did not necessarily suggest a chronological progression: Inform, Consult, Joint Planning, institutions entirely governed by residents with a speci- Negotiate, Decide, Delegate, Advocate Planning, and Neighbor- have achieved a significant degree of power in the will call for the creation of some new community fied sum of money contracted to them. If the ground- rules for these programs are clear and if citizens under- stand that achieving a genuine place in the pluralistic scene subjects them to its legitimate forms of give-and- take, then these kinds of programs might begin to demonstrate how to counteract the various corrosive political and socioeconomic forces that plague the poor. hood Control. - 4For an article of some possible cmployment strategies, sec, In cities likely to become predominantly black through population growth, it is unlikely that strident citizens’ groups like AWC of Philadelphia will even- tually demand legal power for neighborhood self- government. Their grand design is more likely to call for a black city ‘hall, achieved by the elective process. In cities destined to remain predominantly white for the aay foresceable future, it is quite likely that counterpart groups to AWC will press for separatist forms of neighborhood government that can create and control decentralized public services such as police protection, education systems, and health facilities. Much may February 1, 1969, pp. 27, 28, and 35. depend on the willingness of city governments to enter- tain demands for resource allocation weighted in favor of the poor, reversing gross imbalances of the past. 13 In Cambridge, Massachusetts, city hall offered to share power with residents and anticipated the need for a period in which a representative citizens group could be engaged, and the ambiguities of authority, structure, and process would be resolved. At the re- quest of the mayor, HUD allowed the city to spend several months of Model Cities planning funds for community organization activi- ties. During these months, staff from the city manager's office also helped the residents draft a city ordinance that created a CDA com- Among the arguments.against community control are: itsupports separatism, itcreates balkanization of public services: it is more costly and less efficient; it enables posed of sixteen elected residents and cicht appointed public and minority group “hustlers” to be just as opportunistic and disdainful of the have-nots as their white prede- cessors; it is incompatible with merit systems and pro- fessionalism; and ironically enough, itcan turn out tobe a new Mickey Mouse game for the have-nots by allow- ing them to gain control but not allowing them sufh- private agency representatives. This resident-dominated body has the power to hire and fire CDA staff, approve all plans, review all model city budgets and contracts, set policy, and so forth. The ordinance, which was unanimously passed by the city council also includes a requirement that all Model City plans must be approved by a majority of residents in the neighborhood through arefer- endum. Final approval power rests with the city council by federal statute. cient dollar resources to succeed.* These arguments are not to be taken lightly. But neither can we take lightly of Community Action Programs (Washington, D.C.; December 1, the arguments of embittered advocates of 1968), pp. 1-2. 15 Adam Walinsky, “Review of Maximum Feasible Mitunder- community control—that every other means of trying to end their standing” by Daniel P. Moynihan, New York Times Book Review, February 2, 1969 Victimization has failed! 16 For thoughtful academic analyses of some of the potentials and pitfalls of emerging neighborhood control models, see, Alan Edmund M. Burke, “Citizen Participation Strategies,” ournal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXIV, No. 5 September 1968), 290-1. $US., Department of Housing and Urban Development, Workable Program for Community Improvement, Answers on Cur zen Participation, Program Guide 7, February, 1966, pp. 1 and 6. 6David Austin, “Study of Resident Participants in Twenty Community Action Agencies,” CAP Grant 9199. 7Robert Coles, “Social Struggle and Weariness,” Psychiatry, XXVIII (November 1961), 305-15 I am also indebted to Daniel M. Fox of Harvard University for some of his general insights into therapy being used as a diverston from genuine citizen participation, 8Sce, Gordon Fellman, “Neighborhood Protest of an Urban Highway,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners, XXXV, No. 2 (March 1969), 118-22. 9James V. Cunningham, “Resident Participation, Unpublished Report prepared for the Ford Foundation, August 1967, p 54. A. Interview with Maxine Kurtz, Technical Director, Denver 11U.S, Department of Housing and Urban Development, “Citizen Participation in Model Cities,” Technical Assistance Bulle- tin, No. 3 (December 19638). 12 Organization for Social and Technical Innovation, Six-Month Progress Report to Office of Economic Opportunity, Region 1, 1$U,S., Office of Economic Opportunity, OEQ Instruction, Participation of the Poor in the Planning, Conduct and Evaluation Altshuler, “The Demapd For Participation in Large American _ Cities.” An Unpublished Papes prepared for the Urban Institute, December 1968; and Hans Yj. C. Spiegel and Stephen D. Mitten- thal, “Neighborhood Pqwer and Control, Implications for Urban Planning,” A Report prepared for the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Nayember 1968. hnaageceey AIM : TO ESTABLISH A FREELY AVAILABLE ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN AND ADVICE SERVICE. 2.0 PRESENT PATRONAGE Zio Lise ANOMALIES 3.1 Anomalies in Control and Use PROPOSED RESEARCH PROJECT The problems which stem from this basic injustice have been described often enough. Lack of power and control as the root cause is slowly emerging as one of the options which might be tackled. etl To study practical implications of setting up an architectural design service which would be available to all. The study would include the identification of financial, legal and political problems. od To establish an experimental locally based, small scale, short life project to test proposals. STATEMENT A recent report sponsored by the Association of Consulting Architects discusses the ills of architecture and concludes that there are too many architects. A more searching analysis might have decided that the way forward is to have more patrons. As the patron effectively controls the direction of architecture, it is clear that a large proportion of the population are excluded from this position. The tendency for large organis- ations to grow larger and thus reduce in overall numbers, suggests that there will probably be less, not more, patrons if the present trend continues. The present patrons of architecture are well enough known not to require cataloguing here; they are either rich and powerful individuals or organisations. The people who are not patrons of architecture form some 80% of the population. If the resulting architecture affected only the patron then it could be argued that this situation is acceptable. Unfortunately, the general rule now is that the patron is usually one of the few people not affected. The users rarely have control over either the design or subsequent management of buildings which they occupy. They must adapt to an environment imposed on them from outside. SEU ANOMALIES (continued) 32 Anomalies in Design The environment into which users must fit are dictated by bureaucracies who compromise the major patrons, whether public or private. They tend to see every design commissioned asa large scale exercise, assuming that size equals rationalisation, equals efficiency, equals economy. (Less expenditure or more profit). This often results in architects being asked to design buildings particularly for local councils under impossible conditions on what is often a totally unsuitable site. However, it is often true that architects compound this by striving for the simple, bold statement. Ona large site this can become pretty simple and pretty bold. The rationalising process must necessarily exclude all deviations. Those elements which are honestly and clearly expressed in small scale work must be rationalised and suppressed for the sake of the same architectural honesty and clarity, because of their quantity. The resulting plain design then requires some applied decoration which can be achieved by the form of the structure, lift enclosures, plant rooms etc. Without the demands and feedback from the users, we have had to rely on architectural magazines for approval or design. They have taught us from our student days that good architecture is visually exciting and every building is a potential monument. We have tended to forget that the built environment is composed of a large amount of background, however rich and varied, which acts as a foil to a small number of monuments. Anomalies in Architect / Client Relationship Many architects do not meet their clients. Even when they do it is rare indeed that they feel any empathy with their clients or sympathy to their aims. This is usually mutual and it is surprising that good buildings are sometimes created under these conditions. One can only speculate on the effect which the relationship between Le Corbusier and the Dominican monks had on the design of la Tourrette. 3.0 ANOMALIES (continued) 3.4 Conclusions 4.0 It is socially important that the users of buildings control the design process. Accordingly, the design should be carried out on a small scale local basis. Our recent experience suggests that while the sum of many buildings can produce a rich and varied environment, this cannot be achieved by designing the whole first and then trying to break it down into small parts. If the design is to work upwards from the parts, it can only be achieved properly by extending the patronage base considerably. One of the side benefits would be the opportunity for patrons and architects to achieve a creative working relationship. ULTI MATE AIM To have architects' services freely available to all, through a locally controlled National Design Service, which would give people the rights to which they are entitled. No doubt there would still be room for private practice. A large part of the proposed research would have to be devoted to identifying the many problems, including legal and financial ones which would confront such a solution. POSSIBLE INTERIM SOLUTION Technically it would seem to be a straight forward matter for such a technique to be employed in local government. Design teams, which are at present centrally situated and controlled could be dispersed through the local authority area to form local offices, in each ward for example. These teams would provide a design service to their area and would work directly with the people both with individuals and with groups. They should be controlled by local groups and local councillors. Again it would be necessary to identify problems during the research period. At this stage the most apparent of these seems to be that both councillors and chief officers would lose power to the people. It is doubtful that they will see this as an attractive proposition if their present attitude to HAAs is anything to go by. 9.0 1.0 Research 2.0 3.0 Evaluation Comments PROPOSED RESEARCH PROGRAMME 1.2 Identify particular problems, eg financial, legal and political. Wad Establish interim proposals on which to base stage 2.0. ot Study existing experiments and projects sponsored by local authorities and by other sources, eg HAAs, CDPs, law centres, ASSIST etc. Action Del Set up small scale short life locally based project (say Analyse aims, principles, working methods, range of work, source of finance etc. 2 - 3 people for 1 - 2 years) to test proposals and to form possible future prototype. oral Evaluate, write up and publicise. I recognise that the difficulties facing such a solution are numerous. Nevertheless, I am convinced that this is one way to move forward. The work being carried out by ASSIST in Govan, the moves towards involving local people in HAAs, and the possibilities for tenants control being discussed by the Minister of Housing, all give me cause for optimism that there is scope for initiatives at the present time, which will reflect the demands being pressed by tenants and other groups. Internationale Zeitschrift far Bauen und Wohnen VERLAG BAUEN +WOHNEN GmbH Redaktion Dear John I should like to thank you again for the time you had to talk to me in London, which interesting. Sincercly yours, Bauen+Wohnen Veli Schifer Editor i-A. Judith Pfau was very injoiable and Mr. John Murray 5 Milton Avenue GB -LondonN6 Bauen Vel aTaT=ya Bauen Wohnen Briefadresse: Postfach 8033 Zorich Telefon 01/289566 rj Construction A A Habitation Inseratenverwaltung Abonnementsverwaltung 8006 ZGrich, Vogelsangstr. 48 Zurich 22nd August 1977 jp As soon as there is something published out of the material you gaved me, I shall let you know, KeDarby Grove Loka Nothghan May 2277) L0Os (John) Nee ce Gk He NAM Uarordschor Giferoce hat Ke Noksxho~ goup WUL agar 4 Cutetasse wal Lvov. kkiy pie Speak neh Choa Dei Serres. The ones 4 bhFake Place on ie pi cst id & & BR hated Qrwd Dee ee ce 4.*Pole (Qa. plese a-fym a5 Maas possible IcDoveorofnolisn kethRaGe, ADB4 (st prebenol, (avies tnd (of b/eo. [of Ke Bimrgha. eo (as aliea.d eee bo Speak Cd e polkkrel Leeasmy of AOusA7 Csr ()2ose XGloGY Son28-2 prow Yj Utero . ARCHITECTURAL ASSOCIATION SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE Chairman: Alvin Boyarsky, B.Arch (McGill)., M.R.P. (Cornell), M.R.A.L.C., 34-36 Bedford Square London WCIB 3ES 01-636 0974 11 November 1976 John Murray 5 Milton Avenue London N6 Dear John: not be with you, but I had a bad cold. George tells me students greatly enjoyed your talk and I would like to thank you very much indeed. I enclose a cheque for £10 as we agreed. Hope to see you soon. Yours sincerely, LADLowe Briah Anson The School is run by the Architectural Association Incorporated, a company limited by guarantee and registered in England under No,171402. Its registered office address is as above. The AA (Inc) is also a registered charity under Section 4 of the Charities Act 1960. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray; RC, LdeG, AM; AIPJ; John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975-1977