22 10 310 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/ed495ad5a222f3a88ea7bf3c82884925.pdf a63c92479bf0de2ec2b7f8689a13dac5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Notes of Unattached Representative meeting. May 1978 Description An account of the resource UNATTACHED REPRESENTATIVES ON ARCUK Minutes of a meeting held at Dave Roebuck's home on Sunday May 21 1978 Those present: Bob, Anne, Dave, Alan, John Murray and John Allen ds Items arising from the Minutes of the last meeting (i.e., April 28): c) It was agreed that 'Way Ahead' is to be published by NAM. 2. ARCUK Committees: a) BAE — a report had been presented at the previous meeting by Ian and Alan. a) The arrangements for the coming meeting of the NAM Education Group in Cardiff, in the first week of July, were explained. b) Monopolies Commission Group —- the letter to Peter Shore MP was read and discussed; the letter to Denys Hinton and his reply was read by Anne and discussed - it was agreed that no reply is required. b) F&GP — a verbal report was presented by John Murray: it was agreed that John and Alan were to raise the matter of first class travel at the next Council meeting and that John (Murray) is to prepare a proposal re 'Statements by Unattached Candidates for ARCUK Elections’. c) PPC — Dave presented a verbal report; it was agreed that he is to contact the Registrar re ARCUK/OFT discussions re Trade Descriptions Act issue. d) Admissions Committee - no meeting has taken place since the last Unattached meeting. 3. Anne reported that she was still awaiting recognition of her Code of Conduct proposals. 4. Tt was agreed that Anne and Alan were to put a motion re ARCUK investments in South African firms to the next Council meeting.. 5. It was agreed that Alan was to try to clarify the position of the York Centre and the recent report by that Centre to ARCUK (about Continuing Education). 6. John Allen gave a rapid 'run through! report of Monopolies Commission/OFT affairs; plans for the publicity campaign which he had described previously are in hand. 7. Unattached/NAM relations - it was agreed that John Murray is to reply to Norman Arnold's letter: Unattached Councillors are to offer reports of ARCUK affairs for each issue of Slate - Dave to prepare a report for the June 9 issue. Jf ; Page: 2 8. Tt was agreed that Bob is to write a submission to the Finiston commission re registration of engineers. _ 10. It was agreed that Ian Cooper and Alan are to raise the question of recognition of South African Schools of Architecture (Natal, Cape Town and Vitz) at the next BAE meeting). = o The Registrar's letter re 'Limited Liability’ —- Anne reported on behalf of Ian Cooper and herself on her correspondence with Forder: it was agreed that Anne is now to reply on our behalf to Forder's letter and that this matter be discussed at our next meeting. rls) Bob discussed the matter of our co-operation with the Institute of Worker Control vis-a-vis the Architects‘ Registration Acts; it was agreed that, as well as continuing to consider for whom registration might be beneficial or advantageous, we should pursue attempts to reform the present Acts; Bob to circulate his rough notes for comment. ; (At this point I (Alan) left the meeting and Dave continued making notes) Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource DR Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1978 Subject The topic of the resource Notes of Unattached Representative meeting. May 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/8a4bdf73a4f4fc8aa8a65cc1aa6bc3ea.pdf 78c37d8392db6790d890f5a2c23eb975 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Notes on Technical Competence Description An account of the resource ACTION Lee Ne eoaeArcsinARSCON Ca ee Er aa 2“ A We q7rG oh UWA DAG AD AK PED jKd, DANafnG9.T8 @VaR. Dey Aide G asw oy P.f,C. Gructa, ¢ K INGOT UENO | /1-O0An(a) F,WGN I> Meelys _ AicDd, OCM7O0KER //7H ©. a Nk, a. ~ortiu AGCunrA (a ave lng . (7-94-78) EeRR hrRAR KALK REGhte, i Sf on Yes U.K. EOr-28 CoG, 2) Hy ARCLK ¢ Or Rey oto — i Gf (CGronw, COGnn a) 3) BA Ainncber :; NZ AM. Gpash fo MOLE Gte Go Vascina, fo Pr2rsek Sar cs ereeat’ & Kscof Tm,|aOtte,AkAneBuGA 7b.allCuteQu Avthonta, . \ZM, Afro @ 7x ergQannodesCOfeACGOUNOENDjmWreralCAQLgoZ [oa ae ne sz i oz AY Aterd. .A- AxperCaahHoax NAM Boke GS45 GS mam 9 R@SsI Se) CZSs) OR KAX Carte (Qs Gumanrctset) WO, jews Wh Arcot \o pix a a*& ComdevQouce eee VL Gprea ‘ Q04q GaawOnVobLReee to rial 24 Qn RA wRADE ADVERIN NO, A.b, Q npdevt Q@ aceabeSEES: of Copa Qwe c& ALCOL oN Avo ae s . Yes, 4 & @ Arete fm Prapaauns O.Arwtm ou —~ BPE (ey) Aut — BM please 72 oO ss. Horta xkecAw a tl BES CONE PripOsohd oO Plewas& SCiuekGACo jSf~HLCervoProms yd NQunrckKaeMure who)on AA.,oee(Ochs Grediver. yPervibl,wicholeCOANg KARE os oper. ux£ Ans. Jt) (Griloce he Arcdstectvee ol 4Q, te Ru IGA GARG) eas tomers LQ RA, or QAlRrQhin wCrrns OL sr. ot OF eee Onc Certy 7 af ARUK Ry.Tee &ProuseG.CesUae Se Arel2 Ge TQ Quan Korvnolonn g Ce AQm, 2 SAMaits AOC. Gn, olsCut peeswsol VAgrn/l Olas €s inns JforrrsOrektok & Ort 8, fa tacks- Le,(ee CO. AhsTARToene aeeaae EeBR he “telrolaal vOcdurt YF :|Porton peansiess o alerr.Durch Prof. rani, TH, fo One Aer KonR G Whiner Quo BRa2KUnkeSAYpiso€GockCoenon,UL4A7E Tel W&& sast hy 16. Refeorng (Accent — “4- & sok & iu, Q4wWe ; aay V4A7E Gnortr AR LK Corer! oe 7M. f NAIAK & RARER obew Oskar AU Geir Pree An OFRusf Cowie A423.b:5 Qruk Alef. AR pose Padtn OA a Bus 3toteat Coven Mbeya OCs tok re > UAH Q. AS CrwvGaork Geek. He Abe ASA ale Que eS P&snsq wo AObkeh Vora ackass 2/64 : 6King AGlx & Cri A& Gre 2) Care, Q LCom, 7) & Ryne LO asw ALK OH Hy GGA o~ : getNUnn Omer Wo 10]Pg Mrs Oy&Gintoneohntefo,oyAPr bk k a7) ECA CASULA SD) lo. Tai oe Caw Got thy Crrnte AtnolOnen ~ REET GOGCOS NEA Cepy AH Wrovenie PainGneie (AGS BapOrewkl lO. \A& ADVERIAS 30 | 4 M-'— br em PPC, er AGenwea Gola Cn Aeneas ONC ee Peleg AwunYtaeSe rte.NOs. Kae the Anoudtis. ? Lecel 4uAws, | LQu8 Occ”RatAS.proxiesla&pee boRiBAOrchKarbsae fo,Kotter COGS NU Grae raGtlee =BMD Ue NOs Agar . >i —IL LNYAINEAD!, FM. 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Kn &, fe CLO Cundhi cp 7© ex eee &, Qr& @ Axe 6A ;noe & J :AL} oa Le ae f~ Ki sao KyiA DOppO21 ZFe,+ Adz PQ.AR aT 2 LQunn AGok 2tpuring pee Ki, | tc/Au Amase ie. NA. Aeesdlove| tux fe . TA. Csyfrrid Acgicbalck wmt Qu Phy am OOnttactsdA Archtach fe Ay.A. MW, AQ Seok AL. |e dare tes Hib 10, Ayp0O0th wAQnl, redoly s Z Ko Gsieae ibe ar iS. Arkek Hoiol Geetk | Reh See @ be Verde fr (& Ase&Se CmGar2ckae foreworekosQ.banrGeesPCOS.ProofinoV0CatemQue Adc & ae Mek ofc a fo. NoQwAar ARan OC), Cott / (iAyD S AD GenieSoe Cae Enka /.oe USFinsO RnRBeAS ATaSe (3. frea 3 ExAnme). yUMP7S Senet. a 3¢./ YrerturgBoOvelnsambSafernice64E~ Woe eee eS fevkr.Ad ‘ogo& QSL Wwe 6A- Ova ey Untiaclsr 6 Mplatith a5 AEP ERY —hak ine|astaueshortedGeMleuoOnOntos“G4Lea enta Corl Arefar erg Pho(2bs. ku, fr Coane 1# AL enw SeCe fe Pasze Uf ? Jew AC.&,Are@AseeBAE wnhok=> Asac&HEARS « (o ~ AloQmArs Aarne gatoree KyMae7intsces (KIA DLPO2A WAGEACG LQunnAGolk20gusringOWPEs HG, refau Ama Hae fe . , [EES TING ATLNG Lhtesd lovk . wae Os Ant AAU Ao‘al pmAbe Qu. ESS Qu On. Ottachsd ArchiGch fr NAM. HAOncolSook 1 Kare ts HibK 10, Ay0rmth OOK r2Goly [im wpetyel I bee A Gstux Suk, (IS. ARerK LOA Geok | Ruisonac Seat oa Ase &pre Cu loreck) Hand} Gook . eee aM. fore work osQa ban Gees PCOSG . Presprtve VvFa femur (S (i NCAR CRON Ce loz rate Pratt cle Aye bhn See {Sm. (RING EO ees &S bom ut) Dorcluclack Nbawtol 42 su freporas p-RepsVolechimrt.2c.See ; Detx. rae Ol, SaO) fe Reps eae oe g yeas (e Rapwe ee ordJ)eg asas 2.5 heCeol se ve Zre ith. G@iGQuecunlascsPhar rouMestoeeratoALAN Groups — & Weltrrelt, WO VE , Bp: wiere Clickee (olaesoeNOR euAG oe Ae eoes asw “2GA—E(StnOlu Oe Bae LH Ovo, Gus Ser lQ ter UP AR CLL AinQuer 7M, portal Paden, Qs (Pron |a . ) AypWawrcla As 9 Ober Rr bo. br. hog Cus i) Ae Or Pu GP (Shi Heese Peel (yateary Ptopgerbak bAESClon we wu Aa, Ee Oe aco Qi bO ju) Aneto. ple r at wx, Kat Re clef 98 hic ile GG fe. & Cbroppedk grow AD. AL. | « /CR bo QU u) BAE ‘ (EB Napa Coe Urol Wl. ole,ene strOnn a aus (/ Or —fren (GER . heeee (fev 2 “LOQune Gioia own Aw(00Ge Orla an paneQg ay l= ei ay ce> Nahls wbFuck GB4&sQreOpsCuK e Gon Liv & prin (!) | &( my) Ad Susrgeutael e < OnSOl:Eg CworOeCeOrgLrg ee Wl pyasa EWG), OLE Un Ky, nee EyProclucg Regime A075. Llpbn,POCA vic) TM opined t&QUe a Tee Gee pees GPA a a on : ; VPAxorJQAe+“4Ste&Je hyLt—G hp Ghre chal P N ac RiAr PSHE LOunk, WAGES yap vii Wea lodewOweGOK a ye Ryprs pt Cambes Bolircokhsi bX hee MO Queca east 4 Russ Te bon ne Lol, i505 06)ech Arpdr chotrerncnOt a Ge, "l, Cit) AL IGO a Rae ks.[o,eo (hn Ft /1,Abas) —Asxolecl . Botere Yor Cre. fron M05—95 Pee1960 — e te, of[e6r bs0, 7g done Ocdsi (4x54)xamrfespt-b CoriicGeeh tee tAEece AL,FBpO-2ttyterrympforteCS,g AD, onl Pop site L4 oes \ZAY, co. RemanBe —Sau yoy trcfisus ofl YA Acker JM. otc. Aktu< Bo 4 -/ Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource JM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource October 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/641d0ed1e1b3124a29551b8b4d642486.pdf f36a79876d8d8622ae209c1c11554e83 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Notice and Nomination Form for Election of Members of Council Subject The topic of the resource Notice and Nomination Form for Election of Members of Council (2 pages) Description An account of the resource A Notice, Confidential Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom Election of Members of the Council for the year ending in March, 1988, under Paragraph 1 (vii) of the First Schedule to the Architects (Registration) Act, 1931. This document is intended only for registered persons who are 'unattached Architects'; that is to say, those who on the 31st October 1986 were not 'architect members'of any of the following Constituent Bodies, or of their provincial associations: the Royal Institute of British Architects, the Incorporated Association of Arch itects and Surveyors, the Faculty of Architects and Surveyors, the Arch itecturai Association of London, and the Stamp Section of UCATT. (The term 'members' comprises Corporate Members (including Fellows, Associates and Licentiates). Students, honorary, corresponding, and retired members are not regarded as frnembers', and if their names are on the Register of Architects they are classified as 'unattached'.) The Regulations governing the Election are Nos. 43, 44 and 45 of the Council's Regulations. If this document is sent to you in error, please return it to the Registrar with particulars of your membership of the Constituent Body concerned. On the 31st October, 1986 there were 6390 'unattached' registered persons on the Voters' List, which' entitles the unattached Architects to elect 13 representatives on the Council for the year ending March, 1988 i.e. in the proportion of one for every 500, or fraction thereof. The following representatives were holding office on 31st October, 1986 and are willing to serve again if nominated and elected. meetings attended out of a possible You are invited to complete the enclosed nomination form, which, in order to be valid, must reach the Electoral Reform Society (who are acting for the Council in this matter) not later than the first day of January, 1987. No person is el igible as a candidate for election unless he is nominated by not less than six unattached Arch itects; a candidate may not nominate himself. (Regs. 44(b) and 45(3).) Nominations must be made on the official form enclosed with this notice. (Regs. 44(c) and 45(3).) An election by ballot will be held if the number of candidates nominated exceeds 13 but not otherwise. If an election by ballot is held, a voting paper will be sent in due course to every person on the voters' list who has not renounced his voting rights in accordance with Regulations 45(1 1). By order of the Council, Kenneth J. Forder, Registrar 73 Hallam Street, London, WI N 6EE November 1986 B Nomination Form.ConfidentiaI Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom Election of Members of the Council for the year ending in March, 1988, under Paragraph 1 (vii) of the First Schedule to the Architects (Registration) Act, 1931. 'Unattached Architects' wishing to nominate registered persons as candidates for election as members of the Council for the year ending March, 1988, must complete this form and return it, together with the consent of each nominee (expressing his willingness, if elected, to serve), and a statement under the hand of each nominee (giving the following information in not more than 200 words: (i) age: (ii) date of admission to the Register of Architects; (iii) names of Architectural Constituent Bodies of which candidate is a member (if any); (iv) present professional post (e.g. partner, chief architect, salaried architect, including the name of the firm or employer) and previous professional experience; (v) committee experience (architectural or otherwise); and (vi) personal statement (if any), to reach the offices of the Electoral Reform Society not later than the first day of January, 1987. Any nomination form received after that date, or any nomination not made on this officia/ form, wi// be invalid. (Regs. 44(c) and 45(3).) Nominations I hereby nominate* the following registered persons as candidates for election as above stated, and attach hereto their respective written consents and statementst. (Full names of persons nominated must be given). Signature Serial Number Date *Not more than 13 may be nominated. t In the event of the same candidate being nominated by more than one person, it is not necessary for more than one written consent or statement to be forwarded in respect of that candidate. N.B. This nomination list will not be valid unless it is received at the Electoral Reform Society's offices not later than the first day of January, 1987. To:—- The Electoral Reform Society, 6 Chancel Street, London SEI OUU. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARCUK Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/29d6977be771dbd38dc86f8f01532ba1.pdf c4693c18dca9faa20092c316fbc1e3c5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Notice encouraging unattached architects to vote for 10 NAM candidates Description An account of the resource ARCUR. é UNATTACHED! ELECTIDOS. INDEPEW D&T On ARCLEK. Pp SYMPATHETIC. RERRESERDTATIOAD VOTE Foe THE NINE NEW ACHITESTLLE MovVEMENST SMDIDATES Fore A STRELG ARevie. ‘UMATTACHED> EeLvecTIOUS PETER WILLIAM HOWE * Now serving Bob Make. ext 231 Duke Houce. (cos Reeere “xt 280 Grsvenst focse, gD As Hawrgey collea Serving om Aocue we tee tae sone a: a Came Yo htm a Ben bie pemnnd Abe nine New tretiiechure Motyed Candidalts Avrdiecalid belay). KKXKX< XKXXX JOHN STEWART ALLAN* NORMAN FRANK ARNOLD MICHAEL DAVID BROAD DAVID JOHN BURNEY PETER JOHN CUTMORE* JOHN DAVID MORGAN GAMMANS JOHN CHARLES PHILLIP GIBB DEREK GLAISTER MANNING HUGH PHILIP MASSEY JOHN DUNCAN MURRAY* MARION ELIZABETH RUTH ROBERTS: DAVID ROEBUCK DAVE SUTTON EDWARD WALKER* You Aan ret yet eearred a Batlet Form Aecvil w 7.Your awuldA Lhe ST es ae please Marg YAS “unettache ol“architects : Ge: AZOUK Elections lw the com! “unattached “ avehitects hes= Bir’ vi ballet ra wun the annvel elec lon of Al2CUK councillors. We hope that yor wml trke ee opportnitt +o rebrin a ston lneleperrclennT Te: and Sy theta re presente CN en APCUK. We recommend the ten Movement ”cavdidates John Allan Norman Avnolel Mick Broad Andy Brown Daar eee 4Now dveb itectre )s@d below. Feter-Cutmore Dovid Hay how Giles Febed David Seaver Eddie Walken Ifyouwoulalae Lirtheruntormation, wie (F AndasSroun (ext, 244) TJebhn Murra (2 @) .Qtepee See eedtsSernce Londo. Berens ofeel Ol-340-803|. Davia ae 7BY Bob Ma (tere 236 26 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource BM/JM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Unrecorded Subject The topic of the resource Notice encouraging unattached architects to vote for 10 NAM candidates https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/add83f54b282d4ba1b34ada684109935.pdf eed61c93101d71311161acb47413e83e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Notice of Unattached Architects Election Description An account of the resource .J. Cutmore .W. Howe David Roebuck Edward Walker 5 5 4 37 cL f 2 8 5 21st November, 1980 A Notice. Confidential The Regulations governing the Election are Nos. 43, 44 and 45 of the Council’s Regulations. If this document is sent to you in error, please return it to the Registrar with particulars of your membership of the Constituent Body concerned. The following representatives were holding office on 31st October, 1980, and are willing to serve again if nominated and elected: Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom On the 31st October, 1980 there were 4638 ‘unattached’ registered persons on the Voters’ List, which entitles the ‘unattached’ Architects to elect 10 representatives on the Council for the year ending March, 1982, i.e. in the proportion of one for every 500, or fraction thereof. Election of Members of the Council for the year ending in March, 1982, under Paragraph 1 (vii) of the First Schedule to the Architects (Registration) Act, 1931. This document is intended only for registered persons who are ‘unattached’ Architects; that is to say, those who on the 37st October, 1980 were not ‘Architects Members’ of any of the following Constituent Bodies, or of their provincial associations: the Royal Institute of British Architects, the Incorporated Association of Architects and Surveyors, the Faculty of Architects and Surveyors, the Architectural Association of London, and the Stamp Section of UCATT. (The term *‘Mem- bers’ comprises Corporate Members (including Fellows, Associates and Licentiates). Students, honorary, corresponding, and retired members are not regarded as ‘members’, and if their names are on the Register of Architects they are classified as ‘unattached’.) 45(3).) S. Allan meetings attended out of a possible .F. Arnold .J. Burney You are invited to complete the enclosed nomination form, which, in order to be valid, must reach the Council’s offices not later than the second day of January, 1987. No person is eligible as a candidate for election unless he is nominated by not less than six ‘unattached’ Architects; a candidate may not nominate himself. (Regs. 44(b) and 45(3).) Nominations must be made on the official form enclosed with this notice. (Regs. 44(c) and An election by ballot will be held if the number of candidates nominated exceeds 10 but not otherwise. If an election by ballot is held, a voting paper will be sent in due course to every person on the voters’ list who has not renounced his voting rights in accordance with Regulation 45(11). Qonwhoan vvoOze (ae ; ; al By order of the Council, Kenneth J. Forder, Registrar VaAnieeE MURRAY amis oe ' BORO ARCHS SERVICKY L,8,OF HARINGEY? 73HallamStret,London,W1N6EE GROSVENOR HSE,THE BROADWAY? LONDON, N8 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARCUK Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1980 Subject The topic of the resource Notice of Unattached Architects Election https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/35192187c0c34096beef58c2b05984cd.pdf 70da21ec3af48f8d6abf8633f3a7c416 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Novemberist Group Subject The topic of the resource Assorted papers from Novemberist Group established to examine design theories and to study housing form. includes Reports and Meeting Notes. Description An account of the resource 2 January 1980 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP t a meeting on 6th December, we agreed to write to to the next meeting at 7.00. you, with an invitation on Thursday 10th January the direction of the group framework for analysis of Alexandra Road and/or Marquess Road. We enclose - a list of people who have expressed interest some notes that try to summarise where the discussions have got to so far our views on what would need to be developed for the sort of analysis of a building that has been mooted. Please invite any others whom you think may like to join. With best wishes 4 ROBIN NICHOLSON & SUNAND at 5 Dryden Street to discuss and possibilities of a 57d Jamestown Road, London NWl 7DB. 01-485 2267 CONTACT LIST Chris Knight Caroline Lewin, John McKean, John Mitchel, John Murray, John Napier, Robin Nicholson, Giles Pebody, Sunand Prasad, Marian Roberts, 4 Newell Street, N.E.L.P., Forest N.E.L.P. El4. 515 8541. Road, E17. 527 2272 37 Landroch Road, N.E.L.P. 41 Roden Street, Mike Rose, 88 Hanover Terrace, Celia Scott, Barry Shaw, 6 Springdale Road, BN2 2SP. Tasker Road, NW5. 485 2689. N8. 7 Highbury Place, 48 Sutherland 125 Grosvenor 340 4359. N5. 485 2267 Square, SEl17. Avenue, N5. 485 2267. N7. 240 2430. Brighton, Sussex 3 Mall Studios, Douglas Smith, Anne Thorn, 2 Reddington Road, Sue Walker, 125 Highbury Hill, 17 Delancey Street, N16. 405 3411 NWl. 405 3411. NW3. 435 4297. N5. 226 5030. 703 7775. Mark Beedle, 83 Willifield Way, NW1l. 485 2267 Jos Boys, 31 Davenant Road, N19. 240 2430 Sue Francis, 9 St. Georges Avenue, N7. 609 2976 Graeme Geddes, Bartlett School of Architecture, Gordon Street, WCl. 387 7050 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP Some Notes A. The present practice of Architecture was open to criticism at two levels - at the level of exposing and questioning the ideological assumptions it made and the economic function it fulfilled; the feminist critique of design guides that was presented at the Workshop was a good example of the former; - at the level of criticising Architectural .theory and practice within the framework of Page one dominant ideology, e.g. building plain bad design. failure and At the 5th Annual Congress of the New Architectural Movement, the Housing Form Workshop raised the question of Architectural Design as a subject that had largely been ignored by NAM in the flurry of other more obviously 'political' issues. The Workshop agreed that: B. . 'Accountability' was closely linked to the level of public debate and informed critical aware- ness about buildings. The professional ethic and jargon effectively discouraged these. The development of a critique (A) and the promotion of a wider debate (8) would be worthy tasks for NAM or a group within NAM. Following the Congress, a group of interested people came together on 21st November (and 6th December) and decided to explore further the problem of an architectural criticism that could reveal the ideological context of a design, locate the architectural style and design, and link these to a materialist analysis of the 'function' of the building. While such a critique would have to overcome the reticence demanded by 'professional responsibilities', it seems imperative to open this debate as widely as possible at this time of major economic change and growing ultra-conservative academic historical nostalgia. page two There would seem to be two clear alternatives for the group depending on the enthusiasm and possible time scale, assuming a hard core of interest and agreement about the broad area:- ” 2. To take on a largely enabling function. This might include — setting ourselves specific tasks; one that has been proposed is an inclusive critique of a recently completed building project like Alexandra Road. This might take the form of an issue of Slate with the group as the editors (see below). An analysis of Alexandra Road (or Marquess Road) would need to cover at least: u Views of say 10 "progressive" architects (e.g. A.D. issue on Sainsbury Centre). fe Analysis of the urban context and its change. sie Location as a piece of architectural design (e.g. Ed Jones' article on Fleet Road in A.D.). 4, The construction as seen by L B Camden Direct Labour Department and a discussion about de- skilling. Ks To set up a group that can do academic work together and establish a theoretical base. The group could meet at regular intervals to discuss prepared material and could invite outside help especially in developing a theoretical understanding of ideology. The group's work might appear in Slate or as a book. Such an approach would need long term commitments from the group's members. (The Political Economy of Housing Workshop is an example of this kind of group). 7 arranging talks by and discussions with people ’ who have already done the sort of work described above; these might or might not be members of the group. : Perhaps these need not be alternatives but could be embraced together: either way the group will need time to function as a group. . *** Bs Discussing the ideological context of views expressed in 2 — 4, 6. Views of Neave Brown, intentions then and feelings now. Be Wishes Reading: "Essex University" A.J. Information Library John McKean "The Political Economy of 20.9.1972 (in Vol.1 of Housing Form" Michael Jones * Political the collected papers of the and Architectural Economy of Housing Workshop) Design 2/79 on the Sainsbury Centre at the University of East Anglia Richard Hill Andrew Peckham and others "Art Supermarket Ignores Users" Slate 10/11 Stephen Hayward "Alexandra Road" Architectural Review 8/79 Robert Maxwell "A Woman's Place" Etcetaraseerrn *Xerox enclosed Slate 13 and others Susan Francis ace Nine of us came to the 10 January meeting of the November 21 group and decided that - 1. We should continue to Pursue the subject. 2. Alexandra Road was a useful immediate focus for our work. 3. By the next meeting we should all read certain relevant articles/papers to begin to establish points of reference and a shared critical base. Those so far suggested are listed below. 4. Everyone interested should try and work out an approach to the critical analysis of Alexandra Road. These would form the basis for the next meeting at which we would try to agree upon a shared approach or 'framework'. 5. We would meet again on February 5 at 7 pm at 5 Dryden Street. Robin Nicholson and Sunand Prasad SeebehOhele) eleleie: ajelevelelereleleieletelelelelele It was also thought that familiarity with the work of John Berger ("Ways of Seeing") and Raymond Williams would be useful. 'y 147 and form in architec- elmingly on the question of P —a Aemaiaea ectngtiaesl <= P aaa Discussions of the relations between material forces ture have in the past concentrated almost overwh aesthetic form or stylistic appearance. This paper sets up a quite different definition of form in architecture, one which is in no way concerned with the problem of the visual appearance of buildings, their aesthetic and psychologic- al effects, or the historical derivation of their stylistic features. The Gefinition of architectural form which will be discussed in this paper is a The problems confronted in this attempt revolved around the question of the degree of autonomy that existed in the development of any particular branch of human society. This question was usually seen as the inverse problem, at a conscious level; of the Gegree of direct influence of material and especially economic factors on the development of social forms. This was generally con- ed as a relation between the individual work as an object in itself and a cial formation essentially external to it, The approach that is developed in this paper is to treat any social artefact, such as a building, as an object produced under certain pre-existing social relations of production, and to analyse it as*an object not in relation to pre- determined relations of Producti6n but as an integral part of those relations, a5 & social product. This approach has been formulated clearly by the German-critic Walter jamin in his paper 'The Author as Producer! written in the 1930s in the ext of the debate about the 'tendency' of the work of art in its political ientation. Benjamin's attempt to redefine the crucial centre of this question follows: tendency and the quality of literary works. and rightly so. THE POLITICAL ECONOMY | OF HOUSING FoRM© The purpose of this paper is to attempt to define some of the elements of a materialist theory of form in architecture. Gefinition related to concepts of a functional nature rather than to concepts of style. In the past, most attention has been directed by Marxists to stylistic questions, particularly in the field of literature and to a lesser extent in that of the visual arts. These attempts to relate stylistic questions to specific historical and material factors met with very varied success. Apart from the immediate problems involved Of developing the Marxist theory of aesthetics, a subject whose very basis is still under question with problems of the application of dialectical materialism to specific areas of human behaviour, these attempts naturally confronted one of the major theoretical problems of Marxism, that of the relationship between base and superstructure, I began with the unfruitful debate concernin: g the relationship between the This argument is discredited It is regarded as a textbook example of an attempt to deal with literary relationships undialectically, with stereotypes. But what if we treat the same problem dialectically? A ST,MilOi i 148 Starting point from which the Sterile dichotomy of form and content can be Surmounte'd(.2) — For the dialectical treatment of this problem - and now I come to the { heart of the matter = the rigid, isolated object (work, novel, book) is of nO use whatsoever, It must be inserted into the context of living social relations, You rightly Point out that this has been undertaken time and 4cain in the Circle of our friends. Certainly, but the discussion has often moved on directly to larger issues and therefore of necessity, has often drifted into vagueness. Socia) relations, as we know, are determined by Production relations. And when materialist Criticism 4pproached a work, it used to ask what was the Position of that work vis a vis the social prod- uction relations of its time. That is an important question, But 4lso a very difficult one. The answer to it is not always unequivocal. And z should like to Propose a more immediate question for your consideration, A question which is more modest, which goes less far, but which, it seems to me, stands a better chance Of being answered. Instead of asking: what is the Position of a Work vis a vis the Production relations of its time, does it underwrite them, is i¢ reactionary, or doos it asplre to Overthrow them, is it revolutionary? ~— instead of this question, or at any rate before this question, I should like to Propose a different one. Before I ask: what is a work's Position vis a vis the Production relations of its time, x should like to ask: what is its Position within them? This question concerns the function of a Work within the literary Production relations of its time. In other words ft is directly concerned with literary technigue. By mentioning technique I have named the concept which makes literary Products &ccessible to immediate Social, and therefore materialist, analy- Sis. At the Same time, the Concept of technigue represents the dialectical This Passage raises the key issue: that the work of art is itself Produced under given social conditions, under certain relations of Production, at a Particular leve) Of social development of techniques, under its own economic conditions of Production, It does not 4pprear from nowhere against a certain Social background, the Superstructure does not @ppear from nowhere as a reflection of the base, but is itsel¢ Produced under given conditions from the economic base of its own category of Social Production. Any artefact Produced by Society is Produced under the Social relations of that Society, whether it is boots ang linen or books and Paintings. a2} these @rtefacts must have a use value: the Point about Works of art being merely that they enter 4 different Category of use values from the necessities of life Such as boots and linen OF even from its material luxuries, All these artefacts must also possess an exchange value, because al) artists must sel) either their labour Girectly, aS in architecture, theatre or film, or must sell the Products Of their labour, whether Paintings or books. Once alienated from the Producer by their initial Sale, they can become commodities is their own Fight, and may be repositories of exchange value for their owners Or even objects of Pure Speculative interest in a direct money=money relation, In this sense there is little Point in attempting to treat the Production of the work of art in a different manner from the Production of any other commodity, and the Study of the Social conditions ©f production of the indivig- ual commodity, or artefact, or Work of art, is as Benjamin Says in the Passage already Quoted, likely to throw more light on the relation between the Product- 149 or particular and the Production of commodities in What is being studied is not the yeneralised relation between the particular category of works of art and the social relations of production in society as a whole, but the production of a particular commodity or category of commod-: ities as a concrete example of commodity production. The study of the development of one category of commodity production is therefore the Study of an individurl Segment of the total. social process and will expose the development of the particular circumstances of Production of the individual commodity category, such as the changing level of technique, the particular social relations of Production obtaining in that Category, as examples of the total movement of the social forces of Production, ae ettalontda eeeeeeee Sreyeaah1etree { ion of that commodity in { general. ; The generic form of the walk-up block of flats or maisonettes is a solution to the problem of housing people at a certain level of density under certain technical conditions of means of access. Variations of density, created by land costs and Possible rent levels, variations in block spacing created by social concepts of acceptable daylighting and Privacy standards, height of blocks in relation to sectally ‘acceptable means of access, such as numbers of Storeys to climb without lifts, demands for access to certain minimum areas of private open space and so on combine at different Periods to produce the In this paper we wish to concentrate on the Problems of definition of the physical consequences of these social conditions of production as expressed in the production of the Commodity housing. The particular aspect of these 7 physical consequences which we want to define in greater detail is that of the general building form, of the geometrical form of the individual building block. It would clearly be possible to analyse physical consequences at Several levels, from the question of the spatial distribution of Gifferent types of buildings as a function of ground rents, the distribution of types of Social functions within the city, to the level of analysing the changes in the internal planning of houses and how this has reflected changes in the techni- cal level of servicing and the social Structure of family life. (3) In the analysis we use the term ‘generic form' in relation to buildings to denote a formal quality common to a wide range of building types. Thus we arque that the tenements built during the nineteenth century (either by companies to house their workers or by the early municipal slum clearance schemes), and the five and six Storey walk-up blocks of the 53 philanthropy of the Peabody and Similar trusts at the turn of the century, and the inter-war local authority flats of four and five Storeys (usually balcony access), and the post-war four and three Storey blocks, culminating in the current designs for four storey Maisonettes (usually with a stepped section or ziggurat appearance) are all variations on a typical generic form, and that the differences between them ‘ i Particular variations to the generic form described above. are a development or a sophistication of the generic form into the particular form. The economic determinants of housing form which we wish to analyse in this paper are those which are fundamental to the Process of housing development in Britain, which determine the form of housing under capitalist market condit- ions, and Which determine the form of housing provided by the state under monopoly capitalism(,4) 9°©|.°————————___ ~ ile Hot ae J Whond jie Va \S Wold ouncy =Ne hee ett 150 pitalist conditions the Purpose t, and at least the average try. There is no Supply of new le to pay enough rent or a + Thus the production Ger conditions where the ssional architects (with their fively and by Producing ation. hi are those arising from sale. The conditions of production of this Sector of the As with any other commodity produced under ca of building houses to sell is to realise a profi rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of indus housing forthcoming for those social groups unab high enough purchase Of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place un reduction of - He naturally tends to reduce the costs of avoiding the use of profe minimum scales of fees), by using designs repeti The decline of the private rental sector gains from the appreciation of house prices Sectors of the population for access to the Owner-occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Societies, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting in deciding how much to lend, admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when Calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women. There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with Unconventional borrowers and properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identi- inherently simple designs requiring little elabor, fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved. >» The essential feature of the market for Speculative housing is that the commodity for sale is not the individual house as such but the legal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This Question of legal title has far reaching implications in terms of the capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist Society and the position of the male ‘head Of the family' as the dominant form of the production and reproduction of the family. These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - @ product of their Position within the capitalist financial Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies |! are borrowing short ang investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in Protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to happen on any scale, the increase in the supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence ibility that lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach the norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and construction, and the Possibility of capital gives rise to demands by widening Aveinon etJ 150 the purpose least the average is no Supply of new As with any other commodity produced under capitalist conditions of building houses to sell is to realise a Profit, and at rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of industry. There housing forthcoming for those social Qroups unable to Pay enough rent or a high enough purchase price to yield this rate of return. Thus the Production of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place under conditions where the reduction of costs 1s essential to the builder. He naturally tends to reduce the costs of design by avoiding the use of Professional architects (with their minimum scales of fees), by using designs repetitively and by producing inherently simple designs requiring little @laboration. gal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This question of legal title of the production and reproduction of the family. y' as the dominant form has far reaching implications in terms of the Capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist society and the Position of the male ‘head of the famil The decline of the private rental sector and the Possibility of capital gains from the appreciation of house prices gives rise to demands by widening Sectors of the population for access to the owner=occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Socicties, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting borrowers and houses to leng on and in deciding how much to lend. They now admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women, There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with unconventional borrowers and Properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identj- fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved, These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - 4& product of their Position within the Capitalist financia) Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies are borrowing short ana investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to happen on any Scale, the increase in the Supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence that building societies must protect themselves against the poss- ibility that Properties may lose their value or be difficult to resel) by lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach tho norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and Construction, leeeeeee |} commitments for communal areas. term management | A The other fundamental determinant of form in this co! OF |. Since the Selling price of a house is so heavily influenced by location, ana -so ne hee e nttn ep-evhemeal tee ae 151 Therefore building societies also prefer to sell to the most Stable unit of Social relations - the nuclear family, preferably headed bY 4 male wage earner and also with an emphasis on Stability of income, hence white collar Salary eCarnérs are preferred to blue collar wage earners, The sale of a legal title to land has the consequence that @verything which iS not sold to individual owners must be designed to be adopted ‘by the local |} design of roads, footpaths, verges, open spaces and Streetlighting. This necessity arises because the housebuilding Companies are int ey vig45 ca lg 5 ca ® r ? a =mh 2 3ce a 2, °o t the builders ntext is the method of peration of the housebuilders themselves and their relation to the landowner. It was these last which led to the failure of Span over their development at New Ash Green. Set of determinant paper factors such the social Planning reasons for the es of cities or the part played by q @uthority and must conform to its Standards, This has an obvious impact on the the sale of ‘the Commodity itself, and wish to avoid any long the borrowing Capacity of individuals by the building Societies, work backwards from the price of the house ¢© arrive at a residual amount which is what they can afford to bid for the land. There are two main variables in this process. The first, density, is now generally fixed by the Planning authority so that any density ‘increase {obtainable after the land is bought) will be a windfall Profit; the second is the size, shape and construction cost of the houses themselves. The position of the landowner is so Strong (owing to the existence of other builders towhom he could equally sell) as to force the builder to reduce the construction cost of houses, so far as local competition allows, in order to maximise the residual amount wh land. It is therefore inevitable that in the market for housing for sale, the be reduced to the simplest rectangle constructed from the cheapest materials(5,) The only exception to this can come when there is very strong competition in @ particularly sophisticated sector of the market. This can be seen operat- ing in the case of Span and Wates, who are 4ppealing to the young married rofessional market in the South East = a situation where the consumer is both phisticated and has a very wide range of potential choice, from a flat in Own tO a reasonable sized house in the country. In order to attract this market sector,these companies have been forced to increase their competitive- ness by offering an increased Specification, a more complex appearance to the houses, greater emphasis on communal and shared spaces, a greater expenditure on landscaping and the introduction of long-term managerial responsibilities. In the case of housing provided by the state a different factors operates, It is not intended to investigate in this 2s land costs, the role of interest rates, rehousing of the working class in the centr j Private capital in the centres of cities or the part played by private capital “ppropriating Private profit from the provision of local authority housing. ; Other papers in this collection concern themselves with such topics. The main factor which will be analysed here is the manner in authority housing is determined by a complex system on the level of state expenditure, interacting with technology. —s After 1945 a common form of housing was the walk-up point block of between four and five storeys around a central stair. This was as high as housing management felt that tenants would be prepared to walk to their front doors. Tiiis form was soon replaced by the three to four storey walk-up block and the six storey lift block. Six storeys became the norm for a time partly because it could be served by only one lift without undue hardship during failures, and partly because the central government subsidies incréased from 38s. per annum per flat up to five storeys to 50s. at six storeys and over: thus a block six storeys high would often be treated more favourably for subisdy Purposes than a rather higher or lower one. The next development was a rapid increase in height to 100 ft or about eleven storeys. This came about because until 1956 when the separate subsidy for lifts was abolished, the government made an allowance of 10 guineas per annum for each dwelling served by a lift up to a maximum of fifty dwellings per lift. This figure tended to become a local authority standard for the maximum number of dwellings serviced by lifts. A number of other factors also reinforced this height. Section 51 of the London Building Act, for example, gave the right to owners or occupiers whose property lay within 300 f of a new building designed to exceed 100 ft in height to object on grounds of loss of amenity. The London Building Act requirements for access for fire fighting and for means of escape also changed at over 100 ft. Mains water pressure in many districts was inadequate over this height without boosting or additional storage facilities. One hundred feet was a reasonable maximum for low speed (100 ft per min.) lifts: the lift for a 5 storey block at that period would cost £2,500, only another £500 being required to increase in height to eleven Storeys but an additional £1,000 would have been required for a high speed lift. After a number of legislative problems were overcome, the point bjock increased to between 20 and 22 storeys on the basis of two lifts serving alternate floors, as the maximum possible utilisation. This type of analysis could be made for every aspect of local authority housing, demonstrating how the authorities and their designers exploit the financing system. This is a quite different problem fromthe straightforward reduction of building cost operated by the commercial builder. In the case of local authority housing, there are no market forces in terms of differential rent levels (or very much reduced ones) to constrain the individual designer and there has been no direct popular control over the designer's priorities. This has resulted in the familiar situation that the designs of local authority housing are able to become increasingly bizarre and removed from those of thic ‘market sector’ where at least some element of consumer choice operates. 152 This control does not operate solely through the mechanism of the Housing Cost Yardstick, but in a more detailed fashion through the individual regula- tions governing every aspect of housing, and which have therefore come to represent not minima but norms. The operation of this process can be seen if we take the example of the height of point blocks and analyse their change over time. This is to ignore other factors which assisted the development of this form of housing, ranging from the convenience of the point block for dealing with the vexing question of on-site decanting of residents while re- development takes place, to the desire of some architects for a form (in a Platonic sense) which provides aesthetic emphasis in an essentially sculptural “urban design’ process. ai Michael Jones & Bichard Fill NOTES 2. BENJAMIN, Walter, ‘The Author as Producer'. 153 i: The form of speculative housing develops along an opposite path to that of local authority housing. In the house for sale on the market, the generic form is extremely generalised - the minimal rectilinear box - while the individual elements of the house such as the level of servicing or the provision of specific amenities or the design of functional areas is unconstrained and varies from builder to builder. In the case of the local authority house, the individual elements are strictly defined both in terms of nationally applicable ndards and in terms of specific feedback from tenants mediated through ‘ng management, but the overall form and the plan relationships are uncon- strained except by the relation between subsidy, and financial control and technolocy already discussed. +. This version of the paper incorporates revisions and notes by the editor- ial group which reflect discussion in the workshop of a draft and in later correspondence and discussion with the authors, the authors’ own revisions not being to hand at the time of going to press. (Eds.) 3. Many of the other papers in this collection relate to aspects of this analytical problem: numbers 2, 3 and 4 on rent and the consequences of Private land ownership, number 5 on the form and equipment of high rise flats and. number 6 on residential development. The reference to the family in this paper indicates one of the major gaps in the collection as a whole: & consideration of the family as the basic unit of social organisation and of the occupation of dwellings. An analysis of the crisis of social rela- tions surrounding and beyond the family would-help to clarify both many aspects of the physical form of housing (e.g. the elimination of communal rooms and services from groups of dwellings) and the authoritarianism and paternalism of public housing management. Paper 7 on housing associations is also relevant here. 4 discussion of the contrasting building forms generated by leasehold and freehold development under capitalism has been withdrawn by the authors at this point pending further work on the inter-relationship of density, ground rent and construction costs. (Eds.) In this context the proliferation of stylistic variations in speculative housing is seen not as a weakening of the generic form but as a kind of Product. differentiation applied within it. (Eds.) Dear Novemberist, sense.) Production '. os Reproduction promised, notes from our last session (6/Feb/80) Justin/ John McK uLLExekxayprauekex and Doug offered approaches for the critical analysis of Alexandra Road; J/J vacked seminar Sessions, for instance on one particular piece of erticism (case study) or on a mode of criticism (ideology) or on a comparison (South Woodham Perrars before and after). Through seminar papers we can & pet ushy to agreement on'{me thodology for the group. It was suggested that Jane Darke talk about her paper. She declin hurxuze she is unhappy with the Althusserian Base/Superstructure model it uses, having read EB, P Thompson's critque ( in ‘Poverty of Theory'.) The paper also needed to further unpack the notion of zeitgiest/ concensus model, she said, and show more clearly how buildings reflect: the dominant class rather than the spirit of the age. So Doug talked about his diagram which attempted to locate archi in relation to production and reproduction (usei in the Althuss-< see Cynthia Coekburns "The Local State'. Althusser Suggests that the management of society is now located in lieoloszic institutions as firmly as in state apparatuses, Habermas (The Leritimation Cyisis') reckons that modern capitalism is constantly fretting itself in a twist by rising expectations without meeting them and must therefore continually ideology; an inversion of social relations; ie, the Opposite of real tegitimise its activity ideo from jos 31 DAVENANT ROAD N19 01-272 7556 7/2/80 b legitimators!.... a matrix with parts that don't fit ana therefare cause legitimation problems? Education is ang essential part in ideology, and linke to notions of professionalism. See Johnsons "Professions and Power." In dicussion Lipman's category of total architecture was linked back | to the ideclogy of professionalasm and of patronage; architects here offer a coherent and orderdd image which can be distinguished and | separated from other forms; as identifiable objects. Look at Coin Strret / Posters Hammersmith to investigate contradictions between total architecture and community. There was some criticism of Dougs diagram in that it applied that everything linked back, and was directly related to the repression necessary for the continuation of capital. Although capitalism can j be seen as the current dominant mode that pervades all ways -of life, | aspects of it can also be appropriated by other groups besidesthe iominant | class and used against capitalism; moreover, repressive controls often embody contradiction — housing for instance may be in the service of capitalbutitalsorepresentsarealvictorySOFteyorengClgSeee hnuxxzngx c 7S Someone suggested looking at John Bergers analysis of culturxal appropriation wix“apitzk by capitalism in "Ways of Seeing" or Raymond Willians "Country and the City" or Mark Girouards "Country Houses", which shows how architectural styles reinforced social relations. Architects lesign bhildings that other people make; economics will affect style, however architects retain a degree of artistic autonomy. : But any criticxsm from the group should not fall into Nop*dateinedy gohsiscgere" presuming these asethetic choices to h-ve a separate existence from political reality; elegance relategs to economy an obsession with consistency and order relates to reproduction; a coherent visual world somehow implées a coherent social order..... does that mean that architects should design disorder? Within a exptizx capitalist mode of production attempts at disorden/ worker or user participant (with wuz disorder architecturally'showing' participation) are undertaken within the traditional power structure; this could be seen as a relative autonomy that is merely repressive tolerance 5 allowing worker control at unimportant levels to release frustrations which might otherwise lead to real class struggle. Vernacular in council housing indicates this sort of gloss, as does conservation, p Fp Lots of love Jane and Doug promised to produce reading lists; Jane surgested anything by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham (particularly "Women Take Issue") for useful methodologies. SereSEe UTE -eae FEEge ee wD We then dicussed Alexandra Road; Jane had sail eatlier that in that case architecture had been usea to lemitimatée x housing on,a site which should never have been used for that purpose. She also sugsested that the group should not place judgement on the estate; that in the end it was the occupiers opinion that mattered. We agreed that the object was not to give (or not give) a seal of approval tb Alexandra Road. ; But were we after the same things? Do we want to investigate the process of production of the building? Do we want to form opinions? Should we investigate more fully other processes ( the deskilling of the building iniustry for instance — which in turn relates back to the artisic autonomy allowed to architects and the 2 privileged position therefore gained)? Gah the WHR wrrovet- asyecti f oneheteohie whet, ave Yahkew Pr grvdiot ebentire? We agreed to use Alexandra Road in order to develop our levels of architectural criticism. : Hach person is therefore asked AT THE NEX2 MEETING to produce a statement outlining how they might undertake a study of Alexandra Road, NEXT MEETING IS fUES 4 MARCH at 5 Dyeyden Street, -imda London WC2 at 7pm NOVEMBER GROUP Meeting - 2th March,1980 MINUTES: Alternative approaches suggested- Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez & Nezdet, Adrain & Sunand. “ We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \#his period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Wag too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 arneas- i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3 phases. ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing._— iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR. To examine the politics of form and the politics of style - There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented. Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal — he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both. To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study- For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. for instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with uninteerrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes etc at the ends? Adrian/Jos disoussed the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form ‘as/ found" rather than levelled et the conschousms of the designer re. Maxwells approach. To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' - Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne % Darkes Essex Road scheme would be useful - the schemes had cifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences? Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes:would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form? In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was impossible to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.' NOVEMBER GROUP Meeting - 24th March,1980 MINUTES: Alternative. approaches suggested- There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented. Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as\they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal - he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both. Adrian/Jos disgussed_the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form *as{ found' rather than levelled at the conscdousress of the designer re. Maxwells a Broach. Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez & Nezdet, Adrain & Sunand. : We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \this period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Was too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 areas- i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3-.phases. ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing.— iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR. To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study- To examine the politics of form and the politics of style - For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. For instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with unintecrrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes ete at the ends? To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' - Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne «= Darkes Essex Road scheme would be useful - the schemes had eifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences? Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes-would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form? In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was pupassi ble to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.' Further questions to be answered - |\[ References for Alexandra Road: Next Meetings: Monday, 24st April,i980@ Cullinans Office i Monday 28th April,1980 DYA P.S. 7d Dy cenastann Road, at 7.30 (entrance from yard) @ UCL at 7.00 with Corin Hugh-Stanton - discussion Room 4.01 One ‘point of view' was a Hillier-type spatial analysis. Doug is doing one for AR, Jos could do the corner blocks near AR, and Justin could do a comparative scheme such as Essex Road. Sunand presented some plans of AR site layout with some press comments. He asked whether the stress on technical criteria such as the "noise problem'could be exaggerated - a further justification for the formal approach of Browns scheme — it had not been stressed to the same degree in the tower blocks. Neave Brown wanted to - JONES, Ed,article in AD, Vol 48 nos 8-9, 1978 (issue on France)on Fleet Road HUGH-STANTON, Corin, article in Buildine Design, Sept/Oct 1978 together with anonymous reply a week later BANHAM, Reyner, articlein New Sotiety, approx August, 1978. BROWN, Neave, article The Forms of Housing in AD, Sept, 1967 JONES, Ed, article in Architects Journal 8th Sept.19/6 MAXWELL, Bob , Architectural Review, Aug,1979 review of scheme "rework the London terrace! (compare with Hillier analyses of typical terraces) create ‘a model of democratic architecture! a Team 10 approach — create ‘streets as machines for delivering people.' John suggested a_short-¢ t of looking at press cuttings on AR in Camdens Dept. Graeme sugrested setting! up a working Barty to find a 'framerork for action'. This was agreed anf Justin, Jos, Graeme & Sunand agreed to meet and report back. Justin sugeested re-reading Jane JACOBS, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Why so much play space, breaking-up the 'parks'? What is Camdens policy on direct access from housing to public space? What were the problems with site boundaries - was the incorporation of the Ainsworth Estate complicated by the handover of GLC housing stock to Camden? Check the date of the setting up 6f the Architects Department Who designed the tower blocks? What was the role of SAG Cook? What was the role of the building companies? There seemed to be & lobby in the Architects Dept for formal solutions, and a need for a scheme to be a\pace setter - was this scheme AR? What were the contemporary commnents-in-the local and national press:on the scheme? \ John McKean would be very glad to have any comments on a piece he wrote in the AJ recently on two Hampshire Schools. He would be pleased to see argued responses using his piece as a taking off point for a discussion about the assesment of buildings for and by the architectural profession sent to the AJ for publication. The Buildings Editor would be keen on receiving this sort of material. If a number of considered comments could be offered to the AJ it would help raise the level of discussion usually found in its pages. Can we also bring some considered views on the piece for discussion at the next meeting. P Pp was inevitable and that , rather than att mpt value judgem problems of relating words to drawings tempt to develop a more democratic ter hi were more informing, ' is ie le however naysre seen as existing @ precondit to change would be Se sions and ieneicee to form a newPAGnineT sae which conchudes ds and terms in _and to S was impossible, invariably tied to partichlar convention alyse the editorials of views over lue to this problem. Nec had done to the captions of the Aalto ex Robin would also an Lipman ‘Architectur t there the devel should read Willter'e (An4+na?)\ ©O study how technological Iknowledce was us ersective over the last 70 ye rs. To of "innovatio . On the one hand was the stock in trade of architects, their '‘imagination’. If this were not a he been superceded by other ‘technical’ ion was that there was noreal innovation in echnolory was cevelpoed eieeraetne profession, applied this Imowledge to bufliings. 1t there are two basic kinds of prof Imoul which can be learnt from books and procedurised, erminate' Imowledge, which concerns judgement, sensid i with precedents. It can only be learnt by personAL cultural tradition. ‘Innovation’ is a fairly recent ae al justification. ects had little part to5 plas except when it s distinction separated science from out the paradox of Corb rendering blockwork buil1dir concrete, whiile FLY concealed his sophisticateds orvi pecific technologies were adopted for simple aesth ic sugeested that ‘technical’ knowledge is usua}ly more derminate' knowledge, which is essentially consse particular tools ract een Nash Recrnneeic promenade, Regency building. G vere sinilar © those apenas in lity’, munich is not Conficmed by act 3. Straig¢ htenness was seen as monotonous and Sorinnt curvefreesthebuildingfrommechanistivicassoSas Fron down and rationalistic, it is formal and well-craft the actual construction of the cross walls themselves, Tac Nec wondered if there was a process of innovation in council| which could then be applied to the private sector. It may be wers pega innovationwentfrompublictoprivate(egtowers, , but there was also a reverse process where social onl the wivate to the public. Apparently Dick Hobin argues is used-to suit the needs of the building industry, rather% consumers, and hés made a study of Camden with that in min talk to tenants groups and the mainkexannte manen crent tried to obtain contract and cost files, but while the continues, there is little hard info available. Nec will use his student work in a manner prallel to Robin > patterns of concepts, but he requires the development of a ¢ will exanine only written work, and not the scheme itself. Prorxa 1 July Sunand & Graere/John tp present outline 12th August Nec ditto 16th September Dousiee/ouatin ditto Ay} m All neetings on Turesday at 7.00 at 57d Jamestown Rd, Arm ACS ce 1? © bcd ona NAM NOVEMBERISTS Very belated (v. sorry) notes on Meeting held of 15th July 1980 PRESENT: Nec, Graeme, Sunand, Adrian, Justin, Celia, Robin, Renata, Alexi, Ron. As previously arranged we began to discuss our individual specific findings in an attempt to concentrate our efforts. Sunand's investigations of tenants' views based on interviews. Housing Department Easy to pun estate but any problem can become a big problem because of size of estate;first tenants selected: graffiti-free perhaps largely because of evening patrolling demanded by insurer of the glass lifts. Big issues include - cats (dogs are banned) heating (erratic and complicated) Other issues include - old people v. kids (noise) cross ventilation difficult in A block internal kitchens unpopular Out of sight car parking unpopular upper gallery in A block floods no more and probably less than its share of management resources to run it. Tenant Rep. "Street" Seems to work, e.g. 6 p.m. on a nice evening; Considerable "pride" in estate -"Costa del Rowley", i.e. more Mediterranean hotel image Tourists can be a drag; A definite success. Novemberists!' Comments: than Council estate; To what extent is the "popularity" due to lavish expense and great attention and good management? Compared with other Camden estates, Alexandra Road demands Is Alexandra Road draining off "good" tenants and thus leaving Abbey Road to collect all the "problems"? A tide of desirability - check child density - what is anti- social behaviour especially when thereis a high degree of self-surveillance? The rent rebate system tends to destroy rent as a regulator. Newness versus design - Frankenberg's work and Milton Keynes experience could help. How does the design eliminate the ventilated lobby and satisfy means of escape requirements? NAM NOVEMBERISTS How does the domestic space "read" to the occupants? Do all estates necessarily enjoy popularity for only a limited time and therefore encourage movement from one estate to the next? Do Camden analyse their estates and if so how? They do not use the DoE kit. While social control on an estate is based on private propery ideology, many tenants' associations want "good management." There was a necessarily unresolved discussion about the need for a theoretical framework for such work but much appreciation of an empirical '‘ear.' Check out John Mason - DoE's historical management study. What is the particular knowledge that causes the design profession to exist and how does that relate to the building produced? What can architects keep for themselves and what can be ‘made more democratic.'? (Technical v indeterminate knowledge, etc.). Does historical precedent inform context does the design of housing happen? Is there a false apposition between ae solving and the modification of precedents? llow is Alexandra Road an incorporated bit of a city? How is Alexandra Road a "type" of estate? Next meeting was held on August 12 at 7.30 p.m. The one after will be held on September 16 at 7.30 p.m. at 57d Jamastown Road, London NW1. page 2 design? And in what Graeme raised some areas of interest to be developed with John which included: NAM NOVEMBERTSTS I. Presentation by Doug Smith a) Site layout. Alpha analysis shows that the strest has been ‘overconstituted! while the park is ‘unconstituted' i.e. all access to dwellings is from the street, and even maisonettes with gardens adjacent SUMMARY OF MESTING, 14th October, 1980 NAM Annual Conference will be held in Edinburgh 7th - 9th November. Details from 01 272 0580 after 6 p.m. Doug presented the analysis of Alexandra Road he has so far completed in two parts: firstly, the contrast between Alexandra Rd's street and a traditional street and secondly, an analysis of the estate and dwelling layout based on Bill Hillier's techniques. A brief summary of the analysis is presented below. a tanitneLD Next Meeting of Novembrists will be held on Wednesday 19th November at 7.30 p.m., 57D Jamestown Road, NW1. At that meeting we will discuss the group's achievements so far and future directions, Attended by : Adrian} Robin; Jos; Nec; Graeme; Giles; Doug; Sunand; John M~.; Alexi Ellis' article in On The Streets (Ed. S Anderson) compares the physical and social characteristics of a traditional street with the transformed street system of new council estates as follows: The traditional street is part of 4 continuous system in which buildings and road form a united element; change can be accomm- Odated along the edge by changing ind‘ vidual buildings; little social information is carried; it is dense and permeable i.e. one can get anywhere along it; it provides a rich encounter system for random_and unstructured events. By contrast, the transformed street System of new council estates is made up of islands and barriers which cannot absorb change; less ground coverage; less permeable sparsely spaced buildings; undifferentiated left over spaces; concentration on object to object relationship, not object to topography; high level of social information is carried usually about a single use on the site; unstructured events are eliminated; houses are off the street; controlled by state agencies; visitors are conspicuous; women are isolated; children's play is isolated (either from adults when play occurs in open space or from children when play occurs in flats); old people require special facilities; space is designed to separate and control people whether in the form of blocks of flats or garden cities. i) Pratitional street vs Alexandra Road Doug suggests that the pre-demolition wide streets of Alexandra Rd bounded by large semi-detached é@xellings approximates Ellis' des- cription of an untransformed street while the new 'street' has little to do with the traditional pattern - it doesn't G0 anywhere, ds not continuous with the rest of the city, and, although most Gwellings are reached via the street, no front doors are situated on it, Hillieresoue Analysis (abbreviated summary - details & diagrams from Doug) yi di) Hillieresoue Analysis ~- The uninitiated in the Group had some difficulty with the assumptions and language (jargon) of the Hillier analytical system (dogma). b) Dwelling layout Analysis of room configuration leads to the conclusion that for all dwelling types save 1 bedroor flats, the kitchen is consistently the ‘deepest! space. Doug concludes that Neave rown's ideal house design is that of a "Hampstead dinner party space' in which the kitchen, and by implication the woman, has been isolated from other activities in the dwellivg and is under the 'control' of the male-dominated spaces through which the kitchen is reached. Since this is an obviously disfunctional arrangement for other activities such as childcare, Doug concludes that the arrangement has come about for symbolic value. The kitchen has become the inner sanctum. The carefully detailed finishes emphasise its symbolic importance, II. Discussion i)Traditional street to the park have no direct access to it. This has several effects: the park is of little value to the residents; the street and hence the residents are highly controlled; the. street is oppressive to non-residents. The ‘axiality' of the design i.e. the fact that long range vistas of the scheme are provided, indicate the importance of the scheme and invite public use. - It was felt that Ellis! description idealised traditional street form and life in a way which conformed neither with physical reality nor residents! attitudes to the street which was in fact often viewed as noisy, polluted, unprivate. = John pointed out that other designers have justified different designs by alluding to traditional street values which they were purportedly emulating e.g. Smithsons' Golden Lane comp- etition entry defining street as a place where milk floats could go. : - The stepped section of Alexandra Ra was in itself a form which differentiates it from traditional streets. - This difficulty was increased by the fact that no Hillier analysis is yet available of more conventional housing to facilitate comparisons, and by the fact that some of the key relationships depend on non-intuitive results reached with aid of computerised calculations. - Anxieties were also voiced on the validity of developing a spatial language which does not include the people using and controlling the space. - Jos summarised the main implicit assumption. of the analytical ' scheme as the Goal of creating an open spatial system in which all routes are open to non-residents. The analysis is therefore concerned with entries and accessibility from one space to another. It disregards other factors such as distance, scale, héight, volume or other spatial qualities, and icnores quality of materials, finishes or style. It cannot accomuodate the concept of who controls boudaries at this stage. a) Site layout bd) Dwelling Lavout ~ Et was pointed out that at this stage, the language is still being devised, definitions are being altered, and further° developments can be expected. Only 2 other residential developments have as yet been examined: Boundary St and Marquess Rd, ~- Doug's conclusions seemed to have been corroborated by Sunand's findings from discussions with resident repres- entatives and housing management i.e. the street seems to work as a focus of unstructured activity while the park is underutilised and definitely not loved. - The implied causal relationship between ‘axiality' (long vista) and attraction of visitors and tourists to places like Alexandra Rd was disputed. ~ The need for comparative analysis with other dvellings was mentioned several times - The argument that the kitchen location has symbolic import needed to be considered against the argument that the location was determined purely by functional requirements, i.e., Given the constraints of (usually) single aspect dwellings with Parker Morris standards the kitchen must be located toward the back of the dwelling with access through living or dining areas. ~ The concept of ‘control! of spaces and implied extension to control of female by male requires clarification since it appears as either environmental determinism or a simple case of a pathetic fallacy. ‘ ——— - The discussion didn't really end there but continued in one of the local pubs. However by that late hour no thought was given to the minutes... See you at the next meeting, 19th November. Apologies from: Adrian Present: Robin, Sunand, Doug, Nec, Alexi, Celia, Justin, Graeme. NAM'S NOVEMBERISTS 1ST BIRTHDAY MEETING - NOVEMBER 19TH 1980 The meeting started with a report from Giles (not present) on the recent NAM Conference in Edinburgh, noting its mood of militancy in reaction to the current climate and its decision to concentrate opposition to the dismantling of the welfare state. A report from our group was submitted though only as a written Paper which was not discussed very much. What reaction there was tended to scepticism about the relevance of work in Architectural Theory - albeit engaging political economy — at a time when rather more fundamental issues were at stake. Giles and John had defended the work of the group, pointing out that it was vital not to abandon the field of theory to the mainly reactionary gurus currently enjoying vogue. The meeting felt that our report was an accurate description of the group's work so far - its necessary briefness highlighting our lack of focusbut failing to do justice to the great Geal of interest and fresh thought that this first year's meetings had generated. There was a general discussion about the group - its past and the problems of its future. Sunand and others felt that the 'academics' had the time to Pursue these interests, and did background work anyhow, while the 'practitioners' did not. Doug and Graeme explained the similar difficul- ties for the 'academics' especially for those on Hillier's course. There were diverse views on the need/desirability for producing finished work. Nec felt that given the different approaches of members, we should fix our aim On @ presentation in 6 months and then deal with the editorial problem. Alexi reminded us that we need not (/should not?) confine ourselves to Alexandra Road. Adrian who could not attend had sent a message to the same effect. It was finally agreed to Produce draft papers (not outlines of the work that would lead up to a Paper). It was decided that we should present the papers at an all-day session on Sunday March lst Starting at 10 a.m. at Justin's house, 54 Southwood Lane, London N6. Tel: 01-348 0735. All members should bring some drink and some dish/food to share. : it was decided to hold a pre-meeting at 7.30 p.m. on Thursday 19th February at Jacques Wine Bar, Tavistock Square, London WCl, to allow pre-distribution of Papers. This is strictly voluntary and allows people to work in their preferred way. Members should bring 18 copies of their papers typed with a large margin to allow room for others to comment either on 19th February or on lst March. If you do not/cannot bring your paper on the 19th, please write by then to Sunand and Robin with a 2-line description of your theme to allow some ordering of the day. t is intended that this one-day session will permit the group to assess its future direction or indeed existence! We edited the list of members as~follows:- Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5 703 9896 Jos Boys 31 Davenant Road London N19 Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6 Adrian Forty c/o Bartlett School of Arch. Gordon Street London WCl Jane Darke 173 Rustings Drive Sheffield S1l 7AD 0742 66 l4o Benedict. Foo 44 Grafton Terrace 272 7556 348 0735 London NW5 Graeme Geddes 13 Curtis House Morecame Street London SE17 John McKean 7O Thornhill Road Barnsbury Square London Nl Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Place London N5 485 2267 Giles Pe body 48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775 Celia Scott 3 Mall Studios Tasker Road London NW3 485 2689 Nec & Emel Teymur328 9550 31 Lauradale Road&8&3 4061 London N2 633 7170 Renate Prince 83 Fitzjohns Avenue London NW3 435 4278 Sunand Prasad 125 Grosvenor Avenue London N5 485 2267 Douglas Smith 17 Delancey Street London Nwl 267 8268 Julia Wilson-Jones 48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775 633 8340 703 7140 387 7050 ; 607 0700 Alexi Marmot 58 Woodsome Road London NW5 John Murray 37 Landrock Road London N&8& 485 6341 340 359 > Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Novemberist Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1979-1981 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/de47d02d3470650b4eccafa46490e3ff.pdf 06250635f1919ec1e222244d20669ce0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Alternative Practice Description An account of the resource This investigated other forms of organisation of architects' offices based around the concept of cooperative working and shared equity. Several members went on to establish their own practices adopting such models. A pre-eminent example was Support Community Building Design, which emerged from a small group of graduates from the Architectural Association which went on to create a cooperative practice focused on potential client groups in society which traditionally were not the beneficiaries of the architectural profession which, we would have said, was essentially the handmaiden of capital. These groups eventually included local authority tenants, women's groups including refuges, ‘black’ i.e. racially self-defined groups. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Occasional Paper Subject The topic of the resource Characteristics of Community Architecture 19pp Description An account of the resource �THE CHARACTERISTICS OF COMMUNITY ARCHITECTURE AND COMMUNITY TECHNICAL AID Edited by Tom Woolley WHO IS PARTICIPATING? Towards a new professional role. N. John Habraken TOWARD A THEORY Of PARTICIPATION IN ARCHITECTURE C. Richard Hatch WHAT IS COMMUNITY TECHNICAL AID? A talk to the Annual Conference of the Association of Community Technical Aid Centres — Liverpool, April 27, 1985. Tom Woolley May 1985 �Preface 'Community Architecture' has received a great deal of attention from architectural papers and a small amount from national newspapers. However, attempts to define the term or to explain its characteristics and reasons for its emergence have been done in only the most superficial and journalistic terms. The three papers included here give a general overview of the subject but locate discussion of the role of designers and architects in a broader analysis of politics, economics and concepts of participation and professionalism and try to go more deeply into the subject. There is a pressing need for more detailed and specific accounts of the way in which lay people, user groups and comunity action can involve professionals but it is also essential that this should be informed by a broader view. All three papers here attempt to provoke discussion and debate around these broader issues. The first, by John Habraken, was given at an International Conference on Design Participation in April 1985 in Eindhoven. Habraken, whose ideas of 'Supports' were highly influential in the 1960s as a critique of insensitve mass housing, set up the SAR, a research unit in Eindhoven. In 1975 he moved to MIT in the USA. Habraken neatly stands the normal discourse on participation on its head. Instead of allowing people to participate, he argues it is the professionals who should be asking if thu can participate and what they have to contribute. This is a refreshing perspective when most of the journalistic accounts of community architecture give all the credit to the architects and invariably present them as the initiators of participation. The second paper by Richard H?tch sets out the principal ideas in the book, which he edited, The Scope of Social Architecture, (published by Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1984). Hatch argues that the success of participation in architectural projects must be measured not so much through issues of design product and participation, but how such projects create opportunities for people to change their lives. While I reached similar conclusions in my PhD thesis (Community Architecture: An Evaluation of the Case for User Participation in Design, Oxford Polytechnic, 1985), I think there are dangers in the way Hatch presents his case. This is because he appears to be over-emphasising the idea that architects and professionals have a key role to play in changing peoples' lives and initiating projects. There are subtle differences here of emphasis and analysis but both papers should be a useful stimulus for discussion because of this. The third paper, not previously published, is the text of a talk given at the Conference of the Association of Community Technical Aid Centres in Liverpool in April 1985. In it I attempted to support •the case for Community Technical Aid as a model for how professional services for community groups and participation projects should be provided. There is likely to be a long and difficult debate about these issues as competition for Central Government funds increases. Hopefully, what unites all three papers is the idea that the yardstick for evaluating experimental professional servies, should be the way in which they benefit the users, the clients rather than the professionals themselves. Tom Woolley Glasgow, May 1985 2 WHO IS PARTICIPATING? Towards a new professional role N. John Habraken The idea of participation is a quarter century old, give or take a few years depending on how one interprets past events. It was in the early sixties that the role of the user began to be discussed in professional circles. I remember I found it encouraging that John Turner published a first article about his experiences in the barrios of Peru within a year from the publication of my own writing, based on observations in Holland. In those same years many began to speak and write about the concerns that bring us together today. But it was only in the second half of the sixties that the term "participation" came into use as a result of an intensified and increasingly politicised discussion. A review of the past must be left to the historian. I only recall the old days to suggest that the idea of participation has been around long enough for us to ask ourselves how useful it still is and to what extent the ideas can serve us in the future. This, of course, is very much a matter of conjecture and personal opinion, but it seems, nevertheless, a reasonable question to raise. I hope we wili formulate a new agenda for the future and do some projective thinking. Such thinking can not only be an extrapolation of the past but must also include a critical look at what happened so far. Perhaps the best contribution I can make as a "key-note" speaker is to give you some of my personal thinking on where we are, in the hope that it will stimulate others to the same. To begin with, I must confess that I have always been ill at ease with the term "participation" . try not to use it that frequently. It is easy to understand how the word indicates a certain position one can take relative to matters of habitation with which I sympathise. Used as a label for a common attitude I can, for instance, applaud the idea of a "participation conference" like the one we are engaged in now. The term, however, is used for two meanings that point in opposite directions. Some advocates of user participation mean user decision making power. They want to place under the responsibility of the user certain decisions that the professional is used to taking. In this case the word indicates a new balance that can only be achieved when some transfer of power takes place. It is a meaning that demands fundamental, structural change. The other meaning does not denote a transfer of responsibility; the professional domain remains the same. Here the term participation means that the layman is asked to voice his opinion. He is promised to be heard and to be taken seriously. This meaning indicates a change of procedure within an unchanged balance of power. The difference, obviously, is significant. The Dutch language has two different terms for it: "inspcaak" and "zeggenschap" . These can be translated to: "to have a voice" and "to have decision making power". Unfortunately, there are no exact equivalents in English. We all know the different positions one can adopt relative to these two meanings. I do not want to go into that now. There is another aspect to the term participation which is perhaps more pertinent to our meeting today. In the two distinct meanings we found so far the issue is the relation between the professional world and the world of the lay people; the users, as we call them. Those who advocated participation, in whatever meaning of the word, were always those who felt that we should reconsider 3 our professional the task.tacit belief The so called that professionals participation could movement do it was all. basicallyWe are a reaction to here because we know it takes both sides to have a healthy environment to Participation is advocated, in whatever and form, knowledge by those resides who refusewith the paternalistic model and know that experience lay people as much as with experts. But when we take a somewhat broader view, along a historic perspective, the term participation is peculiar. Because when we use it we mean that the user must participate in what we, the professionals, do. We want the people to participate in the emergence of their shelter. Yet, come at about the without same time thewe know that the majority of settlements still, today, direct intervention of any professional designer or, for that matter, any other professional except local craftsmen. We also know that, in history, most dwellings came about without the use of designers or engineers as we know them today. In the past the professionals we are thinking of when we argue participation, professionals like us were at best active in the design and construction of monumental buildings serving the temporal and spiritual powers of the day. We must also remind ourselves that we come from a more recent Western European tradition in a bourgeois society in which the architect was invited by the client to come and design his house. This relationship is still with us, in its pure form, when architects design villas for individuals who can afford their help. In other words, until a few generations ago, until the beginning of this century in fact, we were always to be invited by the user client to participate in the birth of a building. Earlier that same kind of building usually came about without a professional designer acting as the midwi fe. In this broader, historic perspective it is legitimate to ask who is participating in what? That architects at a certain point came to think that perhaps the user should participate, could only occur because in modern times something extraordinary happened. For a number of understandable and, I am sure, unavoidable reasons the responsibility for the shelter of a large part of the population in Europe came in the hands of a professional class: bureaucrats, lawyers, architects, engineers. This is the period of the mass housing projects. For several generations professionals could think that human settlement completely depended on them. Architects sincerely thought they carried the future of the built environment on their shoulders. (I remember a prominent colleague declare that, if we designed the right kind of cities, there would be no more war). To us, today, this notion sounds naive, indeed unbelievable. But that is the way it was and therefore, in the sixties, it had to be argued that this was impossible, if not plain wrong and it was proposed that the users be brought into play. Now, after all these years, we must again take a distance from what we are doing. What is happening in a broader historic perspective is, I believe, that a professional class is still trying to find the poorer way to participate in the age old process of human settlement. Indeed, it is us who must participate. Humanity has done without us for a long time, and would, we can be sure, survive and continue to build if we were to disappear overnight. Yet, we feel we have something important to contribute. What is it? This question is much less rhetorical than it sounds. I do not turn the participation issues upside down to make a witty remark, but because it illuminates the very quality of our task. By reversing the issue and asking ourselves how we can best participate, we ask, really, what it is we contribute to the process of settlement that no one else can. And this, • it seems to 4 me, is the question to be answered. We can not be responsible for everything, nor can we control everything. We participate in the drama of life and settlement, and the more precise we can formulate what exactly is our irreplacable contribution to it, the more effective we will be; the better we will be able to educate the next generation and the better we will project research and experimentation to improve our professional performance. The participation movement has questioned the professional's role. It was, inevitably in the beginning, a negative position. The advocates of participation knew something was wrong but could not know yet what the new professional model should be. This new model, I want to argue, is not that of the benevolent practitioner who lets people participate (in either of the two previously found meanings). It is the model that comes from the pserspective I propose here: that shelter is part of daily human life and will come about whereever and whenever people will share space. Today, in a new age where so much more is possible, the professional plays a crucial role in that process. Yes, our participation is important. That, I suggest, is the correct way to state our position. All this is to say we have passed the ideological stage. By now it ought to be possible to point out what are the makings of the new professional we represent. A professional is not known by what he does, but by the way he does it. Anything a professional does - building, designing, healing, writing contracts or teaching - laymen have done first and will continue to do. Professionalism lies in expertise and expertise rests on skill and method and knowledge. Much work has already been done on this score. Each of us, here today, has contributed by practical work, by experimentation, by thinking and writing and trial and error, to a new expertise. A new body of knowledge and professional know-how is emerging. Much of that experience has found its way to others by means of publications but even more circulates by word of mouth in seminars and meetings and through personal contacts and by papers and reports; world wide networks are working and overlapping with one another, all operating, in the true spirit of its participants, in an informal way. However, this implicit way of developing new expertise may soon no longer be sufficient. Today, we must become much more explicit about the skills, methods and knowledge we can bring to bear in the new role we have chosen. At a certain point more formal structures and more organised networks must be available to allow for further growth. This is particularly important in a field where the individuals who represent it are scattered over the world and still relatively small in number. There are very few institutions that actively seek to promote and support the development of the new knowledge we are talking about. National agencies, like those for aid to developing countries and, on an international scale, institutions like the World Bank may be providers of resources but do not play an active role in research for new methods and skills nor do they actively exchange information. Few architectural schools seek to educate the new professionals we have in mind here, and even fewer can find money for research or suffic— ient resources to build strong links with practice in the field. John Turner has been a tireless advocate for a better exchange of information among all concerned, but so far his valuable work remained largely exploratory. A magazine like Open House International clearly answers a need and can therefore survive on a minimum budget, . but could do much more if proper funding were available. SAR, here in Eindhoven, has begun to think about an international role but it is too soon to tell what the results may be. In short, we seem to be at the stage where stronger structures must surface that serve future growth of skills, methods and knowledge of the new practitioner who is already operating. 5 Our new professionalism — because and effective that is really organisational what we are steps talkingto about here - calls for practical secure its growth it and is necessary future development. to the vision But, that important must drive as us.this byExperiitself may be, ence must be gained, methods must be developed and tried, new knowledge must be codified and new teaching must be done. But all this will only happen if we know what we are about: if we of know the what new our kind participationgo about their really must accomplish. manner The practitioners and are not very interested in what the work in a self evident glossy magazines say. They do not measure their accomplishments against the teachings of professional and schools find of pride the and awards satisfaction of professional in the workorganisations. They go their way they do, keeping informed through those more informal, less pretentious channels. They may work for years to reorganise a squatter settlement, may be involved in upgrading an materials, old urban find quarter, a smart may little design program and developfor a simple components from local hand held calculator to be used in the field, or they may design an infrastructure for a new settlement, an expandable housetype, an adaptable building, and so on, and so on. We all know the variety of activities no one had heard of twenty years ago. How cen we describe this new role? Is there a model? It is, of course, difficult to characterise the common attitude of such a variety of individuals and activities. Perhaps it is even foolish to try. But I do believe I detect a common denominator in the sum of the incidental examples that come to mind. What brings us together here and what motivates so many others is what we discussed earlier: the knowledge that the environment is a phenomenon that will occur, spontaneously, wherever people live and share space ; the knowledge that we need not protect "Architecture" or determine "Its Direction". Our mission is to understand what is going on, how this natural phenomenon of settlement occurs, how it can stay healthy, how it gets sick, how it can recover. Most importantly, we see ourselves as those who not only study the health and well being of the built environment, but who know - a little bit - how to help it become better, how the single incidental act can contribute to the whole, how the whole can improve, can be nourished by our particular intervention. it is this knowing of our position towards the built environment that gives direction to all we do. Sometimes the well being of the environment requires physical design and the proposition of new forms, sometimes it requires the availability of certain resources, sometimes it means work with people and sometimes with materials. Sometimes it is geared to the specific conditions of a locality, and sometimes it has to do with general principles that are applicable under generally stated conditions. But in all cases we see ourselves, not exploiting a situation for the sake of an extraneous peer group standard, but nourishing something that is alive to make it better, stronger and beautiful. The attitude that I try to indicate here is the attitude - I have said it on other occasions as well - of the gardener who works to let plants grow, who knows what soil and light and rain they need and intervenes in a process to improve it. To have a good garden we sometimes must make an infrastructure: dig the soil, make paths and provide water. Sometimes we must reorganise the distribution of plants. Sometimes we must feed and stimulate. Sometimes we must weed and trim. At all times we must propose forms, suggests forms, help forms to come about. The gardener is in touch with physical things, working with his hands, but he also understands life and knows he can not make plants but can only help them grow and become healthy. 6 Our traditional role model is that of the carpenter. We are builders by inclination and know how to put materials together into a coherent whole. This is indeed the trade we come from, and the instinct for built form moves us. There is nothing wrong with that, but designing is not carpentry. be a carpenter one must work the wood. It is a trade to be exercised. The designer, on the other hand, puts down the piece of wood to think and propose to others how things might be put together. He stands between things and people. He cannot push aside people to impose his own form, nor can he just talk to people and be ignorant of buildings. I know metaphors have their limitations. However, what I like about the image of the gardener is that it. includes all the dimensions our profession aspires to: giving from, understanding a site, light, colour, texture, proportion, organic forms, nature and above all, environmental space. The gardener, like the architect, is conversant with all of this but something important is added: the dimension of change and growth. The gardener's subject has a life of its own. Trees will grow and make shadow. Shadow will make new species emerge, these will in turn stimulate changes elsewhere. What distinguishes the gardener from the carpenter is the dimension of time. The traditional architect was there to build the monument; his role was to defy time and place a stone in the river of life. This is a worthy role but a limited one, because it is only appropriate for the exceptional case, the new practitioner, I am sure, is the one who accepts the fluid movements of everyday environment and rejoices in them. He knows that life is rich, unpredictable and ever changing and that buildings and cities are part of life: are the product of life itself. Change is the key to our new professionalism. Not the technical change of flexibility - this technical term is inadequate here - but the change of everyday life. Not the disruptive change for the sake of "progress" either, but the change that comes from continuous adaptations and accommodations that are the heartbeat of the environment; the change that assures continuity. It is this kind of change that comes naturally like life itself and which is, indeed, hardly known when it is there. We only notice what goes too fast or too slow, not what goes right. It is remarkable that architecture, as distinct from engineering or the sciences, never acknowledged change as positive. Only when we study the transformations of things we will find what is constant. Therefore a body of knowledge, particular to architecture, will not come about unless we can identify the particular way in which architecture sees change in things as distinct from the ways engineers and physicists see it. I am convinced that the new professional attitude we are discussing here is the key to a new concept of architecture. Not, to be sure, a new style. Styles are results, not causes. dut a new discipline with its skills, methods and knowledge. Our newly gained interest in the dimension of time, and the uses we learn to make of it in our work, will render obsolete the skills of yesterday. By now I have moved far beyond the scope of participatory issues. This I did on purpose because I believe that there is a larger picture we should not ignore. The attitude of the gardener, the practitioner who, by intervention, seeks to participate in a live process is the model we have found to be effective. One can come to this attitude, it seems to me, by many routes, the route of participation is only; one. And if I am not mistaken, this is precisely what is beginning to happen. Let me try and explain the signs I see. 7 To begin with, there is architectural research. It is understandableof that much of what is called architectural research today is, in its way working, still close to engineering and the sciences. Environmental control, behavioural studies and building systems could already begin to develop without the new perspective we are exploring here. However, the new architectural understanding of the phenomenon of change is beginning to influence these very fields. In Holland at least, systems builders have begun to connect their products to specific levels of intervention. This link between the material system and the party who manipulates it over time was missing so far in the more general trend towards open systems. In Japan the nationwide investigation under the title "Century Housing System" is also interesting in this regard. Advocating open systems it likewise links use time to system's identification. In building economic* studies are conducted to introduce the concept of the building as composed of different systems with different lifetimes. An approach that emerged independently from the idea of user intervention, but is obviously compatible with it, bringing economists and architects together, comparing notes. Equally interesting from our point of view are the great many studies of particular environments that have been done in the last ten years. Observation is the foundation of all research. There is, among architectural students and researchers, a considerable interest in documenting everyday built environment; their forms, their transformations over time, their uses, their territorial interpretations and so on. It is almost as if we have begun to see, for the first time, the built world we live in. Some cf us, including colleagues here in Eindhoven, know, for instance, the work cf Fernando Domeyko who has spent many years documenting with the kind of relentless impartiality that can only come from great love, the ways and forms of everyday urban environments. He not only shows us the streets and the buildings but also the interiors and all the furniture and utensils that have their place in them. His work, never published so far, and ever growing, is unique in many respects. In a very different way, but with similar singleminded power, Christopher Alexander has brought to our attention the timeless patterns of the built environment. Patterns that come about, when people settle and are given a chance to cultivate their environments. There may be different opinions as to what they mean and to how we should use them, but Alexander brought them to our attention. People like Domeyko and Alexander make us see, and it is only when we accept the built environment as something that lives by its own energies, that we can begin to observe it in the ways they teach us. In that same attitude we find, in architectural schools, how each year students, when given the opportunity, begin to observe and document environments that they are familiar with, demonstrating a similar love and attent ion for details. They come with maps, photographs, written observations and it is astonishing how much knowledge comes to the surface once they discover that it is alright just to recognise an environment. There is no such thing as an uninteresting environment, there are only uninterested observers. We are beginning to discover the built world all over again, just at the time that we are in danger of losing it by the tragic ignorance induced by the "isms" of our ideological discussions. The experience we have through SAR is another indication that research begins to develop once one accepts the new attitude we are discussing here. The methods proposed by SAR could come about because the environment was seen as a complex form consisting of different levels of intervention with different actors on each level. We were not interested in the architect's ideas and personal values although these are obviously important, but in 8 the way the architect could contribute to the freedom and growth of forms under the responsibility of the users. We focussed on the interface between the professional and the living environment itself. This approach paid off when builders, manufacturers and managers began to see its potential. Here we have an example of architects' research feeding into technology and management. The irony is that it is therefore not recognised by some architects as relevant to architecture. It is precisely this broadening of the field, that is significant but it is understandable that it causes confusion in the beginning. With the introduction of the computer we find an increased interest among researchers to find out what designing is about. If we do not know what we are doing, how can we make a computer help us, or take over some of our tasks? Thus methodology becomes the key to the computer. Methodology, perhaps more than any other aspect of architecture, is based on the understanding of change in the built environment. It is the study of ways to interven% that is, to change. Change reveals the laws that are constant and it is on the constraints that methodology is founded. As a researcher I came to appreciate this connection and began to realise that my interest in participation was primarily because it makes the issue of change unavoidable. It was not, I must confess, the user's interests that drove me, but the broader interest of a healthy built environment which, without the users intervention is unattainable. If I have a message, therefore, it is that, today, we must begin to see participation as a component of a broader development. The ground is shifting in our profession making obsolete the labels of yesterday. It is the power of the new attitude we discuss here that it frees those who adopt it and makes them move into directions that are rejected by the traditional professional ideology as "not architecture" . It is again the younger generation that has the courage to trust its instincts. At MIT we find an increasing interest among architecture students to connect their design studies to other disciplines. Economy, management, technology, housing and so on. Of course, one can advance a practical explanation for this. Where jobs become hard to get, it may be prudent to have some additional expertise. But things ace never that one-dimensional. It also has to do with intellectual hunger and a feeling that we have drawn too tight a boundary around architecture. Where, on the one hand, the discussions about architecture become more and more esoteric there are, on the other hand, among the younger generations those who simply go into new directions venturing outside the ever higher fences around the increasingly barren fields of the post modern movements. Like those interested in the participation of users much earlier, they begin to explore new, uncharted territories. In a similar way, interests in participatory processes bring people from different disciplines together. The variety of disciplines on the roster of speakers in this conference is witness to this. Where I , in my old fashioned way, speak of architects and designing, Thys Bax and his group had the good sense to decide we should meet, not because we represent a discipline, but because we share an attitude. Ours are not the only professions that seek a new definition for their mission. Lawyers, and medical doctors are also discovering that life may go on and may find new ways, without them. At the time I was preparing for this address I saw an article in the New York Times by Henry G. Miller, a lawyer, titled "The lawyer is no. 2, not no. 1" and he states among other things: "There is no intrinsic necessity for a legal profession. They can do away with us. One may not easily conceive of a world without physicians or engineers, but the role of the lawyer could be supplanted by others". 1 would not be that at ease if I were a physician, but the fact that I found 9 this article in the paper right then was no coincidence. Signals like this have appeared for years to those who would listen. But while I am an architect and interested in the architect's new role,TOWARD A THEORY OF PARTICIPATION IN ARCHITECTURE you may permit me to return bias more to my than own anything field to else. conclude. My prupose All I who have was may to said,openRichard Hatch obviously, reveals my of beC. the debate. The question that is interest to the a new historian professionalismProfessor watching the addition current to scene the traditional is whether we architect's will see role the old? master There builder;maySchool of ArchitectureInstitute of Technology in replace as the Jersey emerge New or whether we will find the new professionalism more profound forceNewark, New Jersey 07102 USA only be a new kind of specialist. But I believe a attracts us and makes us seek a new role. Today the future of architecture will not announce itself by grand statements and manifesto's as used to be fashionable with the modernist generation. Nevertheless, there is a profoundINTRODUCTION shift taking place coming from a quiet of individuals but thoughtful who and do very matter-of-The widespread acceptance of the principle of user fact revaluation by a growing number into more interesting not shout andwhenparticipation is the major achievement of architecture in the they don't like what they see, but the just field. move This shift will change the veryrecent past. However, problems in participatory design theory promising directions, expanding all architecture. There always have limited the impact of this new direction in architecture. nature of our expertise and touch others who do not need will the beproposals for design participation, almost without exception, prima-donnas and there always will, of be the many profesion rests have looked to improvements in architecture user satisfaction as the measure haveof limelight to grow, but the future with those who seeksuccess. Adaptability, good fit, and to re-define its role.been set out as key criteria for evaluating participatory projects. It is important to note that these are all ways of describing buildings, or at best relationships between buildings and users. An alternative and potentially more effective approach would start with a theory regarding the effects of participation on the participants themselves——and then define architectural practice in terms of desirable individual and societal outcomes. PROBLEMS OF CONVENTIONAL PARTICIPATION THEORY The principal objections raised against conventional design participation——from both the right and the left——weakened the movement because they were fundamentally valid. First, participation rarely engages crucial guestions of social life and the city. The movement has had a strong tendency to focus on the individual and the nuclear family and view tends to minimize the importance of relationships at the workplace and in the community. This questionable emphasis on the private realm and the ideal of individual satisfaction has also limited the arena for participatory design. Housing is the program of choice, and even within this narrow scope the majority of schemes involve users only in the m configuration of personal space. The concept of architecture as collective as well as personal representations is lost. Second, the architects' traditional building orientation, found even in particpatory designers, reflects an impoverished view of human needs. The fascination with architecture as object continues to obscure a broader view of buildings as elements in a total environment meant to satisfy complex human drives . This is, perhaps, an inheritance from the Modern Architecture which stressed "the problem of dwelling" and posed the alternative: Architecture or Revolution. In its most simplistic formulations, human needs are reduced to so lei 1, espace, verdure, and that these should be 10 1 1 incorporated in correct dwellings (to be enjoyed, presumably, solipsistically) . Architects are still accustomed to thinking about needs only in terms that are tangible and quantifiable: numbers of families to be housed, acres of required parkland, work stations or hospital beds to be built.... The argument here is that there is a more fundamental level Of needs that has at its source drives to competence, to community, and to critical awareness, and that architecture——the process of making the capable of both creating and satisfying these fundämental needs. Third, the participation movement's preferred conception of the user as consumer exercising sovereignty over an expanding array of choices has its own difficulties. It is silent on guestions of energy and resource conservation. It appears indifferent to the socially-determined nature of consumer wants in a class society: wants that are exogenously induced and in constant change cannot be "satisfied" by participation. Sharing a contradiction with other proposals about consumer sovreignty, design participation is unable to explain how individuals might indicate a preference for collective goods, such as art, leisure, education, or equality. Lastly, it minimizes the importance of production: conceiving, making , exchanging. Proposals about the direction that participation ought to take, the issues to be stressed, the nature of the encounters between architect and user, and the distribution of authority over decisions reflect particular conceptions of human nature, history, and .the process of social change. An alternative theory of participation in architecture, then, begins with a proposition about architecture and human needs . ALIENATION AS PROBLEM FOR ARCHITECTURE The problems which participation in architecture must address——from the intractability of mass housing to the strong lack of affection most people feel for urban environments——are of relatively recent origin. It is my view that they result, not so much from the gap between client, user, and architect which followed the industrial revolution, but from the radical changes in the organization of life and work which accompanied it. The combination of urbanization and industrialization closed off many traditional avenues for the satisfaction of human needs without reducing the needs themselves. The history of Newark provides us with an example of the transformations that created new problems for society——and new tasks for architecture and for architects. In the 1830s, the Industrial Revolution loomed just over the horizon. But in Newark, craft production was still the rule. Shops were small, and following the familiar pattern, they were usually attached to the masters' houses. Women and children played important roles in the workshop as well as the home. The family was the basic unit of production as well as 1 2 consumption. Each worker owned his own tools; journeymen and apprentices reasonably expected to be self—employed one day. Small groups of workers made entire products in their independent shops. Products made in this traditional way were stamped with the personalities of their makers. As specialized workers, they were, of course, already tied into a market economy. In a market of these dimensions, economic interdependence was felt as personal interdependence. Exchange made these artisan households a community. By 1860, Newark's crafts had been industrialized or were well on their way to being so. Factory competition was intense: less than nine percent of male heads of households remained self—employed. The remaining workers, who possessed neither tools nor skills that were not generally available, were rapidly losing Control over the conditions of work. Hours were up; wages were down. The likelihood of rising to a position of ownership was becoming remote. Once forced to give up control over the arena of production, workers found that control of other crucial areas of life was also quickly stripped away. Workers no longer had discretion over the place of work, the pace of work, or the purpose of work. For most, employment came to be confined to a few simple and repeated operations. The ever—narrower division of labor, far from refining the skills of specialized workers, now ensured that each need know less and less about' the processes of production in which they are engaged. Adam Smith, whose very name is associated with the division of labor, correctly feared that the result would be "torpor of mind." The continuous process of deskil ling robbed work of meaning. Nothing has yet been found to restore it. The factory system finally broke the age—old nexus between life and work. The family lost its role in production and hence its independence. Dwel ling lost its sacred character and became another commodity in a world of commodities, allocated in accordance with the wage hierarchy of the workplace and organized into homogeneous communities based on class and race. Rather than the center of social existence, the family house became a place of escape, a haven in a heartless world. So long as home is consciously kept separate from the world of politics and power, participation in its design can be no more than an anodyne. In this sort of world, human capacities and desires tend to shrink to those that can be satisfied at a profit. Needs formerly considered among the most important——for creativity , for competence, for . It is my view that in this too brief historical analysis lies the agenda for participation in architecture: participation can be the means for overcoming alienation. Let me cite example from my own observation. 13 THE EXAMPLE OF CUBA In Cuba, with its heritage of this colonialism new role. and At exploitation,the victory of participation has in accepted 1959, the social situation there was an the Revolution exaggerated version sharp of spatial the general segregation history of of classes capitalistand development. A functions underscored the deep divisions within the cities—— and between the cities and the countryside. The separation of classes, and of manual and intellectual workers, was net. With little experience of self—government, no tradition of democracy or of self—government had developed. Almost from the start, the Revolution saw architecture as an instrument in the process of social transformation. At all scales, from the private to the national, architecture was called on to do more than make up the deficits common to underdevelopment. It was expected to change the relationships between men. architect Roberto Segre has written: The building oi socialism demands as a fundamental principle the creation OE an egalitarian society that permits to each member the maximum personal development and maximum choice between alternatives The designers of the physical environment have the reponsibility of interpreting these essential directives . In the early period, the need to build was overwhelming. housing, factories, schools, hospitals, roads.. . everything was needed. But raw construction was not enough. In 1963, Che Guevara wrote, "I am not interested in dry, economic socialism. We are fighting against poverrty, but we are also fighting against alienation." Grasping this truth, architects no longer focused entirely on guantitative results. The issues for Cuban architecture became eliminating segregation, challenging the narrow division of labor (and the low skill levels which it implies) , and creating active, engaged citizens . participation became the hallmark of the new era. Building programs were altered to maximize opportunities for popular involvement. Structural systems were invented which permitted intellectuals, farmers, and factory workers to contribute, along side experienced construction crews, to the making Of the new Cuba. New popular institutions were organized to channel the energies of citizens in campaigns for literacy, for improved public health, for cultural and educational opportunities, and for social construction. The microbrigade program is the outstanding example of participation in the -creation of the physical environment. Microbrigades are volunteer groups financed by their workplaces who come together to build new communities. On the large project site at Alamar in Havana, teams from the many of the city's varied industries and agencies are at work building badly needed homes, schools, factories, and shops. Professionals and mechanics, teachers and truck drivers work side by side. Because finished apartments are allocated through their different workplaces, this same rich social mix will end up as neighbors under the same roofs. Starting in their first year, student architects work on these construction sites, first as laborers, then as liaison between the designers and the future users, and finally as project directors——an exceptional professional preparation. At Al amar as on similar sites across Cuba, participation includes issues of personal satisfaction, but stresses more central issues of social life and work. And if the overarching goal is the creation of an egalitarian society, the objectives of participation are many: . Nation—building: participation in the creation of a modern Cuba is expected to build identification with the Revolution. . Growth of political culture: involvement in decision making and in negotiations between citizens and organs of the state is intended to lower the barriers between the governed and the government for the first time in Cuban history. . Women's liberation: significant participation opportunities for women have brought them out of the home and into the mainstream of national life. . Elimination of class divisions: carrying out common projects for the common good opens lines of commun— ication between groups and helps to overcome the traditional deprecation of manual labor. 5. Competence: an opportunity to shape the social environment generates creative energy, refines productive skills, and reinforces collective concerns. 6 . Transparency: direct involvement opens windows into the structure of society, its institutions, its values, and its technology. The formerly incomprehensible and alienating and managed for and by others ——is transformed into a place where people feel at home. NEW AGENDA FOR PARTICIPATION The central hypothesis of this paper is that the paramount purpose of participation is not good buildings, but good citizens in a good society. Participation is the means, and the richer the experience——the more aspects of the total architectural project opened to involvement, the higher the degree of participant control, and the more comprehensive the education that surrounds participation——the greater the impact on alienation will be, and the greater the recovery toward health. 15 WHAT IS COMMUNITY TECHNICAL AID? A talk to the Annual Conference of the Association of Community Technical Äid Centres - Liverpool: April 27, 1985 Tom Woolley Director, Housing & Rehabilitation Research Unit Strathclyde University, Glasgow As an architecture student, nearly twenty years ago, I once asked our Professor why our training did not include much about the people who would, after all, use the buildings we were going to design. ' If you are interested in people - you should become a sociologist' was his reply. Indeed, at that time many architects and planners believed that they could design environments that would ensure successful conditions whether it was through cities in the sky or streets in the air. Unfortunately, the sociologists did not tell the architects what people wanted, concentrating, quite rightly, instead on criticism of determinism: - the idea that physical environments could determine social behaviour. Unfortunately, few architects and planners paid heed to these criticisms and, to this day, many designers still believe that they as professionals hold the key to the solution of social problems. They see themselves as indispensible, an attitude which I want to call into question. But to come back to my personal story, I did not want to be a sociologist but I did want to learn about people, especially those who got the worst of our environment. Eventually I got involved in the Tenants' and Squatting Movement, but initially, my social conscience on my sleeve, I was sent by the University Settlement with a couple of others to decorate an old man's flat. The flat was damp and decaying and it was obvious the wallpaper would peel off after a few weeks. We had literally been sent to paper over the cracks. The old man, who was very poor, insisted on plying us with tea and chocolate biscuits and while we worked he criticised what we were doing. We should be in the Uniüersity, he said, learning how to be experts that would help people like him change society so that he could live in better conditions and relative comfort. I have never forgotten that simple political lesson and since then have searched for a way for professional expertise to be put to the service of radical political change. Such political change needs to be defined, not by the rigid programmes of political parties but the desire of everyone, if only they had the opportunity, to live richer and more creative lives. Lives enriched by the possibility, if they want it, to shape and manage the environment where they live, work and play. This morning, I want to emphasise the importance of a political perspective, something that is lacking in the development of technical aid, because we need to distinguish between those who pay lip service to such ideals and those who are genuinely willing to engage in the struggles that are needed to achieve them. To illustrate what happens when there is a lack of perspective, we need look no further than the current media interest in the development of socalled Community Architecture as typified by a recent article in The Times by Wates and Knevitt entitled 'Power to the People of the Twilight World. ' It is not clear who these twilight people are because we hear far more about the glowing achievements of the Government, the RIBA, the Prince of Wales and others. What is clear from this 'hype' , and that is what it is, is that someone thinks that professionals are indispensible, that it is they who hold the key to the problems of the inner-city. Articles like this largely create the impression that the credit for recent initiatives in the inner city goes to professionals, and not to the ordinary people who worked hard, often unpaid, to make them successful. 16 But what are these problems of the city, how are they caused and what contributions are professionals like architects and planners making to solve them? Inner cities and problems of environmental dereliction are only one symptom of a serious decline in social and economic conditions which are getting worse for most people, the poor, for women, ethnic groups, young people and the unemployed. Today 15 million people live below the official poverty line. The distributiom_of wealth. is also getting worse. In 1982 the wealthiest one per cent owned one fith of the total wealth, the richest ten per cent owned more than half. The poorest half of the population, which includes most of us, owned only four per cent of the wealth. In 1979 the twenty highest paid directors together received as much as 454 average male manual workers. By 1983 they were paid more than 722 such workers. The pay of managers has risen twice as fast as manual workers according to the National Managers Salary Survey. In Merseyside, with twenty per cent unemployed, we have one of the largest concentrations of low paid workers and yet the Government argues that it needs to scrap minimum pay legislation so that the people can 'price themselves into jobs. Despite increasiang poverty and bad conditions with 1.25 million dwellings unfit and 2.5 million affect by damp, the Government has made massive cuts in public spending on housing and social services. While many of these cuts have drastically curtailed unpopular and bureaucratic State services, they have still seriously undermined our quality of life. Furthermore, the cost of living has risen dramatically. For instance, rates have increased by 130 per cent since 1970 and this has largely been due to massive cuts in the rate support grant. Hackney has some of the most serious problems in the country and yet it has suffered heavily from cuts. Manchester has lost E73 million in real terms between 1981 and 1985. These are some of the statistics of the problems of urban reality is the withdrawal of State and industrial investment on a huge scale, with massive profits being made in speculation on the not re-invested in decaying areas. The outlook is bleak. Set context, the El million Special Grants Programme (which finances peanuts and only a few tiny crumbs of this go to groups inner city. The ,extent of activity which this small amount lates is surprising. Many of the projects with which Community Technical have been born out of a dissatisfaction with the paternalistic and ient public services the Tories are so keen to cut. So why are they taking to new initiatives?the money saved, . - the which local runs voluntary into Billions and self-help of Pounds, projects and giving that, Wates and Knevitt would have us believe, are pioneering solving the of the twilight world. Sadly, analysis of many initiatives will show that much of what money does come from the Government goes to professionals and contractors, even though some of their projects may be of people. A study for the London Voluntary Service Council showed help good was at fund a misnomer, raising, it with hardly the existed.right contacts It was and the knowledge professional system works who got access to resources in the inner city. This is why Community Technical Aid is important because Community I filter do not through think Technical which it is Aid resources ideal as a that model can it provides get should to be those a through source people of a who filter, information and advice.expert advice which is potentially accountable to people who need that 17 Of course, there are always some local voluntary groups that are so well organised that they know how to raise money, they know exactly what they want and they can hire and fire professionals, making sure they do what they want. But such qroups are rare indeed. My experience and research tells me that there is always a measure of dependence on the professionals. The professionals have expertise and information and they can use that power to reinforce dependence on, and the prestige of, professionals. This is why the model of the RIBA Community Aid Fund is fundamentally wrong. An elitist self interested, essentially Conservative body, receiving funds which it then disburses to deserving causes, usually architects, is no way to 'enable' (a favourite word of the RIBA). It is a recipe for ensuring that scarce resources are creamed off by professionals and that dependence on professional aid is maintained. Community Technical Aid, on the other hand, holds up the prospect of a vast network of locally based agencies providing all the skills and information required by local groups. Such agencies can be managed by those who use their services and can function in partnership with or even inside local authorities. Furthermore, they open up the possibilities of providing all the skills and information that user groups need. No private, commercial architect firms (even if they do call themselves Community Architects), can build up a pool of skills in architecture, surveying, planning, feasibility work, advice on grants, finance, accounting, legal knowledge and build up the necessary links with voluntary service councils, local authorities, builders and so on. Nor can they share expertise and experience in the same way. The architectural profession in particular is notoriously bad at this. One only needs to look at the almost complete absence of changes to architects' training to take account of these new areas of work. I believe that Community Technical Aid organisations have begun to provide a good service, especially in terms of process. Expertise in how to help get projects off the ground is well developed, though there is numerous scope for this experience to be better recorded and evaluated. I think we are less well advanced in terms of user participation in design and in the encouragement of lay people who can stand up at meetings and challenge the professionals who steal all the glory. The advantage of an organisation like ACTAC is that it can develop an agenda, a programme of changes which identify needs and take steps to tackle them, training, information, resources like a Participatory Design Laboratory, educational material, much needed publications. We have a great deal to do, we can pioneer the model of how expertise can be made available to lay people in a way that does not simply 'enable' This has become an over-used and out-worn slogan. We must empower people so that they are working, not only to mitigate immediate circumstances, but so they can change the whole way in which our environment is developed. Such a fundamental social change is needed whatever Government is in power. there is an upturn in public spending it must be under local control and not simply managed by professionals and bureaucrats as before, however sympathetic they may appear to be. Such empowerment can only come through working practices based on thorough political debate and shared understanding. Sadly there are opportunists among us who do not share a full commi tment to user accountability though I believe that such user accountability can be possible through both working methods and, or forms of, organisation. This means that in ACTAC we are not necessarily for one form of organisation only, model led on the Glasgow TSA or COMTECHSA and against private practice. 18 There are many members of ACTAC that are to all intent and purpose, private practices. However, they strive hard to ensure that, in their working practices, they are as accountable to their clients as possible. Furthermore, by joining ACTAC, we are all indicating a willingness to share our ideas, experience and knowledqe, rather than privatisinq it and using information to increase our power and profits. We are also working towards a situation in which Government finance to tackle social and environmental problems reaches those who really need it, channel led through organisations which can be accountable to local communities. This is why we need to join with the RIBA and others in establishing a working party to review present funding methods to ensure that Central Government understands the value of the CTAC model. We must be prepared to point out the disadvantages of channel ling finance to professional bodies which are not, in any way, accountable to ordinary people. What we must also do is to build greater support for what we are trying to do among ordinary people and among the organisations of the tenants' movement, housing co-operatives, trade unions and the voluntary sector. If we can do that, we need worry less about petty squabbles with the RIBA and others because there will be public demand for Technical Aid Services which the Government will ignore at its peril. For more information about Community Architecture and Community Technical Aid in the U.K. contact ACTAC Unit B688, New Enterprise Workshops South West Brunswick Dock LIVERPOOL L3 4AD Tel. No. 051 708 7607 ACTAC publishes a Directory of Technical Aid Centres: Price 5.00 plus post and package. This working paper is one of a series to be produced by the Housing and Rehabilitation Research Unit, Department of Architecture and Building Science, University of Strathclyde, 131 Rottenrow, GLASGOW GO ONG. Tel. No. 041 552 4400 ext. 3014. Many thanks to Dr R Beheshti Eindhoven University of Technology P.O. Box 513 5600 MB Eindhoven The Netherlands ings for permission of DPC Eindhoven to reprint 1985, the in Habraken three volumes, and Hatch can papers.be obtained The • full from proceed-the above address, price — 160 Dutch Guilders. 19 � Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Tom Woolley (ed.) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1985 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/5b423578016aaf36db632d9e5eec4a41.pdf bc2b5590d6c30a2a23487066d3ee31a7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource On Site Asbestos Risk High Subject The topic of the resource Article in BD Description An account of the resource @) LAR, Wr 24, —) KEN Bie net R CEQ ascle Sfx Bok Meveshe @ Cravath, DidQudy orl _ (Qe LdAgeVPCOS Abert7b MS ay |Oolg ones Canc Va,2°by,oo GR~KinCLE Nhawen ®CeaCUS,| wena<oolectrheaea Aaae Elow Dy@' | Seah eySe Pe LS 482ete] Vaae AArRnaan Asproducyon/-2Loa Ren -we. ZEA RAuxk ‘ ; f\ SieaKeRy | @D Cres. Pebeby ; Se OsAireh:&chy.o y LERNG,Gnd)LNres)PEO (7 eG /4 Rac,C.mtyhorN-W.Ron, eae ae VORUnWk. (6) KeGeR Any fuAn , he GS ORG a ey Pe Boley Dorji Ke, CXL? fate. tu ¥) Ce Siow—vulrencle bo Pachat diosa AGuuntr ¥ Aolotrcie,. 2 () A SEAS OO i © 6 @ anos £¢¢dshvats ffx Gone - @ LER HA, : @) Ae Pers.p WZ aw _ gry Ps@LSGaneia Naat sera 2 fey ‘dainRe . 2}f ane Ss . ; ae ; |)ee ane rn 1 ate GahMee ied ae On site asbestos risk high containing asbestos now now faced with drastic cuts years will not be faced with the face a much greater health dramatic staff losses some shire BUILDING operatives who COUNTY architects who Rised to accept the falling departments that phased their of the ones contacted had voluntary rede schemes, early retire redeployment of staff, wastage’’ or non-repl cut, drill and fit materials workload situation and are run-down over the last two risk than workers in to prune their expenditure counties are now anticipating asbestos plants, according have been severely criticised “There are some depart programmes in operati’ to a senior UCATT official by a leading member of the ments where the workload has Speaking in Birmingham Society of Chief Architects fallen further than could have last Saturday at a special seminar on asbestos arranged by UCATT's Mid Wiltshire has 26archi staff — half of its « quota. Kent has 55, con: Worden believes architects by up to 50 per cent, ai of Local Authorities. Portsmouth city architect [ By Ted Stevens al to 75 two years ago. Nc Bill Worden lashed out at the hamshire has lost 40 staft “empire building” chief archi Two counties that have been DHE costs of Ordnance survey land Region and the Green Ban Action Committee, Bill tects at the SCALA annual been anticipated, but some ot slower than some to cut back maps is expected to rise over study and discussions are likely Lewis, a member of the general meeting, held at the them still have staffs of more are Essex and Lancashire. | the next three years as the to take place with “the genera’ Government's Advisory end of April than 400. I know one depart Essex explained that it had | Government subsidy, currently public professional and CommitteeonAsbestosand the Health and Safety Exec- utive’s new working party investigating possible haz WordentoldBDthatamentthatcosts£14millionabeendesignatgreowdtharea,|standingat65percent,iscommercialuserspublic number of the really large year to run but only has a but was now faced with a slash }| reduced to between SS and 60 authorities and Government county architects departments building programme of just in next year's building | per cent departments.” thought they could “ride over £900 000," he said programme. Twelve of the 470 The Government has also Among the aims of the new through the lull and wait for a Worden’s own staff has staff haye gone, but many | announced plans fora national strategy is thetotal recovery of ards associated with asbestos substitutes, con recovery. But the big times are dropped by 25 per cent to others are expected to follow, | study of the Ordnance Survey costs on small scale map and trasted the lack of adequate precautions on_ typical building sites with con ditions in asbestos factories There, he said, comp just not coming back,” he said under 150 over the last two Lancashire told BD it was | to formulate long term policy survey information. At present “They should have realised years. His department costs “slightly overmanned’’ but | guidelines on the range and the Exchequer pays about two 12 months or two years ago that about £1 million a year to run hopeful that the problem could | level of the Survey's activities, thirds of the full cost Large the writing was on the wall, and and has £6.7 million of work on be corrected painlessly. “But | the basis on which costs should scale maps and information they should have done some its books we would have been in a crisis | be incurred and charges made, will go up by about 5 per cent thing about it. It’s no good Some county councils have situation if we hadn't spotted it | and the interaction of these The package will save the anies had been forced by bleeting now if the politicians already cut architectural staff coming,” said the spokesman factors. A consultation prog- Goyernment £3m annually public and trade union pressure to install expensive dust extraction equipment and enforce the use of protective clothing Lewis, however, warned that despite his union’s call for an end to the use of asbestos-based _ materials, production of alternatives had not yet reached a sufficient level to make an immediate ban possible. The difficulty and expense of providing adequate safety precautions on building sites and enforc- ing their use, was emphasised TOHn Pickering, a solicitor who has handled many of the cases arising out of the Turner and Newall Hebden Bridge asbestos plant, pointed out that it was often difficult for building work- ers to claim compensation for asbestos-related diseases get onto them.’ Money shortage closes charity THE Public Health Advisory Service, a charity giving help and information to the poorly housed, is closing down from the end of next month. The moye, predicted in BD last week, comes because of lack of financial support for PHAS's plans for expansion which would have required more money. PHAS was set up in 1974. It provided a network of about 80 health officers, mostly working BSC coated steels have been the making ofmany agreat Pi: This was due to the for councils and providing their protracted nature of services unpaid in their free asbestosis and the long time, who gave advice to people latent period of asbestos- living in bad housing caused cancers in relation to conditions the transient nature of con- The organisation has been struction employment and working from premises in the lack of statutory cov Aldgate, east London, with a erage of building sites paid staff of six. With an before the 1969 Asbestos estimated operating budget of Regulations Pickering, who has acted for people who have con- tracted asbestosis after only slight exposure to asbestos dust, attacked the “hard line’ view held by the Asbestos Information Committee that the scare has been magnified. He told building workers “not to trust the propaganda that comes from the AIC or ARC (the industry-funded Asbestosis Research Coun cil) “‘and not to work where there was any asbestos dust. “If you are exposed to asbestos dust, then walk off the job,” he said. In defence of asbestos products, Wilf Penney, who takes over as AIC’s new director general on June 1, drew a distinction between asbestos-cement products which contain roughly 12% per cent asbestos and “soft” products like insulation board containing about 30 per cent. Penney was speak- ing from the floor in a personal capacity. £30000, it needed about £23 000 in grants to finance the plan for the coming 12 months This was to have entailed an emphasis on local groups, with tenants’ organisations being encouraged to employ their own health inspectors Associated Continental Architects theoverseaspracticesetupby Michael Lyell Assoclates of London — are the architects for this £40 million shopping and residential complex at Dubai. The project Is for Ahmed Majed Al Ghuralr and Sons and consists of an 11-storey reinforced concrete building containing 434 flats, a 45000m* shopping area and parking for 600 cars It is located In the centre of the city. Construction work has started on site and the work is expected to be completed in 2'4 years. Consult- Ing engincers and project managers:. White Young and Partners. Quantity surveyors: D G_ Jones McCoach and Partners. Main con- Meanwhile, an announce- ment is expected to be made in Parliament shortly about public hearings to be held on June 27, 28 and 29 in London by the Advisory tractors: G & T Construction (a Committee on Asbestos. joint company formed by Ahmed es MajedAlae andTarmac Building Design, London SE18. Every Friday. Copyright 1977 Morgar Grampian (Construction Press) Ltd. Typeset by Bacchus Press, London EC} Bob Maltz When roof and wall cladding need to be both functional and attractive, Colorcoat.and Stelvetite.organic coated BGSBinlseeunaisee .They're Ais Ao) Caneel keeollsa i Eup asus factorietso yachtclubs. Send the coupon for tl illustrated brochure deve Berni] coated steels from BS Reticent counties no} face massive cuts earl *ColorcoatandStelvetite. Forinstantinformationtick46]7] onreaderinquirycard PrintedbyHuthwaitePrintingCo.Ltd,Sutton-in-Ashfield, Nottinghamshire. RegistoredasanewspaperatthePostOffice Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Building Design Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 13 May 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f7ef3e5f1917a22b274627fcf890f717.pdf 92c1a5c72d3daf5fbd61c4792a057937 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health &amp; Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource One Union Subject The topic of the resource Flyer for Conference on Unionisation 14th May 1977 Cartoon by Hellman Description An account of the resource ONE UNION LONDON 14th MAY 1977 10 tod conference organisers :Unionisation Organising Committee of the New Architecture Movement,9, Poland St., London, Wi. further information and application forms ( to be returmed by hth May 1977 ) from the Committee PLEASE DISPLAY THIS HANDBILL A SPECIAL ONE DAY CONFERENCE ON TRADE UNION ORGANISATION FOR EMPLOYEES IN ARCHI TECTURE AND ALLIED BUILDING PROFESSIONS WHO WANT TO SEE EFFECTIVE UNIONISM a ae aoO ¢A vlHOOWN gt. ee GIR. —_— y2N3YC- 7 ene) cou aS ro, JdQs) 0 ¢ Kmaenozin \"Y ‘ wey * Gee). 7 ANG \eo z SO, Sexe eC, ( xSEAAEN SAS NEO EY SPof an 25 ONO "DSUOPSNA0}oul]ayQuQsUdjHOdoIja__ ‘NOLONIGOVd YOM "UW Z 'X SONIM' NOLSNS é pk Nas Sob douy \ ‘DUOPIA’9]‘DUDINOdDoIja}q SdUI} ‘9]DI9 ‘UD}OdOIjSp SOU} ‘DOA ‘UIBUJON X SONI “OS NOLSNS NOLSNS LM NOQNOT 1SGNV10d 6LNSWSAOW SYNLOSLIHO” MAN AHL SSALLINNOD ONISINVOYO (NOLLVSINOIN:.. “-SNOILVLS SANIT NIVA WOuS podoy Uo}sny O} 'GE2 "SLL GLL DLL 'EL'0€ ‘BEL :SASNG —SOUI'ULDYION ‘A]IPDIIId 3qnl otsNY ¢ ‘N> &£ 5 SP SONS /On KC &: x.:“& NSP So PIB1ID9 gia OLA IAS SRS BOP)YOPIO che L/ ‘LMWN NOCNOT ‘LSSYLS ONIONVT ASNOH HOYNHD SVYONVd LS - NES KEE! < Mesa72d \ 3 aSEM AlS S oe 9 0L “LL6Lv7,ADW ‘suolssajoid BuIpying paijjo puD siNyoa}IYOID oSny ce) ee Ww wy Cy “LYa\ SMS / ey Leno's cy YN, Ul UdlDSIUDB41O =—uoluNn apn} UO sdua1aju0d ApDpP-—aUO }DOIDeds Y Nb, 2 a NO1NO” 3NO Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Louis Hellman Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/b7d0e3e47a230ca8a2fcd27a88474dd5.pdf 2a8c3c9c38524bb536e02064e611961f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Open letter and case re flawed representation of Unattached Architects Project 'Clean Up' Subject The topic of the resource Open letter and case re flawed representation of Unattached Architects Project 'Clean Up' 9pp. Description An account of the resource Dear A R C U K Please find enclosed a copy of the draft report CLEAN—UP which was passed to a solicitor on 10th March 1980 for advice as to whether the circumstances of ARCUK t s constitution, which it describes, provided sufficient grounds for obtaining a court injunction to prevent the Council proceeding as currently represented. You will note that in the submission to the lawyer a considerable amount of support ing reference material was appended to our own report. This material, all of which is publicly available, is omitted from this content but should in any case be familiar. The solicitor t s comments are expected soon. To help progress this matter to a point where, taking also the legal advice into consideration, we can make a decision whether to proceed or not , would you please assist as follows Send comments on the enclosed draft to Bob Maltz, 14, Holmdale Road, London, IT.W. 6 e Indicate the extent to which you would be willing to share in costs. (Initial legal advice will cost approx. C50 i.e. about Z5 each among ten, or so. The solicitor recommended seeking Legal Aid for any eventual court action, as this would probably get expensive. This could turn out to be the deciding factor. To get the best chance of Aid it is recommended that the applicant is the most impecunious among us, and with the greatest possible number of dependents, etc. Any volunteers ? Seek out cases of any registered persons who consider themselves 'unattached' (i.e. not a member of any of the bodies in Schedule I i — vi, 1931 Act) but who did not receive election papers etc. at the last t unattached' election. This excercige is most important, the lawyer advises. Very great weight is given to actual cases of aggrieved (disenfranchised) persons. It is strongly recommended that 19th March, 1980. such cases are first collected together to form a dossier, rather than raised individually with e the ARCUK Registrar thereby merely eroding our argument. Indicate whether, assuming all comments on the draft can be assimilated, you are willing to have your name on the report. Many thanks , Yours frat ernally, Distributiom Norman . Arnold Davi at-Burney Ian Cooper Peter Cutmore Anne Delaney Peter Howe Alan Lipman Bob Malt z John Murray Marion Roberts David Roebuck Ian Eddie Walker A REPORT BY ELECTED COUNCILLORS OF THE ARCHITECTS REGISTRATION COUNCIL (AR C.U.K.) �DETRIMENT SUFFERED BY 'UNATTACHED' ARCHITECTS AS A RESULT OF THE IMPROPER CONSTITUTION OF A.R.C.U.K. 1.01 It was clearly the intention of The Architects Registration Act 1931 to provide equal rights of representation to all those persons who, though registered, choose not to become members of those bodies referred to in Schedule I, (vi), and that such persons should enjoy equal benefits and likewise be equally subject to the Council t s disciplinary powers as provided ina respect of all registered persons. 1.02 To the extent that correct representation of registered persons under Schedule I, 1 (vii) is currently not acheived, both the spirit and the letter of the Act are being thwarted. To be denied their due representation in the Council t s affairs in itself constitutes a fundamental grievance of this category of registered persons. 2.01 The primary functions of A.R.C.U.K. as enshrined in the Architects Registration Act 1931 are the establishment of a Register of Architects (1, (3)), the admissiom of names thereto (1, (3)), and the removal of names therefrom & b) & '11). The recognition and holding of examinations suitable to qualify successful candidates for admission to the Register is made the explicit duty of The Board of Architectural Education to recommend to the Council, (5, (2a & b)). In this way, -through their representatiom on Council, 'unattached' architects were intended to participate in the determination of entrance qualifications. 2.02 However, by its undue dominance of the Council, the R. I , B.A. has removed the exercise of this duty out of A,R.C.U.K. into its own system of Visiting Boards, im which B'.A.Ee representation (invariably by R.I. B.A. members) is merely a token gesture. (see A.R.C.U.K. Annual Reports 1974/5 (101/2), 1975/6 (49), 1976/7 (71), 1977/8 (62), 1978/9 (60/ 61) . N.B. the latter Report in which the B.A. E. is actually referred to as n a wide ranging assemblage of educationalists . called together /2 at considerable public expense for a mere formality. t') The t unattached t architects have thus been denied their due part in, establishing the quality of those eligible to enter the Register. 3.01 In the matter of removals from the Register, the Discipline Committee is appointed (1931 Act, 7 (2)) to examine cases where a registered person may have been guilty of conduct disgraceful to him in his capacity as an architect The criteria employed in considering such cases are as embodied in the A.R.C.U.K. Code of Professional Conduct, 3.02 However, the disproportionate representatiom of the R.I . B.A. on Council has enabled the Institute to extend the application of its own association rules beyond its own membership to all registered persons. This illegitimate extension of R. I . B.A. control is clearly evident in the content of the A.R.C.U.K. Code, which is substantially identical to that of the R.I.B.A., and indeed is published with the R.I. B. A. Notes appended. 3.03 In this way t unattached t architects may be disciplined to the detriment of their livelyhood for breaches of a code not freely determined in their own Council, but emanating from a private associatiom to which they do not belong. 4.01 Equally, this illegitimate protection of the R. I e B.A. Code by the identical A.R.C.U. K. Code curtails the freedom- of non—R.I. B.A. architects to practice in ways which the Registration Acts do not prohibit. 4.02 Thus 'unattached' architects are, for example, obliged by Rules 1.1 and 3.2 of the t A.R.C.U.K. Code' to apply the 'recognised t Conditions of Engagement of bodies listed in Schedule 1, 1 (i) ( e ). (A.R.C.U.K. Code of Professional Conduct. p. 5, footnote.) 4.03 These Conditions of Engagement (in fact those promulgated by the R. I . B.A.) require that an architect C s fees are charged in accordance with a fixed Scale of Charges, thereby denying 'unattached! architects their proper freedom under the Acts to enhance their livelyhood by quoting fees in competition with other architects. The degree to which A.R.C.U.K. is thus improperly controlled by the R.I. B.A. is evident in the Council's continued defence of the Conditions of Engagement in defiance of the / 3 Monopolies & Mergers Commission's conclusions and recommendations (accepted by the present and previous Governments) that such fixed Scales of Charges be abandoned in the public interest. (See "Architects' Services — A Report on the Supply of Architects' Services with Reference to Scale Fees", The Monopolies & Mergers Commission, H.M.S 8th Nov. 1977, parase 285 & 286.) 5.01 Likewise an 'unattached t architeces freedom to carry on his practice in the form of a limited liability company which is not proscribed by the Registration Acts is nevertheless denied by Rule 2.4 of the (R.I.B.A. surrogate) AeR.CeU.Ke Code of Professional Conduct. In this way the R.I. B.A. has improperly used the . K. t Code to protect its own members from what 'unattached' architects may consider to be more advantageous forms of practice. 6.01 Another constraint in the manner of practice that the R. I . B.A. is at liberty to impose on its own members, but which is extended to all registered persons by means of its improper inclusion in the Code, is the proæåption of' advertising. (Rule 3.6) In this case, moreover, while through A.H. C. U e Ke the Re I . B.A. prohibits t soliciting ' by registered persons, it simultaneously engages in vigorous advertising on behalf of its own members. Here again the improper constitution of A.R.C.U.K. has prevented 'unattached t architects in their enjoyment of equal rights in pursuing their means of livelyhood. 7.01 Lastly, and again by virtue of illegitimate R.I. B.A. representation and dominance in Council, the equal opportunities in obtaining employment that are envisaged in the Act's single level of registered persons — i.e. equal qualification conferred by entry to the Register) — are prejudiced by the the widespread imposition of R.I. B.A. membership as a pre—requisite for job applications. Although AOR .1J . K, has frequent Iy been advised of this practice it remains negligent in informing employers of its injustice. (Rel e B.A. membership entails no higher qualification. 8.01 In sum, through the improper constitution of A.R.C.U.K., 'unattached t architects are seen to suffer loss and detriment in the equal treatment and right to livelyhood to which under The Architects Registration Acts they are entitled. �ARCUK Council elections 1980/81 Evidence of disenfranchisement of "unattached" archi tects . In response to a questionnaire to the profession published in the ARCHITECTS JOURNAL of 30 January 1980, 21% of a sample of 150 "unattached" architects claimed not to have received nomination papers for the 1980/81 Council elections. If representative this indicates a massive disenfranchisement of ' 'unattached" architects and a loss of at least 2 seats on council if these 21% are excluded from the ARCUK list of t 'unattached". The loss to the "unattached" would be made worse if these 21% were attributed by ARCUK to one of the 6 nominating bodies thereby increasing their representation on Council at the expense of the "unattached" Of the 21%, 22 respondents ( 14%) gave their name and address so that the elected councillors were able to check their statements against ARCUK records . The results of this check are as follows: A. Registered architects considering themselves 'l unattached" but listed as a member of one or more of the 6 nominating bodies. Dundee 2 Darting ton Tot nes Devon TQ9 6HE The RIBA has informed ARCUK that these architects are their members. ARCUK accept this despite at least one written request to ARCUK (from David Heath) to be listed as unattached. David Heath is not and never has been, amember of the R IBA. L. Tek Ong, Roger Thompson and Martin Goodwin resigned from the RIBA in 1978. Sworn statements to this effect can be obtained. B. Registered architects not attributed to any of the nominating bodies and yet not included on the list of ' 'unattached" , and therefore not sent nomination papers. I. P . Lowendon 31348 Dept. of Architecture and Civic Design Civic Offices Guildhall Portsmouth POI 2AT . B. 1. Patel Dept. of Architecture and Civic Design Civic Offices Giuldhall Portsmouth POI 2AT . M . G. Watts Directorate of Architecture Telford Development Corporation Priors lee Hall Telford Salop TF2 9NT 3 C. Registered architect listed as "unattached" but not included in mailing of nomination papers. 1 . D.W .01den 35906 28 Bell Place Edinburgh EH3 5HT Of the remaining 10 names 3 entered the Register after the date for sending out nomination papers, 6 were sent papers to old addresses; one was not a registered architect. The Onus is on the arch i tect to inform the Registrar of any change of address and failure to do this may account for those sent to old addresses. No explanation was given by the Registrar for groups A,B,&C above . This short investigation was only possible because a sample of names was available and the elected councillors were prepared to devote their time to checking them. It is alarming that this should reveal 12 architects wrongly disenfranched and the fear is that there are many more as yet undisclosed. There is at present no intention within ARCUK to carry out a thorough scrutiny nor to allow an independent scrutiny ofmembership status . Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource JA Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 19.3.80