22 10 310 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/2219af360134d72f173903aa187808ae.pdf fe92e93b611aa1346320c392387b1959 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Interior Perspective Subject The topic of the resource NAM Survey of Salaried Employees in Architects' & Staff Offices (2 sides) Description An account of the resource ‘G14H NOILISOd *SSSYCOV ONV AWVN YNOA *SSSAYCGOV OGNV AWVN 301s40 SAALLOAdSH3d YHOIMSLNI (Azyoeds) zeyyo (¥ *sep °ysnpurt (fF “sep oyuders (F “Sue “yoo (F eptaormd 0% ysta nok JT ‘3ivd *AYV1VS £perepTsuoco ATOEATPO@TTOO (09e sqytjord ‘sesuedxe Sspeeyzreao Jo uoTzONper feuTty 3to0ys) *Bue °oeTe (q S@CATRBUIOZTE Or0M SOs JI yseTOUBpuUNper 0% (eoTzoead wory auooUT ssoz? 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UT WsTUOCTUN epBry JO [BTJUeJod eY4 JO META OTZSTTBeI B Jo puB wAooqpuey ,840e,TYOISe peTreTes, © Jo yUemMdOTeAep ayy UT Bn PTe pus seafoTdue [evinj,oeyTYQOLTe PpeTreTes fo uoTyTsod 944 pueyszepun sn d[ey [[TA sn @eAT# nok UOTYSUIOJUT eUL “VAIN @4} 0} Teaeos}eyM UOTZOeUMOD OU Sey pues eINzOaTYOTe UT AYTTTQByunoooe pue LoOBIOOMED 04 pe44TUMOD SZIeYy{O puw 8s40e4;4OTe peTazelTes jo dnoxr# yuepuedepuyt ue st WYN °TM wopuoT $q4e071S PI@TIITUM CHT ‘QUeMeAOCW erN{OeZTUOITY AO 0} UINZeT pue WIOJ sTyy eye TdwMoo esBeT{ uofun qorqa srequeu uofun epery 0G zeao| 0G/o¢g | og tepun | we; | eTem [eleues Y °YyoIy eTeu (2 é(qorua eyeoTpuyT) suotTssezoad pez,eTer Mors erey} ere sreuzred Aue mAoy Byuepnys yno-xreek (Pp saqyeToosse (e juawebeuew cy) Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a651ff7dcdfd9b6f6aa58239c7ce9267.pdf a211588b0dfff8d3432b797c2332716e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Survey Draft Documents Subject The topic of the resource Package of draft documents for workplace survey Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Jan 1979 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/4eb6f174d752a74a8769996959e8262b.pdf 46b90b02fb7211359eb211a757173ea1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Draft TASS-BDS leaflet Subject The topic of the resource Draft work for BDS-TASS Leaflet (8 pp.) Description An account of the resource SSL oe Serumsee Ze Manmeat braitTASS=bvbSleatlet,sarki Goa,6ne (front "cover" text) 5 | Builaing ; vesign Statis eO7 ’ (space tor-Heliman cay 20, Wraps B-way around cover; text on "newsfaper"TM to read; “staits propose uesign tnion.") y ZI are organising within TASS, the union tor all the ui lding Professions. , (back "cover" text; in leit halt o1 1/5 page) If you ure a bprolessiciiai, techuicel, auiinistrative clerical enployee it (vertical list) ARCHITECTURE , or UsNiEeY SULVEYING, Strocttrk uNGINLENING, BUILDING Deh bry 7SethiheSUVHYING,Lanuscape sbenitecture,-Towr Plunoing, imterier Design... anu want to begin to gain control over join TsSS and buila a Strong, active, unisiec staii organisuiion NopaAx ln your oLiice and among your 9U,UUU colieavues in “private Gepartrenrts . AXHSINEAtEXK (folded 1/5 page to have recruiting info; adoress, nenber- ship form, and advert/order form to Main for working for what? © 40p) { f list, NW. (inside text) (in "box") what is T3sS? bpsuv 165,000 professional, technical, clerical workers are meubers ot Tass, Section oi the l-million member maintains conplete industrial three sections of the AU construction sites. (main text) Sulariew stuii in erchitecture, : Cugineering, Surveying : your working life, aenocratic and sector" DEES 6He- : KD adninistrative anu’ the "white coliar" AUK, in which TASS autonomy. One ot the other (ote. represents 05,UL0 workers on "back"~ q —- and phoning... like ecuployees in 1 by other protessional Breups who are alreagay orpanised in honu-’ide trade unICHS... le BOLDFACE (in "box") What is "BuiluvSo"? Builaing vesign the union" set from throughout on May 14, 1977 Olgaiiise. They options (astiS, Stafis Urgenisation is a “union within recora 4s an eftiective union engineering TASS can offer. expertise anu efficiency but also by its denecratic social coucerns. up at tie request britain who met at a special to Gecide on GN® union within of TASS's staifs in of the Support chose Tass atter EMA, STAMP, ConSicering TGWU) because auong Gesign ana quality plus the st.ength ‘hey were impressed uot only by the committment or the union's of TASS oitficials of building design statis conference which to tour other research and structure and wide-ranging and the legal departments, public sector stafi unions which represent them. Management in the private sector 3s alreauy well oOrganiseu. it's now time for staii to join together and make an end to the days of §01nug cap-in-hand to the boss, alone and without a Strong organisation to Support them. A bona-tide, TUC-aftiiiated trade union is the recoguiseu, orderly and established way, protectéa by legislation, for employees to collectively negotiate with their enployers. Already, a new London ouiiaginy Design Stafis erancl oi 4a55 has been esiablispeu ana is rapidly prowing. 1 atsice Tonuon, stati join the beucral TASS braneli in their bi DAG Ne TASS is the only hbona-fide, effective trade union in which building ueSign staiis in the private sector are actively organising. Building Design Statts Orgatisation in TASS is the one union tor all people ernployed in private sector offices in architecture, surveying, engineering, and planning... whether in Consultancies, industry ana conrerce, or the voluntary sector. It hus the rull backing ol TASS's electeu national executive anu OL its highly-e1iective full-time ofticials anu back up stuit. “Ss more and tiore join TASS, siniler BLS branches will he couiirn oraer Guu eeeLome short text Lor each item Lisgnting Yeuwiuaucies. 14565 sees tial all set up’ in other areas. a 1 employed in building design. (end of “box") ypQty, Literg \ union orgdénisa— Join TAsS Lov tion. veciue loge ther with tne key eiiective, aenwocratic trade your issues in your Oltiice are; .pay &@nd conaitions: career Structures? + Undermanning? «+-Wonen's rights? to get “open books, clear chennels reper nlnLSC Caps)o Mos nS Ovuer A taice rt2niOCh1’Con.ittees Uevery Ww Wh alternatives are explored before auy men— practice. mM c LASS. TASS has !roCh /} OL the opportunity to do each job responsibly. 4 1s 4 viVE wil ( stiveu of TASS members women in Li: durcéiront of the Ch 4L> WO» Ci. Cas. dis eucition colitact by a "national advisory comiittee ofiice colieagues, in unavoicuble, TASS insures that they are ee eFCUGudauC1eS? ‘aSS has a louie recoru o1 Successtully earbitiary ana petty conditions? BUS-TASS niewhbers are kept in consultation with stait iro: other ofiices, aud with the --hanggenent secrecy? Join together with your colleagues o &£ OL CoOWiwunicetion anu @ begining tor the canpeign for equal pay, concitions, anu eCuucetionul anu enployment opportu- nities Lor women. In aduition to enjoying the same rights anu benetits as every level of the uudiou, are repicsertea girectly expert auvice anu Support that only 1sSS can give what [erent Outl £ ber is tid#ue reuduant. If reuuLuencies are agreeu, aiter iull Cousultations, to be 1airly tiauuleu aud usually manages to Win substahtial payments tor its menbers. TASS also pays its own Supplementary long-term unenploynent benefit. detocratic control of protessional Cane: ployment, overtine, etc.) e--Shouuy Ge€Sign auu cutting o1 corners? Fight with TASS tor There are already over 20,00 (in “"box") who controls TASS? TASS nerbers in each ofiice deciae to pursue anu Union officiais the means they are callea in only at thear ‘ request. % LinolOt (end "box") the policy they wish to use to achieve it. nx hannw tf stil wish ---elack of training facilities? i a Notions. \onen's Cfganiser. e- GeClining workloau?( political muscle, TASS record) +--lack O41 Contact with building users? (accountebility) o The orgunisution of employees in TASS in each office is the key unit in the union's structure and the means whereby Staff can aenocratically ana coltectively have a reel voice in ali the Gecisions which affect their work. This can include not only questions otf Wages, hours, holidays, Pensicns anu reuisuaicies, but also broaaer issues like the type anu quality oi work producead, px4*xXEX or office orgaénisetion anu cecision-i.aking structures. Broader TASS policy is determinea by the members through he union “renches, the enouel Co.ference, una elected regional anu national executives. administration of the zj- ;ie> union is by experienced, iuli-tine officials and backup staif. .'| TTS 2?of NW See Asx 5 tdface {) ASS/BSSU, Prgedsol een SukneyKayQuipZo Gs w Ow Se ent AbD Rene oe AGC, Way aTrade Union for Building “4 Vines : a E #) ae Design staff ? %y ee eet Over 90:3 ofthe building-design workforce SA RIS Set ASank Soy is Salaried.The promise of the__ ie: ;Qeeiimne tel juniorarchitectorotherprofessional,peSea“OPEwGiQo The economic crisis has shown how powerless private sector building design staff are to resist exploitation and redundancy. And this is only symptomatic of a Situation woich pervades all aspects of our work, whatever the econamic situation, Building design staff are at the mercy or 'market forces! in the private Sector and ape—unableto-secuerven Amott the most basic guarantees of pay and conditions,. which are now in steady i mapotyg i,Aeaniltong,, VA ( Architecture is a business. Tne owners (ar “yartners") of the business are well organised with their own advisory bodies; the staff are not. Building design staff s are therefore managed bysani-putsted, Ang, OG as0s 2 wr HAR ésSf expendec—at—thitet of thétr employers, ‘ Simply because of their neglect to organise themselves effectively so as to conduct relations with their employers on a rational, collective basis. On May 14 1977 a special one-day conference toolc place in London at which building design staff from throughout Britain one union building design staff should organise within. Phe conference chose TASS (Technical administrative and Supervisory Section ena toe building Design Stati Section was set un, This Special section is intendea f@ all workers met to decide which — AUE/ ) ae ye Orrell Ss gee bwAemoc) L decline. eke 2: worker rising to partnership and Nec having control over his or her ow work is illusory for the vast majority Coste : oe OC Ge WIPES Qu ane AO w Asne MW, & f- in building design who now reala&e that, m Lome Ccs we nk Eo an comion with other groups such as - Jie peCeres iio lawyers,teachersanddoctors,their OR)asBoyDWcee role and conditions of work will Poets. 7 Y Po, ROU on. continuetobedictatedbytheiremployers.LY jGf TALON) fPrace Union organisasion esdsts for this purpose, recognised and established by statutory legislation (the Bmoloyment Fretectim Act 1976) as the one appropriate basis for negotiations between employers and their starf. A Trade e Unionistherecognisedway—betieine-desimAKto oSa etais can ignore it no longer. Guth olsen, 02 prin eral es QOyt eoOe unkSen— Waat is the Guilding Desim Staff Section- TASS? Cc in the private sector building design \ professions;erchitetes,surveyors,—— an Ww CaAey(NAN 7 Vile ives step p SAO) pystiee* or, eet ae Craryloytra +LO0 4 Hy SQM, iS)LOck 06 to carry out full and thorough resaer vital issues > Saerch into € Luge CoesSLAar v 4-€ technicians, 2. structural engineers, planners secretaries,typists,etc.,whatevertheir Capo|Aopeas statusandqualifications.Ttisnota'craft'0,0ooiesank,tho, oifice as its membersA kt i 2 bayeceteneyAlon ide There are already pressing? sroblems of union and intends to have all staff in the = fosaso. A, CH rUlabin. pay and conditions, redundancy eles, Ho ADA, SOQ chek, whichbuildingdesignstaffcanonly Qeree oe unThe tackle effectivley if taey are organised, withexpertunion'back-up!'.jhenyou aeUma join BDSS you must dartte discuss and decide what policies yau wnat to put forward in your office. Yon will have'official'Union assistance where there is a majority union membership in the office and where the members representatives ask for union nelp. then expert full-time Union officials can help secure recogniti on of the union by Po G your employer and help you in negotiations or in taking cases to the industrial Tziounal, Phe Enplayment Protection Act requires that employers recognise a Trade Union where it has a Hajority membership in an office, and requires employers to divulge information which is seldom available to individuals, In this way it will be possible for members to make informed decisions on further pecker h AeHiner Ou oo LetoNaes Concern gon.Jedats see How can BIS help you ? bsteh you 4 Qa BDSS is especially well equipped to help building design staff because:— DSS already has recognition in many engineering consultanties and therefore ‘3 to2\ p Areal & understand? the problems in building design oifices, 25S can therefore srovide expert professional advice am the law as it affects your enployyaent and can give hely in enforcing taat lew. Oonrias bo BDSS wsaT recrait 211 staff in the office thus” preventing division end ensuring the mOSt eriective collective action, In_SDSyouwillhavetheOpportunitytomeet and discuss probless with staff froma other offices, and to decide on common policies, BD55 has full use of the ig; rescarca department a 20 Geron.0r vitaljiss ee sy¢h 5 worltloadyand Bee ooffenerstEovers boda sudan “~s OMIT. on Yoel%prpowaatAceontabat Toere are many wider issues acing 7 architecturetodayandBDSSwillprovide MadreWweee a farum at national level far all OG 1.0 aye buildingdesignstafftomeetanddiscuss Tees cammonproblems(thereareplansto rw Sconse coprdinate with building design staff in publicsedtorunions)andtotake CY collective action. If you would like to know more abaut te specs). BDSS- TASS please camtact the address belay. We can arrange f discuss the advantages «Caleyunpine os . J a speaker to of BDSS membership Oeee ee or to give advice am your affice Situation, Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/020d4a4959c19f76aa700b90916e4b59.pdf c28eb73fd0b96c4613071ae924d2cd21 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Asbestos Kills ! Subject The topic of the resource 2pp advice not to specify any material containing asbestos Description An account of the resource DON'T specify ANY building material containing ANY kind of ASBESTOS! More and more architects are refusing to specify building materials con- taining any type of asbestos, despite a massive, slick and deceptive pub- lic relations campaign being waged by the asbestos companies and their propaganda arms, the "Asbestos Information Committee" and the "Asbestosis Research Council." Remember these FIVE POINTS: 1. Evan slight exposure to asbestos dust can cause slow and painful death not only from asbestosis (an untreatable form of pneumoconiosis), but also from lung cancer, mesothelioma and other cancers. Mesothelioma, of which asbestos is the only established cause, is "a painful, untreat- able cancer (of the membrane lining of the chest or abdomen) which kills by slow suffocation." It can be produced even by the slight exposures to which members of the general public are subject and usually does not develop until at least fifteen years after such exposure. 2. All forms of asbestos, including chrysotile (mined principally in Can- ada, Rhodesia, South Africa and the U.S.S.R.) and amosite (imported from South Africa and used for most thermal and acoustic insulation products containing asbestos), are highly dangerous andcan be lethal, not merely the "blue asbestos" (crocidolite) which is no longer widely used in Britain in new construction. 3. 4. 5. The only safe level of exposure to asbestos dust is zero. Current safety standards in British industry, even were they enforced, do not make the hazards negligible and, of course, do not cover the wor- kers in the largely British-owned mines and processing plants in the countries from which asbestos is imported. Asbestos is a hazard not only to the people who work with it in mines and factories and on construction and demolition sites but also to the people they come in contact with and to the communities in which they live and work. Due to weathering, abrasion, maintenance, repairs and alterations, the people using buildings containing asbestos are also subject to the danger. Asbestos cement flat and profiled sheets, tubes and pipes account for most of the asbestos used in the construction industry, but it is also used in a wide range of insulation and fire-resistant products, vinyl asbestos flooring tiles, asbestos-asphalt roofing compounds, many sarking felts, et.al. For all asbestos products used in construction there are safe alter- asbestos kills! natives. (though glass or mineral fibres are probably not among them). Many cost no more. For others, the difference is insignificant compared to the medical and human costs involved in the continued use of asbestos. Don't put your faith in inadequate "standards" dependent upon unfeasible measuring techniques and understaffed and ambivalent enforcement agencies. Don't wait for your firm or department (or your client) to ban the use of all materials containing any kind of asbestos, or for the workers on site to refuse to handle them. Take the initiative! Don't specify any product containing asbestos and don't allow any on site. Get your colleaques, quantity surveyor and engineering consultants to do likewise. Strong pressure now from architects and other specifiers, along with the pressure already being exerted by organised workers in factories and on building and demolition sites, can help force the merchants of death out of the asbestos business. And don't worry about their "crocidolite" tears... eeethe big asbestos companies are already diversifying into other products and may well want to "cut their losses" before a boycott of asbestos is obliged to spread to their other lines. To prevent potential unemployment in the asbestos industry, the trade union movement must force the companies involved to provide alternative, safe employment rather than continue to subject their workers and the community at large to a lethal hazard. Don't depend on the asbestos companies and their propaganda fronts for in- formation. Refer instead to: Nancy Tait, Asbestos Kills, The Silbury Fund, 1976. (Available for 25p from Exchange Publications, 9 Poland Street, London W1V 3DG.) Paul Brodeur, Expendable Americans, The Viking Press, 1974. British Society for Social Responsibility in Science, "The Prevention of Asbestos Diseases" (submission to the Government's Advisory Committee on Asbestos), September 1976. Pat Kinnersly's The Hazards of Work (Pluto Press, 1973) covers asbestos among many other hazards of work. On the British asbestos industry, refer to The Monopolies Commission report, "Asbestos and certain Asbestos Products," HMSO, 1973. Note also: 1. Cape Industries continues to mine "blue asbestos" (crocidolite) in South Africa and has, indeed, been increasing production. More and more of this deadly production is apparently exported to Third World countries where the trade union movement has not the power to get it banned. 2. The main sources of chrysotile asbestos, which accounts for 95% of world asbestos fibre production, are Canada, South Africa, Rhodesia and the U.S.S.R. Britain imports it from Canada and South Africa. It must be re- membered, though, that Rhodesian exports, since the white racist regime's takeover there, have been known to reach Western markets under the quise of South African exports. For additional copies of this leaflet, send a stamped addressed envelope to the New Architecture Movement, 143 whitfield Street, London W1. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/29f7f6e8e8f43907ef2a8e7b9b66b4a1.pdf 71f4cc54be7e0e02b8d5491956f9f57e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Report Subject The topic of the resource "Architectural Workers & Trade Unionism" Report Description An account of the resource WSINOINN J0VUL ONY SYEYMOM. TVHRISALIKOMY STAMP : the architects’ union ? The Supervisory, Technical, Administrative, Managerial and Professional section of the building industry union, UCATT, historically owes its existence to the attempts made during the 1920s and 30s by salaried architects and technicians to organise themselves into a trade union. Inspite of the fact that its recent change of name from the "Assoc= lation of Building Technicians" indicates a desire on their part to recruit from amongst all the 300,000 or so white collar workers in the industry, they retain for this reason a special regard and sympathy for the problems of architects and technicians generally. This represents an ideological if somewhat Quixotic commitment on their part within a traditionally conservative area; for over 50 years of activity within the architectural field never gained them more than 3,500 members (as opposed to their present membership of around 20,000). Nevertheless, for the architect wishing to join a trade union, STAMP possesses ad- vantages over larger staff unions such as APEX and ASTMS, by virtue of its long experience within the field and orientation towards the build- ing industry. There is however, an underlying mood of impatience in the union's att- itude towards the architectural profession. Alan Black, its National Organiser is quick to point out that highly qualified workers within the industry, such as architects and technicians have traditionally been the most reluctant to look after their own interests and ensure even minimum conditions of employment. The union accounts for this by referring to the elitist and insular outlook of the profession which inspite of their attempts to the contrary, has not progressed very much beyond the conditions in the private sector of 50 years ago. In this respect they refer to private practice in terms of its totally non- collective way of working, its secretive management techniques, divis= ive salary differentials, and exploitiveness towards its "vast army of radically underpaid technicians", They remain committed to the issue of establishing a national negotiating machinery for the profession and all white collar workers in the building industry, and their long- term aim is to set up a minimum wage structure and salary scale with regional weightings, on the lines of those that already exist in local authorities. They see membership of a union like STAMP as one of the best means of breaking down the compartmentalisation of the professions in- volved in building, by bringing them together in one staff union. With regard to salaried architects and technicians they maintain that they are underpaid and underpnrepresented and that their interests cannot be guaranteed within the RIBA or other parts of the architectural profession by virtue of its orientation towards employer rather than employee inter- ests. they further argue that since 80% of the profession is in salaried employment and since for the most part prospects of partnership and "principal" status are remote, there is a real need for architects to recognise this fact by organising their own labour and by being prepared to use their potential for industrial action in the manner that the teaching;, nedical and engineering professions have already demonstrated, in order to gain adequate renumeration for the work they carry out. For this reason, STAMP is still regarded by the RIBA as somewhat of a "red" union; a description they are not entirely anxious to accommodate, for they subscribe to no particular political fund. However, inspite of the reluctance on the part of the profession as a whole to take part in union activities, architects hav.. tended in the past to be a vocal and influential element within the union, both at Branch level and on its National Executive Committee. Thus there exists on the part of the union a willingness to encourage its architectural membership and an under- standing of its problens and language. In its form and membership, STAMP is at present the product of a rec- ent reorganisation which has resulted in the transfer to the section of all salaried, supervisory and non-manual grades previously to be found in UCATT, creating thereby a separate staff union in conjunction with its old ABT membership. It is administered and funded independ- ently of its parent union, and possesses a separate General Council, National Executive Committee and Branch structure, whilst retaining the larger backup resources of UCATT itself. Its relationship with UCATT is bound in some cases to be somewhat ambiguous for its member- ship's interests often reflect those of the employer and of management rather than those of the worker on site. In certain cases of industrial dispute this means that STAMP must occasionally defend its members against those of UCATT, and is prepared to do so, although a tendency exists for inter=-union disputes to be settled outside Industrial Tri- bunal. A further reflection of the nature of its membership is a "waver" in the union's rules, providing exemption from industrial action for its members where this can be demonstrated to conflict with their ob= ligations under professional codes of conduct. The greatest scope for the union in terms of reaching salary and con- ditions agreements for its architectural and technician members exists where there are large numbers of them in one practice or office. Such an instance is an agreement they have negotiated with the "Scottish Special Housing Association", where they have a closed-shop arrangement in conjunction with NALGO. This would in normal circumstances under free-collective bargaining, provide tri-annual wage reviews, but pres- ent government pay policy rules this out. Nevertheless, the agreement with the SSHA remains a unique example of STAMP's activities, for else- where in the architectural field their membership is scattered and its negotiating strength is somewhat lessened as a consequence. Even so, now that the Employment Protection Act has been extended to offices employing under 5 people, their action on behalf of individual members of the profession is guaranteed. On the matter of redundancies, STAMP is in the same position as other unions. The Act provides the machinery for consultations only between the union and employers. Yet STAMP's policy on the matter is quite clear. - If the matter of redundancies arises they are committed to ensuring that their members take prece- dence in retaining their jobs, over non-union members in architectural offices. If this would appear somewhat harsh on the redundant non-union member, they point out that the union exists in order to guarantee its members interests precisely in instances such as this. In relation to UCATT, with its 286,000 members, STAMP remains however, a small union, working within a largely unorganised field. (Only 10% of white collar workers within the building industry belong to trade unions) Even UCATT itself accounts for only 30/35% of the total work= force of the construction industry, although it represents by far the largest union in the field. These figures consequently illustrate the divergencies that exist within what the union refers to as a "rather old fashioned industry", between the large multi-national conglomerates on the one hand, and the small local contractors on the other. UCATT has always found the latter difficult to organise and has had its great est successes with the largest companies. Similarly, in the architect- ural field, STAMP views the greatest potential for recruitment of mem- bers as lying in the larger practices where architectural grievances are perhaps more clear-cute The organisation and governing structure of the union is similar in many respects to others. Branches may be set up wherever there are ten or more members, and can in turn appoint representatives to the union's General Council, thereby participating in policy decisions at a higher level. Union policy is decided at its Annual General Meeting, and at the bi=annual conventions of the General Council. These meetings con= fine themselves to matters of general policy, whilst details of imple- mentation are worked out by the union's Executive Committee, the ten members of which are elected from the General Council. The Committee meets on a monthly basis in order to receive reports and recommendations from specialist sub-committees, on such issues as Industrial Relations, or Housing. Outstanding issues are sometimes decided by polling the general membership of the union by postal ballot. In conclusion, the union possesses the advantages and disadvantages of a relatively "small" organisation. Its management structure is not top= heavy or burocratic, but accessible, helpful and friendly. It is however weak in the Branches, and in some areas membership is too scattered to justify setting these up. Nevertheless, it must be remembered that it is a section of the largest building industry union in the country, and is the only union which aims to cater for the needs of the architectural profession. Being part of an "industrial" union it does not possess the range of conflicting interests one might find in a large general union such as ASTMS, and which could in all probability engulf an architect- ural presence. ARCHITECTS AGAINST RIBA : IMI9-19S5 This paper proceeds from two motives. Firstly in order to illuminate a much neglected aspect of the history of the architectural profession; that of its first attempt to organise itself into a trade union; and secondly, as a cautionary tale to those concerned with the situation of the salaried architect and technician within the profession. Yet one may indeed ask why for all that, one ought to concern oneself with or even be interested in the events of forty or fifty years ago. Never- theless, an examination of the issues of the 20's and 30's reveals how little the profession has progressed since then, and how much hard-won ground the salaried architect has lost. Many of the experiences of the old "Association of Architects, Surveyors, and Technical Assistants" (AASTA) hold their lessons for us today, and can perhaps be applied to our present circumstances. Moreover, in many respects, the form the profession now takes is still governed by the events of that time; the 1931 Registration Act, and the formation of the ARCUK and the profess- ion's regulating committees and boards are all case points. Furthermore, the AASTA played a leading role in the formation of most of these. Thus the union's experiences also raise many key questions for the New Arch- itectural Movement. What are for example, the consequences of adopting a reformist position which accepts working within the structure of the profession, and the RIBA itself? What is the most effective way of or- ganising opposition to the RIBA and its policies, and how voice this critical stance? An impression of the spirit and flavour of the union can be guaged from the often eloquent expressions of salaried architects’ grievances to be found in the pages of its journal "Keystone". These reveal the predominantly intellectual, theoretical and political interest its professional members found in the issue of unionism, and at times the journal comes to resemble an architectural version of "Country Life", in its discussion of aesthetic and philosophical matters, more than the journal of a union dedicated to fighting for the rights of salaried architects and technicians. However, a 1935 editorial comment paints a particularly graphic picture of the profession as it existed then. "The ability to realise economic facts seems to be singularly lacking in the architectural mind, which always appears to be 50 absorbed in the production of the goods that it is oblivious to the very defective nature of their marketing, with the result that while the private practioner sits in his office waiting for a job or wastes his ability in a competition gamble, the salaried man works at high pressure for the maximum renumeration which he can individually procure, which is in fact, the minimum at which his patron can procure his services. Students emerge from the schools of architecture utterly devoid of any knowledge of the economic position of their profession. In- dividually every one of them enters upon his career with a more or less vague idea that through the medium of competition he will ultimately reveal his outstanding ability to an appreciative pub- lic and his triumphant future will be assured. Perhaps one ina thousand may live to see the fulfillment of this fantasy." The union however, had its lighter moments. Its references to the Modern Movement for example, were seldom less than caustic. "Everybody who is in the habit of making a noise about anything is asking "What is modernism?" Was it Chesterton who asked the question? It does not matter, for the spasmodic efforts of Peret and Corbusier along with their English immitators are not worth serious discussion, if only because they are deliberately att- empting to cut away all established cannons and traditions - to direct us to a philosopher's or a saint's heaven, when the pur- pose of art is to make life liveable and delightful here. From its inception in 1919, as the "Architects and Surveyors Assistants Professional Union" (ASAPU) the union's primary function, putting aside its intellectual aspirations, was to campaign for the rights of salar- ied architects and technicians and to ensure adequate representation for them on the RIBA Council, and later on ARCUK. The RIBA as they pointed out was governed according to the circumstances of the 1880's and not those of the 1920's and 30's. During the period the proportion of those in salaried employment rose from 40% in 1880, 60% in 1924, to 70% in 1935, whilst the RIBA remained largely a club for the principals of private practices. At the same time the numbers of architects had risen 71% from 7,000 in 1880 to 12,000 in 1924, as against a 46% rise in population. Furthermore, in real terms the salaries of architects during the 1920's had fallen 10-25% below the levels for 1914. (Levels which they claimed were derisory enough in the first place) As they were fond of noting, they were thus working within an "overcrowded", underpaid, and under-represented profession, and their strategy and policies were aimed at combating these facts. Their action however, lay primarily in the political field, in the form of bringing pressure to bear on the RIBA, rather than in the form of organising themselves into a shop-floor orientated union, in which demands could be met or campaigned for within the circumstances of work. To begin with, following on from "supply and demand" notions, the union proceeded to examine the salary issue in terms of actually limiting the number of architects in practice. In their report of 1924, "Overcrowding in the profession" they argued for tougher limits on the education of architects, fewer pupils being taken into private practice, and the "control" of their syllabuses so that instead of being reduced to mere “drawing board hacks" they might stand a better chance of becoming qual- ified architects. They further advocated a tightening up of the arch- itectural schools' courses so that they would conform better to pro- fessional requirements. The basis of their argument was that the pres- ence of unqualified staff in the profession "lowered" the prospects of renumeration for the profession as a whole. Not unnaturally, their proposals were to be instrumental in setting up the RIBA Board of Ed-= ucation in 1928, on which they were represented. For the same reasons, the union consistently supported the principle of registration, indeed going as far as to suggest that registration of all architects, students and qualified technicians should be made compulsory, with the important reservation that Architectural Registration Council should be a body representative of the entire profession, and that its composition should reflect the profession's orientation towards the salaried man, and not the private practitioner. Indeed the AASTA pinned a great many of its hopes for the future on the development of ARCUK, thinking that its existence would help relegate the role of the RIBA to that of learned institute only. However, above all else, the union remained commited to the notion of a "minimum salary scale" for all salaried architectural staffs. To this end it began negotiations with the RIBA in 1920, and these dragged on in the form of the "Joint AASTA and RIBA Practice Standing Committee and Allied Societies Conference" until 1927. Whilst thus absorbing the union in Committee activities in the hope of the ev- entual drafting of a joint memorandum recommending the adoption of a minimum salary scale, the RIBA succeeded in gaining their endorsement for their Registration Bill, and only after the union had thus comm- itted itself, were the proposals on salaries rejected. The RIBA's action in doing so, caused no little amount of bitterness amongst the union's membership, and at a stormy meeting at the Caxton Hall in February 1928, more than reformist changes were called for, culminating in the resol- ution; "No minimum salary scale - No Registration Act". Building News commented: "The attitude of the RIBA Council leaves the rather unpleasant impression that while it is prepared to do battle for its rec- ognised scale against the public, it is indifferent to explot- ation by its members of the assistant architects, even though the latter may also be members." Amidst the publicity surrounding the meeting, the RIBA's second Reg- istration Bill was thrown out by parliament, and the union's membership as a consequence of its refusal to support the Bill, increased by 150% to around 2,500. To some extent however, the union was to blame for the treatment it received at the time, for whilst engaged in raprochement with the RIBA from 1924-27, it remained exceptionally quiet and unwilling to "rock the boat'' over the issues on which it was supposedly campaigning. Thus at the height of the General Strike "Keystone" opens with these somewhat inappropriate words: "Sir Thomas More's "Utopia'' has lately passed through my hands againescece" gradually declined. Throughout the union's literature of the time, there is no mention of the economic and political turbulence of the 20's. After 1928 however, the union took on a far more serious-minded and militant outlook, and succeeded at last in forming a "Salaried Members Committee" within the RIBA, and in gaining statutory representation on the Architectural Reg- istration Council, in the form of one representative for every five hundred architectural members in the union. (Its modern successor, STAMP, retains this representation inspite of the very small number of architects it actually represents) Nevertheless, the experience of the Salaried Members Committee, proved to be similar to that of the 1924—=27 period. The AASTA finally withdrew from this in 1953 when the RIBA had yet again, and in principle rejected the proposed scale of salaries for private offices, after having already accepted scales for public and commercial offices in 1930. One of the reasons for the union's withdrawal from the RIBA at the time lay also in the fact that they considered that their presence on the Architectural Registration Council would prove to be more effective; nevertheless, the 1920-1933 period of cooperation with the RIBA had proved to be a diversionary one. The 13 nominees on various RIBA boards representing the AASTA were easily assimilated, and given work which gave the appearance rather than the substance of progress. The Depress— ion and eventually the War also, proved to be events which dissipated the strengths of the union. Thus by the end of the forties, its members were either disillusioned with the failure of a 20 year long campaign, or had been absorbed into successful careers within the professional establishment. Those who stayed on in the union, on its change of name and emphasis to the "Association of Building Technicians" did so in senior positions. They had become older, more conservative, more pros— perous, and consequently less "radical". In the circumstances of the failure of the AASTA, it is inevitable that the RIBA would have appeared to the majority of the profession as an irrestible force, and equally inevitable that the union's architectural membership from there onwards Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/525268c07dfd60dbc01e12e25cd14ae4.pdf b6e6bcadf02b8c53a240b6b577670c99 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM & The Green Ban Subject The topic of the resource Report for SLATE 3 Description An account of the resource SLATE 3 NAM & THE GREEN BAN Green Bans in Britain The story so far The New South Wales Building Labourers Federation has been closely identified with the Green Bans in Australia. Jack Munday, who had been their General Secretary, was in Britain in January, 1976, at the invitation of CES. He was invited to Birmingham to speak at a public meeting arranged by people concerned about the proposed destruction of the splendid Victorian Post Office in the city centre. Munday spoke about the Australian experience and a Liberal Councillor gave a detailed history of the planning consent for the demolition of the Post Office and the proposed re-development. Amid the subsequent enthusiasm of the trade unionists (from many industries), environmentalists and preservationists present the suggestion was taken up to form a joint committee, to set a Green Ban movement going. The general aim was to spread the idea of workers having a say in the kind of work they undertook, and the specific aim was to save the G.P.O. - with workers' help. The first actions of the committee were to start a petition (which collected 20,000 signatures), hold a public rally, and to seek resolutions of support from the trade unions, such as EEPTU, AEUW-TASS, ASTMS, NUPE, NALGO, UCATT, T & GWU. Political support was forthcoming from local MP's, and County and City Councillors. Following the Rally in March 1976 NAM was asked to prepare a planning report on the implications of the re-development with respect to the city and the financial return that was to be expected. Part of the report re-appeared in the first GBAC Broadsheet which listed the arguments against the development, the support for the campaign and a brief explanation of the Green Ban idea. The broadsheet was distributed through all the local T.V. branches, schools as well as the people of the city. The campaign was featured in the local and national press, many magazines and journals and on Radio Birmingham. The 24 hour occupation of a giant crane on an adjoining site in Support of the campaign was featured on television. During the summer of last year alternative proposals were formulated by the committee for the use of the building. NAM gained access to survey the building. During October a feasability study was prepared by NAM with the results of the survey to study the re-use and conversion of the Post Office as a city centre recreation and leisure centre. Why NAM is involved 2 In November a delegation representing GBAC, the West Midlands TUC, and the Victorian Society met with the City Council and the Post Office Board - a meeting resulting from pressure mounted by GBAC. The aim was to discuss objections to the proposed re-development of the G.P.O. site. The leader of the City Council (now Tory) refused to consider re-voting planning consent, and left it to the Postal Board to make any concessions. But in spite of detailed arguments about Birmingham's heritage, about planning for people instead of profits, and about the huge over provision of office space, the Postal Board remained totally fixed in its determination to demolish the G.P.O. and build the offices. GBAC has been able to facilitate links between Trade Unions and environmentalists on wider issues. For example between FOE Edinburgh and Scottish NUM over opposition to the proposed Lothian nuclear power station. In January a one day conference was held at the AKUW Hall in Birmingham when work- Shops were held on the Built Environment (in which NAM took part), Transport and the Car Industry, Water Pollution and Strategies for change. GBAC has links with FOE, SERA, Science for People Group at Aston University, Lucas Aerospace Shop Stewards Committee. During the winter NAM prepared outline proposals for the use of the G.P.O. building as a leisure centre and these were presented in the form of drawings and diagrams at the first AGM of the GBAC on March 16 where they received unanimous approval. Following the meeting the alternative plan was brought before the UCATT regional committee and a resolution of support was passed. The proposals were brought up at the next Birmingham Trades Council meeting, received considerable Support from the delegates and a resolution of support. At the AGM of the West Midlands TUC the proposals received the unanimous approval from officials from just about all the Unions in the West Midlands. GBAC seek from NAM technical advice, in return NAM is taking part in a revolutionary and historic departure in the development of the British Trade Union Movement. The necessity for links between NAM and the Trade Unions cannot be over-stressed. NAM's campaign to unionise architectural and allied works was established as a major priority of NAM's 2nd Congress at Blackpool. These wider links not only strengthen NAM's hands in its negotiations but add credibility in is forthcoming campaign. But in addition, in NAM's future campaigns for example in the reform of ARCUK, it may wetl need to mobilise Trade Union support to give it political clout, It should be understood that the work for the Campaign has been the work of four people and has taken a secondary place behind our primary involvement in NAM's issue groups, but it is the beginning of a test-bed for some of NAM's ideas and possible future policies. Through the work we have begun to establish The Role of NAM Our role is fourfold. Future Perfect links with other groups such as SERA and FOE and we have become involved in and contributed to other campaigns and issues, for example asbestos, safety on building Sites, the role and structure of the building industry. It is also a first step in building the new clientele, that is an alternative system of patronage. But not least of all it contributes to a broader image of NAM. NAM is primarily political but our involvement does help to belie the accusation that we do not actually get our hands dirty and begin to practice what we preach. It may even attract architectural workers who are more receptive to drawings and technique and develop in £rom some political consciousness. ham (1) To make a technical study of the GPO building, report on its structure and fabric, and assess its possibilities for re-use and conversion, and to assess the proposals of the GBAC. (2) To organise in physical and theoretical terms a strategy that would reconcile many disparate functions together with several sponsoring organisations, variable forms of financing and phasing of the conversion. (3) To identify areas of study to be undertaken by others - for example we have proposed that a financial feasability of the alternative plan be carried out. (4) Propaganda : by using drawings, diagrams and other means to demonstrate to working people the possibilities of re-using the building, and to strengthen the support already given to the campaign by the trade unions by Canvassing viable alternatives. In conclusion it must be clearly stated that in substance, if not in spirit, these roles do not yet differ radically from conventional architectural services. Neither is the relationship with the 'client' especially innovative, although such activities as designing and building (and manning) the propaganda stand at the recent Communist Party Rally at Alexandra Palace, are perhaps untypical. In other words it would be net so much immodest, as inaccurate to describe our association with GBAC as "community architecture'. It is precisely such inhibitions which provide the challenge. There are sound theoretical reasons why NAM has not dissipated its energy in unpteen local projects, but concentrated on broader analysis and structural change. In the meantime, however, many of NAM's most active members continue in regular jobs becoming increasingly aware of a widening gap between their practice and their beliefs. The process of reconciling the former to the latter is a personal journey that each architect must make for himself. The professional habits formed in ten years' practice - or even the professional expectations formed in seven years' training - will not change during the night. They will be eroded, modified, transformed over long years of self-questioning and re-education. The work with GBAC is as good a point of departure as any, and those of us who have been involved are already learning, ¥or example, to hesitate critically before proceeding down such familiar paths as the RIBA Plan of Work. It may - for external administrative reasons beyond our control - be already too late to save the Victorian Post Office Building in Birmingham. This would be sad, but it would not be the end of the story - rather the beginning. For it will mark the first step in the difficult but exciting process of changing ourselves - and, at least as important, - changing each other. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated c. 5.76 ? https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/935fa2927971d923a9c3656a23db8a3b.pdf 923082f9492a00ab635376f58a90b96b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cardiff Seminar Subject The topic of the resource Notes for the seminar (3 pp total) Description An account of the resource ) NEWARCHI TEC TUREMOVEMENT NEWARCHITECTUREMOVEMENTNEWARCHLTECTUREMOVEMEN TVEWARCH |TECTUREMOVEMENTNEWA rotates annually. group members. In Cardiff the group is doing the following: / CHRDINESenn To #11 Those Conccernet To See A Democratic Environment - Have you heard of N.A.M.? 4 (1) Holding extensive discussions as to its purpose, the purpose of architecture, life etcecsccccce The New Architecture Movement exists to further the possibility for a genuinely democratic architecture, an architecture that will be from; for and by the people and is constituted to act both as a voice for change in the profession and as a platform for action in the fields of architecture, building and planning. It is a national body made up of federated groups in central and northern London, Birmingham and Cardiff. The current liasing group is in London but groups are autonomous and the task of liasing The Cardiff eroup meets fortnightly, if possible, and about half- a-dozen people usually attend with the the numbers increasing to over a dozen on specific projects. It is organised without heirarchy, with the responsibility of chairperson and convenor rotated amongst (2) Working with local pressure groups to oppose the Cardiff Central Area Redevelpoment - still a debacle after the collapse of Centreplan. (3) Sponsoring a proposal to the Manpower Services Commission under the Job Creation Programme to establish a project which would provide an environmental design service for community groups and an advice service toindividuals and ‘community groups. -It ie hoped that this pboject will commence in October or November of this year. (1) Providing delegates for a N.A.M. conference in November (26th. - 28th.) and producing papers on aesthetics and professionalism to be discussed at the conference and used with marerial from other N.A.M. groups on education, unionisation, private and local authority practises, as a basis for the production of a document to be published and publicised in succeeding weeks. (5) Participating in a 5th year students of architecture one- day symposium, "Architectural Education and Practise: Is There a Future?" this month.to be followed that same evening by a special N.A.M. Event intended to communicate the aims of N.A.M. to professionals and students in the environmental field. SEDSLENEANANPANE SRE REESE HE °ee REYRVR RRYY BR TIRES takes place at the Chapter Arts Centre, Market Road, Canton, Cardiff and begins at 7.30.pem.e on Friday ist. October. Those who come may expect to find the following: (1) Refreshments (Capter have a bar) (2) Repres entation by the N.A.M. Central London group who will describe their experience and views on such diverse topics as the Monopolies Commission Report on the R.I.B.A., their office survey, The National Design Service and Unionisation. (3) Peter Carter of the 'Green Ban' movement, who will discuss the 'Green Bans' and put forth his view of how hw sees the role of N.A.M. in such action, We hope there will be much informal discussion. You are invited to attend this Event. FRE RRREBRRR AE HEAR EAR ERO uaerarer ary TORIES HEEESUeKS (4) Anne Delaney from the Cardiff group who will elucidate upon the structure of the New Architecture Movement, NAM. Cardiff/SB, RAC, PFD/27.10.76 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Cardiff Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 27.10.76 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0d12aaf78cca1347049ac669a28aca3c.pdf 3f1770f6ec47b15f8f2033bdd02b9254 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Birmingham Green Ban Action Subject The topic of the resource Report to the Birmingham Green Ban Action Committee (21 sides). Description An account of the resource REPORT TO THE BIRMINGHAM GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE throughout the country. THE AIMS OF THE CAMPAIGN To save the Birmingham GPO To get the exterior cleaned To urge that the interior working conditions other than the public counter. are brought up to modern standards The Green Ban Action Committee is not simply another conservation group. A Green Ban is the action taken by groups of workers who refuse to work on socially and environmentally harmful projects. Our Committee believes that only by creating a broad alliance involving ordinary working people as well as dedicated conservationists, can effective action be taken to protect and improve our environment. The Green Ban Action Committee, therefore,is composed of members of trade unions, community organisations and environmental groups, and seeks to involve a very wide range of people in its campaigns. The collaboration among those who live in the local environment including those who create it by their labour, results in a very powerful force. It raises the prospect of people working together to encourage projects of a socially useful and environmentally desirable nature, rather than leaving profit to determine the sort of environment that we live in, The approach taken by the Green Ban Action Committee is a new one in Britain and it is hoped that it will be taken up in other cities and localities To develop discussions with the public on the use of the existing building A.-M. (CENTRAL LONDON GROUP) REPORT TO THE BIRMINGHAM GREEN BAN AC‘LION COMMITTEE MAY 1976 CONTENTS pages!-4 Notes on the nature of property development:a series of general canments 5- Developers’ calculations: showing how profit is calculated. 12-15 The contribution ofof fice development inthe city centre to the city’s finances: research intg-arguments against centralisation. 8-11Developers calculations as applied tothe Birmingham Post Office site and conclusions tobe drawn. world's money markets, and for an investment to yield a significant level of profit means that it must give a return greater than lending the same amount of money on the open market would. That is, for an investment to be considered viable it must yield a total return of over 12% p.a. Buildings may be used to gain profit in two ways, either they are constructed at one price and sold quickly at a higher price, which is common in the field of spec. housing; or as in the case of office blocks they are regarded more as a capital investment, which will yield a regular yearly income, which eventually will repay many times over the construction cost of the building plus the land price. 2. Buildings are seen as a "safe" investment. Due to a self-imposed scarcity, property amount of money to be made depends to how much property prices many pension funds, insurance prices will never drop, but the upon a calculated guess as and rentals will increase. firms, banks etc. invested property in the 'sixties much higher than current Insurance companies were office space because knew that they would need in such a safe capital in the long run. when the returns expected lending rates. Pension also interested in investing they were expanding in in the ‘sixties and it themselves. Therefore asset as office space could investment not fail then were’ funds and Thus in Notes on the Nature of Property Development 1. Developers are money dealers. They have no attraction towards: buildings other than their ability to generate profit. However, the level of profit is all-important; Britain is one of the 3, .The game of speculation and property development is about taking risks, in much the same way that putting money on a horse is. The developer chooses a likely winner, and the amount he invests will be directly proportional to the level find a tenant, but it may be because he is waiting for rents of return he expects. Obviously if he is investing say £10m he will choose a building which, in form and appearance, like an American T.V. soap opera, will be as bland and inoffensive aS possible. The developer will grant concessions to the planners and the authorities in the prevailing popular taste, i.e. piazzas, pedestrian walkways, parking etc. in the hope of making the bitter pill sweet to swallow, so that he can reduce his risks by building as much lettable office space as possible. 4, The way the developer calculates his risks depends on two important variables, the rent he collects and the year’s purchase, the YP, which is inversely proportional to the return. A return of 8% will give a YP .of 123, and a YP of 4% will give a YP of 25. The capital value is equal to the YP multiplied by the income from The capital value is what the developer takes his risk If he has overestimated value is not what he expected, it will often until rents rise, and then he will increase building by gaining a larger income. This is particularly important as offices are generally leased on long of say 30 years at a time. If the YP is high, is assessed often, say every five years. blocks are seen to be empty, as many are Thus when office in Birmingham at the moment, it is not necessarily because the developer cannot his YP initially, and the value of the of the building the rent. on. the capital pay him to wait term leases then the rent he will try and reduce risks as much as possible. This means to rise so that he can recoup the largest amount from his invest- ment. 5. Anotherrreason why office blocks often the developer is looking for the right obviously in the developer's interest a large company, or a government office, with many so that one tenant occupies either all, or a major building. The developer is therefore unlikely to lose money when tenancies fall vacant, which he would do if he leased space to several small companies in one building. This encourages the worst form of monopoly capitalism. As developers wait for a local authority department, or an insurance etc., to take up a lease office space becomes more scarce, and in the ensuing redevelopment rentals rise. 6. Another aspect of this form of capitalism which is also very monopolistic is the fact that there is only one product. Property speculators concentrate only on offices. They dabble in other building types such as warehouses, plant or houses. The reasons for this are very simple. are attractive as a long term asset simply be built for a very high return over a long period they require a low input of capital after the ment. Houses require large expenditure in terms of management, and also carry high maintenance costs. The maintenance allowable for a converted house owned by the grant Council is stand empty is that sort of tenant. steels to rent office space to because they may employees, part of the of time and initial invest- obviously company, do not or industrial Offices approximately 20% of the year's rent, which is high. Since office buildings are used in a more controlled manner, and for only about one third of the day, the maintenance cost to the developer is much less, well under half that amount. This level of maintenance is very minimal, as the developer merely lets free office space, with no furnishings or fittings, so asset. that the maintenance is mainly concerned with the building's fabric. 7. The inner contradictions of this system are in fact leading to its own destruction. As more and more developers try to develop prestigious city centre property which command a high YP and income, more and workers are compelled to come into the city sites. more office centre every morning and leave in the evening. Like as the parts move closer together, friction builds moving parts slow down. Concentration obviously abnormal strain on the transport system, especially of car parking places given is normally inadequate. employer/tenant has to cope with absenteeism, as well as high running costs. Thus the lateness, etc. a Piece of machinery, up, and the places an as the level 8. Although many institutions both public and private, such as local government, insurance companies, banks etc., will still employ a large number of office staff, it is unlikely that in the future the city centre will seem such a desireable location for their offices, for the reasons outlined above. Many urban planners, lead by Cowan, who described this Syndrome in his study of offices, have concluded that in the future the number 6f office workers in the city centres would be greatly reduced, and would consist only of the people who needed face to face contact with each other. The run of the mill clerical workers would be relocated on the periphery or outside the city. This trend seems obvious, as the Location of Offices Bureau has been saying for years. Thus it seems likely that if the developer speculates in fifteen years time upon office development in the city centre he will be as likely to end up with a white elephant as a valuable capital Bridging Finance = construction time x 10%x AX 2 The loan is divided by two as the developer does not pay the loan out all at once when the building -is started, but in increments throughout construction time. On an office development such as Birmingham the construction time would last for about two and a half years. Bridging Finance =i Slob elk The developer rarely bothers with the management of the building himself, and normally pays an agent to find suitable tenants. Agents Fees = £4.5% x AX Then of course the developer has to make a profit. Profit = £20% x AX Therefore total construction cost, E E = £147% x AX Developers Calculations (Theory) Building consists let for profit, spaces for corridors of two sorts of spaces; areas which and service areas and lobbies, which the developer has to build but can't Total Area Building = Am? let. may be for plant, circulation If the construction cost is £X/m@ then the initial construction cost = £AX However the developer surveyors and structural engineers' fees. Therefore the construction cost rises to:- has to pay architects, quantity £(Ax * 10%AX) The developer normally has to borrow money to build the building with, so he has building is being constructed. to pay interest on the loan while the Once the developer has worked out his total construction cost E, he now has to calculate the kind of return he can expect from the building itself. For this only the lettable areas are important, a. Income = Lax where R is the rental / m@ However the developer has to maintain the building, insure it etc. This normally costs 10% of the letting income per annum. Because the developer treats the building as an object in which he has invested, like a car or a factory, he has to work out the capital value of the object. The capital value is not purely a nominal sum: when he has calculated this the developer can work out how much he can afford to pay for the land. The capital value CV is in a sense a self-imposed figure, because its quantity will fener upon the return the devekioer expects from his investment. One year's income I represents a percentage of the total purchaser price of the building, construction cost E plus land price L. Therefore the year's purchase YP is inversely proportional to the return. Wa 1 % return Thus for a return of 8% YP 1 708 CV SYR ox = 12} Total Income I = £90% aR The capital value is equal to the YP multiplied by the income. The amount the developer can afford to pay for the land is the amount left over when the construction cost has been subtracted from the capital value. L = CV -E L, like E and I, is an aggregate quantity. The amount the developer actually hands over to the land owner will be the amount that's left when the loan finance, the profit and legal and agents fees are subtracted from L. Finance Profit Legal & Agents Therefore 1 = £10%L £1234%L £23%L £754L The guesses made in these calculations are very similar to the kind of guesses and assumptions the developer makes. He has no crystal ball which will allow him to predict with greater accuracy. Property speculation, like pettine on a horse race, is merely a series of guesses made and risks taken. As the calculations are worked through it is easy to see which of the risks are important, such as the rent expected, the return, and the construction time. Developers' Calculations as Applied to the Post Office Site The calculation theory worked through shows whether any proposed development is worth undertaking. of the Post Office site are complex involve the Post Office leasing CDP, who put up the money for building and in return receive interest developer actually lets the building. however a red herring. They merely cut: what the anti-development lobby much is it worth cooking the cake entire scheme profitable? wishes to know is how - or less poetically, is the This question may be answered by working through the calculations. We have ascertained Community Development the areas from Roland Watkins of of lettable and unlettable The circumstances in that they (probably ) the freehold of the site to another developer to build the charges, whilst the These complexities are describe how the cake is office space. We have made an informed guess at construction costs being $20/ft? or £220/m*. Again the construction period of 2} years is an informed estimage. Seifert's office told us over the phone that the proposed development would be air-conditioned, and M.E.P.C. gave us the rates for rentals of air-conditioned offices as varying between £2.50 and £3.00/ft*. (£27.50-£33.00/m°) From these figures we have been able to draw a graph showing the value of the land in relation to the VP, Woe top line shows the maximum rental and the lower line the minimum rental. Supporting calculations are enclosed. We may draw one or two important conclusions from the graph. The first is that the YP must be high, otherwise the whole scheme would not be viable. If the YP is high the return, and therefore the risk must be low. This means with inflation. that the Post Office and CDP must be fairly certain of getting a tenant - they might even have one in mind! This also means that they are certain of making money, and will therefore be unlikely to drop the scheme. However a corollary of this is that if one of these conclusions is wrong or varies, for example if they haven't got a tenant, or if he changes his mind, then it is likely that they will back out of the scheme and try to claim compensation. Obviously the tenant must be a large institution or concern. If the YP is high then the rent will be re-assessed at five yearly intervals, and so the Post Office, and CDP, would be assured of an increasing income. This would keep pace px aeCYUE 1%O% dAS OWS BDiJjIOQ YSOY WoOYBUIWIG a4} JO; ‘S]}DJUad WNWWIUIWW puD WUNWIXDU 404YA0}}@N}DApud}Jodiysuo!yp}a1ay;Bulmoys |OU ydeib (W#))@N}DApud} 4 31,000m* €220/m@ O. i1.7 £10. 2m £27.50/m 2 25 ,000m 2 Birmingham Post Office: Feasibility Study Total area of building Construction cost/m* Construction cost of develop- ment Professional fees Bridging Finance for 2} years Agents Profit Total construction cost If income is at a minimum fees and Lettable area, a £12.15m £1.95m 1 = £1. 46m £m i = aR = £825,000 p.a. SN er OO Disiale CV = £9.27m L = -£0.93m ‘CV = L = = CV = L = = £8.4m Lz £6.3m £10.5n- £0.2n- £0.15 £13.35m £3.15m £14. 8m £4.6m £3,.45m £18.6m the income is at~a maximum, then R = £33.00/m* The contribution of office development in the city centre to the finances of the city. This is an argument against concentration. In it the main purpose is to show not that all office development is bad, but that it should be dispersed to the periphery, or outside of the city. The main argument that public bodies use in justifying their decision to permit office development in the city centre is that whilst it may be environmentally undesirable, the benefit that it will give to the city finances in rate contribution cannot be ignored. Although this reasoning is seductive, it may be disproved by logical argument backed up by some empirical research. Offices are one of the main types of workplace which could easily be zoned into residential areas, since they do not produce noxious fumes, noise etc. However concentrating them in the city centre produces a whole string of ill- effects on the city system. Land values rise in the centre and office workers are forced to live on the outskirts of the city. The city therefore has to subsidise the movement of workers to and from the centre each day: either directly, by subsidies to the public transport system, or indirectly by expenditure on roads. The city directly subsidises the tenants and therefore the owners of the office blocks, by providing public housing near the city centre for essential service labour,, cleaners, bus drivers etc. Since people do not live in the city centre, two sets of essential services have to be provided, one set at the workplace, the other at the home. These essential services consist of, the fireservice, roads, (building and maintenance), planning and administration, the police force, public conveniences, refuse collection and disposal, sewers and sewerage disposal, and many other services such as telephones, public transport etc. One of the highest costs, both in:social and monetary terms, is in transport. The expenditure on roads in Birmingham in the last decade hasbeen large, but it is difficult to estimate the exact amount because of Central Government grants. This logical argument may be verified by figures taken from the financial receipts and the annual abstract of statistics published by the City of Birmingham. It may be shown that expenditure throughout the last decade and a half by Birmingham has been steadily increasing, and that the rate contribution has not kept pace with this increase. Furthermore, the rate contribution from office development provides only a small part of the total rate, so small as to suggest that its inerease by say one percent would have a negligible effect on the total rate. The rate contribution of the city centre may be estimated, and again it is too small for it to be a justifiable argument that the city centre subsidises the rest of the city in terms of rate income. This discussion may be pushed, somewhat tendentiously, to its logical conclusion, by taking an estimated figure for servicing the city centre and comparing it to the rate income of the city centre it may be shown that while the inner ring road was being built the city centre made a small profit but later on it started only to break even. Thus arguments for concentration may not be justified in terms of rate income from the centre, and it may be argued in contradiction that the extra expenditure incurred by concentration practically cancels out any extra income. in (4) above. The figures backing up this argument are summarised in a graph overleaf, and tables. The figures are in the nature of assumptions and guesses, and may not be wholly accurate. The assumptions made in the graphs etc. were:- 1. The total rate income for '71 and '72 was estimated on the basis of the essential services and may not be wholly accurate. 2. The city centre rate income was estimated thus:- from Roland Watkin's table of office space it was estimated that 80% of offices are in the city centre, it was guessed that 60% of shops without dwellings are in the city centre, and as theatres, cinemas, hotels, museums, restaurants provide a total 2% of the rate income, the rate income from the rest of the city centre was 4% of the total rate income. 3, Figures for '64 - '68 and '68 - "70 and '72 — '76 were unavailable. 4, The essential services were fire service, inner ring road, highways and bridges, planning, police,’ public conveniences, public lighting, refuse collection and disposal, sewers and sewerage, andirmiscellaneous services. 5. The consumption far the city centre services consisted of the total inner ring road cost, the total miscellaneous services cost, and 10% of the rest of the services outlined bli ey 65 6! 6'5 64 e's eq 10 city centre % x*—_*—_* Goons 74 +’ * : rate INCOMAa. OS, COMOs Glommeldmmcelommca umes2: Bue graph NO2relatingtotalcityexpendituretotalcityrateincane, ’ and city centre rate income. graph NOSrelatingcityexpenditureonservicesto Ss city centre expenditure om services. dS 20gNim 23.8 24.8 3165 40.0 5307 5502 &n CITY TOTAL RATE RATE INCOMS RATS INCOME I CITY CENTRE RATE INCOME OF EXPENDITURE INCOMS CITY CENTRE EXPENDITURE E CITY OFFICES IN CITY CENTR# &m &m % % &m 20.1 20.8 CITY EXPENDITURE ON BASIC SERVICE CITY CENTRE CITY CENTRE EXPENDITURE ON BASIC OFFICES INCOME SERVICES (SEE PARA 4) (SEE PARA 4) POSTCRIPT exhibition. Since we produced our report for the Green Ban Action Committee Birmingham City Council, as a response to mounting pressure, voted to investigate the cost of revoking the planning consent for the GPO site. The leader of the Council also met a delegation from the West Midlands TUC which resulted in a proposal to call a top-level conference of all interested parties including GBAC. At this conference GBAC was to propose alternative ideas for the use of the building in a manner of value to ordinary Birmingham people. In preparation for this GBAC asked NAM to survey the Post Office building and prepare feasibility studies for its conversion to a leisure centre. Our survey found the building to be in very good condition with a number of large spaces suitable for many sports activities - volley ball, basket ball, etc. Few structural changes were required but substantial fire protection and renewal of services would be necessary. Qur proposals were simple so as to minimise major structural changes. It was anticipated that the ground level would form a deck (the site slopes) on which would be located all major activities with easy access and egress in case of fire, and the main entry would be located at the rear of the building for convenience. The proposed sports facilities only were costed at £186,000 which seems to be good value for money. We anticipate developing the proposals into an outline design which will be shown at a forthcoming Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Central London Grp Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan/John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f5be5e4c5dfaac6fcd617dcf5253665c.pdf 990f05b4051c0c1398d918f6bcee690a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource NAM Contact List Subject The topic of the resource Contact List mostly London Description An account of the resource Contact List Mark Beedle 83 Willifield Way London NW11 Jos Boys 31 Davenant Road London N19 Sue Francis 9 St Georges Ave London N7 Graeme Geddes 13 Curtis House Morecambe St London S517 John McKean 70 Thornhill Rd Barnsbury Se London aE 1 ' John Mitchel] NELP : Jokn Murray 37 Landrock Road London NB John Napier NELP Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Plece London N5 Giles Peabody 48 Sutherland Sq 125 Grosvener Ave 485 2267 240 2430 609 2976 ‘ Barry Shaw 6 Springdale Road London N16 Douglas Smith I7 Delancey St London NuT Sue Walker 125 Highbury Hill London N5 Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6 Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5 405 3412 405 3411 226 5030 348 0735 703 9896 373 1420 0742 66 140 633 8340 328 9550 883 4061 633 7170 Celia Scott 703 7140 00. ese gus Taisen London SK7 Jane Darke 173 Rustings Drive . Sheffield Sll 7AD Benedicte Foo 44 Grafton Terrace London NW5 Nec and Emel Teymur 31 Lauradale Road London N2 fania~ Frvty barkettsdeol +fhedititaxs Sone aT Decne : (3) 340 703 340 4359 485 2267 Sunad Prasad wuld tel London N5 485 2267 7 London N7 . 240 2430 Marian Roberts 41 Roden St London SE17 703 7175 wl 3 Mall Studios - Tasker Road London Nu3 485 2689 = t960]a\ Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Contact list Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980/81 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/25487a4426d430350e17586dd8ec8e6d.pdf 104d2bf07e3cbf222b521ecf511cf696 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Education Description An account of the resource Many NAM members were engaged in the field of architectural education, either as staff or students, and pursued new ideas for course content and pedagogy, reassessing existing course structures and priorities in conventional architectural training. The concern to focus on socially necessary buildings and to find new and meaningful ways of engaging with building users and the wider community- both central NAM themes - illuminated much of the discussion. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Architectural Education: NAM's First Steps Subject The topic of the resource 43 page report on the Group’s preliminary analysis of the issues shaping architectural education Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Education Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource October 1978 Description An account of the resource CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION Part one : forces currently operatinq to shape architectural education 1 ARCUK and the regulation of architectural education. 2 The influence of the RIBA on architectural education. Some problems raised by the revived interest in the part—time mode of 8 educating archi tects. Part two : forces operatinq on architectural education in the future 17 Archi tectural education and 'Building Britain's Future . Some impressions of 'Model E' : an exploratory paper into some of the relationships between architectural education and the working class 22 student. Part three . archi tectural practice and archi tectural education 29 The RIBA Community Architecture Working Group and architectural education. 36 Lessons from practice' dra t..m from working for ASSIST. 39 CONCLUSIONS 41 NAM Education Group contact addresses. 1 INTRODUCTION On 1/2 July this year, NAM Education Group met for the first time. Of the 30 people who attended, the participants were predominantly academic staff and students, but there were also representatives of private practice, both straight and alternative. The weekend was organised around three sets of workshops. The first of these centred on the forces which currently shape architectural education, with papers on the role of the RIBA and ARCUK. The second, on some of the forces which might operate on architectural education in the future, dealt with both the Government's policy document "Higher Education in the 1980' s" and the Labour Party's policy document "Building Britain's Future". The third workshop examined the relationship between architectural education and architectural practice, with papers on the implications for architectural education of the RIBA's version of "community architecture", and lessons drawn from ASSIST's approach to practice. The weekend enabled us to get together to pool ideas, and to identify particular problem areas which individuals were willing and able to examine. We felt this further examination was necessary to compensate for the current lack of substantive discussion on architectural education in the profession generally, and also in NAM to date. It is difficult to assess the success of weekends such as these. Yet despite the vacuum in which discussion took place, and the necessarily tentative nature of the papers, a consensus did emerge: the impossibility at this stage of atternpting to specify a NAM education policy. We were able to isolate several of the reasons for coming to this conclusion. These are outlined in the Conclusions' section of this document. We like to use these reasons as starting points for the discussion of architectural education at the Fourth NÆ•I Congress. NAM Educa tion Group October 1978 2 ARCUK and the requlation of architectural education Ian Cooper June 1978 Introduction For those of us seeking change, a prirna.ry task will be to develop our understanding of the forces which have operated and/or continue to operate to shape architectural education. Such an will be necessary If we wish to develop a coherent policy. Unpalatable though this be, we will need a thorough worklrg knowledge of those individuals, groups, Institutions and bodies capable of influencing the course of events. bbst inunedlately obvious arrong these stand the RIBA and AEUK. But, even if we just intend to consider these two, the task which confronts us is complex. Especially If a serious attempt is to be made to elucidate the separate — or, at least, separable — regulatory effects, if any, which these two bodies trey be able to bring to bear. However, since NAM has expressed a comitrrent to reform AEUK, it is essential that we should seek to understand both what this Council is presently empowered Eo do and whether, or how, it presently discharged its duties. This paper is offered as a necessarily faltering start, Illustrating possible avenues of approach, to what I hope will become our increasing awareness of the problems and possibilities of the situation In which we find ourselves. ARCUK's duties It is evident that the Architects (Registration) Act, 1931, empowered AEUK — or, rrore precisely, that consanguineous but statutorily independent body, the Board of Architectural Education• — to regulate certain, but quite limited aspecte of archi— tectural education. Foremost, these were enacted as the recognition of examinations qualifying for registration and/or to hou examinations for this same purpose. However, there are two inportant issues on which the Act is less clear but Glich, nevertheless, invinge on those interested in &rglng architectural education in this country. • Hereafter referred to as the BAE. • •Such numbers refer to notes located at the end of the paper. The first, and less tangible, of these issues concerns how legislators intended these duties to be interpreted and so how they meant the BAE to perform Its statutory responsibilltes. While such questions may be dismissed as t history% they be embraced as tapping the roots of our present distress. The latter choice, If accepted, Identifies an area in which we could usefully concentrate a part of our energies. The second Issue is nore obviously pressing but is, unfortuanately, less complicated. It centres on whether, or in what manner, the BAE meaningfully can be said to have discharged, and to be discharging, these two duties. In the case of its responsibility to hold examinations, it is possible to give a clear and categorical answer. The BAE does H)ld exartünations but these are restricted to 'Orals' held to assess 'special cases' presenting themselves for registration. Apart from this exception, since its inception In 1932 the BAE has instead opted not to hold examinations but to recognise those held by others. In tine, these others hmve corne to comprise only recognised schools of architecture and the RIBA. Difficulties arise, however, as soon as an atternpt Is rrade to be more precise than this. Once an effort is made to assess whet-her the various procedures employed since this date for the examinations of these others may be said to have discharged the letter, let alone the sparit, of the Act, then it seems that clarity necessarily dissipates to be replaced by equivocation. For it is difficult, and on occasion impossible, to discern where the actions of the BAE cease and those of the RIBA begin, so inter—related and Indistinguishable have the two bodies become. ( 2) Nor, it has been asserted, Is this synonymity a recent occurrence, V•men the 1931 Act carre into force the first thing the Royal Institute of British Architects did was seize control of the council. They next seized control of the Board of Architectural Education. They predominated on the council and it became known as the (3) The composition of the BAE FETbersh1p of the BAE Is composed, as Is explained below, of fot.x categories; statutory nominations, other nominations, elected representatives, and 'freely elected' rtETbers. Of the four categories, only the elected representatives can, in any sense ' 4 be said to be demcratically accountable for their actions to those whom they are to represent. The representatives of the •unattached Architects' belong to this category. r•Errbers of the other three categories are all appointed by some form of unaccountable patronage. However, while my research (4) does Indicate that rterrbers of the RIBA continue to predominate on the BAE, my findings rtzy also be interpreted to suggest that we would be mistaken to regard these mernbers as a horrogeneous interest In .*eed, it would seem ltE)re pertinent for us to attempt to Identify the coalitions and caucuses within thes rnernbers which effectively operate to control the BAE and its actions. experience suggests that a primary task here is to understand composition of the BAE's General Purposes Corru•nittee. For this appears to rnanipulate parent body by tactics such as withholding contentious informtion or by atterrtptirg to prescribe the legitirnate subjects, and their boundaries, of the BAE's debates. and energy night well be invested in exarnining the backgrounds and affiliations of the members of this Influential sub—committee and of the ærrbers of the BAE itself. further issues may prove rtore difficult for us to æcarnine. First, quite how do individuals become ærnbers of the BAE and, second, once installed, quite whose Interests do they act to serve. As I have already stated, the 1931 Act created four categories of BAE rrembership. The predominant category of merrbers is corprlsed of about fourty statutory nominees. These are individuals who are presunably expected to represent the interests of those particular bodies and institutions specified In the Second Schedule to the Act. It is likely to prove impossible for us to ascertain, eccept on rare occasions, the extent to which such statutory nominees — who are also members of the RIBA (5) actually act to represent the interests of those who send them to the BAE rather than responding to what has been referred to in the Architects' Journal (6) as the RIBA's "three line whip". A third category of trembers consists of those eight individuals present due to a different system of patronage, described — perhaps euphemistically — as nominations under the terms of the 'Gentleræn's •Agreernent' • According to this agreement, non—elected, non—statutory nominees are appointed to the BAE, myself included, by particular interest groups in a manner that is unaccountable 6 because it is private. The final, and perhaps for us the mst mysterious, category selection of the BAE's own representative will be restricted to those BAE ma•nbers of meüers consists of those sixteen individuals appointed as a result of the so—called t free elections'. In fact, tmse who get elected are alway members of the RIBA, due, on at least one occasion, to the Institute's use of the "three line whip" mentioned above. If we seriously wish ARCUK to be reforrned so that it rrey be representative and lay—controlled (7), it is imperative that we understand the means by which particular interest groups have rrenaged to subvert the representativlty legislated for in the 1931 Act. For as Noel Dawson, ARCUK t s previous Registrar, concluded, "The fact that rnany governing bodies do in fact nominate architects to serve on the BAE rxust be taken surely as a compliment to the profession — or as a wish to wash their hands of itL tt (8) The, BAE's performance of its duties It is not possible here for me to offer an extensive description of how the BAE discharges its responsibilities. Instead, I will restrict myself to to derronstrate, by means of a single example, how oblique and circumscribed the BAE's actions have becorne as a result of its involvernent with, if not its subservience to, the RIBA' s own regulation of architectural education. Perhapø nowhere is AEUK t s lack of independence more apparent than in the procedures which the BAE currenüy employs to recognise the examinationos of others. Before 1963, eligibility for initial recognition was assessed by means of documentation which schools sent to the BAE itself. After this date, however, " ARCUK joined the RIBA Visiting Board and sent representatives to the schools (9) Since 1974, the BAE has also "joined" the RIBA to assess schools' eligibility for recognition quinquennially. This assessænt is performed by visiting boards. On these, according to one of the BAE i s own documents, " ARCUK has only one nominated representative although in fact frequently two or even three of the men-bers of the Visiting Board are mernbers of the BAE or Council ( 10) However, what this, or any subsequent, BAE document fails to rnake clear Is that, not only will all of the members of the visiting boards be mernbers of the RIBA; but the who are also members of the RIBA- This restriction occurs, de facto, si -ce BAE visiting board are, in practice, selected from among the names of those BAE and ARCUK menbers who also happen to be on the RIBA's ov•m list of visiting board menbers. There is not, nor does there appear to have been, at least In the recent past, a BAE or ARCUK visiting board menber who was not a manber of the RIBA (11). In effect, what this practice means is that no mznber of ARCUK or of its Board of Architectural Education, which has statutory responsibility for architectural education, may "joint' an RIBA visiting board unless he/she is a me•nber of the RIBA. In other words, no member of the BAE may take part in the current vetting process by which ARCUK seeks to fulfil one of its statutory obligations without being a mernber of a particular constituent body of ARCUK's Council. (12) This exclusion of all but RIBA manbers of the BAE Is just one exarnple of how the present operation of the BAE runs counter to the principle of proportional representation which underlay the framing of the 1931 Act. If we hope to act effectively through ARCUK to counteract practices such as this, then we must admit that there can be no substitute for a thzrough, detailed understanding of abuses of the Act as it is presently operated. Notes 1. See Section 5 of the Architects (Registration) Act, 1931. 2. As John Fraser has shown, fears had been expressed In Parliament prior to the passing of the 1931 Act that the RIBA would usurp the power entrusted to AR<JK and would then dominate architectural education, see p. 2 of Fraser's 1977 paper for the Schools of Architecture Council entitled, Report of the workinq party on the leqal relationship betweal the RIBA and ARCUK. 3. This quotation was cited by Fraser In his 1977 paper, see p.3. Unfortunately, he did not reveal its source. 4. For exarnple, in 1976, forty— seva•i of the BAE's sixty—four menbers belonged to the RIBA, while in 1977 RIBA manbers accounted for forty—nine of the sixty—five of the places taken up on the BAE. Thus, during these •tv,'0 years, RIBA manbers held approximately three-quarters of the seats occupied on the 5. In 1976, twenty—five of the forty statutory nominees were also members of the RIBA, while In 1977, 27 of the forty—one manbers were. Thus, during these two years, RIBA held approximately two—thirds of the places allocated to statutory nominees. 6. See the Architects' Journal of March 23 1977. 7. See pp. 6 & 10—11 of NAM's 1976 document, Private practice: proqress report 8. This statenent was made by the previous Registrar on p. 1 of a May 1977 BAE docurncnt entitled 118/77, Board of Architectural Education. 9. BAE This document statenent entitled was made 89/77, by the ARCtJX previous Recoqnition Registrar Procedures, on p. 3 of BAE/9/77.April 1977 10. Ibid, p.4. 11. For GPC/3/77October exarnple, 1977 . BAE see documa•it the list of visiting 181/77, board ARCUK(RIBA specified Visit-tr-q on Boards,p.4 of 12. The 1931 ACC made provision that the membership of ARCtJK t s Council should be besides dram from the •unattached RIBA, see the architects' First Schedule , and from to the four Act.other 'constitualt bodies' , 8 THE INFLUENCE OF THE RIBA ON ARCHITECTURAL EDUCATION (Author's name with—held on request) Preface The purpose of this paper as I see it, is to give an outline of the present situation, to convey the ambience of it, rather than to set dowri in black— and—white "facts" which in reality can only be seen in shaded grey. For this reason I am resisting the ternptation of disproving the RIBA through use of its ovm data — to be specific, its owrr statistics — not only because of a personal belief that statistics are one of the greatest fictions of our time but also because of another conviction, namely that their use can all too easily anaesthetize the critical faculties by implying that state— ments employing then are necessarily objective, and even beyond challenge. My aim then is to help to give a feel inq of what is really going on, and therefore my paper. although factually true, will be less than wholly obj ective. INTRODUCTION Students tend to have one or two attitudes concerning the RIBA —either they ignore it or they detest it. In either case their views are not usually made evident and so do not disturb the RIBA, which in turn sees no need to improve its relationship with the student body or to justify its handling of educational matters — so that the present method of operation continues unchecked. Those who ignore it presumably do so either because they see it so utterly benign or, more likely, as largely irrelevant. Those who detest the RIBA go to the other extrane and, giving it credit for greater evil that it could ever succeed in stage—rpanaging, build up an image of it as a dragon, worthy of taking the blame for all ills inherent in current architectural education — hence the battle cry of "If only we could get it out of our hair and pass everything over to ARCUK". Both these views equally erroneous to me, and both seen to be based on the same fundamental misunderstanding of the nature of the RIBA. 9 WHAT IS THE RIBA? At the RIBA's Regional Congress this year their president, Gordon Graham, criticised the speakers en masse: their fault lay in asking "the RIBA to do this, the RIBA to do that" when in fact the RIBA was "you and me and not Port— land Place". (1) The remark was significant in that it emphasised the ambiguity of the RIBA's identity — that of a geographically widespread mernbership of practising architects or of a centralised administration run by civil servant— type bureaucrats. It seans to me that the RIBA is, paradoxically, both of these things at once; furthermore it wuld seen that the old jibe, made by opponents and disillusioned (usually provincial) members, that "the RIBA is a gentlernans club in London" might, if only taken seriously enough for once, contain a clue to how this paradox is wrked out in practice. Consider a gentlenans' club. It is an institution whose members reside in various parts of the country and whose only direct contact with the club occurs when they visit the capital, usually on business. The gentlenen pay an annual fee in return for which they expect the administrative Staff to whom they del egate the responsibility of running the club to do so efficiently, and without reference to the membership concerning the mechanics of how this might be done; the staff chosen are therefore capable and hardworking, but unlikely to openlyquestion matters of policy. The essence of the instit— ution, perhaps unconsciously, is that of a bulwark against change, a bastion of the status quo; the ambience of its headquarters is akin to that of a ref— erence library or a store for archival material — it is comfortable insofar as it contains a reassuring promise that the occupants will remain undisturbed. A selection process of some kind restricts the membership, as far as possible, to those who will maintain the club in its present standing, whose behaviour (1) See Building Design, 9/6/78 10 will be as is proper to it — diplomatic and polite. The analogy is, of course, limited in its application to a professional body. For unlike the traditional club the RIBA has regions and branches with (varying degrees of) life of their own; but the belief of perhaps even a majority of the "country mernbers "is similar, namely that the running of the club is not their responsibility and that atternpts to contact thern and consult even on matters of policy are all rather unnecessary — why else vould one elect a council? In other words they view the RIBA as a service organisa±ion , one with a higher annual subscription than the A.A. or R.A.C. and thus justifiably commanding greater social cache than does mernbership of either of the motoring associations. The last thing they expect to do is to help to n..m it and the first thing they expect from it is a reliable service. Consider a gentlemana' club again. The members, unlike those of a political association, join in order to obtain a service rather than to assert a common ideal. The club is an arena which they enter, usually for social functions, although certain forms of business may also be conducted from there. MgnberS may expect to meet, but not necessarily agree with, fellow members. They have few common obj ectives apart from ensuring the smooth running of the club itself, and so would yield a wide range of opinions on any issue put to them; vigorous discussion of a single topic would, however, be unlikely to be continued with the commitment which might be due to it, al though a perusal of the club's archives vould probably indicate a preoccupation with a limited nt.-unber of recurring thernes during the course of its history. The lack of unity among the ideals of mernbers inevitably leads to issues of policy being decided on purely pragmatic grounds, with little thought for long term goals. The lack of commitment from the majority of individual mernbers results in policy being decided by the dedicated (but often ideologically extreme) few. The menbers thanselves are therefore responsible for (albeit unconsciously) ceding a considerable degree of the control of their owrr institute to the salaried officials whom they have appointed for day—to—day administration. Put at its simplest, anyone receiving sufficient payment to enable then to work full—time for the RIBA automatically gains a certain priority over any of the institu±ds elected representatives, a priority which, once established soon extends to the field of infomation — of access to it and control of the access of others to it (for example, by deciding which matters should be voted on and which should be given simply as items of information. ) In the course of time, the advantages accruing from the ability to devote ones' time wholly to the institute increase, as the salaried officials become acknowledged as the major repositories of infonnation relating to information affairs; the long—term nature of their appointrnents (relative to the more limitec periods of service pennitted for the elected representatives) accentuate this situation. Thus the background information required by members of Council and committees is often obtainable only from the paid officials, who thus act as an (unconscious) filter of the information available. In addition the offici because of their reservoir of information, automatically become the people best suited to influential tasks such as committee selection and chosen to advise outside bodies (for instance MCUK, on educational matters). Thus those appointed to execute policy eventually become the prime makers Of policy, because of the mechanism of the systan in which they operate. Hence the common student understandhg of the RIBA is erroneous. On the one hand, the RIBA of Portland Place is not consciously malicious since it consists, by and large, of people whose task is to keep the present machinery running as smoothly as possible so that menbers can get on with their own jobs of designing schools in Stockton-on-Tees (or buidling motels in Mecca: obviously the people who secure these posts tend to be those who are trust- worthy and hardworking, but not subversive. on the other hand, the RIBA has 12 not disappeared off the face of the earth and does control an elaborate and, at times, powerful administrative mechanism whose existence needs to be recognised. THE IMPLICATIONS FOR ARCHITECTURAL EDUCATION I personally bel leve that the "RIBA" which influences architectural education resembles the model which I have outlined above more closely any other model that I have yet come across. Education is therefore being influenced by a largely unco—ordinated body, representing a collection of disparate ideals (an inherent virtue as much as an inherent weakness) , lacking long term goals, and often self—contradictory, or — despite the gravity of the issues raised — even fickle. The truth is not that policy issues forth form a consolidated nucleus but that it is fought out arnong the strongest personalities present (in each of the respective committee), a few ofwhom should be forced to admit to considerable self —interest in these matters. But as for any conspiracy theory, nothing could be furhter from the truth — the RIBA is perhaps the body least able to manage that. As one Council member remarked, "It's daft enough trying to get two architects to agree on which pub they' 11 go to, let alone trying to get sixty of them to agree on anything more abstract than that." The sad thing is that decisions rnade in such an AMATEUR fashion can then be executed all too proficiently. Fears that the RIBA is deliberately harming architectural education are misfounded; instead concern should centre upon the fact that decisions of major import fall into the hands of a body for whom such issues are beyond its capability (and for the majority of whose men-bers such issues lie beyond their concern) . The aspect, however, which has led to a greater number of sleepless nights has been that of the danger which arises in the absence of any consensus, for on this vacuum the strongest oratory rhetoric wins — and oratory rhetoric, unfortunately, 14 best convince the voters when at their rost extreme. Too rnany desisions THE MEANS BY WFffCH THE RIBA ACTS IN FIELD OF ARCHITECTURAL EDUCATION. are thus influenced by the personal desires of an eloquent speaker of gaining promtion, pushing his/her practice, etc.) or by the degree to which a particular If one asks an informed student how they think the RIBA influences architectural line of thinking lends itself to exposition through is medium (of oratory) hence education they are bound to reply "through the Visiting Board"; ask a mernber the rise, during the 60's,of university—based, academically — orientated architec of the staff the same question and they will probably agree but add togd:her education. with rrore direct presswe on their heads. These are the means by which the RIBA overtly claims to be influencing the quality of architectural education, The means of executing policy also influence the way in which policy is devised but the extent to which this is what really happens in practice is highly since those responsible for the execution policy are usually consulted in the cour questionable. of its forrnation. Their contributions are those of the people who need clear ordei from which to work, and so they will favour policies which are easily grasped and To start with, if the RIBA claims were true one could only sumise that it is can be straightforwardly executed — the times that I have been told 'tif you bungling the whole affair. The selection of Visiting Boards, a suspiciously want to get to it through, surnmarise it in a small number of points, each private affair to an outsider (including many heads of schools: ) , is in fact explicit in terms of how it can be put into action". There is no place for the far from conspi±atorial; instead it is arranged by an efficient mernber of the subtleties, nuances of paradoxes of red life here, for the acceptance of the grea RIBA bureaucracy who is mre concerned with getting through an excessive number inevitable, imperfection. of visits than with the appropriatesess of each board for its particular visit. Consequently the Visiting Boards are made up of people known to the RIBA At this point it is worth nothing that the policies emitted from 66 Portland administration (that is those who sit on RIBA committees and therefore enter Place are not representative of the RIBA membership nor auld they ever so Portland Place most frequently) rather than those whose whose abilitities in design owing to its substantially apathetic condition ) . The lesson successful activists or teaching would make them the rrost suitable people for this task of assessment. at the RIBA have learnt is that, unless you are prepared to pin all your hopes on No wonder schools are often faced by a Visiting Board whose members are of your own powers of oratory and rhetoric, you are best off evading the cornmittees; significantly lower calibre than the schools own external examiners: How the RIBA the success stories of the RIBA ( Student Employment Bureau,. Energy Calculator, etc can seriously expect a school to take heed of a report criticising the schools have come to pass simply because an individual in each case stopped playing the lack of "practicality" when the chair man of the board concerned has not practised committee game and got the job done outside that system. Evading the committees for several years beats me — almost as much as does the quiet acceptance of the is not necessarily bad in itself (particulary as the sort Of"democraey" involves report often exercised by such a school: To add insult to injury, the board of in drawing up these committees does not bear looking into) but this technique a particular visit is not even selected from this (defective) list with much also adopted by people who, for less honourable reasons, are scared that their reference to its suitability for question but rather on the basis of which mernbers ideas would not survive eposure to committees. Under these conditions evading of the board can make the -date already selected for that visit. committees (or creating new ones) can be a ploy for pursuing and even realising an idea without it being brought to light. The RIBSAts handling of heads of the schools meetings has been amateur in a Simi way. In the past year such meetings have, on two occasions, been arranged so that they clashed with an important Visiting Board (in the first instance thus preventing 4 heads from attending the heads meeting: At another of these meetings a head who is highly respected by the RIBA felt compelled to expose the invalidity of the statistics it was putting forward, thus leaving it without; any grounds for its arguementl These examples are typical and go to illustrate how the RIBA is operating in an amateur, rather than conspiratorial, fashion despite the gravity (which acknowledges itself of the issues dealt with by the Visiting Board, and of the effect which the report has upon the future of the school. As I hinted earlier, my greatest surprise is that the RIBA's "control" is accepted by the schools at all. The RIBA is, after all, only putting on a very sucessful act which gives the impression that their Visiting Board is the sole body legally responsible for validating schools. Close examination of the ARCUK act is discouraged by the RIBA since it shows only too clearly that the Emperor has no clothesl Looking at the willingness with which heads meekly submit to these visits I sometimes wonder what sort of people are rnost likely to become heads of schools. I am far more worried however, that matters of great import (e.g. standards of entry to schools) are still decided behind closed doors in the RIBA's own Education and Practice Execut:ive Committee. I will refrain from going into depth but simply comment that these meetings are at times qutie farcical ( 'tembarassing" was the word used by an eminent. mernber) and are the apothesis% of the oratory—and rhetoric syndrome, in this case used by eloquent men to put over extremist views on practitioners innocent of the educational consequences• Furthermore EPDC hæ a nasty to subrnit reports to council merely as information, not (as do all other comnittees) as issues for voting on• 16 PROPOSALS FOR ACTION The decisions as to where to go from here rust be yours, but you now have a moi.-e realistic background from which to work, the important thing is to be sensitive to the existing situation so as not to provoke opposition unnecessarily. One must remember that the people responsible for operating the system have been chosen for their post precisely because of their abilities to keep the rtEchine running smoothly, so that any attempt to change the machine itself will not exactly meet with support from them—if concerned they react in an extreme manner They have their own jobs to consider, jobs which rrdght radically change or even pass out of existe nce, in a new system. On realising (even unconsciously) these consequences certain ( human) reactions will be inevitable. It mast be rembered that these people have served their employer well and are extremely dedicated, hardworking and sincere — if misguided. As such, they deserve a certain amount of respect. Its necessary to look at the situation without prejudice, with sympathy and understanding, and with a certain degree of self—examination as well one must take into consideration the faults on both sides. Perhaps it is appropriate to close with some recent words of Alistair Cooke' s: "In times of confusion people like to claim to stereotypes — the simpler the better. People are always hazy about characters that don't fit their precon— ceptions". I hope the warning is heeded. 17 Robin Nichol son July 1978 Some problems raised by the revived interest in the Part—time mode of educatin architects. The progressive specialisation of the architect as the designer, rather than executor, of buildings has been paralleled by the progressive isolation of his/her education. Delusions about the inherently progressive nature of formal education can no longer be offered as support for the attempts to raise academic standards for architects following the 1958 Oxford Conference. The last twenty years has seen no improvement' in architectural standards but rather the most dazzling display of designing—for— profit accompanied by a loss of many traditional architectural and constructional skills. One of the necessary' side effects of the Oxford Conference was to slowly kill off most of the part—time courses in architecture (1). 1978 finds a renewed interest in the part—time mode (2) but we need to examine this in the same manner as we would a full—time course what are the objectives of the particular educational process ; what is the architect 's role; what is the function of architectural design? The part—time mode would seem to offer the possibility of an integration of theory (in college) and practice (in the office) and our experience at the Polytechnic of North London, where the first new 4—year part—time BSc in Architecture has just graduated its first students, seems to support this fertile possibility. The following personal observations are based on two years t experience at PNL teaching exclusively on the part—time course, which does not set out to challenge the relevance of the architect' as the proper designer of buildings, but which does attempt to make the students aware of the complex social relations within which buildings are made and the part played by the architect in this The PNL Part—time Degree Course (3) The Part 1 Exemption and BSc is achieved after 4 hard years work, attending the Poly one long day each week for 29 weeks a year and 2 two—week periods full time each year. The course itself is in general outline fairly traditional and is dominated by the practice of design in projects ; however it is more consciously conceived as a four year sequence of design projects and attempts to develop teaching techniques for the mature part—time student. The day release assumes enormous importance for the students , some of whom have travel led long distances to attend and it is, consequently, tailored as neatly as possible: the morning and evening are spent in lectures sandwiching the studio afternoons spent in individual or group activities . The full—time period allows more complex activities to develop eg. workshop experience, or a community study etc. Any applicant must have either the traditional 5 O t s and 2 A t s, or an I-NC/HND or a first degree in another subject or an ONC at 60% or over ; we are also allowed to accept 10% (ie. 3 per year) without any formal qualifications — these places are hotly contested. Selection is by interview for which the students are invited to produce evidence of t creative potential' , which is very widely interpreted. The average age on entry is about 27 —this maturity tending to produce high motivation, though also some heightened anxiety (there being more to lose if unsuccessful ) Slightly in excess of 50% are qualified technicians although often this route seems to have been recommended by schools and colleges against the student's early desire to become an architect. The year is composed from as broad a range of experience and skills as possible — the graduate from another discipline, the ex—serviceman, the foreign student and women students being enthusiastically welcomed. (4) The students' office responsibilities range from the most junior (29 + years old) draftsperson to associate partners . Recognising this rich diversity of experience and skills, the first year of the course is seen as a foundation year, going back to re—examine many aspects of our knowledge, looking at the world we inhabit through art, music, mathematics, sociology, psychology, and the progress of scientific discovery. This provides a challenging framework for a sequence of design and communication exercises. The first year of the course could be considered to be the start of a process of opening visual and intellectual windows in an atmosphere of creative discovery and is much enjoyed by both staff and students. Sharing of one another's skills is fostered from the beginning, although we have not been able to eliminate com— petitiveness completely. We are trying to adopt similar techniques to examine architectural production through analytical exercises coupled with design projects, though this is in a very early stage of developmen t. 19 The Educational Process If I may digress slightly, I would like to discuss part of our interviewing experience. Firstly, we have been surprised to learn from some prospective students' portfolios the ease with which Big Capital sidesteps the architectural profession and uses draftspeople often skilled but in no way conscious of the mysteries (5) of architecture and therefore unlikely to produce aesthetic' or other objections to the most brazen profit—taking (6). Secondly we are constantly, though perhaps rather naively amazed at the number of people who have been educationally shipwrecked, who whether from prejudice, excess pressure or plain ignorance, have been effectively excluded from developing their talents and discouraged from discovering how (to continue) to find and explore themselves . This exclusion is often reinforced, psychologically, to such an extent that the person loses all faith in his/her own abilities beyond that which he/she knows ; in the world of architecture the architect becomes someone held in awe even if not respected by others lower down the educational ladder. This situation bears great resemblance to that confronted by Freire and others with their adult literacy schemes in Latin one peasant recalls "When all this land belonged to one 'Latifundio there was no reason to read and write. We weren't responsible for anything. The boss gave the orders and we obeyed . now it is all different and another "Before we were blind, now the veil has fallen from our eyes . (7 )The difference is that while the technician is a 'qualified' person, that qualification is often at the expense of 'understanding' ; after all the 'wise man' (woman) has (rightly) been identified as a liability to the future employer, and more broadly educational systems are usually devised to support rather than challenge the status quo. The background to our interest in the part—time mode. 21 Our present focus of interest in architecture and architectural education springs from our realization of the need for the exposure and analysis of recent and all too often lamentable architectural practice, the current stylistic confusion and the complete sell— out by the profession to the, admittedly powerful , demands of Capital and State. The nature of British education and its central task of socio—economic stratification makes it structurally self—destructive for the high performer (intellectually the best equipped?) to challenge the status quo ; whereas if the low performer t s achievement level is sufficiently strongly reinforced (as suggested above) then he/ she is equally unlikely to challenge the status quo within the established order. We observed that the high performance evel student had the confidence, that comes with comparative success but often also had the disdain and cynicism that prohibits opening the mind to understanding ; whereas, although the part—timer may lack some intellectual confidence, he/she does have the lifeexperience against which to assess and measure not only the education offered but also the architectural production of the office in which he/she is working in parallel Although we attempt to direct some of the mature students t energy and experience into questioning their office r s design practice, it would be foolish of us not to recognise that one important objective of our students on entry is to qualify and thus achieve a higher social status . For those students of working class origin, we, un— wittingly, enable and sometimes even force, them to acquire bourgeois social skills and interests, while at the same time asking the students to examine critically the designed world in which they live. This contradiction energises the course as it is presently developing but must pose as a central problem for any radical education group (such as NAM may develop. ) Within the student the existing from a working social class and political background system,is necessarily engaged in transforming his/her social status by means of an educational process working devised in our society, by class that with particularly, system t sufficient to provide to t skills introduce t stability for thet As we know certain sectors are educated, some into the professions where their primary function is necessarily to serve state/capital desirable to consider alternative 'products' Is it and does the part-time student t s real life experience offer him/her a potential for a new kind of designer, a fighter for a new set of social relations in the construction industry? recognising this possibility, we must also recognise the present state of our schools : we are optimistic. nevertheless, just sometimes, Footnotes (1 ) According to RIBA statistics in 1957/58 713 students entered 1st Year of Part—time courses (incorporating Day and Evening Students . ) (cf. 894 in full—time courses) . in 1967/68 118 students entered 1st year of Part—time courses. (cf. 1342 in full—time courses) . in 1977/78 116 students entered 1st year of Part—time courses . (cf. 1422 in full—time courses. ) (2) The 6 part—time Part 1 courses currently running are Leicester Polytechnic Certificate Mackintosh School, Glasgow University & School of Art Certificate North East London Polytechnic (NELP) BSc (Hons. ) Polytechnic of North London (PNL) BSc Polytechnic of South Bank (PSB) Gr adu ate Diploma Thames Polytechnic (Woolwich) Diploma (3) There is a 3—year Part-time Part 2 Diploma Course at PNL: there are also Part 2 courses at Leicester, Thames, NELP, and in preparation at Mackintosh School. (4) There seem to be very few women students who are willing and able to pursue the part—time course. It would not be surprising to find positive dis— couragement by both school and employer. Their absence makes it more difficult to challenge the 'macho t character of so many male students. (5) I chose this term carefully, partly to remind us that architectural design used to be in the exclusive hands of the masons and their mysterious orders and partly to emphasise the mystification of architectural design by today's professionals. (6) We recently interviewed a skilled but architecturally illiterate technician, who had single—handed designed in two weeks middle a 5000—bed east package hospital deal complexThis for a prospective situation is not uncommon. (7) FRIERE, Paolo, cultural Action for Freedom in.1972. Pengu Paper prepared following a meeting of the NAM education group in Cardiff 1—2 July 1978 to discuss the desirability and/or feasibility of such a group. 22 Architectural Education and • Building Britain's Future' lain Campbell June 1978 Introduction This paper makes no attenpt to discuss in detail the recorrmendations for architectural education made by the Labour Party's Working Group on Construction in their paper Building Britain's Future. Instead it deals with the within which they locate their proposals. I argue that they correctly identify the myopia of the profession's view of education and offer an alternative standpoint from which to view education. A view which, although It has considerable merit in that it avoids a 'narrowly professional approach' does not provide an adequate basis from which to begin work on education within the New Architecture Movanent. If your aquaintance with the Labour Party's policy staternent 'Building Britain Future' Is through the architectural and construction press you might be forgiven for believing that all it is concerned with is nationalising the construction and building materials companies. Tie Architects' Journal' misunderstood the docunent: when it stated that • "Reform of the construction professions is part of the National Executive Committee's policy of national Ising major areas of the industry" (1) Both these proposals, reform of the professions and nationalisatlon, are, however, only part of a series of recommendations which are the end result of an analysis of the construction industry which takes as its starting point a particular view of the construction industry and its products. This view, stated simply, sees a double role for the construction industry. It has a social function as; • the crucial physical link between the Labour movenent's aspirations, in such fields as housing, health and education, and their achievanent" (2) 24 And an economic function because; "the regeneration of British industry which the Labour Party seeks cannot be achieved without the modernisation and replacement of obsolete Industrial bUi1d1ngs and infra structure" (3) At present, however, the industry is ill equipped to fulfil these functions for a variety of reasons and the proposals are aimed at restructuring it to enable it to play its role more fully and efficiently. surprisingly the organisation and education of the construction professions is one of the areas which comes in for criticism in this context and the architectural profession, in particular, is singled out In many of the examples given. me main direction of their argument is that; "For tw centuries now design of buildings has grown up quite separately from their production" (4) Tney see this separat:ion as a major factor in the inefficiency of an eytcznely fragmented industry. The need to bridge the separation of design and construction in order to produce a building has resulted in a lot of practices which are based on mutual mistrust and inhibit 'genuine co—operation' An R.I.B.A. official's view of the contract procedures is given to support this position (5). In addition the division between design and production produces problerns in achieving and maintaining adequate technical standards Professional education is looked at In this context. It is seen as one factor which reproduces this separation: "The Institutional separation between design and production is reinforced by a syste•n of education for architects and others which is narrowly 'professional' in outlook". (7) Courses, thenselves, controlled by the various professional institutions (8) anbodY this outlook and tend to give; inadequate attention both to production aspects and to the wider social context of professional work. They rarely offer any practical experiz•ce In the building industry, restrict entry to those with high—status acadenic qualifications, and give inadequate attention to the need, in an ever—changing technical environ— ment for mid—career retraining". (9) In order to counteract the limited understanding of the industry produced by professional education they propose that ; "The education of construction professionals should be taken out of the hands of professional instutions and cont-rolled by a body representing the whole industry, perhaps the Construction Industry Training Board (10) mese proposals on education are not important in thanselves. There is no evidence that the Col.T.B. could educate architects any less narrowly than professional institutes. The pmposals have to be examined in the context of the Labour Party's total approach to the problens of the industry, an approach which does not look for piecemeal reforms but is directed at finding a comprehensive solution. Any approach v.hich N.A.M. adopts must, similarly, locate education in a wider social framework. The great strength of the Labour Party's analysis is that it sees architectural practice as only one practice in the building industry, and one which is related to, not separated frorn, the others. Architectural education can be seen as a part of the education of all who work in the industry and education as a part of the process of moulding a construction industry with different methods and objectives than it has at present. It is a simple logical argument to note that the category of architect or designer is rooted in the production of buildings. If society did not produce buildings then there could. not possibly be any architects. The converse, however, is not necessarily true. Because we live in a society which produces buildings we do not necessarily need a group (or groups) of people whose sole occupation Is to design then (or aspects of then). me category of designer arises out of the production of buildings but it does not do so in the abstract. It is the production of buildings in a certain way which produces the separate category of designer, and the separation of this category into a host of specialist design professionals of which architects are only one. A movement for a •new architecture' implies a movernent for a change In the relationship of production of building and a necessary corollary of this is a change in the sort of people who take part in the production of buildings and therefore in the system of educating t.hose who take part in the production of buildings. I would argue that the Labour Party's outline of the need to change the relation— ship of separation between design and production, their identification of some of the trends within the indust:ry which are acting to break dowrr separation (11) and a cmcial need for changes in the education systan to help in this, indicate a position, outside the professional cocoon, which we could usefully adopt as one starting point for developing our ov.rn positions. If rBui1ding Britain's Future' is strong in one aspect of its analysis, it is weak in terms of another aspect which is equally important for N.A.M. That is the separation between those involved In the design and construction of buildings and the people who are going to use them. There are no references, in the surunary of recorrunendatlons, to the need to change the relationship between users and builders, although there are two references in the main text. "The quality of design is of course a social as well as a purely aesthetic Issue' and improvanents should also be sought through greater responsiveness to the community in planning procedures". (12) 26 "Reintegration must take place within a context of widened accountability to society for what is built". (13) They give a clue as to their meaning of 'responsiveness' and 'accæntability• in the sentence which immediately follows the last quote: "We would envisage a growing pattern of creative negotiation between public clients on the one hand — their bargaining position strengthened by t.he creation of a Public Procuranent Agency — and integrated design/producuon teams, in both public and private sectors of contracting, on the other". (14) In effect they are, on the one hand, at:ternptlng to break dovm the Institutional separation of design and construction that results In and is perpetuated by current educational practice whilst, on the other hand, increasing the institutionalisation of the separation of user and builder. The closest that the Labour Party gets to the users of the products of their social programme is a consideration of the 'public client' . In their discuxssion they make considerable use of the report 'The Public Client and the Construction Industries'. (15) This report does refer to users. "In some public authorities it may be that there is an ultimate client who is the intended user of the building, but another body may be acting on its behalf as the client in regard to the building process. In local governrnent the end user of a public sector project is generally represented by a main sponsor cotmüttee, consisting of elected members or departmental representatives". (16) It does not, however, examine the relationship between this client body and the users. I would argue that just as we must step outside a narrowly professional outlook of the relationship between designer and builder so must we find a way of avoiding what we might call a narrowly professional concept of client. The current educational process reproduces and is reproduced by the professional concept of client just as surely as the separation of designer and builder. The Labour Party do not offer us a starting point in this area, and I cannot add anything except to note that the work and experience of those, like the Support Group, who are exploring ways of practicing which do have a different concept of 'client' , may be able to provide us with direction. In this paper I have indicated what I consider to be the strengths and weaknesses In the Labour Party's approach to architectural education in order to show that the approach which N.A.M adopts must begin from a standpoint which locates architectural pract:ice In its social context. 27 28 References 1. Architects' Journal, 19 Oct 1977, p. 773 2. Labour Party, Buildinq Britain's Future: Labour's Policy on Construction Labour Party October 1977, ISBN 0-900507-99-3, p.57 3. Ibid. p. 7 4. Ibid. p. 19 5. t There is a general acceptance that the signing of the contract is the signal for the battle between the various parties — contractors, sub— contractors, suppliers, and the various professionals — to commence, a battle which soon develops into a continuous tactical garne of catch— as—catch—can, and hard luck on the one left holding the baby when the music stops' , quoted in Labour Party (1977) p. 20. 6. They do not deal with in any depth but note that it is a problematic area v•hich will have to be examined in the future. See p. 20 Ibid. p. 19 8. m-aey make no mistake in identifying the R.I.B.A., and not A.R.C.U.K, as the controlling institution in the case of architectural education. See p.53 9. Ibid. p.54 10. Ibid, p.63, recommendation No. 54 11. See their discussion on design—and—build and package deals. p.53 12. Ibid. p. 55 13. Ibid. p.53 Ibid. p.53 15. Building and Civil Engineering Economic Development Committees, Tne Public Client and the Construction Industries, H.M.S.O. 1975, ISBN 0—11—700739—0. 16. Ibid. p. 25 29 IbQPESSIOI!S or ?ODEL E : an exploratory paper into some of the relation— ships between architectural education and the vorking class student. Manr Grills Frank Horton Robb MacDonald Liverpool University School of Architecture. June 1978. Introduction The recent DES discussion paper 'Higher Education in the 1990's' (1) points out some future problems of the higher education sector: problems brought about by democraphic changes. In the longer term, demand for university education vill fall and the DDS offers several alternative strategies to meet this crisis. One of these strategies (and the one preferred by most commentators) is that referred to a 'Model . This strateor consists of .taking positive steps as a matter of social Folic" to encourare perticipation by children of non— manual workers • Our puroose in this paper, is to consider sone o? the issues '.rhich grov out of the 'Model E strategy. We do this since ve believe thet, very broadly, this is the proper way for hither education to go although •re vould separate this from the g.enenl demographic approach of the Brown Paper. The setting of our aroment is the one ve knov best: a university school of architecture. Vie shall not, in this paper, question the idea o? architectural education as qualification for practice. We assune that there is e valid rationale for becoming an architect through the present preferred route. Thig assumption is, we believe weak: the idea of profassional exclusivity is debatable and the position of full time educetion as a sole route to practice is tmtenable. iiowever, ve vant to use the existing structure to raise questions and accept it without condoning it. Education is a biographical process: there are social and economic influences but these are brought to bear and make themselves felt in the life cycle of indivi duals. We have no hard general informvtion but present a factual, partly fictitious ease stua•.r of Joe-r Bishop, a working class kid vho makes the architectural grade. We shil use critical incidents in Joey's life to raise '-energi questions about architectural education. Joey bishop is an architect, he ves trained at Liverpool thiversity School of Architecture. He is the only child of Josenh and Mary P,ishio; josenh is charcehand in a local factory, Vary owns a small knitwear shon. They're a Liverpool family, the most prosperous and com-Cortably off in their neighbourhood. They own their own terraced house, and Joey's first real job is to process an improvement grant application for his parent's house. Joey was born and brought up in a ttro bedroom terraced house vith no bathroom and an outside toilet. He attended the locei state primary school, he vas a vell behaved and hislll.y regarded pupil. He vas expected to pass the 11+ and go on to the local grarmar school. 30 ile are drawing a portrait of the scholarship boy from a 'respectable' working class home. The majority of the working class university entrants come from homes like this. They are selected early and feted by the system. The quiet manner and good behaviour are probably as important hag it as rough. ability 'The in evidencemaking this selection; the rough kid from the rough hime suggests that from a fairly early ace lov status members are taught to narrow their social horizons.! Parkin ( 3). Not surprising, the school system is, for its egalitarian pretensions, part of a larger class society. In 1962 Joey failed the 11+ examination — and already classified by the system as a failure. Rather than the local Collegiate or Institute, it vas Earle Road Secondary 14caem School. "Never mind Joey, there iB alvqys the 13+," his mother had said. The 13+ never took place for Joey, and that vas how much his mum knew about education. In fact, Earle Road's greatest claim to fane wag a first division footballer. 110 selection system is perfect, the selective system pretends to be modelled on demand but what happens if more people pass than the selective schools have places? joey could also be a late developer. Things started to happen for Joey in his first year at secondary school; 'he vorked vell and fully deserved his high position in class' (to quote his school report). lie never asked Mary questions, but just got on and did things consistently well. To his teachers Joey vas a good pupil from a good home, he was never in trouble, and a-IvQvs conscientious .head prefect material. VThen he vas Joey's parents visited the school and were told that Joey stood a good chance of doing quite vell at C.S.E.. They were impressed and sav a bright future for their son, they didn't know what C.S.E. was but it vas a certificate, a qualification, enough to keep Joey away from the docks or Fords. Certainly this tended to vipe out Joey's previous failure at eleven. The C. S.E. and the Comprehensive would be Joey's 'saviour t . Mr. James, the voodvork teacher, vho had 'had more hot dinners than you have sawn vood' , vas very influencial on Jcey's development. Surrounded by spoke shaves and planes Joey wag in his element. It ves the doing that vas important and not the thinking about it. Mr. James talked a lot about the virtues of education and joey vas impressed. Secondary school years passed vithout Joey thinking about them. Top of the cless after top of the class. Bad only at English (poor spelling) he shone et geogrephy and technical drawing. It vas suggested that he could aim high for a job as a draughtsman. education for ti•'hile different schools will occupations be continue unequal to bearing and serve hence a different class t unjust society, t rewards . t (L)selecting end different and training orestige,personnel During this time at secondary school Joey began to reveal the classic traits Of 'Hogcarts' scholarghip boy, his great strengths vere consistency and conscientiousness. ( 5) . Joey did vell at C.S.E. Enclish Language 2, English Literature 1, Geography 1, Maths 1, Woodwork 1, Technical and Engineering Drawing 1' Physics 1. C.S.E. had been good for Joey; continual assessment nearly all project vork with little exphasis on vritten examinations helped a poor exam performance and rewarded his consistent effort. One of the failings of Joey's secondary education that it didn't make him very literate. t There are certain gross a.nd crushing disabilities • • w place the classes experiencing them at a disadvantade with those not (6) 31 of C.f.. G. B. C.E. vag 'O' introduced level work. as a Their target popularity for the less can able, be seen those a.s thoucht an aspect to of be our incapablesocial obsess-xon with grading, as a vay of labelling the second class citizen or, as vith Joey, a publically recoenised escape route. Joey moves to a local comprehensive to take 'A' levels. 'Ever thoucht about doing some 'A' levels Joey?' the geography teacher had asked. In for a penny in for a pound Joey thoueht. His C.S.E. results vere no surprise to Joey's Enclish teacher, they were a bit of a surprise to Joey but more than anything else he didn't really have any idea vhat vas going on. However, and perhaps more importantly, no one explained what it vas all about. In fact it wasn't until his later years of university education that he really understood what matriculation meant. The femily had misgivings, perhaps Joey was aiming too high. However the school fought hard for a trial year at the comprehensive. And so it vas off to Anfield Comprehensive School with his C.S.E. certificate in hend. Joey's step on to the comprehensive rung can be traced back in time, certainly as far back as the 1914b Education Act, and perhaps before. The 1911 1; Education Act summeriged and consolidated a Ione oeriod of experiment and controversy in English education. The tripartite system institutionalised a very simple model of the class structure, one type of education for vorkers, another for technicians end one for managers. The selection system vas produced to guarantee that segregation was based on c horses for courses principle. The emphasis vas on the individual; the system vas designed as a ladder to help the individual to better himself. Clearuy the optimis:a of 1924b was naive; the great social refom vent sour very quickly. There was a flood o? remedies; comprehensives, new foms of examination, compensatory prograxnmes and research. The problem became clear; the solution remained remote. Joey's first task at the Comprehensive vas to decide vhich 'A' levels to try for. Joey had been zood at Geography and had enjoyed the projects associated with it. , so it wag Geography 'A' level for him. Ge010f7 vas interesting and there were plenty of field trips so he had a stab at that as veil. fiovever, before Joey could get on with his 'A' levels he had to cet one 'O t level in English. After tvo attempts he succeeded ia passinz with a grade 5. Whatever came later, this, perhaps more than proved to be the greatest failing of Joey' 3 education. At the bezinning o.C the upper sixth, nan-or of his school mates vere considerina teachers training colleges, polytechnics and universities. The hea&naster at Anfield thought it might be worth Joey trying out application for tmiversity in addition to the technical colleges and polytechnics he trying for. What to apply for? The only possibility seemed to be planning, vell geocraphy and planning went t0Rether. Six choices of universities doing undergraduate planning. degrees Cbeffield, Birminchnn Aston, Heriot Newcastle, Cardiff, Menchester. No offers, no interviews in fact nothing. Joey felt hard done Brixton Collece of Building mode hin an offer of C t s and so did the local polytechnic, so Joey -cet his mind on one of those, at least, that was until September and the t A' level results came along.. Joey got an P. and a b. The staff at Anfield thought it vou1d be a good idea to go to tmiversity, but it wasn't as easy as that. To the outside world the entry procedure for university must seem like a complicated lotterj. Despite UCCA it is inscrutable end co:nplex. 32 Then cue September 1970, and the UCCA clearing scheme; Course Code 5100, Architecture, Liverpool School of Architecture — Without knowing what 'architecture' vas Joey vas off on his architectural education. The accidental choice of career is common, is it right? 'Architecture, what's architecturett Joey thought. The postman brought him an answer on September 29th 1970 from the School of Architecture, in the fom of a programe of pre—tem work. A book list, from which Joey vas to select two and write an essQ.r. Joey vas at a disadventage. The letter also asked him to make a diary about his thoughts and reactions in observing and some desigred artifact. a Artifact? t joey thought. liis confusion vag made worse by the helpful clarification . ...anything from a teaspoon to a city. The jargon of architectural education is introduced early on in a student % education, even before he arrives at the school of architecture. In Jaki Howes paper at York, with reference to the RIBA publication 'Schools of Architecture Recognised by the RIBA' , she asks t h01' does someone not femilar vith jargon choose between 'Architectural Design, Design Sc.ience and Context of Design t at Portsmouth and tilistory and Design Process, Theory and Practice of Building (including structural design), Environmental Science Management at Nottingham? (7) Joey vrote about a high rise block of flats for his pre—tem He noted the simplicity and symmetry of the design. He wrote about the external facade of the block of flats, the surface patterns, colourg and textures. Even at this stace, with only a rev preconceptions, Joey assumed architecture was something to do with facades. de thought little of his home surroundings, a house without a bathroom in an area suffering planning blight. lie thought nothing about the community. In fact, despite living at home he was to become increasingl.y separated from his home background. He vas progressively cut off from the life of his social group and raniIy; neither was he a member of the 'street gang' and, even at university, sex cane late for Joey. After all, he did his homevork. Those first fev weeks at university consisted of much talk vith t artifact desicners' and a sociologist. Joey didn't say much, he vas conscious of the vay he spoke. In fact he just kept auiet, and read t Farn.ily and kinship in East London' • Entry to tmiversity is e taken for grented experience, ve assume that the trp..nsition is easy from a fairly self—directed VIth form to a verv self— directed institution. Selection ennbles us to asstme habits stuQy and work, and catholicity of interest and commitment to the subject of stuQv. It might have benn a problem for Joey that t a university is a place orcanised round talk' (8), but Joey vas taught that architectural education in the university school vas different. He vas able to get along without much talking and explaining, just drawing, and he vas surprised at the nuaber o? issues drawing can hide. vou1d Joey thouziit consistently be that O.K..his fie voodvork eauated knew he would architecture had done be useful. well with at technical Unfortunately, drawing, so drawing he that thouc,ht and wasn'thehe the case. The graphic artist, from the school of art knev hov to draw, 33 Joey thought, or at least it sounded aa if he did. Joey never sav him draw. One of Joey's first projects had something to do with the 'consid— eration of a line' . As for his voodvork experience, well that vagn 't really on either. The year Joey arrived at the school of architecture the one and only craftsman turned technician into vas a glorified being laid model off. making Whilst room Joey vith vas at a little the school used vind the vorkshoptunnel in one corner. Architecture must have something to do with buildings Joey thought, but people et the school of architecture kept telling him it vas more than just buildings. In fact, during his first week in the school, Joey cane to in the the polytechnic.conclusion that it vas architecture in the l.miversity and buildings Joey never learnt what more there vas in architecture than buildings althov,h he was very successfull.y taught to do architecture. In fact if he had been able to learn anything it might have been that there is nothing more in architecture than buildings. For a short time folk singing, .record.q, vine coffee till the early hours became part of Joey's life. 'An occasional visit to the halls o? residence to visit friends' . He replacea hic ?ootba11 scarf vith a school of architecture scarf and stopoed 'going to the match' on Saturday afternoon. Obviously Joey tried hard socially. He had the veneer, but never the privilege of intelligence, the books at home and the articulate conversation. He didn 't have the accent, the confidence, the social background related to enterinc the professions. the chances of Joey doing vell are refuced, but there are many more who (ion 't even have his chances. In his second year Joey questioned the value of a sketch desi,31 for a community centre in an area of high rise housing, when the local had said that they did not vant one. At the extemal reviev of his vork, the examiner suggested that Joey got on with what he vas told to do vithout questioning projects. After being told to concentrate on working, a language he knev veil, Joey kept a low profile. His drawing skills developed to a fine art he dre%' his way through two first class honours det'rees. Professionü practice part three examinations slotted in, but that aspect is another story. After fifteen years of 'graft' , Joey had made it; an architect. To Joey the school of architecture vas no different thnn secondary school or the comprehensive, a series o? hurdles,the scholarship fence vhich he jumped by manipulating masses of . He acquired facts rather than handling and using them. Ile was rot pushed to think differently, to experiment to learn but he only used a small pert of his personality. In this respect the school of architecture neither helped him nor hindered him. To quote Her±ert Spencer it encouraged 'submissive receptivity instead of independent activity' . (5) There is little now by way of real comment since knov very little about hov universities actually do their job. At the end of the course Joey is vell on his way to beinc a fU11y paid up member of the bourceousie — hov that happens ve don't know. 34 To summarise, Joey vas taught a mmber of lesgong:— The social skills of party going and conversation. b. The patina of cultivated languv,e. c. iiig drive to work and echieve vas reinforced. d. He vas alienated, skills and he drawn had acquired avay from vere his home too open; background.design e. The practical skills must be arcane. This is a partial list which can be summed up by saving that a university is not merely a knowledge transmitting machine it is algo a socialising mechanism. Socialisation is a complex and subtle pert of the architectural education process, ill understood and difficult to research. Architectural education can be seen to be a part o? the process of 'reproduction' ; the means of continually re— creating and maintaining the architects position in a class society. For all the student agitation ve have a good track record in producing unquestioning professionals. CONCLWIONS We titled this paper t Some impressions deliberately not to claim expertise. Therefore, ve conclude vith some points vorth further discussion. Some concluding discussion points:— liov valid is Monel E as a education strategy? 2. 'Jas Joey culturally deprived or from a different culture? 3. Hov- vill Joey practice architecture? Is Joey real and general? 5. 'chat do schools of architecture teach and what do students learn? Are any of Joey's problems likely to be met a mature entrant? 7. Will universities need to char.ze their if :todel E becomes reality? 3. Ithat vill a radical Architectural educEtion 100k like? 'Ilov a society selects, classifies, distributes, transmits and evaluates the educational knowledge it considers to be public, reflects both the distribution of pover and the principles of social control. (9) 35 REFERENCES 1. Department of Education and Science. 'Higher Education in the 1990's. London 1978. 2. (D.E.S. op cit.) 3. Frank (1972) mm, c. (1969) t SociEü Class 2nd the Comprehensive School'. 'Class Ine ualit• and Political Order % p. 6b. Paladin Booko. 5. HOGCARff, Richard. 'The Uses of Lit,eracv' London p. 298. 6. TAM•JBY, R.H. (1952). 'Equality' London. HOWES, Jaki (1973) 'Paper on how Architectural Students choose Architecture' S.A. C. 'Making of an Architect' Conference, York. 8. BERNSTEIN, Basil. (1271). in 'On Michael the classification Yound (ed. ) and framing of Educational Knowledge' . 9. BERNSTEIN, op cit.) Knovledze and Control. London. 36 PAPER FOR NAM EDUCATION GROUP FEETING CARDIFF THE RIBA COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE .IORKING GROUP (CMG) AND AEHITECTURAL ED(EATION. The paper is intended to outline the position of CMG in relation to radical architectural practice, and thereby to assess its relevance to a radical architectural education. 1. Background The Cc»n.nunity Architectuædorking Group vas set up in 1976 as a sub committee of the RIBA Membership abd Public Affairs Cananittee (which is not itself involved in educational policy). Its initial brief was to investigate the relationship between the profession and the public at large, which was soon narrowed down to the study of Ccxnmunity architecture reinforced by the interests in this field Of Charles McKean (Secretary to the group) and the Co—option of Rod Hackney as Chairman. 2. CMG sees its role as "encouraging architects to serve the entire coaununity, and attempting to match skills and respurces of the profession with the need wherever it arises". TES analysis of this mis—taatch of skills and resources is that due to "major changes in social patterns (unspecified) there hag been an emergence of a "new client an i dividual or group usually with very small financial resources From this analysis CAWG sees its work as discovering and implementing the profeesional changes necessary for architects to vork with the "new client", including educational changes • 3. CAJG does not place coauaunity architecture within its social and econanic framework, a d thereby does not acknowledge the political content of the work. It further ignores the questions of the failure of conventional practice to satisfy the user, the conflicts of working with both and 'user—client' and the possible effects of professional intervention into community action. This approach has several consequences. Proffess ional ly a) CA"'G invites the profession as a whole to consider caanunity architecture as merely a specialism within the range of professional activity, allowing it to exist within the context of RIBA profess i onal ism b) By legitimising con,nunity architecture it reduces its potential as a 'user—interest' alternative to 'capitol—interest' architectural pract ice. c) By pavifig the way for (capital—interest' architectural practices to involve themselves in community architecture (through making suitable professional/code changes) it offers architecture as a possible form of control of users in the interest of the 'cap— ital—client % or as a method of keeping staff occupied that might otherwise be idle, or as a source of increased revenue by exploita— tion of the user—clieht. d) By placing community architecture wholly within the context of practice it ignores the need for public accountability for public funds. 37 NOTES 38 5. Educationally All CMG minutes and documents are available Charles I.EKean a) It does not acknowledge the need for a theoretical back— ground for ccxnunity architecture or the educationalists role in developing this. b) It concentrates almost exclusively on live projects,1. Fran the introduction to CMG's paper to RIBA council - April 1978 ignoring the associated theoretical sociology teaching etc.,of design, communication, econoanics, urban 2. From a circular to "Thirty odd individuals and practices", the alternative educational structures c) It sees no need to develop replies from which CMG based much of its later work - 9.9.77 in response to the requirements of community architecture. 6. CAWG sees its role educat ionaliy an increasing the acceptability3. RIBA is boncerned only with the effectiveness of the of live projects to schools, examiners and visiting boards. ItArchitectural Service" (From 1 above). CAWG refers to radical does not seek to make coaununity architecture an educationalpractitioners as attempting political indoctrination of their clients. requirement or to force changes upon schools or students. 7. Related to (4a) and (5c) above, by acknowledging the full Refer to the papers from the Cheltenham meeting, 10th Dec, especially anent required and by issuing guidelines on how to incgrporatethe paper by Chris Cripps, for an enlargement upon these. live projects into an otherwise unaltered curriculum promotes the idea of cmnunity architecture as 'just another part of the course •5, CMG's educational paper "Value of Ccxnmunity architecture in architectural education" 29th Aarch 78, and subsequent meeting on 8. CMG's educational Involvement could have the positive of the effect educationalof31st May 78 points towards this approach. introducing a more permissive attitude on behalf establishment towards cmununity—orientated teaching. However, its lack of coherent argument or analysis may reinforce the belief (widely held amongst educators and practitioners) that coaununity architecture is merely a fashion with no long—term educational value. 9. In conclusion, all CANG's policies and proposals should be viewed in the context of the likelihood of their being adopted as policy by the RIBA. CAWG's proposals will only be acceptable to the RIBA providing they do not go against the interests of the members of its controlling canmittees and council. Therefore any radical action is out of the question. CAWG itself has no power except to suggest changes, and it has only a snail lobby' on Council or ccmnittees. The Education and Practice Executive Ccx,unittee of the RIBA has built up its educational pc I icy on the foundations of the 1958 Oxford Conference, and as many of CAWG t s proposals will run against that philosophy, it will be limited to affecting changes of attitude rather than policy. 39 'Lessons from local practice' , drawn from workinq for ASSIST Phil McCafferty July 1978 This short paper is based on a personal awareness of educational inadequacies while working with ASSIST. I and most fellow ASSIST vorkers were the products of a pseudo—scientific approach to architecture which appeared in the late '60's and was paraded at Strathclyde University, (a former 'Tech' ) • I have interpreted 'educational in two senses. Firstly, the wider context of awareness of need for change in fellow architectural people and secondly, in greater detail, the lessons which have immediate importance within our educational system. First, the general message: i) We must all understand the various means of causing change, which is the natural result of architectural effort. An end product must be our aim and we should not merely define our role as one of designer or originator. We should not omit further involvernent, inclulding realisation, since are able to represent the user during approval or implernentation procedures followed by, say, a local authority or fund—granting body. We must offer a wider, but also sound, service. The way in which we work matters as much as the end product. An awareness of the various means of involvernent of the actual user must be one of our aims. This should rernove us from our norrnal role of ' then' and 'us' We must work in a manner of most benefit to the real client. iii ) It is useful and satisfying to offer one's services to solve a particular problem which might affect a group of people. This involves corrmitnent to a community and deep local involvement, perhaps* funded by local fee— earning projects. This may involve having a local base, providing wider services (planning, social advice, legal .aid and liaison with the departnents of the local authority), and forming definite views of the various local groups encountered (local poli tics) . Now for the detailed lessons which can be drawn from the above: a ) to educate staff and students about the real problems encountered in attempting to realise these ideas. There is a bureaucracy and strict role definition within most parties who deal %dth resources. Our education should include examples of both how constraining this can be and how it can be broken dov.rn by, say, personal contact. We must also encourage students to understand others' roles if we cannot become involved directly. 40 b) to make it obvious to students that architectural employrnent can take many very different forms — from the 'corner shop' practice to the multi— national multi—discipline set up. Discussion about the merits of each should be encouraged, along with forming of the individual 's approach to wrking methods. c) to understand the importance of user involvanent in all stages and how to select a representative user group within large organisations. The student must also learn how to communicate with the public at various levels. Too often we present wrk only to other professionals — tutors, examiners, corporate clients, etc. Students must use and assess many methods of communication — models, slides, video. d) to avoid the creation of 'professional' barriers, which can result from being trained to carry out specialised tasks. Architecture as a status' boost should be discouraged, along with attempts at assuming superiority to clients. Our advice must be regarded as equal to more usual across the counter' services. e) to promote architecture as an extension of ideologies, not merely as a guarantee of a salary. NAM Contact Hugo c/o Support 27 London Ian Cooper c/o The 28 Park Cardiff f) to fom links with the public by offering assistance from educational establishments. This wuld use the public money supporting education to provide a service of real local use. An ideas project office, perhaps including other disciplines; could act as a contact point. Human involvernent on all sides and 'real world' appreciation of other people's problans might rebalance the scientific influence which still exists. All this assumes that NAM wishes to modify the exi sting systern. However , you may wish to start from scratch: 43 Education Group addresses : Hinsley Clerkenwell Close ECI Welsh School of Architecture Place