26 10 310 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a56fbc9cbc29716d2fde925de8e226d7.pdf 86d0bf931240ab0175d05179a1fd4068 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A National Design Service Subject The topic of the resource 22 page report for London Seminar including reprint of paper dated 11/76 Description An account of the resource JOIAUSS NOISIO TWNOLVN V 2= THE NEW ARCHITECTURE MOVEMENT London Seminar : May 1976 A NATIONAL DESIGN SERVICE Paper No. 2 May 1976 Reprinted June 1976 10 Introduction At the Harrogate Conference last November we called for a National Design Service which would meet the right of everyone to exercise control over the buildings which surround them and in which they live and work. This is a right denied in part or in total to mest people in this country. We saw that the present system of patronage is such that 80% of the population have no real control over what is built, where it is built, and who uses it. They must adapt to an environment which is imposed upon them, at best through a system of spurious choices, and usually not even that. The patrons, a minority of rich and powerful organisations and individuals effectively control the direction of architecture. The design and type of buildings reflect their structure and values. The tendency for these organisations to grow larger by incorporating smaller and weaker ones, results in fewer and fewer patrons commisioning bigger and bigger buildings. Architects' working arrangements are similarly affected. Larger and thus fewer practices are required to handle the big jobs. At present 36% of medium and large private practices carry out 81% of the work. These same offices employ 82% of increasingly frustrated salaried architects. The bigger the jobs, the greater the profit, so it is not surprising that the principal dominated RIBA, while commiserating on the'crisis' in architecture, looks everywhere for the answer except towards the real cause - a system of public and private patronage, in which initial access and subsequent control is severely limited. The remedy for this will not be architectural. It will only be achieved when society's vaues change. exists in the service provided by the albeit in a very limited and unsatisfactory that the present power structures are to achieve our aim of a national decentralised local government offices to local people. Nevertheless has set itself and in the coming how this may be achieved. achieved. 20 We believe that any new form of architectural service must include a formal mechanism of local control through which architects are accountable, not only to their clients, but to those who are affected by their designs. Only in this way can competence and quality of service be measured adequately. Although we would encourage co-ownership in private practice, it is clear that without lcal accountability, such a development would merely extend professional elitism and allow a wider distribution of profits within the prfession. At this stage we do not think that an amended private practice system, however desirable, could provide the type of service which we envisage. Within the present economic system it is only through the state that the majority of people can gain their rightful access to the resources necessary for their material well being. The major step following from this is to bring existing publicity owned resources under the directcontrol of the public at local level, and to ensure that all new facilities brought into state ownership are directly accountable to, and controlled as architecture is concerned they must opinion therefore the basis of a national by local users. As far be the patrons. In our design service already local authority design offices - manner. We recognise must be radically changed if we design service in the form of controlled and accountable this is one of the tasks which months we shall be considering NAM If our strategies for action are to be effective, we need to understand the reasons behind the present unsatisfactory situation. The purpose of this paper is to examine the present processes at work in each area of current architectural patronage and to try to draw out factors which will help to clarify both the kind of service which would be desirable and the means by which that might be 2.0 SYMPTONS AND CAUSES 2.1 Curing Symptons From school of architecture onwards architects are conditioned to accept the context in which they work, and to look for the solutions to the problems of architecture in the symptons of the malaise. After all, anything more searching would involve questioning the status quo. So the architectural establishment, the schools, the RIBA and the magazines have elevated physical form to the position where it is widely accepted that bad design is at the root of all architecture problems. The contention is, of course, that universal good design would solve everything. This preoccupation with form has led us to view, in their time, structural expression modular co-ordination, prefabrication, rationalised traditional et al, as the panacea for all ills. Now energy conservation is being dressed up for this exacting role. To all of these we are told, must be added the ingredient of novelty. Improving the ideas of others is not accepted as valid in this concept - even though we know that the various elements in the Parthenon had been around for centuries before the architect put them together in a particular way. He wasn't asked to invent then. Creation has come to mean innovation - in a substantial way and from scratch. But to innovate is to experiment with the people who will use our buildings. As we do not know who these people are, there is a tendency for the large buildings created for their use to be anonymous also. This is where innovation comes in, where we use a variety of devices to add visual interest. The result is always false and frequently foolish as well. In this respect schemes like Parkhill in Sheffield are at least a more honourable expression of the brief than those produced by architects who, to the delight of the magazines, attempt to conceal the monolithic nature of the brief by the use of complicated and arbitary forms. ignoring the basic issue of patronage. throughout history. people to control the design of their environment. 2.2 Examining the Causes: Architecture is a service industry and it is wholly dependent on external factors for its existence. The fortunes of architecture fluctuate with the fortunes of the patrons. The present high proportion of unemployed salaried architects and the massive number of unemployed building workers is salutory evidence of this basic fact. Architectural patronage has two basic prerequisites - access to finance and control of land. The ability to raise finance is the key aspect for it enables the patron to gain the initial control over land and then to pay for the actual building. Clearly in our society only the state and a minority of private organisations and individuals can aspire to this position. At present, the distribution of architectural patronage is 60% by value public and 40% by value private and we should have a clear understanding of the present system if we are to discover where advances can be made towards a more equitable distribution of patronage in the short term, and a complete redistribution in the long term. Without the demand and feedback from the users, all designs are carried out in a vacuum, and it is naive to look for a new architecture in the means of construction and form, while The designs which we create reflect precisely the values and aspirations of the patron and John Berger has described how this has been true - with one or two exceptions - of art We believe that there will only be a new architecture when the patronage base is radically extended to enable the majority of practice and the relationships between user and architect. 3.0 LAND The last official comprehensive register of all land holdings in this country was produced in 1874. Today there is no official register of private land holdings and all attempts to create one have been systematically blocked in Parliament. From this we can perhaps deduce that the majority of land is in private ownership. Land takes its value not only from its present use but also from its potential use, and it is at its most expensive under the pressure of competing uses in city centres. The use to which the land is put is dictated by the profitability of the use; hence prime sites are always taken by those activities which yield the highest profits. Although the free market in land is tempered somewhat nowadays by the local planning authority, this intervention in itself results in changes in land values. In the docklands area of London, for example as ageing and unprofitable industries close down or move out to green field sites, un-unionised labour and government subsidies, they realise their main asset - land. The most profitable use for thisland is now expensive riverside housing, hotels and yachting marinas for the rich. This change has already begun and without the intervention of the local authorities (under pressure from local people) it would now be well established. It remairsto be seen whether the five dockland Boroughs are able or willing to insist on uses which will regenerate appropriate industry in the area. The end product of the free market in land therefore is not in the interests of the community. Thousands of jobs are lost and local housing problems are not solved. The next three sections discuss briefly the role of land ownership, the link between control of resources and control of architecture, and the resulting effect on design, architectural Similarily in the chain of escalating land values between the virgin land and the speculative house, the original land owner profits, the developer profits on both the land and the houses and the proud new owner buys into the market at the limit of his income. Then the individual house on its small plot of land continues to be a commodity, and the price continues to rise. Because private profit is the motive underlying the free market in land, working people cannot penetrate this market far less control it, except through the medium of the state. It is for this reason that the proportion of publicity owned land is so high in working class communities; as high as 80% for example in parts of the East End of London. But the inadequacies of public finance quite often results in cheap and unsuitable sites being bought for public use, and the need to optimise even this, leads to gross over use. High densities are therefore accepted as the norm for public housing giving rise to balcony access and other manifestations virtually unknown in the private sector. Under the present system of land ownership this is unlikely to change. 4.0 PRIVATE PATRONAGE The building sector financed by private patronage falls into three broad sectors - Industrial, Commercial and private howing. This work accounts for around 63% by vaue of all commissions undertaken by private practice. 4.1 The Patrons The major patrons are those companies and individuals who control these sectors. Financial institutions now ow controlling share holdings in British companies and through their executives and directors dictate the patterns of investment throughout the economy. These are the main private patrons of architecture and although private individuals do exercise patronage, the value is minute in comparison. 4.2 Reasons for Patronage just how short term the benefits were. Money will therefore only be put into tmildings in the first place if that is, or will lead to, the most profitable way of using the money. The type of development, whether industrial, commerical or private housing will be chosen according to the same logic. 4.3 Affect on Architecture The architecture will reflect the directness of the relationship between profit and the building. So if the activity yields the profit, as in industry say, then the building is required merely to house the activity, and little in the way of cosmetics are applied beyond that which is necessary to satisfy the Health and Safety at Work Act and the Planning Officer. On the other hand, speculative housing and office development, are in themselves the means of achieving profit. Sufficient money will therefore be directed into the appearance, commensurate always with the market for which it is aimed. Capital in any company is accumulated by profit. On the basis of its profitability, shares in it are bought through the money market, which finance further development with a view to creating further profit. The money market determines into which sectors resources should flow to gain the greatest return. The money market is otherwise indiscriminate. It is not its function to distinguish between those investments which benefit society as a whole and those which do not. Therefore we have seen moneyflowing out of older and increasingly less profitable industry into very profitable unproductive sectors like property. escalating rents and prices may have brought short term benefits to a minority but it was at the expense of working people. saw house prices disappearing time as they were losing their They even further out of reach at the same in the economy dwindle, the rest of society is beginning to realise The resulting bonanza of jobs. As the productive sectors Be 4.4 User Control of Design? Real user control over the design is achieved when the architect is designing private villas for the directors. In other instances those same directors and executives will certainly control the design process of a new office and factory but they will almost invariably by absentee clients. Where they are not they will be well insulated from reality in the penthouse, surrounded by solar reflecting glass and Barcelona chairs. The workers on the shop floor or in the offices, on the other hand, are still unable to control the design of their environment, (although it is in the interests of the more enlightened managements to indulge in participation) even although that design, as in the case of open plan offices, is a direct function of decisions to change working methods to increase productivity. There is no element of user control in speculative housing either. 62% of this market is designed by private practice but architects and users never meet. Although people who are able to buy into this market gain a certain amount of contxrl through choice, the choice is initially limited by income and location, and further limited in terms of accommodation and design. These have more to do with the developer's profit margins than the buyer's real needs. But the relationship between house prices and earnings is so organised as to exclude half the population and in some working Where it is more profitable, the patrons will elect to build their own offices, which will fulfil the dual function of housing their activities and presenting the required public image. The Commercial Union building is therefore designed to create an aura of prestige, restrained good taste, wealth and stability, while concealing the rather squalid nature of its source of wealth. It fulfils this function admirably. class areas, over three quarters. In a free market house prices 4.5 Public Accountability? The executives who control the building design are responsible only to their shareholders. Their job is to ensure maximum return on investment. The public good does not feature in this equation - nor can it. The people affected by private buildings have no control over the developer's actions other than indirectly through Planning Control. Even where the Planning Officers do profess to have some regard for the ethic of public service, they will be in conflict with and will often be overridden by the local political requirements such as rate income. The arguement is that the interests of the public as a whole takes precedence over the interests of a few local people, no matter how disastrous the effect on their lives may be. Planning Control has failed too often in these situations in the past for us to have any confidence in its ability to safeguard the public interest. Private practice in turn is not accountableto the commmity affected by its designs. Not only is the partners! liability to the client, but the practice is also dependent on the client financially. Not surprisingly therefore, private practice rarely opposes the client's demands. 4.6 Conclusion. Control over design cannot be separated from control over resources. In the private sector these resources are controlled by a minority - formerly rich individuals, now the representatives of giant institutions. The Private patron of architecture adopts this role solelyto create more wealth, and is not accountable in any will always be out of reach of the majority of the working class. Any one who doubts this should consider what £60 per week buys in the Londonhousing market, and that many people earn a lot less than this. meaningful way to the people affected by his buildings. Similarly, =10= alter this basic fact. 5.0 PUBLIC PATRONAGE: Public patronage of architecture comes through the central state, the nationalised industries, but in the main through local authorities. It accounts for all the work produced by public sector architects, and 37% of work by value of private practice. In total the state is responsible for 60% of the Building Industry's annual turnover. 5.1 Reasons for State Patronage. It has been said that the state fulfils two basic functions. The first is to try to promote or maintain the conditions in which economic growth is both possible and profitable for the private sector. Secondly the state trys to maintain and promote the conditions for social harmony, and make the existing social order seem acceptable. Both factors are at work when the state finances building. On the one hand, the state must intervene in the arena previously described, to provide enough housing, hospitals and schools to prevent the population from becoming restless. On the other hand, a well housed, healthy and reasonably educated working class are necessary if economic growth is to be achieved and sustained. The main organ of this system of control is the Local Authority. 5.2 Local Authorities Finance: The largest part of Local Authority finance is in the form of Private practice is in business to service these interests. Under a system of private patronage the needs of working people will be in conflict with the dictates of the client. Profit sharing and co-operative working arrangements may increase the material well being of the salaried architect but they will not central government grants. A much smaller proportion comes from ie rates. The services provided from these funds, constitutes the return we get on taxes and rates paid by us the public. Pressure to hold down rates and taxes results in a short fall of finance, and local authorities are forced to resort to the private money market to make up the difference. This is a very lucrative business for the private money lenders, to the extent that 1/3 of the housing expenditures of an Inner London Borough goes into paying back interest to the finance companies. Whatever the source, the public pays it eventually, either through increased taxes, rates and charges, or by the reduction in services for which we thought we had already paid - witness the present expenditure cuts. 5.3 Control over Resources The directness of this flow of our resourcetso the state appears to be in inverse proportion to the extento which we,the public, are able to control, or even understand the mechanism for producing what we have paid for. local Authorities are the local arm of central government and are obliged by law to carry out central policies, whether or not local politicians believe that these are in the interests of their constituents. All public resources are therefore controlled from the centre through grants, approvals and regulating machinery such as cost allowances and Housing Yardsticks. 5.4 User Control of Design? Control of architectural patronage at local authority level is power being wielded by the committee are serviced by their departmental up by arguments prepared by a large of this formidable array it is little little more than rubber stamp councillors are unable to play an active role in controlling services exercised by the relevant spending committee, a large part of that Chairmen. The committee Chairmen chief officer whose advice is backed team of specialists. In the face wonder that the full council can do committee decisions, and that even ward to the people they represent, let alone the users themselves. oe which has no doubts as to where "participation" begins and ends. 5.5 Design We are only too familiar with the effect which scarce,minimum resources and the lack of user control has on the buildings. While there is just not enough money, the design decisions which have to be made by the architect in the absence of user instructions, undoubtedly mean that what money there is will often be allocated wrongly. 5.6 Public Accountability of the Architect? The local authority departments - edwation, housing, social services, architecture etc, are concerned with the provision of city wide services and by andlarge they treat the city as a whole. Sectional interests, whether of wards or of classes of people are generally subordnated to those of the general population. Centralised offices follow naturally from this city wide view. The departmental chief officers are accountable to the Council via the Chairman of the relevant Committee, and a hierarchal pyamidal structure must follow. The individual job architect who actually produces the work is responsible to the Chief Officer through a series of steps in the hierachy. The chain of accountability of job architect to user is through: group architect, principal architect, chief architect, spending department chief officer, committee chairman, committee, ward councillor, User. Seven steps between architect and user. Those steps are so immovable and concerned with prestige, screening and face saving operations that in practice the local authority jobs architect is not accountable to the userat all. Contact between user and architect is discouraged if not forbidden, and excépt for example where a head teacher is involved in the design of a replacement school, there are few opportunities for the user to gain control over the design. It is a system in which a certain product is demanded of individual architects The product is imposed or "sold" to local groups by apolitical leadership in return for continued employment. 5.7 Conclusion. are substantial indeed. maintained existing council developments. 6.0 ALTERNATIVES The trend towards rehabilitation and small scale infill in areas of predominantly old privately rented or privately owned working class housing has resulted in the growth of a third area of patronage, which is interesting in terms of its potential for user control, and the changed attitudes and raised expectations which could follow from it. 6.1 Sources of Finance: Finance is provided through a diverse range of public and private grants. In the private sector it includes grants from developers and various trust funds which are used to resource community design services arse The changes which are necessary to convert this monolithic structure into a freely available and loally controlled National Design Service However, in setting out the ills and authoritarian practice of government structures it is important not to lose sight of the more fundamental fact that these structures directly or through grants supply the resources, and buy the land necessary to meet basic social requirements. It is not possible farpeople to demand control over the design of buildings if there are no resources to build them. The relevance of public resources to the question of control is seen most clearly in housing. In old working class communities up and down the country there are millions of people living in clearance areas in which badly built spec housing of the last century has rotted for decades. Housing which may often need redevelopment rather than rehabilitation. The long term cuts in public spending in order to make good the lack of private in industry and the economy mean the fact that resources for new homes is not to be made available. areas have become marginal, peripheral up homes is what people will be offered alongside increasingly under that people inthese areas are faced with These and in the end expendable. Patched investment Ae. so far as they fulfil this hidden motive. Public grants, which usually cover a high proportion of land, construction and design costs, range from improvement grants for individual dwellings through to the finance available to Housing Associations via the Housing Corporation. HAAs and GIAs can call on higher grants and special L.A. loans — they also have available important compulsory powers. 6.2 Control of Finance: The key aspect, as always, is who controls the use to which the finance isi put. Private sources often leave considerable discretionary power over the use of such resources, within the overall terms of the grant. Projects like ASSIST are examples of how such community design offices can be made accountable to and controlled by local residents, and resident controlled Housing Associations. HAAs and GIAs are designated by the local authority usually at their own behest. It should be noted however that in England, local residents also have the right to petition the local authority to have their area so designated. The local authority sets up locally based design teams to carry out the work and although this is a step forward, they invariably limit the role of residents to an advisory capacity. Architects are only directly accountable to local people where the residents themselves control the process through their own Housing Associations, and it is in this area that there has been the greatest advance. The current direction of resources into non-resident controlled housing of a kind not provided by the local authority. Such sources of finance usually ultimately rest upon less than respectable activities and hence the importance of philanthropic gestures to buy an honest and respectable image. This is not an argument against pursuing such funds; merely a reminder that such grants are renewable only in of local people. 6.3 Conclusion. and tightly controlled beaurocracy in the Town Hall. interest rather than merely extending the share of high profits. 7.0 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS Local Authorities already provide a public architectural service through a national network of design offices. Can thisstructure be changed into a freely available, locally controlled national design service or should we provide a parallel service? As stated at the beginning of this paper, in our opinion the local authorities associations is no substitute. It may bring work and profits to private architects and other professionals but it is at the expense The importance of this third area of patronage lies in its scope for change, not only in itself, but also as a means to raise expectations of the service which could be provided by the Local Authority. As such it is a pointer to the future direction of Local Authority services. It is possible for the resident organisation which controls the resources to be both client and user. Although this has not been the norm, where it has occurred, it has been eminently successful. e.g. ASSIST in Govan, and Rod Hackney at Black Road Macclesfield. do provide in the long term the basis of a national design service. While there is considerable room for improvement, especially in terms of local control of design, in local authority HAAs and GIAs, it is difficult to believe that residents, having once experienced a more direct service, will settle for anything less in the future, or that the design teams will readily accept their return to a centralised A further by-product of this area of patronage is the opportunity it has given to change architect's working arrangements. Hierarchical power structures can and have been replaced by collective authority and co-operative working relationships. The choice is open to work for a reasonable salary and turn the excess fees over to the public We have seen that local authorities are centrally important as the main and often the only structure through which people can exert demands and gain the necessary access to land, finance and other resources. In seeking to change them we should not forget that they are equally important as structures of authoritarian social control which cannot afford to and have no intention of giving away power to the grass roots. In principle, local authorities are structures which cannot be radically changed in our society, of that we should have no illusions. However, we have seen from history that as the lowest tier of government they are not only necessary from above but are also susceptible to the threats of vigorous pressure from below. They can be made to change direction. 7.1 Campaign within Local Authorités. A national design service as we envisage it means control over local resources and local design teams by local residents. This is not going to happen overnight and we should begin in those areas where changes have already occurred and where the potential for further change exists. Within our own localities we should therefore: * support the demands of local groups who represent the interests of the users and who call for direct control over thelocal authority design process. * support the demands of residents committees for executive control over HAAs and GIAs. * campaign for the rapid extension of HAAs and GIAs. * support tenants demands for control over present and future local authority housing. The public expenditure cuts have already resulted in tenants being "allowed" to control maintenance in many areas. 26s 2i7= 7.2 Alternative Services: In parallel with action within the local authorities we should initiate a number of short life locally controlled design offices. By winning public support such projects can be used as practical examples to raise expectations of people's real right, and to pressurise local councils into incorporating changes. ASSIST have done this with success in Glasgow, and we endorse their view that local projects must be seen as vehicles for change, not as cop-outs for discontented architects. These demands and activities will inevitably be strongly opposed. NAM must therefore develop strategies to enable these demands to be achieved. These strategies should include means whereby sympathetic architects can organise inside local authorities, and demand direct accoutability to users and the decentralisation of offices. We shall require the support of local groups, local councillors, trades councils, UCCAT and the public service unions. Finally, in considering our strategies for change we should be aware that change in the past has often been a two edged sword. Benefits for the majority have usually been gained at the expense of reinforcing the status quo. We should always remember that our concept of a freely available, national design service must in the long term mean that the resources of land and finance are to be controlled by the majority of the population. They will be the new patrons. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource North London Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray & John Allan 3cc Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/724cfaef4509d6c63efe14175080d8d3.pdf 3798f8c424c8279a141ea0cc5aa611f1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Summarised History of the ARCUK code Subject The topic of the resource Summarised History of the ARCUK code. Typescript 8 pp total including definition of ‘disgraceful conduct’. Description An account of the resource 731/59 Disxraceful Conduct as defined by Mr. Justice Devlin in his Judgment in Hughes v A. R.C.U.K. The Architects (Registration) Act 1931 Section 7 gives the Council power to strike the name of an architect from the register if he has been "guilty of conduct disgraceful to him in his capacity as an architect" . 1 cannot accept the argument that the term "disgraceful" is in any sense a term of art. In accordance with the usual rule it is to be given its natural and popular meaning. But it is qualified by the phrase "in his capacity as an architect". The effect of that qualification is twofold. First, the conduct must not only be what would ordinarily be considered disgraceful, but it must also be a disgrace which affects him professionally; to that extent the qualification diminishes the term. Secondly, conduct which is not disgraceful for an ordinary man may be disgraceful for a professional man: to that extent the qualification amplifies the term. But the amplification does not require that "disgraceful" is to be given any technical meaning: it requires only that the ordinary meaning of the word should be applied in relation to the special obligations and duties of a professional man. It must not be forgotten that if the finding of the Committee stands, anyone may hereafter say of Mr. Hughes with impunity that he was struck off the register for disgraceful conduct and may add that that means what it says. Summarised History of the ARCUK Code On 11 March, 1932, the Council received a report of the Committee of Ways and Means which contained, inter alia, a recommendation that a Code of Professional Conduct was desirable despite having received Counsel's Opinion advising against. The Council, in debating the matter, considered — if there was to be a Code — that it could be built up gradually by means of the precedents from the Discipline Cornmittee; or the Council could give architects proposing to register some idea of what they must not do. It was agreed at this meeting to defer a recommendation to draft a Code, partly because there were a number of other tasks urgently needing action and partly because in any event the Discipline Conmittee could not be appointed for Some months . In March 1934 the P PC reconmended the Council to inform an architect ' 'that it is unprofessional and contrary to established custom to advertise" This was to stop newspaper advertisements. Another architect at the same time was seeking information about his position with regard to advertising, hidden commissions, soliciting and trading, and pointing out that the Act made no provision for a Code. He was told that, in general, these were matters of unprofessional conduct and contrary to established custom but it was for the Discipline Committee to decide what was disgraceful. The architect challenged this reply, pointing out that no Code had been approved by the Privy Council, and asked if the RIBA Code "with all its loose application" was accepted in the Courts. Another architect was informed it was not in accordance with established custom for an architect to trade as a builder. It was for the Discipline Committee etc. It was also "not in accordance with established custom for an architect to engage in trade". (Very broad statement!) Other cases dealt with alleged supplanting (referred to D.C.) and soliciting and supplanting; and the Chartered Surveyors were asked to refer in their Code to the undesirhbility of advertisements by surveyors who were also architects. There was however a hold up with regard to referring cases to the Discipline Committee because they had no regulations yet. After a motion had been received from an architect which ended with the following words "That this Council give a ruling that may serve as a guide to the public and the profession as to what may be considered 'established custom' and what conduct would normally lie outside such 'established custom'. (Code of Practice) That sanct ion be obtained from the Privy Council for such regulations the P PC approved the principle of a Code of Professional Conduct which banned architects from advertising "his architectural services publicly t % "receiving commission not disclosed" and "soliciting work by means of paid agents". In due course however, and before any ARCUK Code had been formulated, the Discipline Committee had heard its first case, where mention was made to two Codes — that of the RIBA and that of the IAAS, and the Discipline Conmittee Report contains the following paragraphs: Each code must embody, its existence would be meaningless unless it did embody, those rules of conduct which its framers and administrators hold to be binding on themselves as practitioners of an honourable calling, while every professional man knows that many such rules express the solution of doubts which have arisen in practice. A practitioner who has any cause to doubt what his own course of action ought to be can seek guidance in the solutions tested by experience (or formulated by experienced persons) , and set forth in the codes ö The essential features of both codes, it must be believed, would in spirit be accepted by the architectural profession even had they remained unwritten, and the Committee conceives itself entitled to apply these codes in the interpretation of Section 7 of the Act and to find a registered person guilty of conduct dis graceful in an architect if he be shewn to have contravened the spirit common to the codes. The Council received a further Counsel's Opinion dated August 1934 which contained a preference to "allow a code as to professional conduct to grow up gradually by means of publication and circulation from time to time" of Discipline Cormnittee decisions . This view was based on the idea that it wpuld leave the Council "unfettered by definitions of professional misconduct" whéreas a "specified and definite code" would make it difficult for the Council to remove a man from the Register "unless his conduct were shown to fall within the four corners of the code". Again the Council were reminded that the Act contained no express power to formulate a code as to professional conduct or misconduct. The Council was also advised that the Privy Council "would probably be reluctant to give their sanction to a code of professional conduct dealing (of necessity) with matters as to which a wide diversity of views might be held. However, the Opinion did state that the Council could, without statutory authority, publish and send to registered persons ' t a statement enumerating practices or modes of conduct which they consider it undesirable for registered persons to pursue" This statement should contain no reference to Section 7 of the Act and should show on the face of it that it was published merely for guidance. In June 1935 the Council were informed that the PPC were drawing up a draft statement as referred to in the above paragraphs. A suggestion/tnat tÅe Draft Code, together with Scale of Fees and Conditions of Engagement, be submitted to all bodies mentioned in the First Schedule, and to every registered person for comments . On 20 March 1936 the Council had before it a "draft Code of Professional Conduct for Registered Architects" for the guidance of architects which was submitted by the PPC who had resolved unanimously that it be submitted to Council "as an agreed document". In submitting the Draft the Committee said since it had received unanimous approval in Committee to refer it to the constituent bodies would cause unnecessary delay. They proposed however to send copies to all registered persons but without inviting comments, but to invite-the Unattached architects to forward comments to one of the Council members they had elected. (One Council member elected by the Unattached dissented from the decision to to approve the draft Code.) A copy of the March 1936 Code is attached from which it will be seen that it remained unaltered until 1945. In December 1944 the PPC reconmended that the Code be revised generally. This arose from Counsel's Opinion obtained to assist in dealing with questions concerning architects involved in property development — buying and selling land and buildings. In February 1945 the COunci1 had a draft revised Code before them in a totally different format and it was agreed that the draft be submitted to the constituent bodies and to the representatives of the Unattached architects for observations. This draft Code consisted of a Preamble, Principles and Examples. In November 1945 the PPC reported to Council on the comments received from the RIBA on the draft, but some of the RIBA suggestions were not accepted. One or two comments had also been received from the ABT and AA. Counsel was asked to vet the final version; and in March 1946 the Council were informed that a new Code had been published. In December 1948 the Code was amended to give a time limit after which architects could not be house agents or auctioneers. The RIBA, IAAS, AA and ABT approved; FAS had made no comments and the Unattached had divergent views , but agreed to go along. After the Code had been amended a number of times, on 17 October, 1952, the Council resolved that the PPC should review the Code "as a whole in its relation to the Codes of any of the constituent bodies of the Council" if necessary conferring with such bodies. A Sub—Committee of the PPC was set up and in October 1954 a draft new Code was submitted to Council and finally approved in December 1954 for circulation to the profession with the 1955 Annual Report. Its format was not dissimilar from the previous Codes. Early in 1960 the Code was reprinted in a new format; and because there had been a number Of amendments made to it since 1955, a copy was sent to every registered person. Again the Code was subject to a number of amendments/ clarifications and in June 1969 the PPC were again asked to review the Code as a whole and to report back to the Council. As the RIBA were also looking at their Code as a whole it was agreed in October 1969 to set up an ad hoc joint working group to enable the two bodies to proceed in step. By March 1970 a preliminary draft of the Principles and Rules of Professional Conduct was ready and it was agreed it be circulated to the architectural constituent bodies for discussion. In June 1970 the Council were informed that meetings were being held in the RIBA Regions and branches to discuss the new Principles. The work on amending the Code was then taken over by the RIBA but in March 1975 the Council were informed that the PPC had asked the Registrar to send copies of the draft Code to the other architectural constituent bodies. Eventually a new Code, different in form and format but not greatly different in meaning was published on 1 January 1976 . �Architects' Registration Council of the United Kingdom 68, PORTLAND PLACE, w.l. Code of Professional Conduct for Architects 'l'hc• lollowing Rules have been drawn up for the guidance of architects. While it is not intended to lay down a hard-and-fast line between what is, and what is not, legitimate, the object of the Rules is to provide a general standard of professional practice, the breach of which, by an architect, may render him liable to be adjudged, by the Council, guilty of disgraceful conduct. Remuneration in respect of architectural work consists (a) in the case of an employee, of salary, and (b) of architects in private practice, of professional fees. In the case of (b) the client should be informed at the outset of the. rules of employment of architects and the scale of charges upon which reinnneration is based. N.B.-For the purpose of this Code the Conditions of Engagement and Scale of Charges published by the R.I. B.A. or other constituent body is recommended. All architect MUST NOT: Accept any work which involves giving or receiving discounts or commissions, nor may he accept any discount, gift or commission from Contractors or Tradesmen whether employed upon thc works or not. Advertise or offer his services by means of circulars or otherwise, nor may he make paid announcements in the Press. Attempt to supplant another architect, nor Inust he compete with another architect by means of a reduction of fees or by any other inducement. Permit the insertion of any clause in tenders, bills of quantities or other documents which provide for payment to be made to him by the Contractor whatever may be the consideration, unless with the previous knowledge and approval of his client. Carry on or act as principal, partner .lianager of a company or firm trading in materials used in building, or whose activities are connected with the building industry. (J) Permit the business of auctioneering or house agency to form part of his practice. to Paragraph Extract Ironl Count:11 Al 01 u tes of June 23Yd, 1936: — RESOLVED that Where busine• as an Auctioneer or House Agent was being carried on at the time of registration no action be taken in the Inatter, but that any Registered Architect atternpting to, or '.vho has attempted to, start any business as Auctioneer or House Agent after the date of his registration be informed that such action is not in accordance xvith the recognised custom of the Architectural profession. Act as alChitect or joint architect jor a work which is or has been the subject of a cuinpetiti011, in which he is 01 has been en o a o ed as an assessor. Act as architect or joint architect for a work which is or has been the subject of an abandoned colnpetition, if he is or has beca oificially nominated as assessor, or approached by the prcnnoters for the purpose of acting as such. An M UST: Be rernunerated solely in the case of an employee by his salary and in the case of a practising architect by professional fees, and Inust not accept remuneration from any' other source in connection with the works and duties entrusted to him. Before accepting an appointment or instructions to proceed with any work upon which it is obvious another architect has been employed, communicate with the architect last employed with a view to ensuring that his engagement has been properly terminated. An architect MAY: Be architectural consultant or adviser to building contractors, decorators, furniture designers, estate development firms or companies or firms or companies trading in materials used in or whose activities are otherwise connected with the building industry, provided that: — He is paid by' fee and not by commission on sales or profits thereon. He does not solicit orders for the firm or company. Use the word " Architect in connection '.uth 1113 appointment, and his name may appear on the stationery of the firm or company as architectural consultant or adviser. Be a Director of any company (except those excepted in Clause 2 (e)), including a building society registered under the Building Societies Act, and lilay allow his name and the word " Architect to appear on the notepaper of the company. Sign his buildings and may exhibit his name outside his office and on buildings in the course of construction, alteration and/or extension, provided that it is done in an unostentatious Inanner. If a client so desires, the architect's name may remain upon the buildilig for a period not exceeding twelve months after its completion provided that the board does not display ' To Lei ' or " For Sale ' or similar notices. Although there is no objection to an architect signed illustrations and descriptions of his to be published in the Press, ith reference to such illustrations or descriptions is contrary to professional custom to give monetary consideration for such insertions or to allow such insertions to be used by the publishers for obtaining advertiselnents from unwilling contributors. Architects who are appointed surveyors io recogniscd estdles announce land or sites or premises ior sale or letting in conneciion with their appointments. When architects are acting as surveyors or town planners in connection with the development of land, announcements may be made in the Press and on notice boards in connection with such developinellt, provided that such announcements are made in an unostentatious Inanner. In all questions arising between the employer and contractor an architect must act in an impartial manner. He must at all titncs interpret the conditions of the contract with entire fairness as between employer and contractor. Quantities.—It is desirable that in cases where an architect takes out quantities for buildings he should be paid directly by the client and not through the contractor. Note : —- Architects are recommended to bring this Code to the notice of their employees. By Order of the Council, PEMBROKE WICKS Registr,v . March 20th, 1936. Reprinted April 1st, 1941. �Summarised History ARCUK Code On 11 March, 1932, the Council received a report of the Committee of Ways and Means which contained, inter alia, a recommendation that a Code of Professional Conduct was desirable despite having received Counsel's Opinion advising against. The Council, in debating the matter, considered — if there was to be a Code — that it could be built up gradually by means of the precedents from the Discipline Corm-nit tee; or the Council could give architects proposing to register some idea of what they must not: • do. It was agreed at this meeting to defer a recormnendation to draft a Code, partly because there were a number of other tasks urgently needing action and partly because in any event the Discipline Corrmittee could not be appointed for Some months . In March 1934 the PPC reconmended the Council to inform an architect "that it is unprofessional and contrary to established custom to advertise". This was to stop newspaper advertisements . Another architect at the same time was seeking information about his position with regard to advertising, hidden conunissions, soliciting and trading, and pointing out that the Act made no provision for a Code. He was told that, in general, these were matters of unprofessional conduct and contrary to establi-shed custom but it was for the Discipline Committee to decide what was disgraceful. Thé architect challenged this reply, pointing out that no Code had been approved by the Privy Council, and asked if the RIBA Code i 'with all its loose application" was accepted in the Courts. Another architect was informed it was not in accordance with established custom for an architect to trade as a builder. It was for the Discipline Cormittee etc. It was also i 'not in accordance with established custom for an architect to engage in trade". (Very broad statement!) Other cases dealt with alleged supplanting (referred to D.C.) and soliciting and supplanting; and the Chartered Surveyors were asked to refer in their Code to che undesirkbility of advertisements by survey.ors who were also architects. �There was however a hold up with Discipline Conmittee because they; had After a motion had been received following words "That this Council give a ruling the public and the profession as regard to referring cases to the no regulations yet. from an architect which ended with the that may serve as a guide to to what may be considered 'established cus tom' and what conduct would' normally lie outside such 'established custom t . (Code of Practice) That sanction be obtained from the Privy Council for such regulations the P PC approved the principle of a Code of Professional Conduct which banned architects from advertising "his architectural services publicly" ' 'receiving commission not disclosed" and "soliciting work by means of paid agents" In due course however, and before any ARCUK Code had been formulated, the Discipline Committee had heard its first case, where mention was made to two Codes — that of the RIBA and that: of the IAAS, and the Discipline Committee Report contains the following paragraphs : "(g) Each code must embody, its existence would be meaningless unless it did embody, those rules of conduct which its framers and administrators hold to be binding on themselves as practitioners of an honourable calling, while every professional man knows that many such rules express the solution of doubts which have arisen in practice. A practitioner who has any cause to doubt what his own course of action ought to be can seek guidance in the solutions tested by experience (or formulated by experienced persons) , and set forth in the codes b The essential features of both codes, it must be believed, would . in spirit be accepted by the architectural profession even had they remained unwritten, and the Cornmittee conceives itself entitled to apply these codes in the interpretation of Section 7 of the Act and to find a registered person guilty of conduct disgraceful in an architect if he be shewn to have contravened the spirit conmon to the codes. The Council received a further Counsel's Opinion dated August 1934 which contained a preference to 't allow a code as to professional conduct to grow up gradually by means of publication and circulation from time to time" of Discipline Committee decisions . This view was based on the idea that •it VQu1d leave the Council t 'unfettered by definitions of professional misconduct" whéreas a I 'specified and definite code!' would make it difficult for the Council to remove a man from the Register 't un less his conduct were shown to fall within the four corners code". Again the Council were reminded that the Act contained no express power to formulate a code as to professional conduct or misconduct. The Council was also advised that the Privy Council 'k€ould probably be reluctant to give their sanction to a code of professional conduct dealing (of necessity) with matters as to which a wide diversity of views might be held. However, the Opinion did state that the Council could, without statutory authority, publish and send to registered persons t t a statement enumerating practices or modes of conduct which they consider it undesirable for registered persons to pursue" . This statement should contain no reference to Section 7 of the Act and should show on the face of it that it was published merely for guidance. In June 1935 the Council were informed that the PPC were drawing up a draft statement as referred to in the above paragraphs . A suggestion/ tnat Draft Code, together with Scale of Fees and Conditions of Engagement, be submitted to all bodies mentioned in the First Schedule, and to every registered person for comments . On 20 March 1936 the Council had before it a I 'draft Code of Professional Conduct for Registered Architects" for the guidanc-e of architects which was submitted by the PPC who had resolved unanimously that it be submitted to Council as an agreed document" . In submitting the Draft the Committee said since it had received unanimous approval in Conunittee to refer it to the constituent bodies would cause panecessary delay. They proposed however to send copies to all registered persons but without inviting corm•nents , but to invite-the Unattached architects to forward comments to one of the Council members they had elected. (One Council member elected by the Unattached dissented from the decision to to approve the draft Code.) A copy of the March 1936 Code is attached from which it will be seen that it remained unaltered until 1945. In December 1944 the P PC reconmended that the Code be revised generally. This arose from Counsel's Opinion obtained to assist in dealing with questions concerning architects involved in property development — buying and selling land and buildings. �In February' 1945 the COunci1 had a draft revised Code before them in a totally different format and it was agreed that the draft be submitted to the constituent bodies and to the representatives of the Unattached architects for observations. This draft •Code consisted of æ Prearpble, Principles and Examples. In November 1945 the PPC reported to Council on the the RIBA on the draft, but some of the RIBA suggestions were not accepted. One or two corrments had algo been received from the ABT and AA. Counsel was asked to vet the final version; and in March 1946 the Council were informed that a new Code had been published. In December 1948 the Code was amended Co give a time limit .after which architects could not be house agents or auctioneers. The RIBA, IAAS, AA and ABT approved; FAS had made no comments and the Unattached had divergent views , but agreed to go along. After the Code had been amended a number of times, on 17 October, 1952, the Council resolved that the PPC should review the Code 'tas a whole in its relation to the Codes of any of the constituent bodies of the Council" if necessary conferring with such bodies A Sub—Comnittee of the PPC was set up and in October 1954 a draft new Code was submitted to Council and finally approved in December 1954 for circulation to the profession with the 1955 Annual Report. Its format was not dissimilar from the previous Codes. Early in 1960 the Code was reprinted in a new format; and because there had been a number öf amendments made to it since 1955, a copy was sent to every registered person. Again the Code was subject to a number of amendments/ clarifications and in June 1969 the PPC were again asked to review the Code as a whole and to report back to the Council. As the RIBA were also looking at their Code as a whole it was agreed in October 1969 to set up an ad hoc joint working group to enable the two bodies to proceed in step. By March 1970 a preliminary draft of the Principles and Rules of Professional Conduct was ready and it was agreed it be circulated to the architectural constituent bodies for discussion. In June 1970 the Council were informed that meetings were being held in the RIBA Regions and bran 2hes to discuss the new Principles. The work on amending the Code was then taken over by the RIBA but in March 1975 the Council were informed that the PPC had asked the Registrar to send copies draft Code to the other architectural constituent bodies. Eventually a new Code, different in form and format but not greatly different in meaning was published on 1 January 1976 . 5 . Architects Registration Council of the United Kingdom 68, PORTLAND PLACE, w.l, Code of Professional Conduct for Architects 'l'he following Rules have been drawn up for the guidance ot architects. While it is not intended to lay down a hard-and-fast line between what is, and what is not, legitimate, the object of the Rules is to provide a general standard of professional practice, •the breach of which, by an architect, may render him liable to be adjudged, by the Council, guilty of disgraceful conduct. Rexuuneration in respect of architectural work consists (a) in the case of an employee, of salary, and (b) of architects in private practice, of professional fees. In the case of (b) the client should be informed at the outset the. rules of employment of architects and the scale of charges upon which renumeration is based. N.B.—For the purpose of this Code the Conditions of Engagement and Scale of Charger, published by the R.I. B.A. or other constituent •body is recommended. AIR architect MUST NOT: Accept any work which inv.olves giving or receiving discounts or commissions, nor may he accept any discount, gift or commission from Contractors or Tradesmen whether employed upon the works or not. Advertise or offer his services by means of circulars or othenvise, nor may he rn•cAø e paid announcements in the Press. Attempt to supplant another architecti nor must he compete with another architect by means of a reduction of fees or by any other inducement. Permit the insertion of any clause in •tenders, bills of quantities or other documents which provide for payment to be made to Ilil.n by the Contractor whatever may be the consideration, unless with the previous knowledge and approval of his client. (c) Carry on or act as principal, partner . lianager .of a company or firm trading in materials used in building, or whose activities are connected with the building industry. Permit the business of auctioneering or house agency to form part of his practice. NO I'E to Paragraph Extract jrom Count. Il te.s June '23rd, 1 (036 : RESOLVED that I,Vhere busine• as Auctioneer or Ilouse .•lgent was being carried on at the time of registration no action be taken in the Inattcr, but that any Registered Architect attempting to, or vvho has attempted to, start any business as Auctioneer or House Agent after the date of his registration be informed that such action is not in accordance svith the recognised custom of the Architectural. profession. �Act us architect or joint architect ior a work which is or has been the subject of a collipetition, in which he is has been eu o a cs ed as an assessor. Act as architect or joint architect for a work is or has been the subject of an abandoned collipetition, if he is or has beca oiticially nominated as assessor, or approached by the prcnnoters for the purpose of acting as such. An an Be re:nunerated solely in the case of an employee by his salary and in the case of a practising an:hitect by professional fees, and Illust not accept remuneration from any' other source in connection with the works and duties entrusted to him. Before accepting an appointment or instructions to proceed with any work upon which it is obvious another architect has been employed, communicate with the architect last employed with a view to ensuring that his engagement has been properly terminated. An architect MAY Be architectural consultant or adviser to building contractors, decorators, furniture designers, estate development firms or companies or firms or companies trading in materials used in or whose activities are otherwise connected with the building industry, provided that: — He is paid by fee and not by commission on sales or profits thereon. He does not solicit orders for the firm or company. Usv the word " Architect ' in connection M. Ith hib appointment, and his name may appear on the stationery of the firm or company as architectural consultant or adviser. Be a Director of any company (except those excepted in Clause 2 (e)), including a building society registered under the Building Societies Act, and lilay allow his name and the word ' ' Architect ' to appear on the notepaper of the company. Sign his buildings and may exhibit his name outside his office and on buildings in the course of construction, alteration and/or extension, provided that it is done in an upostentatious Inanner. If a client so desires, the architect's name may remain upon the buildilig for a period not exceeding twelve months after its completion that the board does not display •ro Lei ' or " For Sale or similar notices. Although there is no objection to an architect allowing signed illustrations and descriptions of his xvork to be published in the Press, with reference to such illustrations or description> it is contrary to professional custom to give Inonetary consideration for such insertions or to allow such insertions to be used by the publishers for obtaining advertisell)ents from unwilling contributors. (O) Architects ss 110 are appointed surveyors 10 recogniscd estates announce land or sites or prenlises tor sale or letting in Conneciion with their appoinunents. architects are acti1YJ as surveyors or town planners in connection with the development of land, announcements be Inade in the Press and on notice boards in connecuon With such develop!nent, provided that such announcements are made in an unostentatiöus manner. In all •questions arising between the employer and contractor' an architect must act in an impartial manner. He must at all tunes interpret the conditions of the contract with entire fairness as between employer and contractor. Quantities.—It is desirable that in cases where an architect takes out quantities for buildings he should be paid directly by the client and not through the contractor. Note : — Architects are recommended to bring this Code to the notice of their employees. By Order of the Council, PEMBROKE WICKS Registrar . March 20th, 1936. Reprinted April 1st, 1941. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Not given Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/2c8cfbb0c600e6767dcc36055b34d98b.pdf a0bade4d0fcb0262028bbedfd3f4886d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Direct Labour History Subject The topic of the resource History of Direct Labour from first DLO in 1982 at LCC Description An account of the resource uur History ( Ie oieirms WA. ZeLw 4 The decinion to set up the first direct labour departments was made Ly the TCC in 1992. Behind the decision ley four important factors. First, in the early 1290s, labour organisation wes strong. Following the success of the 1889 dock strike, new unions were emerging to challenge the traditional craft unions and unskilled workers were organising thenselves alongside exilled workers. Both were fighting for better working conditions high during the depression years up to 1295 and the governnent’s attcnpte to mollify rising discontent in the form of publio relier works proved coatly, inefficient and beyond the scope of most lock] wuthorivier and ne real solution to unemploymeht. Thirdly, the tuilding industry wae in a state of chaos. During the corrupt years of the MPDW contractors were infamous for scamping work done, resulting in heavy maintenance costs, ani for forming rings to maintain the costs of contracta at an exorbitarily high level. Alongside the growth of cubcontracting which gccompeniea this, trade unions were opposing the imposition of vrdue hours and unfair veges by contractore. Tastly, there wac a repidly changing political position within the LCC, with the emergence of a latour group, which inciuded 2 John Burna (one of the leading figures in the dock strike) and Sidney Webb. This group saw municipal servicee as a direct encroachnent on canitelism. The fight for an extension of municipal services arose mainly out of an alliance between this group and those desiring to increace the efficiency of capitalioms The latter were called the Progressives. Bestest the enterprises of the Progressives, dependant on the provision of essential services in the capital, were hampered by the inefficiency and costiinessa of the work done ty contractors. Up till this time the main function of town councils war to hand out contracts : , Dic = through the Fair wages Movement. “econdly, unemployment was extremely t. and: collect the money necerssary for tiem. Even as late as 1890 dust collection wae done by contractors in the LCC area. The Progressives gained control of the LCC in 1889, defeating the Moderates who represented the interests of local contractors and private companies. One of their firet acts was to bring in a clause enforcing Trade union conditions and pay on all contracts given out by the council. Contractors by the LCC in setting up their Works department was followed by Battersea (1894) and West Ham (1896). An important point about these early direct labour departments is that their work was not confined to housing. Local authorities had only recently extended their sphere of responsibility to housing, following agitation from, for instance, the Workmen' s National Housing council, to remedy slum conditions. As well as undertaking the building of some of the first council estates built under the Housing of the Working Classes Act 1890 the LCC Works Department also obtained contracts (including the furniture contract) from the London Schools Board. Battersea even built a power station, The departments were equipped with a large number of workshops. battersea had, for instance, a wheelwrights shop, joinery works, baacksmiths shop, pjumbers, painters and decoratore shops. It also had advanced machinery, such as a morticing and horing machine." One of the early direct works departments even retaliated by putting in outrageous tonderse> It was against this background, and in order to destroy the monopolistic position of contractors that the growing demand for a Works Department was accepted in 1892, with the building of the York Rd. sewer. The lowest estimate received for this when put out for tender Kas £11,000. The Works department completed the work for £6,854. The lead given owned their own brickfielde; enother provided its own gas for the works.5 == : : ; The effect of the introduction of direct works was to act as xz a check on contractors, reducing their demands and raising the quality of work done — as well ae improving the conditions of building workers by setting a high standard which private builders were force ed to follow. Not till the 1900s, when the housetwilding boom had subsided and speculetive builders’ profits were low did contractors begin arguing that direct works was more contly. It is clear that the idea of cost efficiency was not a basis for setting up Direct Works. As Battersea's engineer and surveyor, Mr. Pilditch explained: "In dispensing with the contractor and undertaking the whole of our work direct, it has never been in contemplation by the Vestry to compete With the cutting contractor who competes at the lowest poss&ble, and often at a losing figure, and then tries by every schame possible to cut and shirk the specified work to avoid a loss as far as possible if unable to make a profite!© Mr. Williams of the FRIBA added to this: "The profit and loss fallacy is not indu&ged in at Battersea. I gathered that it was quite understood in Battersez that good material, good and expeditious worknanship and proper conditions of labour were the points to be aimed at, and whether the eventual cost came out above or below the estimate the community benefitted thereby in the end" These claims are supported in a survey of direct works in the LCC, Battersea and West Ham carried out by Bradford Trades Council in 1904, ! (to ascertain the feasibility of Direct Works for Bradford) which describes the quality of work and materials used as compared with private contractors work. 4- By 1907 a large mumber of authorities had followed the initiative teken by the LCC and set up their own direct works (see figure I). As local authorities began their own housebuilding programmes, often with the use of direct labour, eo their activities encroached more and more private into the/housetuilding sector. With the increasing sucese of direct labour, the contractors launched their firat full-scale campaign against direct xarkt works. Direct Works was ons of the main iseues of the 1907/8 local elections for the LCC, with the Moderates in the name of ‘Municipal Reform',claiming that it wes costly and took away local employment. They succeeded in gaining a majority in the LCC, and their first task was in 1908 to practically destroy the Yorks Department. The Progressives BDivans and J. Stanley Holmes in their election address for the 1910 election described the effect: "The ruthless destruction of this great cepartment and the discharge of over 3,000 men had resulted in London being placed in the hands of the big contractors. It is urged that the men formerly employed by the LCC are now working for contractorsbu,t since a considerable volume of work which was formerly executed by the Yorks Department (including the furnishing contract for all london sbhools) is now being done in the provinces, it is obvious that the cry of 'Jondon work for London men’ raised by the moderates is simply electionary cant. Further it Will be remembered that the Works Department was established in 1892, partly for the purpose of acting as a check on contractors and preventing the formation of ‘rings’. In view of this it 49/noteworthy point that since the abolition of the Works Department over 50 tenders have been withdrawn by contractors, showing that the old game is starting over again, ani we are going back to the corrupt cays of the EE." (Presumably the tenders were withdrawn 60 that they could by upped.) --} By 1912 moderate opinion on direct labour was being reflected in the official line taken by government. Purns had argued throughout the 1890s in the House of Commons for direct labour and against the use of contractors for government workers But in 1912 when Wedgewood Benn | was asked: Wat is policy about whether a perticular piece of work should be done by contract or by direct letour?¥, he replied: "The policy of the department is to have work executed subcontract, practically the only direct labour employed being in connection with the Lonizn Royal Parks end certain ancient monuments situated in remote places. The regular repair work in the various government wuildings is executed bub maintenance Contreotatting To sum up this first phase in the history of direed labour. Direct works departments before the first world war were established: 1) as # solution to unemployment and as an alternative to public relief ; works; 2) to ensure good working conditions and the maintenance of trade union retes. 3) to ensure a high standard, particularly in the growing area of public housing. 4) to destroy the monopolistic position of contractors and to act as a ) check on their tenders (if these were lower than direact labour estimetes, this implied low quality and scamped work or poor wages; if higher, this implied exorbitantly high profits for contractors). The work of the departments was wide-ranging, although housebuilding became increasingly important with the growing responisibilities of municipalities to provide housing. To undertake this extensive workshops were set up. ~b— Post First World “ar The acute housing shortage after World War I reféected the pre-war deficiency of housebilding carried forward as well as the suspeasion of building during the war. The Housing Town Planning Act of 1919 zttemped to eliminate this shortage by imposing a duty on local authorities for the first time to provide for the housing needs of the zorking class in their district. To back up this committment the government gave direct encouragement to local suthorities to employ 13w local authorities gave work to both direct labour and local gu$lds- The working conditions provided were aboue those in the private sector and, inspite of the guaranteed 44 hour week and payment for wet time, veges were often slightly above those in the locality. Girect labour orgenisations. A memoradum of August 1919 As a result of this encouragement, and of the success in the experimental shousing in first Newbury, and then Tivennoovun the munber of direct labour departments snowballed. By Noventer 1920 70 new direct works had been set ea Unlike the prevar pepartments these were concentrated on house-building. Although direct labour was A aetea by the building unions, the situation was confused by the short-lived and financially disastrous Guild movement which the NFBTO also gave backing to. Neny w6s Post First World “ar The acute housing shortage after World War I reftected the pre-war deficiency of housebilding carried forward as well as the suspeasion of building during the war. The Housing Town Planning Act of 1919 zttemped to eliminate this shortage by imposing a duty on local authorities for the first time to provide for the housing needs of the zorking class in their district. To back up this committment the government gave direct encouragement to local authorities to employ were often slightly above those in the locality. 13 Meny direct labour organisations. A memoradum of August 1919 As a result of this encouragement, and of the success in the experimental shousing in first Newbury, and then Tivernsota the munber of direct labour departments snowballed. By roTener 1920 70 new direct works had been set tee Unlike the prevar pepartments these were concentrated on house-building. Although direct labour was a eee by the building unions, the situation was confused by the short-lived and financially disastrous Guild movement which the NFSTO also geve backing to. local authorities gave work to both direct labour and local gu$lds. The working conditions provided were aboue those in the private sector and, inspite of the guaranteed 44 hour week and payment for wet time, veges Shortly thereafter, the private buildinr sector, paralysed by skilled labour shortages and vastly received separate authorisation for subsidy (Additional Powers) Act. In this sector, private faced relatively little competition from would not necessarily have caused alarm housebuilding DLOs. These new measures state intervention (as with hindsipht as setting precedents for they appe=r to have done). Instead they could be constructed rary antidotes to an emergency brought In the pre-Keynesian economic fear high levels of public exnanurnne Government. Public expenditure for howsine was extremely ched a very high level indeed. The an all-time high in April-May peak in housebuilding costs. The wholesale January 1919 as base pertlod = 100) rose to 129 in June 1920 September 1921 had fallen rapidly to burden on the state (and a corresponding builders) since two-thirds of ceived by April 1921 had been contracts signed before the onset timates, on the other hand, were final costs and so offered significant Of ae and jaaeine themfootnores In this context, DLOs received sipnificant support. The 1921 Report on the High inflated prices, throuch the Housing as providing necessary but tempo- about by the aftermath of wm climate there would be no reason as a permanent feature of short-lived but rea -— general price level had reached 1920, a few months earlier than price index (taking the but by 79. This created an enormous bonanza for many private the subsidised housing returns approved in lump sum (ie, fixed) re - of the slump. Direct labour es- adjusted to reflect prevailing economies (as the example indicates). if somewhat cautious Cost of Building Workine to Class Dwellings remarks that as an experiment upon.a limited scale with a direct incentive to economy to the local authorities Adopting it we are of the opinicn that it will tend rather to a reduction than to an increase in fencral prices. !4- Despite this favourable expectation the final recommendation only supported ene provision of houses by DL and it was in small numbers in the first instance, to he subsequently increased if and when their operations prove economical (and) local incentive to economy (should) be provided by the fixine of maximum prices which shall rank for financial assistance.15 A further recommendation in the same report makes it clear just how constrained this modest support mirht be in practice by advi- sing that ‘direct building by the government should be restricted tc a minimum! and viewed as an expedient only to be talen up in emergencies. By the time this report was published (Aueust 1921) the government had already acted as thourh the postwar emergency were over by drastically curtailing its subsidised housine progfraine«. One necessary effect of this was to restrict opportunities Fore Din those which had been set up = which had undertaken a frreater pro- portion of the new housebuilding than in any earlier period. Of 160.000 houses in signed and approved contracts up to April 1924, 8,840 (5.5%) had been built by direct labour.” Addine those houses built by the Guilds and by the Office of Works brings the combined share to almost 10% of all houses. Commenting on this performance, two members of the 1921 Report Committee presenting the minority position commend DL for their good craftsmanship, for the economies they have achieved in their own estates as well as for those thev have imposed on private contracts by inhibiting throurh competi —- tion, otherwise excessive tender prices. The minority statement concludes that in our judgement, it would be in the best interest of economy that advantage should be taken to promote direct employment on housing schemes where ever possible. an The interwar period witnessed the continuinr decline in rovernment subsidies culminating in thé termination of subsidy to either sector for housing built to satisfy general needs (Housing Act 1933). But set against this decline was the remarkable increase in the output of local authority houses which peaked in 1928 with the production of 104.100 council houses with an additional contribu - Wy local authorities.T’he combined record total of 178,700 subsidised dwellings compared with only 60.300 unsubsidised dvellings - the lowest for any interwar year between 1924 and 1939. The implica - tions of this performance may well have sounded the alarm to the private construction industry concerned with its future prospects. By 1927 the NFBTE had launched an explicit attack on DLO& as the building arm of local government. al cannot be measured at the time the scheme is completed. tion of 74.600 houses built by private e'terprise but subsidised by cS Unlike the pre-war period, both the attacks and defence of Di0s at this time centred on arguments over cost. As the dramatic slump in the housebuilding industry set in after 1928 and builders were prepared to put in low tenders to obtain the work, cost savings could not gaways be shown. Wranglings over the relative cost msrits of direct labour and private work was in any case meaningless since they excluded qualitative assessment, the degree of maintenance required, certain management costs included in DL estimates and not in private tenders, The 1929 Labour research ae ieee in reply to the attack by contractors does point out that: "Were the financial success of direct labour tess striking, it would still be justified because it ensures building of high quality. And it must be borne in mxx mind that the high quality of the houces build by direct labour results in substantial economies in upkeep, which etc. {© Cose — In the recovery period after the second World War, both the Index of Wholesale Prices and the General Wage Index rose rapidly as it had after the “orld war 1, generating instability and uncertainty in the construction industry. ihese res'enses however took lonrer to reach their peak after world nar it than after norld war 4 and never returned to their prewar Icvels as they did after the earlier wal. ihis change is at least partly explained by the aco:-tion os the new Keynesian policies used explicitly to prevent a deflation of the sort thal occurred im late 1920, she acceptance of the demand managenernt role of the state was consistent with the renewed conimiit- tment to an extended postwar public housing prorranme. thourh one might have expected a pooteeh oe un encouragement of DLOs. But instead, there was much more consistent support for the dominant role to be played by private enterprise in the reconstruction of Great Britain, Contemrorary documents (first under the pre-1945 Coalition Government but continuing under Labour) make this quite expuaiciaus "Given favourable conditions, the housine needs of a large section of the people of this country can be met without Ri assistance from public funds.'” It is therefore not surprising to find this championing of competition and the private corporation reflected in the postwar directives concerning direct labour. These appear in a Ministry of Health memorandum circulated in 1946 Much of its substance however, appears in an earlier Ministry of 2 works Keport which itself parrots an even earlier report published Qt in 1939. this suggests the persistence of an older and possibly now atrophicd attitude towards DL which remained invulnerable to new economic policies emerging around it. Both these earlier reports however do offer positive evidence on behalf of 10s which tN does not survive into the 1946 memorandum; while there was little or no difference in cost between the direct labour estimate and the contractor's tender it was claimed that the cost of maintenance sub-—- sequent to completion was less on those houses which were carried out by DILO...We are satisfied that the best VL departments have built considerable numbers of food; houses at prices comparable with those of contractors. a) Yhe majority of those who had experience of PL in connection with individual trades were agreed that this method involved preater cost but renerally achieved a better standard of constructicn.= jhe recommendations in the 196 memorandum form a kind of contain-—- ment policy for DLOs: The director of the organisation must be as free as a private builder to select the staff . .. engage and discharge labour solely on frounds of efficiency ... otherwise there is a danrer that influences may creep in which may prejudice the whole nature of the organisation. A DL department must tender in corpetition with contractors, wt the sane tirie and under identical conditions and only obtain the contract if the tender is as low as that of any food contractor. Work should be confined to repetition jobs ... (which) means that the organisation need not become too complex. Housing is perhaps the most suitable job for a wLO for this reason. this seeminjs;ly contradictory position under a labour administration can perhaps be partly explained by looking at the chanre in the role of the State in its planning function. The war had served as &@ ca- talyst for a comprehensive and planned approach to post-war re- construction. both the sarlow report in 1946 and the uthwatt Committee set up in 1941 argued for direct state planninr inter- vention. in the latter case this was specifically to curtail spe- culative activity in land, to:restore to the community increases h land values which the community had frenerated but which lay in the hands of private landownerssdevelopers. ‘the war had proved te success of centralised control] of Key industries. thus could have formed the bases for permanent natienalisation or beran to alarm private wartime apparatus. 2a Inspite of this half-hearted support for direct labour, many new departments were set up, largely because of the increasing number of laboyr ctrongholds. Strong arguments for direct labour contimed RNrouRheut the late 1940s and major surveys of direct labour departments were 2lso carried out by the Labour Research Department and the ausTie A campaign for direct labour was even launched by the NFZTO and the London Trades Council, specifically as an alternative to private constructicn: "Private gunxsk enterprise cannot build houses to let becuuse they do not make money that way. Private enterpise makes profit out of houses only when it builds to sell. The only instrument eble to build houses to 25> St Pancras Trades Council, for instance, campaigned successfully for a directk labour department and exposed the ectivities of private : 2o G contractors in the area to a government inquiry. With the building cuts of 1947, delays were placed on théar first projects and only after apecial dispensation following a deputation to the House of Commons was let in great numbers was the local authority." the project allowed to proceed. ve industry, - which was therefore earer to dismantie the To many in the construction industry, direct instrument of minicipalisation wyhich wass itself a necessary corollary to nationalisation. It was one thing to accomodate local authorities as clients which ring alonpside vlLOs, for the Local authorities own contracts. labour organisations emerged as an the private building sector had always been more than willinre to i anothe?r to accep2t ththem as competitors by tende- do; it was quite the publication of the Girdwood reports on the cost of house - building in 1948, 1950 and 1951 carried forward the stand arainst the further encroachment of public enterprise. Like the 1921 hirh cost of housing report, they are basically harbingers of planned reductions in standards and output of foverrment housine. Asso- ciated with this of ccurse is a withdrawal of overt support for direct labour. there has been little diference between the general levels of estimated prices for DL schemes and tender prices for schemes undertaken for local authorities by contractors. On average up to 21st Necemhber 19h7, the former showed a slight saving but in the absence of further data about final costs we have not heen able to draw any gencral conclusions... we have found no reason to believe that house-buildine by DL is more economical than building under contract.2v By 1952 so strong is the committment to market forces that the 2nd Girdwood keport can contemplate the sacrifice of housing to the demands of competition. when inviting tenders in an area in which competiton is known to be poor, it may be possible to arranre contracts of such a size as to attract not only local contractors but also contractors from outside the area: in some cases a Greater readiness to rejcct tenders even at ibe risk of a temporary cessaticen of housebuildine in the area mirht be desirable. Ne -14- Conclusions From this brief account severdl general conclusions concerning the history of direct labour can be made. Firstly, the impetus to set up direct labour departments has arisen in periods of crisis for the building industry and for the provision of housing: the 1890s, dhe early 1920s and the immediate post second world war period. In these three periods labour organisation was strong and the issue of direct labour a very political one. It is clear that it successfully served as smme kind of check on the industry and has thus been a target of attack by cnntractors at times when the industry itself is threatened by a slump (for instance, the 1900s, the late 1920s and the present day) and seeking public sector work. At times when there have been booms in the private house-building industry it has not been a major issue (eg the 1930s and 1950s). Direct labour departments now are less wide ranging in their : activities than the early depaztments, partly because they have not in most cases been able to build up the large plant and equipment now necessary to employ industrialised techniques. In many ways they have been increasingly restricted ink their activities by * legislation and accounting procedures. * In 1958 defenders of the private construction industry did receive a minor legal setback. In Rands v. Oldroyd the High Court ruled that a local contractor/councillor had violated s.76 of Local Government Act 1933 by voting on a council issue concerning DL. The court deemed this a clear oonflict of interests. The industry found the decision quite disturbing. 1935— Neaue 128,160,000... 3,198,000 . 24 39,887,000... 5,259,000 <. 13 — Total .... 578,224,000 . 39,471,000... 6} Reka *Aftcr 1948 the information contained in the Census of Production is too aboreviated to permit extraction of Operations confined solely to building. The industry’s oulput is fegregated for “ Building and Civil Engineering.” Ratt: Repairs aud Maint eMcuce Work NB: NewBuildingVornls5 Direct Labour PRIVATE BUILDING AS AGAINST DIRECT LABOUR WORK, PERIOD 1907-1948 (Figures taken from Census of Production Reports) NeB.... 115,819,000... 3,474,000 . 3 Ram. 45,038,000... 3,641,000 . 73 Total .... 160,857,000... 7,115,000... 4} Total . 168,047,000... 8,457,000 . 43 Private Builders Direct Per Cent. of Labour = Totulto Nearest £ NB... 39,378,000 . 424.000 tPer Cent. 1907— as Rett... 34,070,000 . 862000 1” 2} Total . 73,448,000... 1,286,000... 1} CeO: 94,2,0. 2,253,000 2} Wiseinales)0)aieceee Total . 135,871,000 . 3,909,000 . 25 1930 1946— Ne@..... 185,962,000 UPON) mx, C1 Rew... 181,562,000 .181976000 3 gy ‘Totals: 367,524,000 . 26,899,000 . 6} 1948 (*) ga ie NeB.... 361,650,000 .14,386.000 3 Rati... 216,574,000 .25,085,000 |) 104 1 Most of the cost figures available for direct labour schemes in the interwar period are not directly comparable with corresponding figures for schemes built by prive con- trect. The most common form of comparison in Hansard sets approved tenders not against final costs but against estimated costs of direct labour schemes not yet completed (or occasionally not even becun). Every reading of offic ficues is attended by queries concerning the method of accounting; whether overheads/arcnitects/Q.S. fees ar included; whether the comparison relates to the same type of house built in the same region at the same time. fhe following table, therefore, lists only those ficues which attach to kkE completed schemes. Birmingham Dist. a 150° 168 210 35 39 (Ow) Durham Dist. (OW) 734 Hull Dist. (Ow)! 643 Kent Dist. (Oi!) 669)! Londen CO; 1) | 877 Wales (OW) 690 |Jarrow (DL) Bentley (DL) Derby (DL) Irilam Sf Manches Pontypri eal Sabena | Southga Swansea ) fonbridcse (DL) | fynemouth (DL) We Hartlepool (DL) | 1} ) | 926 | OOS 926 | ‘100% 1010 866 |~_ > }Direct Office of Works (CW)! Private jbuild'g.iwrkers Gld | Contract Final st C Final Cost,for Savincs | per louse (Private minus House of Pyve House of ‘ype [PAS Semen De Soimelcsie |77%. LOTo IMoa6 Boo 795°|&76) | WaSo ie | | 154 &3S Edmonton (DL) me Comvarative Final Costs for the Interwear Feriod 200 1100 ; 220-796 81 . | | | er 562 (on power station) 260 50 THansard, (175) cols.627-8 and €179) col.921. Office of Works figures exclude cost of land, roads and sewers and head— quarters charge of 2.75% to cover OW exuenditure, architects' and @.S. fees and other services. Figures for privat contract exclude cost of land, roads and sewers, arciitects' and @.S.' fees and salaries of Clerks of Works. All this information given in Report submitted to Newcastle City Council in 1923 by Sown Clerks of the towns involved. 2Hansard,(166) col. 619 Ftpid., and Hansard (175) col.426 +t Houses by Direoct eee Councillor Cyril Lacey in Labour Resear June 1946 |_376 . 35 57 OFLU fend Public) Own “J WaI0LO - © “3 0) NMOWWwoo OOOO NAH WONMWr Or Edmonton (DL) | 32 eueae e295, 56 DL Lowest Private Autho- iepe22endserageANGye 1892 rork koad Seser £7,000 tender £ 11,000 ce £ 1920 350 N.S. houses £ 192U 100 houses 854 final cost/use 929 final cost 7 Omeee enn 875 cost (orkers 1920 300 houses 1921 24 houses 192) 2U houses 1923 150 houses 1923 150 houses £2 £ O50) final 916 cost ruaranteed a 'th-hr week) W. Hartlepool Kangor Newmarket ments of which 57 concentrated all using authorities in North less that 10% of £ 959 eel OOH Bradford (average for 106 houses) 1,296 Cudworth &00 Se OOlO os (875 estimated) £ 76uU Seles HO Nov. 1949 (LRD Vol.x No. 23) Of 1lul wvL dep'ts responding to questicnnaire, only "4 carrie out new ho using cnstruction 878 per house if cost of lind, solicitors and arch itects' fees included costs BIWSe & 1,026 hull Newbury By 29 January 1947 , 124 Local Authorities using vL Depart REFERENCES 1. cf. G. Dew, Government and Municipal Contracts Fair Wages Movement: A brie= =istsor:, 1896. 2. For details of Burn's political activities and fight against contractors, see Kenneth D. Brown, Join Burns, Royal Historical Society, 1977. 3. Direct labour, published by Labour Research Department, 1929, p. 16. 4, Official Trade Unionist Report, London, Battersea and West Ham Mun Departments, presented by Bradford Trades and Labour Council to Bz History Library, 1904, p. 2. Labour Research Monthly Circular, Local Government Notes, June 1920. S.W. Star, June 27th 1898, Mr John Burns and Mr. William Davi Essentials of a Works Department - Views of an Architect and ibid. Bradford Trades Council report. Society, collection of LCC pamphlets and leaflets. 9. see Hansard 4th series XIV 81, 26 June 1893, and Hansard XXVII 1572-9, 18 Aug. 1€94. 10. Hansard (40) 476,.27 June 1912. ll. see R. Hayward, An Experiment in Direct Labour House-building: Liverpool 1920-2 discussion paper, Liverpool Univ. Nov. 1977. 12. Labour Research Monthly Circular, Local Government Notes, Nov. 1920 13. ibid. for June 1920. See Aso Matthews, The Building Guilds, in Essays in Labour History, ed. Briggs and Saville, London 1971. 14. Revort of the Departmental Committee on the High Cost of Working Class Dwellincs, LOPS ps5: 15. ibid,:p. 59. 16. ibid, p. 45. 17. ibid. p. 68. 18. {arian Bowley, Housing and the State, 1944, p. 271. 19. ibid. Labour Research Department, p. 27; for the attacks see, for instance, The Menace of Direct Labour, National Builder, Dec. 1927. Private Enterprise Housing, HMSO 1984, p. 37. The Placing and Management of Building Contracts (Simon Committee), 1944, Ministry of Works. The Barr Committee on Scottish Building Costs, Cmnd 5977, 1939. Memorandum on Direct labour issued Nov. 1946. Ministry of Health. This survey was later published as Building by Direct Labour, W.S. Hilton, London 1954. Oo mw Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Not known Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 28.01.78 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/35192187c0c34096beef58c2b05984cd.pdf 70da21ec3af48f8d6abf8633f3a7c416 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Novemberist Group Subject The topic of the resource Assorted papers from Novemberist Group established to examine design theories and to study housing form. includes Reports and Meeting Notes. Description An account of the resource 2 January 1980 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP t a meeting on 6th December, we agreed to write to to the next meeting at 7.00. you, with an invitation on Thursday 10th January the direction of the group framework for analysis of Alexandra Road and/or Marquess Road. We enclose - a list of people who have expressed interest some notes that try to summarise where the discussions have got to so far our views on what would need to be developed for the sort of analysis of a building that has been mooted. Please invite any others whom you think may like to join. With best wishes 4 ROBIN NICHOLSON & SUNAND at 5 Dryden Street to discuss and possibilities of a 57d Jamestown Road, London NWl 7DB. 01-485 2267 CONTACT LIST Chris Knight Caroline Lewin, John McKean, John Mitchel, John Murray, John Napier, Robin Nicholson, Giles Pebody, Sunand Prasad, Marian Roberts, 4 Newell Street, N.E.L.P., Forest N.E.L.P. El4. 515 8541. Road, E17. 527 2272 37 Landroch Road, N.E.L.P. 41 Roden Street, Mike Rose, 88 Hanover Terrace, Celia Scott, Barry Shaw, 6 Springdale Road, BN2 2SP. Tasker Road, NW5. 485 2689. N8. 7 Highbury Place, 48 Sutherland 125 Grosvenor 340 4359. N5. 485 2267 Square, SEl17. Avenue, N5. 485 2267. N7. 240 2430. Brighton, Sussex 3 Mall Studios, Douglas Smith, Anne Thorn, 2 Reddington Road, Sue Walker, 125 Highbury Hill, 17 Delancey Street, N16. 405 3411 NWl. 405 3411. NW3. 435 4297. N5. 226 5030. 703 7775. Mark Beedle, 83 Willifield Way, NW1l. 485 2267 Jos Boys, 31 Davenant Road, N19. 240 2430 Sue Francis, 9 St. Georges Avenue, N7. 609 2976 Graeme Geddes, Bartlett School of Architecture, Gordon Street, WCl. 387 7050 NOVEMBER 21ST GROUP Some Notes A. The present practice of Architecture was open to criticism at two levels - at the level of exposing and questioning the ideological assumptions it made and the economic function it fulfilled; the feminist critique of design guides that was presented at the Workshop was a good example of the former; - at the level of criticising Architectural .theory and practice within the framework of Page one dominant ideology, e.g. building plain bad design. failure and At the 5th Annual Congress of the New Architectural Movement, the Housing Form Workshop raised the question of Architectural Design as a subject that had largely been ignored by NAM in the flurry of other more obviously 'political' issues. The Workshop agreed that: B. . 'Accountability' was closely linked to the level of public debate and informed critical aware- ness about buildings. The professional ethic and jargon effectively discouraged these. The development of a critique (A) and the promotion of a wider debate (8) would be worthy tasks for NAM or a group within NAM. Following the Congress, a group of interested people came together on 21st November (and 6th December) and decided to explore further the problem of an architectural criticism that could reveal the ideological context of a design, locate the architectural style and design, and link these to a materialist analysis of the 'function' of the building. While such a critique would have to overcome the reticence demanded by 'professional responsibilities', it seems imperative to open this debate as widely as possible at this time of major economic change and growing ultra-conservative academic historical nostalgia. page two There would seem to be two clear alternatives for the group depending on the enthusiasm and possible time scale, assuming a hard core of interest and agreement about the broad area:- ” 2. To take on a largely enabling function. This might include — setting ourselves specific tasks; one that has been proposed is an inclusive critique of a recently completed building project like Alexandra Road. This might take the form of an issue of Slate with the group as the editors (see below). An analysis of Alexandra Road (or Marquess Road) would need to cover at least: u Views of say 10 "progressive" architects (e.g. A.D. issue on Sainsbury Centre). fe Analysis of the urban context and its change. sie Location as a piece of architectural design (e.g. Ed Jones' article on Fleet Road in A.D.). 4, The construction as seen by L B Camden Direct Labour Department and a discussion about de- skilling. Ks To set up a group that can do academic work together and establish a theoretical base. The group could meet at regular intervals to discuss prepared material and could invite outside help especially in developing a theoretical understanding of ideology. The group's work might appear in Slate or as a book. Such an approach would need long term commitments from the group's members. (The Political Economy of Housing Workshop is an example of this kind of group). 7 arranging talks by and discussions with people ’ who have already done the sort of work described above; these might or might not be members of the group. : Perhaps these need not be alternatives but could be embraced together: either way the group will need time to function as a group. . *** Bs Discussing the ideological context of views expressed in 2 — 4, 6. Views of Neave Brown, intentions then and feelings now. Be Wishes Reading: "Essex University" A.J. Information Library John McKean "The Political Economy of 20.9.1972 (in Vol.1 of Housing Form" Michael Jones * Political the collected papers of the and Architectural Economy of Housing Workshop) Design 2/79 on the Sainsbury Centre at the University of East Anglia Richard Hill Andrew Peckham and others "Art Supermarket Ignores Users" Slate 10/11 Stephen Hayward "Alexandra Road" Architectural Review 8/79 Robert Maxwell "A Woman's Place" Etcetaraseerrn *Xerox enclosed Slate 13 and others Susan Francis ace Nine of us came to the 10 January meeting of the November 21 group and decided that - 1. We should continue to Pursue the subject. 2. Alexandra Road was a useful immediate focus for our work. 3. By the next meeting we should all read certain relevant articles/papers to begin to establish points of reference and a shared critical base. Those so far suggested are listed below. 4. Everyone interested should try and work out an approach to the critical analysis of Alexandra Road. These would form the basis for the next meeting at which we would try to agree upon a shared approach or 'framework'. 5. We would meet again on February 5 at 7 pm at 5 Dryden Street. Robin Nicholson and Sunand Prasad SeebehOhele) eleleie: ajelevelelereleleieletelelelelele It was also thought that familiarity with the work of John Berger ("Ways of Seeing") and Raymond Williams would be useful. 'y 147 and form in architec- elmingly on the question of P —a Aemaiaea ectngtiaesl <= P aaa Discussions of the relations between material forces ture have in the past concentrated almost overwh aesthetic form or stylistic appearance. This paper sets up a quite different definition of form in architecture, one which is in no way concerned with the problem of the visual appearance of buildings, their aesthetic and psychologic- al effects, or the historical derivation of their stylistic features. The Gefinition of architectural form which will be discussed in this paper is a The problems confronted in this attempt revolved around the question of the degree of autonomy that existed in the development of any particular branch of human society. This question was usually seen as the inverse problem, at a conscious level; of the Gegree of direct influence of material and especially economic factors on the development of social forms. This was generally con- ed as a relation between the individual work as an object in itself and a cial formation essentially external to it, The approach that is developed in this paper is to treat any social artefact, such as a building, as an object produced under certain pre-existing social relations of production, and to analyse it as*an object not in relation to pre- determined relations of Producti6n but as an integral part of those relations, a5 & social product. This approach has been formulated clearly by the German-critic Walter jamin in his paper 'The Author as Producer! written in the 1930s in the ext of the debate about the 'tendency' of the work of art in its political ientation. Benjamin's attempt to redefine the crucial centre of this question follows: tendency and the quality of literary works. and rightly so. THE POLITICAL ECONOMY | OF HOUSING FoRM© The purpose of this paper is to attempt to define some of the elements of a materialist theory of form in architecture. Gefinition related to concepts of a functional nature rather than to concepts of style. In the past, most attention has been directed by Marxists to stylistic questions, particularly in the field of literature and to a lesser extent in that of the visual arts. These attempts to relate stylistic questions to specific historical and material factors met with very varied success. Apart from the immediate problems involved Of developing the Marxist theory of aesthetics, a subject whose very basis is still under question with problems of the application of dialectical materialism to specific areas of human behaviour, these attempts naturally confronted one of the major theoretical problems of Marxism, that of the relationship between base and superstructure, I began with the unfruitful debate concernin: g the relationship between the This argument is discredited It is regarded as a textbook example of an attempt to deal with literary relationships undialectically, with stereotypes. But what if we treat the same problem dialectically? A ST,MilOi i 148 Starting point from which the Sterile dichotomy of form and content can be Surmounte'd(.2) — For the dialectical treatment of this problem - and now I come to the { heart of the matter = the rigid, isolated object (work, novel, book) is of nO use whatsoever, It must be inserted into the context of living social relations, You rightly Point out that this has been undertaken time and 4cain in the Circle of our friends. Certainly, but the discussion has often moved on directly to larger issues and therefore of necessity, has often drifted into vagueness. Socia) relations, as we know, are determined by Production relations. And when materialist Criticism 4pproached a work, it used to ask what was the Position of that work vis a vis the social prod- uction relations of its time. That is an important question, But 4lso a very difficult one. The answer to it is not always unequivocal. And z should like to Propose a more immediate question for your consideration, A question which is more modest, which goes less far, but which, it seems to me, stands a better chance Of being answered. Instead of asking: what is the Position of a Work vis a vis the Production relations of its time, does it underwrite them, is i¢ reactionary, or doos it asplre to Overthrow them, is it revolutionary? ~— instead of this question, or at any rate before this question, I should like to Propose a different one. Before I ask: what is a work's Position vis a vis the Production relations of its time, x should like to ask: what is its Position within them? This question concerns the function of a Work within the literary Production relations of its time. In other words ft is directly concerned with literary technigue. By mentioning technique I have named the concept which makes literary Products &ccessible to immediate Social, and therefore materialist, analy- Sis. At the Same time, the Concept of technigue represents the dialectical This Passage raises the key issue: that the work of art is itself Produced under given social conditions, under certain relations of Production, at a Particular leve) Of social development of techniques, under its own economic conditions of Production, It does not 4pprear from nowhere against a certain Social background, the Superstructure does not @ppear from nowhere as a reflection of the base, but is itsel¢ Produced under given conditions from the economic base of its own category of Social Production. Any artefact Produced by Society is Produced under the Social relations of that Society, whether it is boots ang linen or books and Paintings. a2} these @rtefacts must have a use value: the Point about Works of art being merely that they enter 4 different Category of use values from the necessities of life Such as boots and linen OF even from its material luxuries, All these artefacts must also possess an exchange value, because al) artists must sel) either their labour Girectly, aS in architecture, theatre or film, or must sell the Products Of their labour, whether Paintings or books. Once alienated from the Producer by their initial Sale, they can become commodities is their own Fight, and may be repositories of exchange value for their owners Or even objects of Pure Speculative interest in a direct money=money relation, In this sense there is little Point in attempting to treat the Production of the work of art in a different manner from the Production of any other commodity, and the Study of the Social conditions ©f production of the indivig- ual commodity, or artefact, or Work of art, is as Benjamin Says in the Passage already Quoted, likely to throw more light on the relation between the Product- 149 or particular and the Production of commodities in What is being studied is not the yeneralised relation between the particular category of works of art and the social relations of production in society as a whole, but the production of a particular commodity or category of commod-: ities as a concrete example of commodity production. The study of the development of one category of commodity production is therefore the Study of an individurl Segment of the total. social process and will expose the development of the particular circumstances of Production of the individual commodity category, such as the changing level of technique, the particular social relations of Production obtaining in that Category, as examples of the total movement of the social forces of Production, ae ettalontda eeeeeeee Sreyeaah1etree { ion of that commodity in { general. ; The generic form of the walk-up block of flats or maisonettes is a solution to the problem of housing people at a certain level of density under certain technical conditions of means of access. Variations of density, created by land costs and Possible rent levels, variations in block spacing created by social concepts of acceptable daylighting and Privacy standards, height of blocks in relation to sectally ‘acceptable means of access, such as numbers of Storeys to climb without lifts, demands for access to certain minimum areas of private open space and so on combine at different Periods to produce the In this paper we wish to concentrate on the Problems of definition of the physical consequences of these social conditions of production as expressed in the production of the Commodity housing. The particular aspect of these 7 physical consequences which we want to define in greater detail is that of the general building form, of the geometrical form of the individual building block. It would clearly be possible to analyse physical consequences at Several levels, from the question of the spatial distribution of Gifferent types of buildings as a function of ground rents, the distribution of types of Social functions within the city, to the level of analysing the changes in the internal planning of houses and how this has reflected changes in the techni- cal level of servicing and the social Structure of family life. (3) In the analysis we use the term ‘generic form' in relation to buildings to denote a formal quality common to a wide range of building types. Thus we arque that the tenements built during the nineteenth century (either by companies to house their workers or by the early municipal slum clearance schemes), and the five and six Storey walk-up blocks of the 53 philanthropy of the Peabody and Similar trusts at the turn of the century, and the inter-war local authority flats of four and five Storeys (usually balcony access), and the post-war four and three Storey blocks, culminating in the current designs for four storey Maisonettes (usually with a stepped section or ziggurat appearance) are all variations on a typical generic form, and that the differences between them ‘ i Particular variations to the generic form described above. are a development or a sophistication of the generic form into the particular form. The economic determinants of housing form which we wish to analyse in this paper are those which are fundamental to the Process of housing development in Britain, which determine the form of housing under capitalist market condit- ions, and Which determine the form of housing provided by the state under monopoly capitalism(,4) 9°©|.°————————___ ~ ile Hot ae J Whond jie Va \S Wold ouncy =Ne hee ett 150 pitalist conditions the Purpose t, and at least the average try. There is no Supply of new le to pay enough rent or a + Thus the production Ger conditions where the ssional architects (with their fively and by Producing ation. hi are those arising from sale. The conditions of production of this Sector of the As with any other commodity produced under ca of building houses to sell is to realise a profi rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of indus housing forthcoming for those social groups unab high enough purchase Of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place un reduction of - He naturally tends to reduce the costs of avoiding the use of profe minimum scales of fees), by using designs repeti The decline of the private rental sector gains from the appreciation of house prices Sectors of the population for access to the Owner-occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Societies, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting in deciding how much to lend, admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when Calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women. There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with Unconventional borrowers and properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identi- inherently simple designs requiring little elabor, fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved. >» The essential feature of the market for Speculative housing is that the commodity for sale is not the individual house as such but the legal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This Question of legal title has far reaching implications in terms of the capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist Society and the position of the male ‘head Of the family' as the dominant form of the production and reproduction of the family. These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - @ product of their Position within the capitalist financial Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies |! are borrowing short ang investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in Protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to happen on any scale, the increase in the supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence ibility that lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach the norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and construction, and the Possibility of capital gives rise to demands by widening Aveinon etJ 150 the purpose least the average is no Supply of new As with any other commodity produced under capitalist conditions of building houses to sell is to realise a Profit, and at rate of profit obtaining in that Sector of industry. There housing forthcoming for those social Qroups unable to Pay enough rent or a high enough purchase price to yield this rate of return. Thus the Production of the cheaper commercial housing takes Place under conditions where the reduction of costs 1s essential to the builder. He naturally tends to reduce the costs of design by avoiding the use of Professional architects (with their minimum scales of fees), by using designs repetitively and by producing inherently simple designs requiring little @laboration. gal title to occupy a building on a Particular plot of land. This question of legal title of the production and reproduction of the family. y' as the dominant form has far reaching implications in terms of the Capitalist legal System, partic- ularly in relation to the structure of the nuclear family in capitalist society and the Position of the male ‘head of the famil The decline of the private rental sector and the Possibility of capital gains from the appreciation of house prices gives rise to demands by widening Sectors of the population for access to the owner=occupation market, The Principal source of finance in this market, the building Socicties, have thus been in a position (paradoxically, in view of the diversification of demands made on them) to exercise cautious and conservative criteria in selecting borrowers and houses to leng on and in deciding how much to lend. They now admit perhaps one half of a wife's income when calculating borrowing Capacity, and occasionally the earnings of single women, There is a somewhat greater willingness to experiment with unconventional borrowers and Properties on the Part of local authorities although the former may run into problems relating to legal title - for example communal Ways of living would require an identj- fiable legal Structure such as a limited company which may not be ideologically acceptable to the Purchasers involved, These problems arise from the insecure position of the building societies - 4& product of their Position within the Capitalist financia) Structure. Build- ing societies are dependent upon the funds of small investors, offering a convenient means of investing money on a short term basis. Since the societies are borrowing short ana investing long, with a requirement for almost instant withdrawals by the lenders, they depend upon Creating a slaw changing market with an exceptionally high level of. confidence. This involves them in protect- ing themselves against any Possible need for foreclosures: were these to happen on any Scale, the increase in the Supply of housing would lower prices and investors would face possible losses, this could lead to a demand for withdrawals and the complete collapse of the market. This problem also has the consequence that building societies must protect themselves against the poss- ibility that Properties may lose their value or be difficult to resel) by lending money only on those Properties that most Closely approach tho norm, narrowly defined in accommodation, appearance and Construction, leeeeeee |} commitments for communal areas. term management | A The other fundamental determinant of form in this co! OF |. Since the Selling price of a house is so heavily influenced by location, ana -so ne hee e nttn ep-evhemeal tee ae 151 Therefore building societies also prefer to sell to the most Stable unit of Social relations - the nuclear family, preferably headed bY 4 male wage earner and also with an emphasis on Stability of income, hence white collar Salary eCarnérs are preferred to blue collar wage earners, The sale of a legal title to land has the consequence that @verything which iS not sold to individual owners must be designed to be adopted ‘by the local |} design of roads, footpaths, verges, open spaces and Streetlighting. This necessity arises because the housebuilding Companies are int ey vig45 ca lg 5 ca ® r ? a =mh 2 3ce a 2, °o t the builders ntext is the method of peration of the housebuilders themselves and their relation to the landowner. It was these last which led to the failure of Span over their development at New Ash Green. Set of determinant paper factors such the social Planning reasons for the es of cities or the part played by q @uthority and must conform to its Standards, This has an obvious impact on the the sale of ‘the Commodity itself, and wish to avoid any long the borrowing Capacity of individuals by the building Societies, work backwards from the price of the house ¢© arrive at a residual amount which is what they can afford to bid for the land. There are two main variables in this process. The first, density, is now generally fixed by the Planning authority so that any density ‘increase {obtainable after the land is bought) will be a windfall Profit; the second is the size, shape and construction cost of the houses themselves. The position of the landowner is so Strong (owing to the existence of other builders towhom he could equally sell) as to force the builder to reduce the construction cost of houses, so far as local competition allows, in order to maximise the residual amount wh land. It is therefore inevitable that in the market for housing for sale, the be reduced to the simplest rectangle constructed from the cheapest materials(5,) The only exception to this can come when there is very strong competition in @ particularly sophisticated sector of the market. This can be seen operat- ing in the case of Span and Wates, who are 4ppealing to the young married rofessional market in the South East = a situation where the consumer is both phisticated and has a very wide range of potential choice, from a flat in Own tO a reasonable sized house in the country. In order to attract this market sector,these companies have been forced to increase their competitive- ness by offering an increased Specification, a more complex appearance to the houses, greater emphasis on communal and shared spaces, a greater expenditure on landscaping and the introduction of long-term managerial responsibilities. In the case of housing provided by the state a different factors operates, It is not intended to investigate in this 2s land costs, the role of interest rates, rehousing of the working class in the centr j Private capital in the centres of cities or the part played by private capital “ppropriating Private profit from the provision of local authority housing. ; Other papers in this collection concern themselves with such topics. The main factor which will be analysed here is the manner in authority housing is determined by a complex system on the level of state expenditure, interacting with technology. —s After 1945 a common form of housing was the walk-up point block of between four and five storeys around a central stair. This was as high as housing management felt that tenants would be prepared to walk to their front doors. Tiiis form was soon replaced by the three to four storey walk-up block and the six storey lift block. Six storeys became the norm for a time partly because it could be served by only one lift without undue hardship during failures, and partly because the central government subsidies incréased from 38s. per annum per flat up to five storeys to 50s. at six storeys and over: thus a block six storeys high would often be treated more favourably for subisdy Purposes than a rather higher or lower one. The next development was a rapid increase in height to 100 ft or about eleven storeys. This came about because until 1956 when the separate subsidy for lifts was abolished, the government made an allowance of 10 guineas per annum for each dwelling served by a lift up to a maximum of fifty dwellings per lift. This figure tended to become a local authority standard for the maximum number of dwellings serviced by lifts. A number of other factors also reinforced this height. Section 51 of the London Building Act, for example, gave the right to owners or occupiers whose property lay within 300 f of a new building designed to exceed 100 ft in height to object on grounds of loss of amenity. The London Building Act requirements for access for fire fighting and for means of escape also changed at over 100 ft. Mains water pressure in many districts was inadequate over this height without boosting or additional storage facilities. One hundred feet was a reasonable maximum for low speed (100 ft per min.) lifts: the lift for a 5 storey block at that period would cost £2,500, only another £500 being required to increase in height to eleven Storeys but an additional £1,000 would have been required for a high speed lift. After a number of legislative problems were overcome, the point bjock increased to between 20 and 22 storeys on the basis of two lifts serving alternate floors, as the maximum possible utilisation. This type of analysis could be made for every aspect of local authority housing, demonstrating how the authorities and their designers exploit the financing system. This is a quite different problem fromthe straightforward reduction of building cost operated by the commercial builder. In the case of local authority housing, there are no market forces in terms of differential rent levels (or very much reduced ones) to constrain the individual designer and there has been no direct popular control over the designer's priorities. This has resulted in the familiar situation that the designs of local authority housing are able to become increasingly bizarre and removed from those of thic ‘market sector’ where at least some element of consumer choice operates. 152 This control does not operate solely through the mechanism of the Housing Cost Yardstick, but in a more detailed fashion through the individual regula- tions governing every aspect of housing, and which have therefore come to represent not minima but norms. The operation of this process can be seen if we take the example of the height of point blocks and analyse their change over time. This is to ignore other factors which assisted the development of this form of housing, ranging from the convenience of the point block for dealing with the vexing question of on-site decanting of residents while re- development takes place, to the desire of some architects for a form (in a Platonic sense) which provides aesthetic emphasis in an essentially sculptural “urban design’ process. ai Michael Jones & Bichard Fill NOTES 2. BENJAMIN, Walter, ‘The Author as Producer'. 153 i: The form of speculative housing develops along an opposite path to that of local authority housing. In the house for sale on the market, the generic form is extremely generalised - the minimal rectilinear box - while the individual elements of the house such as the level of servicing or the provision of specific amenities or the design of functional areas is unconstrained and varies from builder to builder. In the case of the local authority house, the individual elements are strictly defined both in terms of nationally applicable ndards and in terms of specific feedback from tenants mediated through ‘ng management, but the overall form and the plan relationships are uncon- strained except by the relation between subsidy, and financial control and technolocy already discussed. +. This version of the paper incorporates revisions and notes by the editor- ial group which reflect discussion in the workshop of a draft and in later correspondence and discussion with the authors, the authors’ own revisions not being to hand at the time of going to press. (Eds.) 3. Many of the other papers in this collection relate to aspects of this analytical problem: numbers 2, 3 and 4 on rent and the consequences of Private land ownership, number 5 on the form and equipment of high rise flats and. number 6 on residential development. The reference to the family in this paper indicates one of the major gaps in the collection as a whole: & consideration of the family as the basic unit of social organisation and of the occupation of dwellings. An analysis of the crisis of social rela- tions surrounding and beyond the family would-help to clarify both many aspects of the physical form of housing (e.g. the elimination of communal rooms and services from groups of dwellings) and the authoritarianism and paternalism of public housing management. Paper 7 on housing associations is also relevant here. 4 discussion of the contrasting building forms generated by leasehold and freehold development under capitalism has been withdrawn by the authors at this point pending further work on the inter-relationship of density, ground rent and construction costs. (Eds.) In this context the proliferation of stylistic variations in speculative housing is seen not as a weakening of the generic form but as a kind of Product. differentiation applied within it. (Eds.) Dear Novemberist, sense.) Production '. os Reproduction promised, notes from our last session (6/Feb/80) Justin/ John McK uLLExekxayprauekex and Doug offered approaches for the critical analysis of Alexandra Road; J/J vacked seminar Sessions, for instance on one particular piece of erticism (case study) or on a mode of criticism (ideology) or on a comparison (South Woodham Perrars before and after). Through seminar papers we can & pet ushy to agreement on'{me thodology for the group. It was suggested that Jane Darke talk about her paper. She declin hurxuze she is unhappy with the Althusserian Base/Superstructure model it uses, having read EB, P Thompson's critque ( in ‘Poverty of Theory'.) The paper also needed to further unpack the notion of zeitgiest/ concensus model, she said, and show more clearly how buildings reflect: the dominant class rather than the spirit of the age. So Doug talked about his diagram which attempted to locate archi in relation to production and reproduction (usei in the Althuss-< see Cynthia Coekburns "The Local State'. Althusser Suggests that the management of society is now located in lieoloszic institutions as firmly as in state apparatuses, Habermas (The Leritimation Cyisis') reckons that modern capitalism is constantly fretting itself in a twist by rising expectations without meeting them and must therefore continually ideology; an inversion of social relations; ie, the Opposite of real tegitimise its activity ideo from jos 31 DAVENANT ROAD N19 01-272 7556 7/2/80 b legitimators!.... a matrix with parts that don't fit ana therefare cause legitimation problems? Education is ang essential part in ideology, and linke to notions of professionalism. See Johnsons "Professions and Power." In dicussion Lipman's category of total architecture was linked back | to the ideclogy of professionalasm and of patronage; architects here offer a coherent and orderdd image which can be distinguished and | separated from other forms; as identifiable objects. Look at Coin Strret / Posters Hammersmith to investigate contradictions between total architecture and community. There was some criticism of Dougs diagram in that it applied that everything linked back, and was directly related to the repression necessary for the continuation of capital. Although capitalism can j be seen as the current dominant mode that pervades all ways -of life, | aspects of it can also be appropriated by other groups besidesthe iominant | class and used against capitalism; moreover, repressive controls often embody contradiction — housing for instance may be in the service of capitalbutitalsorepresentsarealvictorySOFteyorengClgSeee hnuxxzngx c 7S Someone suggested looking at John Bergers analysis of culturxal appropriation wix“apitzk by capitalism in "Ways of Seeing" or Raymond Willians "Country and the City" or Mark Girouards "Country Houses", which shows how architectural styles reinforced social relations. Architects lesign bhildings that other people make; economics will affect style, however architects retain a degree of artistic autonomy. : But any criticxsm from the group should not fall into Nop*dateinedy gohsiscgere" presuming these asethetic choices to h-ve a separate existence from political reality; elegance relategs to economy an obsession with consistency and order relates to reproduction; a coherent visual world somehow implées a coherent social order..... does that mean that architects should design disorder? Within a exptizx capitalist mode of production attempts at disorden/ worker or user participant (with wuz disorder architecturally'showing' participation) are undertaken within the traditional power structure; this could be seen as a relative autonomy that is merely repressive tolerance 5 allowing worker control at unimportant levels to release frustrations which might otherwise lead to real class struggle. Vernacular in council housing indicates this sort of gloss, as does conservation, p Fp Lots of love Jane and Doug promised to produce reading lists; Jane surgested anything by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham (particularly "Women Take Issue") for useful methodologies. SereSEe UTE -eae FEEge ee wD We then dicussed Alexandra Road; Jane had sail eatlier that in that case architecture had been usea to lemitimatée x housing on,a site which should never have been used for that purpose. She also sugsested that the group should not place judgement on the estate; that in the end it was the occupiers opinion that mattered. We agreed that the object was not to give (or not give) a seal of approval tb Alexandra Road. ; But were we after the same things? Do we want to investigate the process of production of the building? Do we want to form opinions? Should we investigate more fully other processes ( the deskilling of the building iniustry for instance — which in turn relates back to the artisic autonomy allowed to architects and the 2 privileged position therefore gained)? Gah the WHR wrrovet- asyecti f oneheteohie whet, ave Yahkew Pr grvdiot ebentire? We agreed to use Alexandra Road in order to develop our levels of architectural criticism. : Hach person is therefore asked AT THE NEX2 MEETING to produce a statement outlining how they might undertake a study of Alexandra Road, NEXT MEETING IS fUES 4 MARCH at 5 Dyeyden Street, -imda London WC2 at 7pm NOVEMBER GROUP Meeting - 2th March,1980 MINUTES: Alternative approaches suggested- Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez & Nezdet, Adrain & Sunand. “ We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \#his period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Wag too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 arneas- i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3 phases. ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing._— iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR. To examine the politics of form and the politics of style - There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented. Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal — he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both. To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study- For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. for instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with uninteerrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes etc at the ends? Adrian/Jos disoussed the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form ‘as/ found" rather than levelled et the conschousms of the designer re. Maxwells approach. To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' - Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne % Darkes Essex Road scheme would be useful - the schemes had cifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences? Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes:would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form? In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was impossible to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.' NOVEMBER GROUP Meeting - 24th March,1980 MINUTES: Alternative. approaches suggested- There was further general discussion about the choice of Alexandra Road (AR) as the subject of a particular study - no special papers were presented. Teymur discussed a student scheme of ‘building analysis' he had tutored at Southbank Poly - which was particularly relevant as\they had taken 4 housing schemes around and including AR, but the conclusions were too personal - he thought it was more important to discuss methodology further than focus on one scheme - but his material may be useful to us. Agreed we would do both. Adrian/Jos disgussed_the review by Bob Maxwell - they preferred criticism of the built form *as{ found' rather than levelled at the conscdousress of the designer re. Maxwells a Broach. Present: Graeme, Sue, Fran, Jos, Celia, Justin, Denise, John, Emez & Nezdet, Adrain & Sunand. : We discussed the relation of Neave Brown to Camden architects dept.- how were his ideas accepted ahd how far did they reflect Camdens housing policy at the time? Justing had spoken to Corin Hugh-Stanton, who was chairman of the Camden Housing Committee during \this period, and who had offered to talk to us about it. His view was that AR Was too particular - why not look at Camdens redevelopment programme for 3 areas- i) Gospel Oak, designed before the Archs Dept was set up, and before the cost yardstick, in 3-.phases. ii) - Marchmont St Comprehensive redevelopment - similar to AR but never completed as it was too large for-phasing.— iii) Alexandra Road - consciously designed so that it had to be completed. Camden are about to publish a confidential report on the politics of AR. To examine other schemes generated by the same brief, in the manner of John McKeans Essex University Study- To examine the politics of form and the politics of style - For AR could also be seen as a management programme, both as finished product with its social relations, and as process, with the social relations of its production. For instance, why is the site zoned as it is, with unintecrrupted housing and isolated blocks of social services apendares - childrens homes ete at the ends? To examine urchitectural writing/criticism as a form of ideology - architectural reviews as 'products' - Celia questioned to what degree design and style had to do with spatial organisation, and asked whether a comparative study of AR with Darbourne «= Darkes Essex Road scheme would be useful - the schemes had eifferent 'forms' and 'styles' - but the spatial organisation may heve the same social consequences? Graeme commented that the concern of the group, he felt, was to look at building as product rather than as process - to examine 3 schemes-would be more a study of the politics of housing provision.- and are the specific political circumstances relevant anyway? Could it be more a problem of design ideology and form? In answer to Teymur, Adrian stressed that it was pupassi ble to do one ideal analysis- we could only do ‘interpretations from a point of view.' Further questions to be answered - |\[ References for Alexandra Road: Next Meetings: Monday, 24st April,i980@ Cullinans Office i Monday 28th April,1980 DYA P.S. 7d Dy cenastann Road, at 7.30 (entrance from yard) @ UCL at 7.00 with Corin Hugh-Stanton - discussion Room 4.01 One ‘point of view' was a Hillier-type spatial analysis. Doug is doing one for AR, Jos could do the corner blocks near AR, and Justin could do a comparative scheme such as Essex Road. Sunand presented some plans of AR site layout with some press comments. He asked whether the stress on technical criteria such as the "noise problem'could be exaggerated - a further justification for the formal approach of Browns scheme — it had not been stressed to the same degree in the tower blocks. Neave Brown wanted to - JONES, Ed,article in AD, Vol 48 nos 8-9, 1978 (issue on France)on Fleet Road HUGH-STANTON, Corin, article in Buildine Design, Sept/Oct 1978 together with anonymous reply a week later BANHAM, Reyner, articlein New Sotiety, approx August, 1978. BROWN, Neave, article The Forms of Housing in AD, Sept, 1967 JONES, Ed, article in Architects Journal 8th Sept.19/6 MAXWELL, Bob , Architectural Review, Aug,1979 review of scheme "rework the London terrace! (compare with Hillier analyses of typical terraces) create ‘a model of democratic architecture! a Team 10 approach — create ‘streets as machines for delivering people.' John suggested a_short-¢ t of looking at press cuttings on AR in Camdens Dept. Graeme sugrested setting! up a working Barty to find a 'framerork for action'. This was agreed anf Justin, Jos, Graeme & Sunand agreed to meet and report back. Justin sugeested re-reading Jane JACOBS, The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Why so much play space, breaking-up the 'parks'? What is Camdens policy on direct access from housing to public space? What were the problems with site boundaries - was the incorporation of the Ainsworth Estate complicated by the handover of GLC housing stock to Camden? Check the date of the setting up 6f the Architects Department Who designed the tower blocks? What was the role of SAG Cook? What was the role of the building companies? There seemed to be & lobby in the Architects Dept for formal solutions, and a need for a scheme to be a\pace setter - was this scheme AR? What were the contemporary commnents-in-the local and national press:on the scheme? \ John McKean would be very glad to have any comments on a piece he wrote in the AJ recently on two Hampshire Schools. He would be pleased to see argued responses using his piece as a taking off point for a discussion about the assesment of buildings for and by the architectural profession sent to the AJ for publication. The Buildings Editor would be keen on receiving this sort of material. If a number of considered comments could be offered to the AJ it would help raise the level of discussion usually found in its pages. Can we also bring some considered views on the piece for discussion at the next meeting. P Pp was inevitable and that , rather than att mpt value judgem problems of relating words to drawings tempt to develop a more democratic ter hi were more informing, ' is ie le however naysre seen as existing @ precondit to change would be Se sions and ieneicee to form a newPAGnineT sae which conchudes ds and terms in _and to S was impossible, invariably tied to partichlar convention alyse the editorials of views over lue to this problem. Nec had done to the captions of the Aalto ex Robin would also an Lipman ‘Architectur t there the devel should read Willter'e (An4+na?)\ ©O study how technological Iknowledce was us ersective over the last 70 ye rs. To of "innovatio . On the one hand was the stock in trade of architects, their '‘imagination’. If this were not a he been superceded by other ‘technical’ ion was that there was noreal innovation in echnolory was cevelpoed eieeraetne profession, applied this Imowledge to bufliings. 1t there are two basic kinds of prof Imoul which can be learnt from books and procedurised, erminate' Imowledge, which concerns judgement, sensid i with precedents. It can only be learnt by personAL cultural tradition. ‘Innovation’ is a fairly recent ae al justification. ects had little part to5 plas except when it s distinction separated science from out the paradox of Corb rendering blockwork buil1dir concrete, whiile FLY concealed his sophisticateds orvi pecific technologies were adopted for simple aesth ic sugeested that ‘technical’ knowledge is usua}ly more derminate' knowledge, which is essentially consse particular tools ract een Nash Recrnneeic promenade, Regency building. G vere sinilar © those apenas in lity’, munich is not Conficmed by act 3. Straig¢ htenness was seen as monotonous and Sorinnt curvefreesthebuildingfrommechanistivicassoSas Fron down and rationalistic, it is formal and well-craft the actual construction of the cross walls themselves, Tac Nec wondered if there was a process of innovation in council| which could then be applied to the private sector. It may be wers pega innovationwentfrompublictoprivate(egtowers, , but there was also a reverse process where social onl the wivate to the public. Apparently Dick Hobin argues is used-to suit the needs of the building industry, rather% consumers, and hés made a study of Camden with that in min talk to tenants groups and the mainkexannte manen crent tried to obtain contract and cost files, but while the continues, there is little hard info available. Nec will use his student work in a manner prallel to Robin > patterns of concepts, but he requires the development of a ¢ will exanine only written work, and not the scheme itself. Prorxa 1 July Sunand & Graere/John tp present outline 12th August Nec ditto 16th September Dousiee/ouatin ditto Ay} m All neetings on Turesday at 7.00 at 57d Jamestown Rd, Arm ACS ce 1? © bcd ona NAM NOVEMBERISTS Very belated (v. sorry) notes on Meeting held of 15th July 1980 PRESENT: Nec, Graeme, Sunand, Adrian, Justin, Celia, Robin, Renata, Alexi, Ron. As previously arranged we began to discuss our individual specific findings in an attempt to concentrate our efforts. Sunand's investigations of tenants' views based on interviews. Housing Department Easy to pun estate but any problem can become a big problem because of size of estate;first tenants selected: graffiti-free perhaps largely because of evening patrolling demanded by insurer of the glass lifts. Big issues include - cats (dogs are banned) heating (erratic and complicated) Other issues include - old people v. kids (noise) cross ventilation difficult in A block internal kitchens unpopular Out of sight car parking unpopular upper gallery in A block floods no more and probably less than its share of management resources to run it. Tenant Rep. "Street" Seems to work, e.g. 6 p.m. on a nice evening; Considerable "pride" in estate -"Costa del Rowley", i.e. more Mediterranean hotel image Tourists can be a drag; A definite success. Novemberists!' Comments: than Council estate; To what extent is the "popularity" due to lavish expense and great attention and good management? Compared with other Camden estates, Alexandra Road demands Is Alexandra Road draining off "good" tenants and thus leaving Abbey Road to collect all the "problems"? A tide of desirability - check child density - what is anti- social behaviour especially when thereis a high degree of self-surveillance? The rent rebate system tends to destroy rent as a regulator. Newness versus design - Frankenberg's work and Milton Keynes experience could help. How does the design eliminate the ventilated lobby and satisfy means of escape requirements? NAM NOVEMBERISTS How does the domestic space "read" to the occupants? Do all estates necessarily enjoy popularity for only a limited time and therefore encourage movement from one estate to the next? Do Camden analyse their estates and if so how? They do not use the DoE kit. While social control on an estate is based on private propery ideology, many tenants' associations want "good management." There was a necessarily unresolved discussion about the need for a theoretical framework for such work but much appreciation of an empirical '‘ear.' Check out John Mason - DoE's historical management study. What is the particular knowledge that causes the design profession to exist and how does that relate to the building produced? What can architects keep for themselves and what can be ‘made more democratic.'? (Technical v indeterminate knowledge, etc.). Does historical precedent inform context does the design of housing happen? Is there a false apposition between ae solving and the modification of precedents? llow is Alexandra Road an incorporated bit of a city? How is Alexandra Road a "type" of estate? Next meeting was held on August 12 at 7.30 p.m. The one after will be held on September 16 at 7.30 p.m. at 57d Jamastown Road, London NW1. page 2 design? And in what Graeme raised some areas of interest to be developed with John which included: NAM NOVEMBERTSTS I. Presentation by Doug Smith a) Site layout. Alpha analysis shows that the strest has been ‘overconstituted! while the park is ‘unconstituted' i.e. all access to dwellings is from the street, and even maisonettes with gardens adjacent SUMMARY OF MESTING, 14th October, 1980 NAM Annual Conference will be held in Edinburgh 7th - 9th November. Details from 01 272 0580 after 6 p.m. Doug presented the analysis of Alexandra Road he has so far completed in two parts: firstly, the contrast between Alexandra Rd's street and a traditional street and secondly, an analysis of the estate and dwelling layout based on Bill Hillier's techniques. A brief summary of the analysis is presented below. a tanitneLD Next Meeting of Novembrists will be held on Wednesday 19th November at 7.30 p.m., 57D Jamestown Road, NW1. At that meeting we will discuss the group's achievements so far and future directions, Attended by : Adrian} Robin; Jos; Nec; Graeme; Giles; Doug; Sunand; John M~.; Alexi Ellis' article in On The Streets (Ed. S Anderson) compares the physical and social characteristics of a traditional street with the transformed street system of new council estates as follows: The traditional street is part of 4 continuous system in which buildings and road form a united element; change can be accomm- Odated along the edge by changing ind‘ vidual buildings; little social information is carried; it is dense and permeable i.e. one can get anywhere along it; it provides a rich encounter system for random_and unstructured events. By contrast, the transformed street System of new council estates is made up of islands and barriers which cannot absorb change; less ground coverage; less permeable sparsely spaced buildings; undifferentiated left over spaces; concentration on object to object relationship, not object to topography; high level of social information is carried usually about a single use on the site; unstructured events are eliminated; houses are off the street; controlled by state agencies; visitors are conspicuous; women are isolated; children's play is isolated (either from adults when play occurs in open space or from children when play occurs in flats); old people require special facilities; space is designed to separate and control people whether in the form of blocks of flats or garden cities. i) Pratitional street vs Alexandra Road Doug suggests that the pre-demolition wide streets of Alexandra Rd bounded by large semi-detached é@xellings approximates Ellis' des- cription of an untransformed street while the new 'street' has little to do with the traditional pattern - it doesn't G0 anywhere, ds not continuous with the rest of the city, and, although most Gwellings are reached via the street, no front doors are situated on it, Hillieresoue Analysis (abbreviated summary - details & diagrams from Doug) yi di) Hillieresoue Analysis ~- The uninitiated in the Group had some difficulty with the assumptions and language (jargon) of the Hillier analytical system (dogma). b) Dwelling layout Analysis of room configuration leads to the conclusion that for all dwelling types save 1 bedroor flats, the kitchen is consistently the ‘deepest! space. Doug concludes that Neave rown's ideal house design is that of a "Hampstead dinner party space' in which the kitchen, and by implication the woman, has been isolated from other activities in the dwellivg and is under the 'control' of the male-dominated spaces through which the kitchen is reached. Since this is an obviously disfunctional arrangement for other activities such as childcare, Doug concludes that the arrangement has come about for symbolic value. The kitchen has become the inner sanctum. The carefully detailed finishes emphasise its symbolic importance, II. Discussion i)Traditional street to the park have no direct access to it. This has several effects: the park is of little value to the residents; the street and hence the residents are highly controlled; the. street is oppressive to non-residents. The ‘axiality' of the design i.e. the fact that long range vistas of the scheme are provided, indicate the importance of the scheme and invite public use. - It was felt that Ellis! description idealised traditional street form and life in a way which conformed neither with physical reality nor residents! attitudes to the street which was in fact often viewed as noisy, polluted, unprivate. = John pointed out that other designers have justified different designs by alluding to traditional street values which they were purportedly emulating e.g. Smithsons' Golden Lane comp- etition entry defining street as a place where milk floats could go. : - The stepped section of Alexandra Ra was in itself a form which differentiates it from traditional streets. - This difficulty was increased by the fact that no Hillier analysis is yet available of more conventional housing to facilitate comparisons, and by the fact that some of the key relationships depend on non-intuitive results reached with aid of computerised calculations. - Anxieties were also voiced on the validity of developing a spatial language which does not include the people using and controlling the space. - Jos summarised the main implicit assumption. of the analytical ' scheme as the Goal of creating an open spatial system in which all routes are open to non-residents. The analysis is therefore concerned with entries and accessibility from one space to another. It disregards other factors such as distance, scale, héight, volume or other spatial qualities, and icnores quality of materials, finishes or style. It cannot accomuodate the concept of who controls boudaries at this stage. a) Site layout bd) Dwelling Lavout ~ Et was pointed out that at this stage, the language is still being devised, definitions are being altered, and further° developments can be expected. Only 2 other residential developments have as yet been examined: Boundary St and Marquess Rd, ~- Doug's conclusions seemed to have been corroborated by Sunand's findings from discussions with resident repres- entatives and housing management i.e. the street seems to work as a focus of unstructured activity while the park is underutilised and definitely not loved. - The implied causal relationship between ‘axiality' (long vista) and attraction of visitors and tourists to places like Alexandra Rd was disputed. ~ The need for comparative analysis with other dvellings was mentioned several times - The argument that the kitchen location has symbolic import needed to be considered against the argument that the location was determined purely by functional requirements, i.e., Given the constraints of (usually) single aspect dwellings with Parker Morris standards the kitchen must be located toward the back of the dwelling with access through living or dining areas. ~ The concept of ‘control! of spaces and implied extension to control of female by male requires clarification since it appears as either environmental determinism or a simple case of a pathetic fallacy. ‘ ——— - The discussion didn't really end there but continued in one of the local pubs. However by that late hour no thought was given to the minutes... See you at the next meeting, 19th November. Apologies from: Adrian Present: Robin, Sunand, Doug, Nec, Alexi, Celia, Justin, Graeme. NAM'S NOVEMBERISTS 1ST BIRTHDAY MEETING - NOVEMBER 19TH 1980 The meeting started with a report from Giles (not present) on the recent NAM Conference in Edinburgh, noting its mood of militancy in reaction to the current climate and its decision to concentrate opposition to the dismantling of the welfare state. A report from our group was submitted though only as a written Paper which was not discussed very much. What reaction there was tended to scepticism about the relevance of work in Architectural Theory - albeit engaging political economy — at a time when rather more fundamental issues were at stake. Giles and John had defended the work of the group, pointing out that it was vital not to abandon the field of theory to the mainly reactionary gurus currently enjoying vogue. The meeting felt that our report was an accurate description of the group's work so far - its necessary briefness highlighting our lack of focusbut failing to do justice to the great Geal of interest and fresh thought that this first year's meetings had generated. There was a general discussion about the group - its past and the problems of its future. Sunand and others felt that the 'academics' had the time to Pursue these interests, and did background work anyhow, while the 'practitioners' did not. Doug and Graeme explained the similar difficul- ties for the 'academics' especially for those on Hillier's course. There were diverse views on the need/desirability for producing finished work. Nec felt that given the different approaches of members, we should fix our aim On @ presentation in 6 months and then deal with the editorial problem. Alexi reminded us that we need not (/should not?) confine ourselves to Alexandra Road. Adrian who could not attend had sent a message to the same effect. It was finally agreed to Produce draft papers (not outlines of the work that would lead up to a Paper). It was decided that we should present the papers at an all-day session on Sunday March lst Starting at 10 a.m. at Justin's house, 54 Southwood Lane, London N6. Tel: 01-348 0735. All members should bring some drink and some dish/food to share. : it was decided to hold a pre-meeting at 7.30 p.m. on Thursday 19th February at Jacques Wine Bar, Tavistock Square, London WCl, to allow pre-distribution of Papers. This is strictly voluntary and allows people to work in their preferred way. Members should bring 18 copies of their papers typed with a large margin to allow room for others to comment either on 19th February or on lst March. If you do not/cannot bring your paper on the 19th, please write by then to Sunand and Robin with a 2-line description of your theme to allow some ordering of the day. t is intended that this one-day session will permit the group to assess its future direction or indeed existence! We edited the list of members as~follows:- Denise Arnold 85 Grove Lane London SE5 703 9896 Jos Boys 31 Davenant Road London N19 Justin De Syllas 54 Southwood Lane London N6 Adrian Forty c/o Bartlett School of Arch. Gordon Street London WCl Jane Darke 173 Rustings Drive Sheffield S1l 7AD 0742 66 l4o Benedict. Foo 44 Grafton Terrace 272 7556 348 0735 London NW5 Graeme Geddes 13 Curtis House Morecame Street London SE17 John McKean 7O Thornhill Road Barnsbury Square London Nl Robin Nicholson 7 Highbury Place London N5 485 2267 Giles Pe body 48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775 Celia Scott 3 Mall Studios Tasker Road London NW3 485 2689 Nec & Emel Teymur328 9550 31 Lauradale Road&8&3 4061 London N2 633 7170 Renate Prince 83 Fitzjohns Avenue London NW3 435 4278 Sunand Prasad 125 Grosvenor Avenue London N5 485 2267 Douglas Smith 17 Delancey Street London Nwl 267 8268 Julia Wilson-Jones 48 Sutherland Square London SE17 703 7775 633 8340 703 7140 387 7050 ; 607 0700 Alexi Marmot 58 Woodsome Road London NW5 John Murray 37 Landrock Road London N&8& 485 6341 340 359 > Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Novemberist Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1979-1981 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/477fb45ddfe2347747d46172e3b06f16.pdf 3fb6f383652a7d1bffe0d22372ddfd89 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Who needs the RIBA? Subject The topic of the resource "Who needs the RIBA ?" Article by Patrick Harrison, RIBA Secretary + letter from Mike Jencks Description An account of the resource RIBA? PATRICK HARRISON. THE MAN BEHIND THE SCENES AT THE RIBA, REACTS TO DAVID ROEBUCK'S TALK. TRANSPOSED IN THE LAST ISSUE. WITHOUT REFERING DIRECTLY TO THE TEXT. HE GIVES US AN INSIGHT INTO HOW THE PROFESSION VIEWS ITSELF. statutory body ARCUK for tho democratically controlled RIBA. And tho RIBA is gonuinoly democratic. Its record in responding to tho public interest and changes in public nood is far in advance of most comparable professional institutions. Its Council, Presidency and policios can and do respond to tho vigorous shake thoy rocoivo from membors. It is governed not only by 'bosses' but by many distinguished and able members, a tot of them salaried architects, who have chosen a modest path. Its work is well researched and well prosentod. It is effective. If it bo argued that the RIBA doesn't always win it must be rorncmbered that tho battles in which it is engaged aro very long and difficult. that victory can seldom bo spectacular and is often best not celebrated too ostentatiously. The moral Novor lot it be forgotton that tho forces ranged against good architecturo and good architects are very powerful. Tho distrust and suspicion of tho creative artist in industry and politics. oro intense. A truly disinterested professional servico also gets in tho way of short-term economics and convenience. This accounts as much for government scrutiny of architects as any interest in the welfaro of tho consumer, Do not imagino that tho world will automatically accord on offectivo rolo to a deinstitutionalised orofnssion. It will most likely out-manoouvro and ignoro it! Subvorgion can bo fun, but at con In this siutuotion. the thesis goos on. many talented and socially responsible salaried orchitocts are compelled simply to operate the svstom and are prevented from helping thoso who need them most. Oavid Roebuck therefore proposed that architects should remain 'unattached' and use ARCIJK to dislodge the RIBA from its dominance and so allow a more through Royal Commissions. tho Monopolies and Mergers Commission and Office of Fair Trtiding, from time to time call professions to account. Somo members of the RIBA certainly forget that the principal object of the Charter of 1837 is the advancement of architecture. not of architects. It is also true that the professions and the communist block. is notalso be dangerous. Architecturo �Faculty of Architecture. Planning & Estate Management Faculty Short Course unit Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource P Harrison Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1986 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/421dd1fcd7236a3a0cbb02d7f821413d.pdf 7cc68d498abadfb12308c5fc25815437 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Politics of Aesthetics Subject The topic of the resource Buildings and People essay updated for NAM Description An account of the resource bull A \) \ } pragrescne:architectareof ag asdyad byft cityauthoritiesin FOREWORD. This essay is incomplete in that it is not a finely polished final product but merely as much of a statement of my current thinking as I have bothered to set in print, Phe'Introduction' and ‘Where do we go from here', the final section,were written in November of 1976,95% of the rest was written in January 1975.The original title to this essay was ‘Buildings and People* and the thoughts were drawn by the question 'In what ways is the architec ture of a society related to its social structure?! It has long been my intention to use this material in a book tentatively entitled 'Buildings,Madness and Ecology' and it still is,but I got involved with the New Architec- ture Movement,somebody in the N.A.M. read the January 1975 essay and then I was sort of delegated (in a manner I don't clearly recal]) to produce a paper on aesthetics based on it.I supposed that the important thing is to have the material available for discussion so as a total rewrite of the original would have been too tedious all I have done is graft on new begining and end to make 'Buil- dings and People' into 'The politics of Aesthetics’. Paul F. Downtén,Cardiff,November 1976 Criticism and suggestions for additions to this essay would be appreciated,please address correspondance to: c/o I-o-8 Bookshop,lo8 Salisbury Rd.,Cathays,Cardiff. This material is subject to normal author's cOPy sieht except for non-profit reproduction, Printed by Gwasg Seren,Commercial and Community Printers, 141,Richmond kd. ,Roath,Cardiff. © ~SPOREWORD® CONTENTS sy 1 PEOPLE MAKE BUILDINGS...More Technology= Tool + Use of Cities and Doorknobs. 2 THE MIDDLE 'MAN',,,Semantics Vs Dialectics...Expertise “CONTENTS : : 4 FOR. EXAMPLE (A CIPHER FOR 414, SYA5ONS)...Pedestrian or or less Automatically... th=.Tcosl,..The Silent Witness... Consumer...On A Lighter Note...Screws...Let In,.»Without Question, ILLUS!\ATION...Mass 5 MASS HOUSING (THE BUILDINGS Nuts and Bolts...Sterility For And Evil...Demokeracy...Cracie2...Cranks COMMERCIAL BREAK THE MOBILE SOCIETY...The Gods of Progress...Valid Jams _and Defence 7 CAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS Sf INSANITY...War And Wealth And Weapons...Taking Stock...the Disease Takes Hold... Nightmares. ILLUSTRATION,,.Mobile Society And Hierarchitecture. 8 HIERARCHITECTURE...Poison Pcower...The Funeral Marches On., Laypeople Lose...sMaking Light It All. 9 THE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US...Myth Is Reality...Electric fortress...Circumscribed Souls. ILLUSTRATION,..Future And Electric Fortress. 10 WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?..,.Bankrupt...Corblimey!.. Connections...Lifestyle...The Urge To Create... ILLUSTRATION,..Libre APPENDIX KEFERENCES, 6 RISE AS THE PEOPLE FALL)... Everyone...Ugly Heads the Sunshine Housing. In The Meantime Vs Ability...Wasted lives,,.Data Retrieval...Megalomania Tocls Of Repression...5+inginy $4 All Back Home. 3°FORM FOLLOWS FUNCTIO,N)L!aw anv Order,..Myth and Purpose _“Mass?.Housing...Back on the GitCets Again...(Fxpletives - Deleted) ILLUSTRATION, 4.Everyingag's The’ Same. INTRODUCTION *'Long before the Jews were murdered it all had been expre- sed in my buildings't- Albert Speer. Aesthetics is the theory or philosophy of the perception of the beautiful.Well,that's what my dictionary says. In general use though it is a word which refers to how things look be it beautiful or bad. It is not, however, a word commonly used by the layperson. Only an elite use the word ‘aesthetics! and in fact the word conceals a political dimension, 'The Poli tics of Aesthetics' is an unfamiliar phrase because politics and aesthetics are not normally explicitly associated with one another, Historically,aesthetics is assiciated with the art of the elite of society, an art which would claim to be ‘above' politics though it manifested the privilege provided for the few by economic domination of the many. The cottager would not have thought to refer to the aesthetics of her cottage although she might well find it a beautiful place. The beauty of the cottage comes through the application of a craft by a person needing to apply that craft to achieve a practical end, not through self- conscious design, not through the application of aesthetic theory. The concept of aesthetics is elitist. In this essay the word aesthetics is used in a manner which I think may be generally understood by anyone trained or conditioned to use the word at all. By aesthetics I mean ‘how things look', this is about the Politics of How Things look} if you like. Words,Words,Words. ‘Design is the application of a language. Architectural design is a language that is expressed through the manipulation of building technologies. A language it can be used. A person needs be it verbal or non- verbal, before they can know what is being said and thus feel comfortable by being in communica tion with the people whose language it is. Surrounded by an alien language in one's own country one would feel ill at ease and if those aliens were felt to be invaders one would feel oppressed. In modern city centres the buildings which form virtually the entire environment use a design vocabu- lary foreign to the bulk of those buildings! users and they thus feel alienated and oppressed. The'concrete' jungle! has become a popular metaphor because it suggests an alien and agressive environment, a concrete forest does not sound half as terrible, Cultural Vision. If a person sees a thing as irrelevant to their needs they are unlikely to find it beautiful, The perception of need is itself a culturally induced concept, so that one person might find a brightly decorated, chromium- plated hot- rod fantastically beautiful and the ancient Egyptian carvings of a Pharao.4's undertakers dealthy ugly, whilst another person's view might be quite the opposite and both things might be said to have no practical use at all. The relation- ship a person has with an object defines their perception of that object, and the percption in turn defines the relationship. Thus if someone sees a thing as ugly and it is also undeniably necessary to them, they discover a con- wr 2g needs to be learnt before to understand a language, flict within their self irresolvable without suppression or change. Cultural form is created lution of such conflict, and destroyed in the reso- Splits. i It is said of people in Manhattan, New- York, that they enjoy the skyscraper cityscope, but people in London generally ; dislike even the ‘short! tall buildings that probe the sea of sulphurous pollution in their historic streets. Manhattan's skyward thrustings reflect the reach for the moon and money aspirations of their go-getting congregations. The Mammon in London has in the past been a tamer beast than its American counterpart, so its recent rampaging across the historic heart of industrial capitalism has offended the sensibilities even of those people whose path to riches is paved with prime-site precast concrete slabs of commerce. The concrete, steel and glass, blank- faced boring buildings which epitomise the common vision of our urban centres bear little or no relation to the ideas of ‘home! and 'town! which the layperson carries. They speak a different language even though the building society which builds Joan Smith's latest city centre horror might well be financing the pur. chase of her cosy new home. There is necessarily a direct relationship between the form of a human society and the form of the buildings that society produces, A particular way of organizing human activity requi- res particular artifacts pertinent to that activity. Bureau. crats need offices. The technology developed by a society has to be accepted as being needed by that society. Peace loving bureaucrats need atomic bombs. Such statements might appear to be mere truisms; but they only read as such once stated and normally they are not stated. For industrial society requires and cultivates a very compartmentalised mental atti tude, requires the perception of things always separate to other things, requires the bolt not to know the nut but only allow itself to be screwed. In the real world that approach is necessarily inadequate as a way of understandinp events because it provides no clear means of seing the connections between things, particularly if those connections are non- mechanical. Once scewed together the nut and bolt might un- derstand their function relative to one another, but kept apart in the meantime they know only grooves without reason, Thus in order to discuss aesthetics sensibly it is essential not to divorce it from a social and political context. It is not that aesthetics cannot be divorced from its political context, that is in fact the conventional way to view the subject, it is that it should not be so divorced. For view a culture in bits and pieces is to not view an homogenous cul- ture at all. Such a view is a partial view, a split, alienated view of a whole reality. In order to consider the role of aesthetics in architecture it is necessary to consider how and why architecture is made, in short, to look at the rela- tionship between architecture and society, between and people, buildings More or Less Autcmatically.... Technology = Tc !*Use Of The Tool It was the thesis espoused by Lewis Mumford in the 'Myth of the Machine! that human history is most importantly related to cultural attributes and social exgantsstion , rather than just the growth of use and invention of tools. first of people's minds. uildings are the products of tools, but - See He PEOPLE MAKE BUILDINGS The difficulty in deeling with the question of how architecture in a society is related to the society that produced it, is the breadth of the topic. 4llbuildings serve some purpose, and that purpose is tee defined by the requirements of the people who prodtice the buildings. Peopje make up society, the type of society is defined by its struct:ve and that structure contains the social paterns in wliich people live, which is then, mere or less automatically, made manifest in their building paterns. ; "Each landscape and townscape is an intri¢ately organised expressicn of causes and effects, of challenges and responses, of continuity and therefore, of coherance. It all hangs together, makes sense, fits one way or another - for good or bad, loosely or tightly. It has sequences, successions, climaxes. It reveals paterns and relationships forming and reforming." (1) The development of the social organisation ¢f humanity in its various forms has of neccessity come before any technological. development. People had to establish effective means of communicating ideas and information to their comrades before those ideas could be corporately Rut into operation. Thus language was the first great invention, a social tool which then enabled knowledge to be recorded, pooled snd transmitted to people in other places and other times once the ir:'s cultural attributes had been established, when the state of intellec:.:;:? development was sufficient to communicate complex and abstract ide ‘once conceptual tools' had been formed, then the development of material tools, of technology, could come about. Building is a technological development. The erection of a building requires the use of tcols and the co-ordinated deployment «7 human skills in useing these tools. The type of tools used and the =tructuring ef the co-ordinated deployment of human skills dépends upon the form, type and structuring of the society producing the building, The materials used in the making of the tools used both to produce the building and to co-ordinate the skills depends upon the history of development of the society and consequently of its technology, up to that time. Medieval masons did nct use electronic calculators, Centre Point would never have been carved from stone. Buildings are generated by a way of life and realised with its concomitant technology. Primarily buildings fulfill a social need. As we see, society must exist first, humanity being gregarious by nature and neccessity, and the need for communal shelter is then realised by communication between the members of that society. A roof needs to be thought of before it zan° 2 3. be built and named. The function of a structure is thus reoted in Symbolism and is culturally generated. Technology becomes then part of the cultural language in its broadest sense, its use communicates sentiment, emotion, ways of thinking and feeling. Buildings can move people to write poetry or break down and cry. The manipulation of technology for aesthetic effect is a very particular application of the language. It is the' art! of architecture. The Silent Witness Once architecture has been made, once building has taken place, it reinforces the prevailing social ethics and paterns of human inter- action because the physical environment is know in accord with the social environment, at least inasmuch as it is expressed by the’ holders - ee and perpetrators of the ruling ideology of a society. Hence the conceptual reality of an entrenched, institutionalised, bureaucratic regime is immortalised as a physical reality in its various offices and government buildings (see Hierarchitecture, and 'Making Light Of It All') into whose departments any number of anonymous persons prepared to accept a role in the now unquestionably eontrolling ideology. 'Lay: e>ple Loge! can be slotted Because the built environment in a so ciety is ultimately a product of the ruling ideology, after a few generations of generally uninterrupted consolidations that environm ent, with its attendant ideolugy, will be all pervasive, Political activity in demucracies, for instance, becomes rel- egated to the triviality of party games. No-one can stand up in the British Parliament, posit alternatives to the presently imposed status quo, and expect to be taken seriously (in fact such a Person would be The contention is that’ the general social structure ofa society shows in its building, so that the form and layout of individual buildings, villages, towns and cities are, in effect, diagrams of the social relationships in that society, and that the structures that make up Cities and Doorknobs society of which they are willing or unwilling members. There are big paterns and little paterns, cities and doorknobs, institutions and friends. Tne MIDDLE VANE The process of making architecture and its prerequcite, making architects, supposes an ahi ‘ity to compartmentalise the thinking process so that the designing of buildings and the manufacture of aesthetic styles and tastes are divorced from the reasons as to why the buildings exist in the first Place. Traditionally, architects do not question the brief they are given for a building design, but wholly concern themselves with making a design from the inform- ation, teols and money they have been entrusted to juggle, fitting their thoughts and actions the meanwhile, into a theoretical structure inherited from their education and divorced from any other reality, Architects' concerns are with the semantics of their design vocabulary not with the dialectical analysis of their role as designers, Expertise vs_ Ability. Architects are trained as intellectual 6lites, by intellectuati Elites, their role is increasingly specialized, ever-more rigidly defined, they are trained to devote their attentions exclusively to the part- icular. Successful architectural organisations (public and private) acquire and sustain their Success by specialising in certain - | . building types, As their expertise increases, their ability to tackle other design problems decreases, Architects design offices OR factories OR schools OR housing, a whole string of standard solutions result with the well-known resultant of the sterile, monotonous, predictable environment we increasingly inhabit. Wasted Lives, Over the years since the onset of the Industrial Revolution (when the forced flight to the city produced the first 'masses') and particularly within the last 50 years, these solutions have been expressed in architectural Philosophies which have in fact been no more than aesthetic dogmas for the consumption of intellectual élites. Unfortun- ately, these dogmas have been an important contributory factor to the creation of the urban wastelands against which backdrop so many miilions of lives are wasted. These dogmas are major cogs in the machinery of repression, milled on the mental lathes of indifferent intellectuals and turned by the ready hands of the alienated academics, The growth of technological indulgence and the human population in moder industrial societies has increased the size of tke self- Nata Retrieval People have been reduced to data in the operation of the architectural machinery of our mass society. All aspects of building performance and the potential "building users! requirements are subject io PSeudo-scientific testing and analysis by the omnipotent ‘experim- ental method! - laboratory models instead of the real thing. Architectural Scientists, Sociolegists, Behavioral Psychologists and specialists of every hue are busily going about splitting the Spectrum of human society in order to make manageable, so that architects can assimilate such information s ee can to produce yet another compromise solution to the Problems of a society already so much @ product of compromise the mass so- ioty nasotre ileoenomeaninigformanyofitsmembers.Architects Pecialize in Co-ordinating specialisms, Semantics vs Dialectics * *DIALECTIC - "testing truth by discussion, art of investigating thetruthofopinions", oF re - a Concise’ Oxtord Dictidriary Megalom ania The effects that modern architecture has had on people once the machinery of repression has been turned, have been more visibly dramaticinsomecasesthanothers.Aprimeexamineohees i ral form and ideology failing to serve peop e by i aNhe wae in Venezuela peereet 1954 and 1958 during the Pérez Jiménez dictatorship when ninety seven 15 storey 'superbloques were constructed to rehouse 180,000 slum dwellers in Caracas. Virtually complete social disorganisation and resultant rioting» proved the project a monstrous failure. The Pruitt Igoe high-rise housing project in St. Louis (cover), was sucha disaster that much of it was demolished as social breakdown and crime unnerved the citys' leaders. One of the architects on the project said at its inception:- ~ . ‘ "As an architect, if I had no economic'or social limitations, I'd solve all my problems with one storey buildings. Imagine how pleasant it would be to always work and plan in spaces overlooking lovely gardens filled with flowers. framework of our present cities this is impossible to achieve s Why? Because we must recognise social and economic limitations and requirements. A solution without such recognition would be meaningless. "(4) Yet we know that within the Architects submit to an ideology which ensures their active participation in the social mechanism of repression as responsive fully stimulated appetite for power by presuming to supply them with the ability to mould the world by ‘design'. Submission to this ideology has been as common in recent years as it ever was, perhaps more self-consciously now than previously. The belief that architects, and planners, can manipulate people via their environment is what has been called the ‘architectural belief system'Y'’Whilst it is quite untenable that people should be manipulated in this way or any — other, the existence of this 'belief system! is well recorded and is integral to the architectural dogmas discussed above. Buckminster Fuller, catalyst for such concepts as the 'World City! and doyen of the technocrats, holds this belief close to his heart and indeed it is basic to his philosophy - "don't try to reform man, reform the environment", Paulo Seleri is another present day architect with distinctly megalomaniacal tendencies; he has subordinated evolution, man, and cities to his personal vision and and proceeded to design accordingly. Soleri's case is an extreme One, but it is such men who set the scene for lesser mortals who may wish to act out similar roles. -Instilling a "holier than thou! attitude into the minds of young designers has been a major theme in the architectural schools of the western world, and despite recent shifts of emphasis, the theme remains and ig certainly Operative in the current practising of architecture. It is important to understand the workings of an architects mind and and the social context in which it works, because the architect is the'middle man'in the process whereby society expresses itself in building. 'pe Tools ofRepression A classic example of an architect attempting to. justify his two- faced position in a system where he is controlling and being cont- rolled, one face for authority one for public, acting as nothing more or less than a tool of repression by making literally concrete the insanities of the power élite that created his situation, (and supply his daily bread). Bringing it all back home Nearer hora the cronic failure of the System of myopic specialists and ego-centric demi-gods to deliver the goods, continues to produce completely avoidable human tragedies. In 1974 dozens of people died in the fire at the Isle of Man pleasure centre, unproven technology and irresponsible "responsible’ people were held to blame: the Flixborough nylon factory explosion, another technological 'mishap', raised the death total even higher; and an Old Peoples' Home (the idea of which is only possible in a com partmentalised, institutionalised culture) was swept by a fatal fire only months after its compietion. Meanwhile the legacy of the Ronan Point disaster has been changes in the rules of the game of people packing which will ensure that the clum sy meshing together of specialisms which produce future housing will at least produce gas-oven ex- Plosion proof housing. The whole point in having experts is, supposedly, to avoid mistakes which might harm people, but these examples, spectacular and horribly familiar, should they serve as salutory reminders of just how incompetent this society of experts really is, and how that incompetence can disastrously effect peoples lives. Law & Order Myth & Purpose FORM. FOLLOWS FUNCTION The relationship between the lives of people and the buildings they vse is conditioned by, and is a response tc, the social mechanisms that delineate the spheres of actuality of an individual in that,society and the degree of interaction available with other individuals within: that sohere of activity and in others. So criminals and police officers use court rooms more often than car workers or bakers and a better knowledge of the actual processes of law enforcement-exists with the users of the Court howse than with those who merely pass by it on their way to work. To the passers-by though, the Court house signifies many abstract qualities, justice, trith, the rule of law, order etc., the building fulfiils a highly significant purpose just by being there, just because of its invariably emotive arch- itecture, constructed as it is, as a conscious Symboiic embodi ment of some of societys' bulwarks of faith. The relationship between’ the users of the Court: house and the passers-by is thaS conditioned by the lack of contact between meanings that the building evokes for the disferent parties. the two and the subtely different The Court house operates on a functional and on a symbolic level. Functionally, in that it provides shelter for the activitiés that take place within it, symbolically, in that it is a monument to the central themes of a cultures! professed ideology. Not only So there are primarily two ways in which architecture reflects the social structure that produces it:- does it act as a token to that ideology, but the planning of the rooms and attendant artifacts of witness boxes and so forth, ultimately presents a physical model of the organisation of the various functions that the Court house contains. FUNCTIONALLY - a way of life requires certain mechanisms and shelters and a certain way of distributing those artifacts. SYMBOLICALLY - the forms of the mechanisms and shelters may transcend their purely functional requirements and become infused with, or even wholly gen- erated by, myths and symbols. The flat roof never appeared in temperate climates until the dual goals and aspirations of advanced technology and fashion (always slightly absurdly beyond the limits of its contemporary technology) produced a 'machine aesthetic’, derived from superficial, glib philosophising by myopic, élitist culture heroes like Le Corbusier, The technology then became competent enough to deny the common- sense idea of chucking water off a rock by using a pitch, so that flat roofs were used. Functionally nonsense, but definite symbolic totems of the newly-arisen machine culture. "ARIES - Why this flat roof... ? PISCES - The sacred cause of planning freedom, It also robbed the buildings of a visual 'lid' and conveyed the idea of extendability -'indeterminacy'. It cost more and let the water in more easily. I studied this as a student » and it was my first inkling that there was something twisted and disconnected about their ideas,'' (s} Back on the Streets again - So too: with domes, especially geodesic domes; in the mid-sixties they became totems of the counter- culture, psrticularly in the U.S.A.The domes are hard to waterproof and were conceived of by Buckminster Fuller for very high technological application and mass production, ‘but they were used because they were symbolic ofa breaking-away from conventional roles in social behaviour in that domes break away from the conventional notion of buildings as post and beam 'box' constructions. Domes possess a structural integrity, a ‘oneness’, there are no walls or ceilings, so domes were seen as symbols for a society with that same integrity, that same where there are no rigidly defined roles for the societies members much as a dome lacks 'walls' and ‘ceilings’, but still stands up. 'oneness' "',.The dome is expressive of our new approach to the universe... The dome seems in some way to be more conducive to the mental and spiritual harmony of the dome dweller, perhaps because its more natural shape helps to attune him with nature instead of alienating him from it. Boxed houses belonged to an age when men stood in opposition to the world around them, in corhpetition, as it were, with nature and the universe, ." (6 Mass ? Housing Solving 'mass housing! problems requires people to share a spurious objective assessment of the 'problem!' to be solved. In In fact every individuals' response to the need for housing is going to be unique to that individual, the objective reality of each persons response to any situation will be that persons subjective response to that situation. None can ever fully know what is in anothers’ mind, none can presume to fully understand the needs of another person, therefore, ultimately, each-individual must be free to shape their own destiny, no-one else can do it for them. To assume that there is a 'solution' to the housing 'problem!' is to assume that that'problem' is a thing with a reality outside of the consciousness of any person involved in it. A problem is defined by each individuals' view of a situation and just as no-one person can know anothers! real needs, then no-one can presume to tell another what to do. No-one can build my house for me, I cannot build a house for anyone else, together we may succeed, but to assume, say, that I can know the needs of a stranger from the statistics of an 'objective' assessment of that persons' needs without that stranger even meeting or speaking with me, is the most presumptuous and arrogant of ideas. Returning to the illustrations of how the ideology of a society is expressed in philosophical and physical form, one can consider the spiel by Daniel Burnham, architect charged with co-ordinating the the design of Chicagos' World Fair in 1893 and subsequent author of plans for entire major American cities, of one of his plans, for - Manila in 1905, he wrote:- "Among building groups thefirst in import- ance, the Government or National Group which would include Capital Building and Department Buildings, is located on the present © Camp Wallace... Grouping itself closely about the Capital Building at the centre it forms a hollow square opening out westward toward the sea. The gain in dignity by grouping these buildings in a single formal mass has dictated this arrangement, the beauty and con- venience of which has been put to the test in notable examples from the days of Old Rome to the Louvre and Versailles of modern times. (Expletives Deleted) The eastern front of the capital group faces a semi-circular plaza from whose centre radiates a street system communicating with all sections of the city - an arrangemen entirely fitting for both practical and sentimental reasons; pracical because the centre of r government activity should be readily ace2ssible from all sides; sentimental because every seciion of the Capital City should look with deference toward the symbol of the Nations'power.(¢} «(Robert Goodmans' emphasis). This dominant western authoritarian ideology has been well expressed by some of its ablest perpetrators. The link between society and its architecture is seen as resolutely forgec. the importance of the power of symbols and the symbolic arrangement of things, the power of the aesthetic language is further evidenced in these following examples:- . In 1969, Daniel P., Moynihan was President Nixons! chief planner in.residence, earlier, in 1962, he had been given the job of affecting the design of federal government buildings and drafted the 'Guiding Principles on Federal Architecture’ announced by Kennedy in 1962: The Court House or Hall of Justice is given a separate location south of the main group and heading the vista down the avenue which passes the east front of the Capital... The Mall of Justice... represents the sentimentally and practic= ily highest function of of civilised society. Upon the authority of lsw depends the lives and property of all citizens; and the buildings vhich constitute the visible expression of law, its symbol of dignity «nd power, should be given the utmost beauty in their location, arrencement, architectural treatment and approaches....,‘' (9) "The policy shall be to provide requisite and adequate facilities in an architectural design and form which is destinguished and which will reflect the dignity, enterprise, vigour, and stability of the American National Government. "(10) : --Anexcellentexampleofacriticalmois intheprocessof transferring the expression of a ruling-c:2ss ideology into the physical fabric of society. All architectural expression is dedicated to the ideals of the state, against which the individual is insignificant, so the individuals! dwelling is rendered of secondary importance to the edifices of the State. It is an ideology with a long history;Hitler, 1943, in 'Mein Kampf,! "For what the ancient had before his eyes was less the humble houses of private owners than the magnificent edifices of the whole community. Compared to them, the dwelling house really sank to an insignificant object of secondary importance, "(!) More current exam ples of this type of ideological expression are not hard to find; from'An introduction to Modern Architecture, !,by J.M. Richards: "A town hall is partly a ceremonial building and needs to have a dignity that will form a fitting background for ceremonial. It must also express in some way the dignity of the State... eThe extreme pomp of monumental buildings is not perhaps a character a democratic age demands, but we shall come to appreciate in time the special form of dignity produced by orderliness and spacious planning. a S_) O The great housin scheme boasting these qualities, and incorporating as it does its own schools and community centres, can claim to (authors emphasis). The theme continues. As the state and capitalism are mutually supportive in our society and for practical purposes may be regarded as one thing, so the expression of the ruling ideology is prominent in the edifices of capitalism as much as of government. Banks;offices; stores, and consumable culture buildings (bookshops, theatres, cinemas, nightclubs, etc.) constitute the basic coarse fabric of our urban centres, The Centreplan complex proposed for Cardiffs! city centre, in which Cardiff Corporation and the Ravenseft property developers exhibited the clear partnership of the state and capitalism, was to have sacri- ficed residential areas to its existence. The life blood of its being were to have been roads whose construction would have obliterated communities of streets. The obliteration has not been complete, but the blight remains and the course is subliminally set for the future, The cities fabric has been invested with many meanings, myths abound, the city is a battleground - people, council and vested interests all struggle for power ina game where the winner is always making the rules, There are no perceivably rational responses to anything, there are no functional neccessities apparent as building and shelter are easy enough to come by, but the games of power and possession take place within great constructions of myths about property and people that is our culture. And thousands of people remain homeless while buildings stand empty. 457-5 fees fodaty.... Budi dings are Vf! i SIP OLT: all the same, everyones4 i expected to he the same... f uy rs chinA Kenic 1¥ i) g £ y %a SS Seaoe «ee Ge Pedestrian Or Consumer. On A Lighter ‘Note. apply to any habitable room (ACIPHER FOR ALL SEASONS) Evidence for this vested interest and Oppression is literally all around us, (in as. much as noone's interest can be held above another's, so the furtherance of any interest vested solely in oneself cannot fail to require the exploitation of others,and exploitation is only possiblbey the repression, .either overtly or subliminally, of the exploited). The streets that we walk down, the houses we inhabit, the buildings in which we work, shop, relax, pray in or visit, all are concrete mirrors to the purposeless patterns of our daily lives, the purposeless lives of pedestrians, members of the 'eeneral public', producers, consumers, holidaymakers, churchgoers and tourists. The majority of people in our society live in urban constructions that are not natural expressions of the lives of its people, fully lived, but are expressions of a society of human components, a machine of human parts relega ted to less than humanity. Bureaucracy is an inextricable, primary mechanism in our so- cial machine and accordingly manifests itself everywhere, particularly as all buildings are subject to some form of bureaucratic control. The rule of this law can be seen in the tower blocks, which have grown .in height and numbers ra- pidly in recent years all over the world, largely for commer- Cial reasons. ifter the main vertical dimensions have been fixed by econo mies of cost (the minimum possible), the depth of a plan is resolved on section according to regulations on light angles and permissable daylight factors - Appendix aH: ‘this regulation (Open Space, Ventilation and 'Todaye..buildings are all the same, everyone's expected to be the same...'- John A, Friend- 28-12-74, eS fe f Hei1ght °ofRcoms))shsahall a SOE Zeal — (except a room used for the lawful detention of persons other than mentally disor- dered persons) which has (ae rs rm Maivan po a Possi#LE Tr HEIGHT. MAX POSSIBLE — py DEPT SIIIL one or more windows! Building Regs. 1965- Pri- BLY 7 - maimed sons ae ae Sone El presumably, constitute alongSee habitablebuildings fg § (author's emphasis) ~p.62 FOR EXAMPLE. The depth of the floor, plan is thus. fixed, the length of this plan is then only dependant oh the Shape of the building site ‘indeterminacy!?, standard plan to be chopped off by the yard or mile SS A> ROOM V LET This plan form is generally repeated on each side of the access corridors and 'service cores! (lifts..etc..) which are often incorporated into a central supporting structure- CORRIDOR, The structural requirements of the floor slabs and the need to incorporate the ‘service runs! (pipes, wiring, Ducting...) determine the dimension between the floor and ceiling of vertically adjacent units, this distance is as small as pos- sible in order to cram as Many units as is structurally feasible in the smallest overall height- ri] i” CoO a \ The height of the tower is then limited by further planning conetraints, which vary from place to place but are often established during some form of dialogue bteween the develo pers and the authorities (Rarenseft and Cardiff...). It is a not unknown phenomenon for developers to try and'work a fast one' on the authorities by illicitly adding a couple of stones to a tower's height (very valuable stuff, ‘indeterminacy'), after all, who notices wether a block is 30 or34 storeys tall? Clad your tower in mass-produced concrete panels,'express! the top of the lift shaft where the lifting machinery is housed (functionalism) and,do and behold- a build- it- anywhere, super- architectural, bog standard, highly profitable office block (A design award is assured if youcréateawind-swdearpk,tg;ro*und floor 'concourse! by raising the building on stills, Ka arr YY tS TELL PLZ. Tg PIT The distance between tower blocks is controlled by further bureaucratic constraints wherein the endlessly varied kalie- doscope of natural light is once more conveniently transposed into a Cipher for all reasons 4 fine example of these laws of the concrete jungle in action is provided by the bureaucrats themselves, with the Department of the Environment headquaters in London, a building which eae oye been designed to incorporate every cliche in the ook NEW YORK evennesseks Leas nesberweseesl aoe ering: -96F Baeon BPscerenn ed ae es s piers Pea ®7ese Sterility for Everyone Ugly Heads & Evil To a large extent, the sterile dreams of the middle men (chapter 4) are responsible; the high-rise blocks and endlessly repetitive filing cabinet architecture which epitomise mass housing, are directly the result of the obs essive intellects, slitted consciousness and puerile emotional mechanisms of such men as Walter Gropius, Ludwig Mies van der Rohe and Le Corbusier (a self-affected nick- name). Their original vapid imaginings unfortunately gained credence amongst fellow intellectuals and architects during and since the early part of this century and subsequently the mechanisms of capitalist economics ensured that their dictrines, and similarly derived doctrines held sway, MASS HOUSING (THE BUILDINGS RISE AS THE PEOPLE FALL) Nuts and Bolts. rganisation of the mass-production process, as it has been "evolved', demands the subjugation of people to machi i are therefore i panels of Centre Point to the che Council flat, Mass society with its 'mass'-orientated mentality and its capacity for mass-production, not surprisingly best exhibits its cultural sterility in 'mass' housing. In this instance, pictures probably speak louder than words (illustration -'mass housing"), but one does well to consider how much such an im posed solution constricts social forms to 23 children families and hence helps mould the social structure. Now let us consider how such monstrosities came about and why they still raise their ugly heads. Early practitioners of the art of eople-packing were often professed radicals, Le Corbusier believed Him self to be a communist, and Gropius set up the 'Bauhaus', a school of industrial art and design, which was to become a target for fascist reaction when and as Hitler rose to prominence in inter-war Germany. Despite this, the newly evolved consciousness of a mass society and uncritical adulation of the machine ensured a dearth of concern for the indiv- idual human being, Industrial society, with its concurrent is bound to exhibit Instances in which thi by our society are far too numerous to mention, mass-produced nuts and bolts of our culture. It is this essen- ole of mass-production in our culture which is Gropius in 1924: "The majority of citizens of a specific country have similar dwellings and living requirements it is therefore difficult to understand why the dwellings we build should not show a similar unification as Say, our clothes, shoes or automobiles... ." in 1931; --..the one-family house will remain reserved for a higher stratum of the population... . because the.... rented dwelling in an apartment house is better adapted to the needs of the more mobile working class....who.... lack the time required to care for a house and garden if they are not to deteriorate, " (15) * EXPLOIT -utilize (person etc) for ones' own ends, esp. derog. of -ing colonial Possessions, the working class ets, =Concise Oxford Diahinnne Cracked government l upon ones! versal Demockeracy pte cantakeplace,soanin-crowdofexpertscangetthewhip- nd, one of the more famotisly evil events of our he way for much re-building, it provided Town movement. It also created a massive need for new housing and it provided an excuse for thousands of Suppressed megalomaniacs to impose their ideal of the ‘good life! on the weary and unsuspecting populations of war-torn Europe. Any substantial number of people contain individuals of so many different temperaments and attitudes that it is really quite hopeless to expect those people to wholly agree on anything 'en-masse!, However, small groups may be perfectly capable of achieving a co- hesion of purpose and direction whilst ensuring that the uniqueness of each individual within that group is respected, interaction between such self-regulating bodies of inner-directed individuals can be at least as successful to the mtitual benefit to all concerned, but never can one person or group of persons presume to tell others what to do without their active assent. This assent must be conscious, active, not a result of conditioning or cohersion, it must be an assent arising from the free agreement of equals , there must be no im posed authority. It is most certainly the most extreme form of arogance for a few people to presume to be able to successfully provide, for thousands of others, something as immensely important to them as the places in which they have to spend their entire lives. To force people to live in upgraded chicken coups, in those battery farms of the industrial work force, is an act of premiditated violence, a form of torture, it reaps its rewards even now as people become increasingly hostile towards such blatant acts of repressionTh.e awareness is dawning and cracks are appearing in the conditioning cells, ultimately the whole edifice must crumble, and A bugeoning population required expanded facilities and more homes. So the answer was to thump them all out on great production lines. The absurdity of forcing people to spend their lives doing repetitive, mindless, routine tasks in order to produce repetitive, characterless dwellings to which they go home to rest from producing those rep- etitive, souless artifacts never seemed to occur to sucha systems' theorists and propagandists. If it did, and they too believe that humanity is destined for greater and better things, can only be regarded as totally malicious, then their actions totally unpardonable evil, Cranks in the Meantime In the meantime the machine cranks heavily onwards, and most of its cogs seem to mesh well enough to ensure its continued function for the few more revolutions that the dwindling oil supply will fuel and lubricate. AL ‘) Ta Mik yor tenole we cars ~ bub cars Rul & moutim pestle. He Joa of oy Transient Suites ensures Kak much (moe POPE usere belle fey rote aecieds of. Morlicer Heard Man wtre.Aabled i.Me seme year tr theon-going cuntWu, Mare:peaple- eye _bdlek Ayroad Pie & he Gey “SA age HE.Aled n ARE Same gearunLhe Weta, unery chepotlen.ifaMAnufaTed one,irsIsqucisrefulable,AsalnuDupentbp. dhe frre piace f Ds ik is, She parblems exot: dad intend of hetpcag us de rd curselses of such pablans de, radically, rofhinkind Lhe need far such Thing o4 perenal Ttaanport Veclrotoyues usuch Withpeople and stead ét ra ig any atlept te de-mifistoane Toe 4édhaotsyes , planners & bureaucrats ptsdince dea shalisre: panded. )in Codified dos and dents, As Shak ub eseryone ull zur raw The dame proper ,£ cventone will prelend he sume realdicg , A ull won. pst fine. Eivenslhing A dhe qerden usth be lesrecl athe. The: experts truss done Enough (esetach F eshabhohed Te Selituur. eabenabie CorrPOMRLse-5 cadifued, “The- MECEVAN pallems of ehasrur and. nculcated UE desired. (Expenses . ~ Ie canashide, nest back efcayoy oC, Coste, & cansewrumnale aes a 5 jae BAe theSe) HE OFeerHME. (Gus, Meade hdr come LE ue tom PARA NovA ) The Gods Of Progress THE MOBILE SOCIETY Acceptance of the ability of imposed authority to shuffle around masses of people when it so chooses is another part of the ethic forced on a society whose people are only pawns ina game. The historical precedence for this are numerous, the mobilisation of entire pop- ulations in war time provide obvious exam ples, but there are others "The ambitious and proud country gentleman sets great store by his elegant house, his rolling parklands and the view from his windows. A squalid village spoiled the view, and the village fields interrupted the parkland; but when the landlord owned an entire village - as some landlords most certainly did - then the obstacles could be removed. Villages were depopulated so that parks could be made. "' (16) The man of wealth and pride Takes upa space that many poor supplied; Space for his lake, his park's extended bounds, Space for his horses, equipage, and hounds. Oliver Goldsmith 1770 (17) So the lords of the marors used to mow down villages if they obstructed the view on their newly landscaped estates, the aesthetic predilection of the ruling class had thus obvious gécial consequences. Now however, the lords of the environment would mow down villages to build airports, those great manifestations of a society which moves its favoured few around the globe as fast as sound itself! The rest of us must be content to travel slightly slower, but travel we must, for our social system is dependant on physical mobility and people's homes and fertile food-producing farmlands are sacrificed to the god of progress that is the motor car. This need to continually transport people and goods all over the country has has produced a massive road network; 200, 000 acres of farmland disappeared between 1957 and 1972 to make room for roads - The Isle of Wight is only 94, 080 acres! Valid Jams and Defence There are more skills , energy and materials invested in a single car, designed to last about four years, than in the typical home, house or hut, that serves most of the worlds! peoples for a lifetime. Cars are invested with a similar emotional currency to that found in connecton with homes, and the highway system consumes land ona scale par with buildings whilst setting patterns on the landscape of at least as much force and importance as the buildings which they connect, generate and destroy. If the structures erected by a society respond to and reflect the structure of that society, then the structures of vehicles and the surfaces that carry them are equally as valid as manifestations of a society's ideology as are its buildings. The traffic jam is a built form. The infrastructure of a country provides physical and metaphysical maps of certain characteristic elements of that society. The dictionary definition of 'infrastructure' is "a system of airfields, telecommunications and public services forming a basis for defence, ' There is evidence (dark hints and rumours) that the motorway system has also been conceived as an integral part of the 'defence! transport networks. It is also an ins- tructive definition '"'for defence" in that it presupposes massive social and technological orientation to militaristic ends. in spneo useless IGM DE beenbuilt er compaparis develop intrinsically for tho seme aninunt of mons; Concorde, Gist: CAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS OF ANSANTTY «...then they bring them to the factory, machine is strapped across their sheviders and then the kerosene is brought down from the casiles by insurance men who go where the heart attack quality houses, or, in am sonic aircraft rather th: OTe Ws me banish poverty by effecting an exuitabl< @ Sure indicator as to the morality aud culture, Taking Stock A society with its entire structure founded on A capitalism is bound to produce toiems of its culi, Pi; 1s one purpose-built structure embodying very part cx Muchange peculiar to the economy which produced it, itis a eita; 1 of capit- alism, home of those forces which generate all social relationships > Functions in society. The Disease Takes Hold check to see that no-one is escaping to Desolution Row. - Bob Dylan - (18) War and Welath and Weapons The extent to which a society builds architecture rather than oh artifacts, or vice versa, can itself hecome a oui i and aspirations of that society. ‘Treo Crosby. the environment z2me," compares the coct of Vietnam or 6 hrs, j Pie ilesize of 4. Just as any individual is primarily limited by their economic means ( outside of any more sensible realities ), so ‘tthe. same proeccesses of the capitalist economy produce very strange social rala “Onships ( bourgeoisie, worker, capitalist etc). It is inevitable that the organ- isation of the productive forces in society, formed in response to capitalist ethic with its concomm itant machinery for the manufacture and exchange of goods and services, will embody these relationships. British capitalism enables individuals to hoard money, encourages the centralisation of resourse use and manpower, materiais and energy, ignores the social and environmental consequences of its activities requires massive systems of control to regulate the myriad activities of many people to the advantage of a few , falsely values all things and reduces all things to commodities, Hence a small area of land in Central Londen can be priced at £13 million because it is a prime site in the world's money capital, and a £5 million building can then be produced for that site with the employ of people who will never use or need that buiiding; the result being an lump of concrete which then proreeds, somehow » to gainin money value just by being there! Such buildings invariably faii to house people because that makes a building unprofitable... .and profit is the mainstay of the capitalist system. Nightmares Office blocks house some of the totally non-productive functions of the social machine, people are forced to do meaningless (as opposed to meaningful) tasks in order to control the flow of an imaginary commodity, money, in order to mainiain the existence of factories which then control the lives of people who actually produce something (though that 'something! may well be useless!). The factories may be producing pre-cast concrete panels, for instance. The ultimate, almost realized absurdity, would be for a company to construct an office block to house employees to administer factories which make panels to construct office blocks to house employees to administer money to finance companies which build office blocks....There are obviously innumerable ways in which human behaviour and inter-personal relationships will become distorted in such ‘endless cartwheels d insanity.' This social structure of ours contains a multitude of unnatural relation- ships between People, including those of consumer to producer, producer to controller (boss, executive), controller to financier, financier to government, government to consumer, it is no surprise that the cities of this society are such cancers on the land and its people. And the devaluation of the lives of these people to ciphers in the great consumer / consumed Spectacle is complete when their 'hames! roll off conveyor belts, tended by more beings regulated to lives where they are extensions of machines for half of their waking hours and dutiful consumers for the other half, with the sleeping hours f! ‘9d with dreams of possession and nightmares of work. To jibe about the quality of design of a machine, house or concrete panel in such circum stances, is to advertise one's candidancy for the post of chief ostrich and betrays sadly misplaced priorities, OTT —- Sa = eee (AEs|eelStehe zi ee ———} NENG “e -fTM \38acre ied junction- ee aoruar ay i)\= i| CODDD00000000000058 >“BOCSd6O) MIERARCH ITECTURE Ours! Short term gain at an incalculable long-term cost, where ‘someone else! will Pay ~ that is the ethic made concrete and cosmic In nuclear power stations, buildings essential to modern western industrial society in which the citadels of political power require citadels of energy. The Funeral Marches On Poison Power The central theme apparent in all analyses of social, and hence political, organisation is that of power, the power of pecple over - people. But thesocial structuring which centralizes its authority and political power is as requisite on power from energy as are all the other functions of a technologically advanced society. So huge i gies whose secrets can only be used by the few, and then only at the behest of the political power- wielders, come into being. These structures and their technologies P01son the ground for incon i some nuclear Laypeople Lose In an essay entitled "But', in May 1973, I used the pyramids of Egypt as examples of particularly strong expressions of a power structure of an unmistakeably authoritarian and hierarchical form. The structure of that society, with its Slaves, divine kings, and hierarchical distribution of power through priests and slave drivers, etc., — found its ultimate expression in the pyramid which was used, liter- ally, to entomb the values and aspirations of that society. The Pyramid is perhaps the most obvious expression of hierarchical form, with its implication for human society of an authoritarian System of distributing the control by 8 few of the many, and its validity asa symbol for such a power structure is as valid now as it ever was. Itis an excellent aesthetic expression of political purpose, In October 1973, the winning design for the proposed offices of the new Northampton County Council was a nine-storey, glass-sheathed Pyramid. The architects and councillors who comprised the bulk of the assessment panel thought the building was wonderful, their Support for the building was unconditional in that any criticism (Hee sthe planning of the two lower floor levels and entranes.... might be .... improved.... ") was virtually ignored in favour of the schemes "audacity, imagination, and.. +. comprehensive underlyin _logic!’ which they could not objectively fault.' Significantly, one nopes, this ‘lyrical structure' did not impress the only two lay &Ssessors on the panel who believed the design was "'an im posed solution" because, because, amongst other things, it was " an intellectual concept, ingeniously worked out and seductively presented;"inflexible; required unproven technologies; used too much energy; was ''reminiscent of a mausoleum and the dead pharoahs;" and was dominated by the council chamber in a manner foreign to the new conception (sic) of democracy and participation. is 'new concept? of democracy and participation had not either, reached the bunkers, for the building also had to include a 'Civil Defense Base- ment,' for which very few members of the public will have much use in any contingency, but then, the important people would survive. Making LightofitAll The Northampton pyramid succeeded in taking the ideal of an immortalized bureaucracy to a logical conclusion; at mid-day* on April 5th, at the start of the Financial Year, the sun's rays (assuming the sun shines!) were supposed to pur down ashaft in the structure so orientated that ihe beams would illumine the treasurer's desk? * assumed time. "WAR IS PEACE FREEDOM IS SLAVERY e IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH Myth is Reality (21) TRIE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US "The Ministry of Truth - was Startingly different from any other object in sight. It was an enormous pyramidal structure of glittering white concrete, soaring up, terrace after terrace, 300 metres into the air....Scattered about London there were just three other buildings of similar appearance and size....They were the homes of the four Ministries between which the entire apparatus of government divided." (22) was Circumscribed Souls "The G.P.O's microwave system is a pretty paradign of the 20th. Century. Functional, sophisticated, technological, monumental, its towers stride across the land: publicly thay are described as the distributors of the garbage of television;in fact they link the instru- ments of sudden genocide, and implicit in their construction and siting is their use to repress revolt." (23) The woman or man on-top-of-the-street is not normally aware of the existence of the fortress because it is not visible outposts, but it circumscribes the entire existence of each and every soul on the globe. Internationally, it constitutes the rerve system of the biggest war-machine of all] time, in peace-time it also carries electronic opiate to the masses through the air waves, and internally in Britain it constitutes an immense net of power connecting key government hideouts so that order can be maintained in the event of social un- rest and civil-war, The enemy is within and it is the government, and as one wise woman has said, "It's hard to fight the enemy who has outposts in your head, " Electric Fortress (Cowardly OldWorld) Humanity's greatest constructions have always reached to the realm of the fantastic, the Pyramids maintain their marvel for us today, and the greatest cathedrals of the past extended humanity's capacities and technologies to produce a vehicle for reaching heaven. Currently, the most massive constructions of our culture are those built with the mighty resources of nations! defence budgets and those utilizing the most advanced of available technologies. When the two strands of achievement in mechanis «tion: of people, in the military machine, and of micro-technological electronic wizadry in the industrial machine, when those two strands inter weave in the military- industrial complex cloak of secrecy, the result is the most extreme manifestation of our society's insanity as is humanly practical. The result is the Electric Fortress. In such times as ours, to worry about the esthetics of architecture without setting it firmly in this social context is an insanity of the split consciousness which plays into the hands of those who want us to forget the ugly social realities which really give shape and substance to our daily lives. "I do not want art for e few any more than cducation for a fez,or freedom for a few. "Willian tiorris, 25 Those of us who are involved in the business of buildine, those of us who care about the enviromient because we care about people having to live in that environnent,those of us who enjoy designing,who despite the apparent ugliness of the world still wish to create better things and better places.How do we best use our energies and imaginations?Where do we go from here? Bankrupt The architects' role is so tightly defined by the imperatives of the economic system,that any pretensions to control over that system can only be pretensions.The architect can have no power without an econornic basc.At the same timc the arrogance of presuming to be able to design for clients who profess to express the "needs" of people they do not Imow is untenable and presumes a degree of control denied by the economic base.The architects! power base,such as it is,is given by control over a store of knowledge either actual or imaginary,that is providdd by the myths surrounding the architects! role.The architects! power is constructed on an ethical base,when in fact the architects! position is morally bankrupt. Corbliney! The power of an economic base and its concomitant form of social organisation precedes the power of an idcology.Idcas shape future material conditions only in so far as they are products of existing material conditions and only inso far as material possibilities actually exist which enable the rcalisation of those ideas, Le Corbusiers' visions cf a "new architecture"were based on his preference for a certain aesthctic derived from a fascination with the Machinc.He failed,however,to comprchend thc technologies the mechanisms and applications of machines,and designed buildings which looked like machine products but which did not have a technolegical integrity-stucco was rendered as smooth as streamlining only to suffer the weathcr and flake off,Corbusiers! visions did,however affect the future form of buildings,he held out for an ideological power,a pewer realised when the material conditions of capitalism enabled the application of high technologics in a manner of building which was consistent with a box-like machine aesthctic.The itself did not demand flat rocfs,for instance. Le Corbusier prefessed t be a socialist while at the same tine his"new architccture,his aesthetic visions were only realised with advanced capitalist technolcgy.He connections,to analyse the context o of his architectural werk anc he thus failed to ensure the compatability of his social ideas with his architectural ideas.Those of us who propose sccial change and "New Architectures"must cbvicusly thought must be, acutely aware of the comecticns between things. Connections Material conditions,the environient provides material for cerebration,imaginaticn.The imagination percieves possibilities . Those p_ssibilities are cnly realisable under certain material imperatives of technology failed te make essential avoid this fracture of Had Le Corbusier not writtcen"Towards a New Architccture"thc later architecture of the time when the technologies were extant to realise his visions would not hav e looked as it did.That is to say,his ideas shaped the application of the tools of future matcrial ccnditions,At the same time his visions cculd not have ecne abcut without the existence of certain material conditicns, WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE °? conditions,in a particular social and cconomic environment.The possibilities seen by the imagination arc limitless as imaginings but limited in the material environment by that cnvironment.In propesing possible visicns,ic.as for the futur. abcut building ond so forth,it is necessary fcr those visions to- be intinatcly, t tally, connceted with certain cconcimic and sceial conditicns ana those conditions must be rcalisable and decucible from existing trends in present conditions.e can dream the impossible, but cannot achicve the inpessible,'c can fly in cur heads, just as people were doing leng befcre the first air ballcon,but we cannot achieve flight without an air craft,without cccnoi.ic enc social crpanisation capable of ccnstructing an air craft. Icshoulebasevisionsonrcalityvandutiacnreascn,pessibiliti&cs n focts,the petcential cn the realisable.We should keep our fect cn the ground,our heads in the clouds,and be very aware of what connects then] Lifestyle There is really no point in being dogmatic about"styles"and so forth,There is no way of providing a style,a new architectural aesthetic for democratic architects to rally around because democratic architecture has no'style".As architecture realised by the will of the pecple,even if those people utilise the services of individuals specialising in biulding design,cannot be a provided "style"by definition.Those who are concerned about the sorry state cf building design these days will nct find a sclution with a new brand of style-mongering of the ilk of Le Ccrbusicrs'"new architectureio"r other apestles cf "Demccratic architecture"such as Frank Licyd Wright.A new style cannct be provided by sone aesthetic gurrwithout being undemocratic.The ve ting in,by popular support cf any new stylc,though,perhaps an improvement on present conditions,would not be a truly cemocratic way cf building, The Urge to Create "I finc I'm satisfied by just living.The greatest creative experience of my life was building this house." So the only tenable architecture}the cnly way .f building compatible with a truc,direct democracy,is builcing users,If architccture is to belong to the people there can be nc architects.Intthe meantime those who hold in truth the skills of designing and constructing buildings those skills more readily availahle fighting the forces of mystification which set out to cestryy the stewardship of those sjlls in order the better to hoard knowledge and thus maintain the precarious power. The architoots'pawer being based on & monopoly of knowledge buildin uncertaken by should be working to make to lay people.Thcy should thus be position of privelege,prestige anc It is only when pecple are directky involved in the processes of Cesigning and building that the architecture can truly be said to come from the pecple,and in such a situation cf direct Cemocracy the word"architecture" would lose currency just as the word "acsthcitics"had no currency for the cottager whose craft and art were part of her life.If people were ever truly free to realise their creative potential their buildings would be the most henestly and beautifully useful that this world has ever known, because no-one would be suffering economic deprivation in créer to construct those buildings.Repressive societies may have produced Art for the few sweated from the brow anddbled from the veins cf the struggling"értist,but the art of builcings most admired as places to live in rather than as mseun pieces were produced, are produced by pecple making for themselves a place to be using tobest advantage materials and skills immeadiately available, and expcrtise, rathcr than cc n‘mie necessity, then the mre that mm oly is unt rmincc, the mere thet ver can be or “cd. This much can be “cne in cxisting circumstances, but t+ merely er vc the p-wer of architects with ut at the same time c nscicusly anc actively w rking t. provice means of returning the knowlecge to the pe*ple is t>» act c unter t the interests f£ the people. That "the urge t cestrey is 2 creative urge" is only truc insofar as Cestructi n of repressive “instituticns unleashes the creative petential repressed by those institutions. For architects t sect up an alternative "R.I.B.i..", fer instance, is counter-rev luticn- ary.e To sct us "Community Architecture! practises which only ffer cheap expertise an? which fail te invelve anc educate people in the activity of cesigning buildings, is c:unter=rcvcluti nary. Only the approach to building which frees people tc be erdative, to builc for themselves from cx:ericnce of their own ncecs, only the approach to building which frees the creative urge is revol- utionoary.Such a way of beilding ipossibi<e onlywith ragically different social, political and eccnomie crganisaticns to thse previcec by capitalism. Such a way of builcing is net easily achievec, for obvious reascns. It requires social revoluticn. ‘ ; : ; +47 . ¢eo f nee «af pee 12° fi Een a a~~ ,ns ry Ra4es Si cil ial Cae ate Neyee Open ert Ase yee i: Eriea = s oo —— ieee: _e — aoe i Naty : =—~ a“iWAallerofHE H iy yNecA ya 4 PNtCCCceicy cle 'ive { BH fi Option i LW RaatTh 2 ae th fi) as i,ee §- ayy neB:/ gz ro ProetSetbyiae”Ki (tor) IEwas our hope tocombine the efficient and ecologically sound principles of Communism withtheexcitingandunpredictablefoorfcreatsive. anarchy... We wantedit ways... Fierce individality within 9tyht: communistic, tribal-framewore.. Our experience, so-far has proven that thetwoidkdlogies arenotneccessarily exclusive... wv? 4 unifs connecting tunnel-Jinked towers embracing compactly a quarter of a million people housed, fed, transported, working and entertained in a controlled environment. (Cars are significantly absent, conveyor-belt seats taking care of movement between units. This vision of what could be is a machine for living linked with a supply of energy from a network of nuclear reactor islands for which plaas have already been developed by concerned experts neem > ae t “ wy, Ss Vz \ / Thesurvivingcify(below)xsacomplexofmoving Ae 2 : nt Ye LDSwwrmes a MART RRE THESE ANSTHILL (DEAS OF THIS MAN FOBLERI? GNE MAN CANNOT DESIGN FOR THE MASSES. |WANT AHOME, NOTA HOLE s AZeis, ELECTRICFORTRESS | t} dis a ara {}i | < BITE EPe 1S4 F¥ing4 ‘ vu Wwe WHADOTYouMEAN7—n “YOU WAUNA GO OUTSIBE! ———— SS NOVANOAH1~FLOATINGCITYFae40,000péopus! ne SOLERIS HUMAN ANTHEADS INA CONCRETE MONSTER..... WE WANT DECEAT-HOUSING” —ONEOFTHE‘BaitetcoRARMGeSAT'AHeese CONFERENCE0KLOSPYGELES,SERT:97Z. PUTUUe _ Mein GPO microwave system. The chain of concerts touters | PES8sabotagc:-preotlinkbetweenthemeprcitanidiesevside,ntly 4hy| Lj MONUMENTAL MANIFESTATION OF AN IAAPOSED IDEOLOGY tntended‘to governmentcommanicationsdaring atimeof civildisturbance.Therest thesystenservespienedeNariel of othereeItiseenshoesseveralnewlybuiltBB2CTV sd transmn iteame intentedSerdve,£necnssasamircryou,sve Hy APPENDIX CHAPTER 7=FOR EXAMPLE a)Architects ac»pted the statutory schocls'requirement of a 2% ‘aylight factcr tc office block design where it attained an effectively statutory status-a"rule of thumb"grounced not in practical experience but in the arbitrary impositions of rule=- makerSe Hout Tar BeBe ' 1Py AAS b)The large size of windows that the enforcement of the 2% Caylight factor procuced,meant that kics sitting near the wincows sufferec unculy from the glare of the sun,to such an extent that it caused permanent damage to their cyesight.This was made worse by opticiens(cpcrating within their own myopic specialism)giving the kics glasses to counteract their cye= sight problem,without realising that it was artificially incuce’,se thoir cyes never recovered. | «€.amstake ~ is should have Toah acae ae°heeinFOREXAMPLE Screws Let The Sunshine In Without Question The overall size of such buildings is determined by plot ratios which define the amount of floor space that can be provided ona site of a given area, for instance, 'Development Permits! are required for offices over 10,000 square feet. Colonel R. Seiffort has been an architect much in demand for office block designing, not because his clients think hig buildings are master-pieces of sculptural expressionism, but because Sieffort is famed for his knowledge of the various regulations controlling office block development (particularly in Central London). Sieffort is thus able to help screw the maximum return (profit) from a building by getting more Square footage of floor space on a site than anyone else. He epitom - ises the role of 'architect' in one of the most blatantly exploitive areas of operation in our exploitive society. Indeed, the infamous Centre Point development in Central London , a Sieffort creation, has become a totem » 4 symbol for that exploitive process of ! devel- opment for profit!: "on Friday January 18th at 5, 30pm., Centre Point, the 34 storey office block in Central London which had been empty since it was built 10 years ago, was taken over by 100 demonstrators in a protest against the scandal of property speculation.... 'We have occupied Centre Point,' said the squatters press statement, ‘because it has become the concrete symbol of everything that is , rotten in our unequal society. It insults the humanity and dignity of the homeless. It exposes the hypocracy of politicians who profess to care, but refuse to act." (14) The general form of school buildings that has evolved over the past few decades in the U.K. has been partly the result of educational theory with its expression in the ‘Open-Plan vs. Class Room! debate, and not least because of the need to comply with equally theoretically derived arbitrary regu.ations governing 'daylight factors' and hence window size and room depth as per the above office block examples. The windows in these buildings (offices and schools), in order to produce the deepest possible plan forms, have been huge floor to ceiling walls of glass which have aggravated the problem of heating and cooling the buildings, due to the well documented '! green house effect.' When the sun shines hot its very hot, and when its cold, its freezing, (see appendix). Only a society which accepted, unequivocally, the application of standard solutions to dituations with a multitude of possible responses (the school) , only a society which placed its faith in anonymous bureau cratic panaceas (arbitrary minimum'daylight factors! )for all events when the reality is an ever-changing sky and people of intelligence and feeling ( neither of which can be considered the preserve of bureaucrats!) well able to deal with each situation as a unique and worthwhile case, only such a society could mass produce such inadequate and unimaginative buildings as we are now well used to. The teachers, parents and pupils will know far better what is required of a school building than all the bureaucrats in Whitehall, or in the various ‘councils! of the land. REFERENCES ‘Credits Thank you, IGrady Clay Close-up Pith 2In conversaticn with a fricicjJchn A.Fricne(;. st-crac welcing techn logist)28.12.7h 3Alan Lipman qucte? by Martin Paulcy the ik trn M vuncnt ete.cssay P.F.D.P.7 4Minonu Yamasaki qucted by Robert Goodman After ‘the Planners P.132 5Jchn Carter Afantasy in seven actsAd 15.1675 P.li2(129) 6Swani Kriyananda Ananda Domebook 2 P.96 ?In conversation with a friend,Dave Becnyon("architect stucent")11.b75. 8Danicl Burnham quote? by R bert Gooeman After the Planners P.1)}1 Manicl Burnham quoted by Robert Goodman After the Planners P.1li1 10Danicl P.Moynihan quoted by Robbert Goodman iifter the Planners P,1hi€. 11icolf Hitler quoted by Robert Gaodman After the PlannersP.1)8: 12J,M Richards fin introcuction to Modern architecture P.98 13In conversation with a friend,John A,.Fricnd 28.12.71 ikirticle in frchitectural Design(periodical )February(?)197h 15Walter Gropius quoted by Martin Pawley The Mocern Movement etc.cssay P.F.D.P.5 16K..J 11ison Deserted Villages P.}j3 17Oliver Gclcsmith quoted by K.J.illinson Deserted: Villagus P.l3 18Bob Dylan"Desclation Row"from"Highway.61 Revisited!1965 197Theo Crosby How to play the environment came P.96-97 20Northampten Competition assesors A)31.10.73 P.1026 21George Orwell Nineteen Eighty-four P.7 ah peeeonee Orwell Ninetcen Eighty-four P.7 3Peter Laurie Beneath the City Strects quoted in Uncereurrents no.7 2kSally Kempton Resurgence VOLY., No.1 25William Morris Innate Socialism Sclectud Writings and Designs P.10 26Libra inhabitant gueted by Rbert. Huurict Getting Back Together 27In conversation with a friend,Dave R.Picklus("archit.stucent")20.1075~s Special thanks are due to typists Isabelle, Jenneth and Chérie, and to tireless helper and critic Dave Peace Pickles.- Special, special thanks to Chérie, super typist, printer, and worker against all odds. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul F Downton Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov-76 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/fae414fb85dec3d68a38baca6df5877c.pdf 97e4c048a1cc74755c37d64eaae2d51c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Miscellaneous Subject The topic of the resource Miscellaneous issues Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1976-1980 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Buildings & People Subject The topic of the resource Essay Welsh School of Architecture Cardiff Description An account of the resource summa Sr [il](ATHEME)|)1!1) | ‘Ss A e “1,WhoMegseeArchdeshageOFASocietyPelle )| Hs Social Otucturs 7 | ‘.fi)| Al pete iWy fm SOCIAL STRUCTURE. OF MODERN BRITAIN ESSAY WELSH SCHOOL OF ARCH MTECTORE /UC. \ CARDIFE# UANURRY ISTS {Lerretree 1er rm| i ORE AIY} a YA si <LUY VNu Pe LA then tyGinulSAL ie ard, veerely dei Ds ALMA in the LA ALEK 46 dA jase ‘i g fu 9 DAG u eR rai Gras % New, "Wimborne (7-1-1 pif *Lae rf Hy INIAIe a 9 t > ras DUILDII UO & FLUMoles (oR WHY DONT We Brow 1-ALL up? ) | CONTENTS1 ONTENTS~ ART ONE CIDE SLES iTS o INITNEY PICTLAR RED ID & baVULA CHAPTER TITLE |PEOPLE MAKE SOCIETY *RAGS & RICHES *IMPOSITION, MANIFESTATION & TRANSCENDENCE ©ie OFGRIT ° LIBERATION VS. SUBJUGATION ea NING BRIEFLY DONE WHAT° FORWARD (?) PAGE NOS. 43RAAEGSDN ¢ SSEMANTICS VS. DIALEA S SoEKPERTISE VS, ABILITY ©WASTED LIVES *DATA RETRIEVAL & MEGALOMANIA °TOOLS OF REPRESSION © BRINGING ITALL BACK HOM= SIT BA CK &ENJOY Tua COMMERCIAL © CONSUMPTION KILLS 6RED FERRINGS & BLIND ALLEYS "lTAW & CRDER. © MYTH & PURPOSE © SCHIZOPHRENIA ©COMMUNICATION BREAKDAKIN °CATCH ME LE YOU CAN I TH W MID E L DLE LE ¥ MA 2PEOPLE MAKE BUILDING ®MORE OR LESS AUTOMATICALL4Y4. °THE SILENT UWt{NESS °CITIES & DOORKNOBS = SPLiTS ® BACK ON THE STREETS AGAIN ©(ExpLEWES DELETED) © RATS! ee ~MASS HOUSING 8 MASS HfiOUSINGY (THE BUILDINGS RISG AS THE PEOPLE Fat) °NUTS &at OLS eStefSi Bs2BIERYONS ®UGIY AEADS & Bic °ee © CRACKED ® CRANKS IN THE MEANTIAG © PO(SON POWER eTHE FUNERAL M ARCHES ON ©LAYMEN LOSE ; © MAKING LiGHT OF ITALL ILLUSTRATION ~eveevmesTesane 7FOR EXAMPLE Agee FoRALL= ®PEDESTRIAN GRCONSUMER PON A LIGHTER ©SCREWS © LET THE SUNSHING © WITHOUT QUESTION °WRR& WAT ©TREING STOCK ® THE DISEASE © NIGHTMARES & WERPONS TAKES HOLD NOTE... IN \OCAUGHT ON ENDLESS CARTWHEELS OF INSANITY s ILLUSTRATI OM ~ MOBILE SOCIETY & HIERARCHITECIURE 37 IHIERARCH NECTURE 3 THE MOBILE SOCIETY a THE GODS OF PROGRESS @ VAL AD JAM LS GOD EFENCE ILLUSISUQB ON “~CARTOON &PYRAMID e bhas \ f% (LLUSTRS ATION ~ LIBRA, Vp) p Fp LrS 1% & AS ES, LA LS lfN 2.32 3 LF oe BIBL [? r=)fee=fepA®, »¢: Ghcame ¢ PAGENOS. éyf f “ph \ f4UPbeiPENF,i é UlLE USTRIS ATION ~ FUTURES & ELECTRIC FORTRESS CIRCUMSCRIBED SOULS A\WIHEDE TNO We GO EN AA |EDE S J VWIiILKEL DU V he Lit AVA TiLK 6 2WHILE THERE >(SDEATH... © ANARCHISM IS THE ONLY POSS(BLE RESPONSES =iqtiheAVvi~—UNe usdde, 1JtpuUbaS}Vis +1 LMYTH AS| iLi © ELECTRIC FORTRESS YEFFDENICE RE RxLEUINCIG 023 a hieds Underunets ada. » (les Li bly GRPceA buikders Chics, Ss )s Buckenunat Lek prepes aly fer Lardemn, fWY, t = ae 4 DAC Viiagteties by Le (Crburiel Ail mw yor yey { zee Qrblat from ERE oe Mh} ProvLeague Uiddmenws dters Buminghaen aJ i 4 ‘ , Pood . (} 4 a >, A. UWE AINE —F ins WLGtivecak Us! hed Doves .0. NO ad guyit~ 5 fmmfee Of,leas te5 bozke“Bennécclt:fhtziteexbeesGCU(heAIOESAVER. er “raber Caress 14h - )2 _7: lp— dlecaretulwiseoNbofal.LN(emant 2aeOrea2)i=Ake\vanidesfea“by Cyranids (& Rez dts. Line] Cantaane / i Gigicon pst - A SUASa weMEA, hieRKd-UTAtheAuday eae f PnAe (seSon.MKaMgO PAGE NO. & REFERENCE 4 AAAKF &OC) Th/ rheWAKESO [E]G7 RAGS & RICHES ad chive: ee =PTSea AtOleotkerunvedniaal tsand fire: ¢c fpeoplUS7 uAtden =<vi D UV apo AAGAf dite duds ha if ff. or oY,zhAMLLecy auth 0 hee Bei OF ANIC Lc, ( h———— ; : nue AR(ELAN yA ve SanJE MEMES oFUNA ACHE dhe classes , « Lec Major & ae dite-upha LASe ye NETS Uitak eMeCLUES Li andchesseNindGIOUps dh«AindusidicalsME () oY én Shan. Fr SGcdk Sucre Kan KE = i-f4+—-—- f4—_ L A i ,bdiol aru wv he parfe -f- g wenn US fax ARE scheme =OF(Ags i,Pee : od due elbst AAURULC <A ica ve dant Aree Hanned 4athc ue \feDNa4 4 Of WS on ba or vas, eaAK eta U esi ASKteal anne, asnd.all Is hareAs4aidsUNOVUE, Vi ‘diteobsocielwy! sank alio exhort te share camman gs PEG Sea f : EK As [espe LiAetnanone uihelen, 75es! } Pof Su de, ona kepall n up JUe aeKy Hann uSheneses~ VS AO of IMPOStTiOt!, MANIFESTATION, 2 TRANSCENDENCE dhe rulia4 feleks;TAG uslltin ch Aotiah .a Lem edter @ wpa a Clesured odet WwrespontsfiatorderAlazétn,aewm,acim}o eesante ondTeaforesanorlerMak fasalrecdANCatocd(2TREES )rkcemedatians a), a The beust£uk Gace: tie dere be Unpose anodel slam Cael nau lly fem a&ak abh Axhas <<ated (Recatstee D by heferliOnfigscterOe:WeAGCkolfc4clEL,Mevxtaond NokhavecttEd. eldLiga. Lké- Leonterion f LE Vo 5)aad Tea ay aceclerte the esctutent G+cuctuunSi.Peetpse<fanwkmorNojaldethedctyedire Va2D 3) ~dousnAeutftrala levsde“Gesell ASLrat/Jdakefeunele ef anorderonJouclyandtheMditeam ctaaonderinsorestebedilkent EM ah Le const = effectincly separ ;deselspmnae, tec ‘pire “Pern E ! Lt ia cuciate SAUD ofedheran olay¢oran een. nuneendenkaya.prowessihaees Cron akdieTueGs 4(Nerve i CT Ale mandy pOLE of UZ Mempas <qualiy . BITS OF GRIT te J. MUN,ce ee NS ee \Sheotlier fe eh A2s Shue de Lie alf =hectt MU anA itracta AeoomUNGEA1colttZfideotie ei Ameo eatiidica Lo U C tebe ys ACUTE Aithe Cag roe thea OLN deka UA wv cucumMAEh z Aa. us a Le LK ug— Ukeslem\.420% Gnd AiLose alich stoe ae ~j~— z f ; LIBERATION VIS.SUBJUGATION ; eae+d AE Me cohlice Deliscen C‘ Sipa f dusandar,—lbatkePilingchaAalentAEAubHideleuepetLakseour dberank &der dealer 4,ihe~free(Lepape4:enmliedAteKa af leadedade2 ItecleSuneolyter:Auboert&Ableile&aatereyee BOCDAE ALSoto }J1] / ae iefate CUINMASE . Ngeenetlyetabliteduhatcentilenscely,asineslblistedthat Tae aseee panicxucues:theseuiton andtheseuntkeat, gl 5 eresMate AGcutieswu}KWer.fohal JLiermain.(pes:+cespeleeancl demeciilee , LE Wo isle he gs on tx etablok%oh uta way the bulslrrdures ofa:soucly4 tette te&6zcudl BtIrLicEt ata dhe fone aweg2eetedeuntikep=ple, bat scuckEes Oe lige cre vie Wea Pars aude A)= 14fe M;e;oa Where vb ,armudioly Las(6) ies) jt Stare. Cie Et nah als Me ot : < m SUNAARe Lexi y (OXL4G; V-pA 4,Ka: Hoan fou 4d amends bene WaAACUH) - il ) NN bhAOSTA >be tanidects 5 many fi fs meer a, dKeA47 t Soe phi lie2JeUae: iurez onrabinarclawy 20UctEes Whe ne LuxS . ~S) wey oftot ae mules oftfunn. 7 ey) \ zie intconfthceke: eS utedoe allMoteawi(eresour¥wR b ie ruling claw soviclien te acheus rulers BGEEG Lie ee ventksaky Lend one) Ovsrune iA.that Lhe IK oSuledebtCDPOtEd.deCarluckaAnfang tL Hiving ERIEFL] Done WART¢ GZ FEM Last: Venti 5 aie oe Oncerthe bustindAanXeA} and pallemn ct Y ONGeet NyOfAU AOU)as (hecay cA Ua ¢ THE SILENT WITNESS a Ce wereanforesANE preveubindacusheteZé PEOPLE MAKE BUIiLDIN NIGS MORE OR LESS AUTOMATICALeee . TA ¢ fe 1Sache lure aa athe od IC ib ie brecilh ome purpesZk theta pRteco ' Bue US pisdute lke t iWerus We Usnech— F ‘fs / f‘ 4 4 NediiediAt,Moide-Mad,e e ie iki pe the ahi . Wge NTH WNASAMS the ax AKC a LUCTUS iA le holders and gerpelt aS % Me. rihtsa eeNe ota encetheconcepTaerelyoofTaN ee hed,ustitcomalived iceVeUTTUNBETRELUFEAaAapersicasTatiUNcuae goverment dts 7) ( HERR KEMITECTRE, “ZAYMENLOSEKe ': “ARKRINGLGHCCaiireae) vile-Whosedepart =Alestted.an Atobee KeOROMMEUS PETE asa |preparedte.acceat0.toleprtitenow A}jLES aGeone byiy 1 me caiLonBgey ileokeyy oy” til- ceayuera7tnrene AI o& Actetiy - ultimated,, a prodiuck of J{ ia teteiacates aeneraliordo«fgetedMaywsuyuhlenupte.=A aI nue Tur:en, wt VS ada 0(AditiiakCLR6wweaeeetfinance,becomes dank dealer: /wh be the Arrlike,4 of neil ames. Vlsone can tiie »n the aoe)oe eae) Ge fhein eseealiennaiveAe(lepresetupalescAslaty oA -4 akeKexpec AGbeaken.Actus (is(icoSuchaGeenazoe of ,gfm =ee hf AD. evera j i“.i + AnuosWANAKAeeenhunMEYSGegoinskanyallyAeondtite— ngs WingAo lieuraytehe effecthealshe KA { by ci r= 5c mnt ak AGAS£ asmuch asucis getulsfortament).CheverOESof- “eatabti led order of Thangs, (Satliam Norris clearty tundead, AiLe- cami nce ca aschuledtare: tA Ration te he tacit Shen in 1G WS Dnlela"here"pauleprdMwAcanof<aNANAKche,besalink. ee4he— retegtlZALhe perveitl (the laavo) fSeeae aetepe cae of a duds . alana coh Wii WIAA DBSy uh s: 3 5 NG b ‘“ Lengthihgwsretlectedintheoeot-particularbU,ME:Views, ticud!his,deeds,mora... . mefehnA,icra22B12-7 human becrar a cophers and then usnders ula i hen~coops pesple < have Le ot mate J ee hoyhonkhaseL&lestmuckceAhanS.ee HIGH-RISEBLOCH or VICTRIAM TEMEMENT, or raky of TERRACED STREETS, Le 4ee— haseursorvetguraluespeop eecalelvis otk Le u¢ses he it BUTe hada K oumed. mask of tle MEVTALLT MAPA TOU» the slums,I Nets commuilé beth, suburbs |commend cee ,Lraanper€ 44en~ Shequalityofobteredt: Cag ,marhte &corrugated |UN,Aone horenes bellethay Shears, SoLeRs & his human anthlls & morastee eppreribecship schemes~ te (vitlialy stTee aeubyeerctlcacn, “ Rone te one mane rabid indduunds . ui monslilfixc, = iptinrak. epibaediinent off Attegle gre d tdedn lenue Manifestations af MEGALOMANIA pesples Jisses destaned(er ENGLISHVILAGE MlanorHoure,Church,foams&havelsaveryeas udicdii & Lhe soudl structive ia Hie village . DESERTED VIZAGES meton SUV by viirarcs serdsStJie land qe GtUHOVE pouset thucliue apelin ctucle i, prec, NEns VILAGES of re meled tdenlicak colle Mes More tethe make tS CENCE. tin of chia Jag&therratesmaretiancluesorbeLerelationshipeee.lite “hawes’ & ‘hasenty’ FRICAN SETTLEMENTS ~ Spajldncous respons Le an evelsed seciah Aroclinre ulK ouShete: core:of bet autour citcermablein Le canegeretiien dndorentatzaon&estaha‘prindiie"wettteCIE|dnMSTE-See Tesuripr ,eg Accra , Ike beuldeags clearly muro He ascial che Athetumsnialformalinaesaid‘Westeminalion. BARERIADAS~theheghlisaa resclionofapeapleu“ASa oA vistext cultial dane ] ust a due exsnenic dad soual wey gowASILIA ~ where oduen unperted, onchieeline ebetises and cpilamines dhe MbAKE cue simulate a co nals culate rw) yinperalit extemal 4orces faa ly pe Ea ak mM: iret Lom levelA©S “neice: Weslernes cenliime TK pervercan Me udidenouy cublive ,even=“geknalicall, dextHreyind ten goadlbete: 9AMonanconian Ondiana BRAS(LA ~ Sk S bhatak EXPIEBSCOK of CEncCEM by tePA 21 elite ute Ape ASALUALED dshas,Pe heshacks&shaaliesofteapprised Senet ts thatcp RAACEN . asthe making stand an PRUITT Coe wscrchiedine- of on unpased deeotcolnewe~ Le “Meden Movemed eal, eller?palesuclanvrdSe fSea .Usershupa machines Leis AINA ANVN AIVAANRS & reef land acapind ~ Ute ROUS ROYCE VS.MOPED ~déallGee. HissMANhesegnehPARISOrenPees S38Em alrendled,Uyoc,specialsdeculeAbyMammenmleAbbiysdaPee \ aL Vf|or{ (J MeDieu (AL CATHE =DRALE Ripe the aby ui alien ch pSple te claboralé — ¢Ls: C fC 4aal LES ra AonLs 3one & Heth nwhe tie calicecdral,4EAMdousn ayhte p> f 0 |Q faidsjporeneynetePUAOvlacked ON oyiaiag! NechescramilyActenonons Convuner ext estecd ettyLegato Cupher THERES A LOT OF TRNGLED THREAD ! ANA AAD A)DAAVAAIAMAAAANMARSEE | ELMBEAUUst>désted oe.apaceb(sSbemade.Ui AUEMEDSpaythe AAAA AAK AAAA /j \MEW UNNVUWWWV VY" YN a /* PLE iam eesMman WE a thee BOx-GiRDER. BR DEES fea el ba out ;ae Le wheeled dodo eK Bees TE CSS MURS 0... de stl ls te sae DET=(AiCCHED HoussS ,detached fers c/hctaclanca a ahudbotad trom olOLwend) | fUkeSakdom pectic ,oflife-+FTFTAOM"ware 7TAN 4OM USBYNAN pPat dp)OM PRETS STON & otecersals hy mursted ~ o& PALACE! MILTRRISM &menumentalunad « FORTRESSES Pay Archie Ae S buldang th pethapa dLhe Arremousk exp (AACN. ot A Asueky) atcte ES ,Yellies dad ila Torah adrachige . pan NS W Morumentalrel w sre= effec blocks capnee be deMNSshed! Cosae pyrelennened SU Mapp)tives'd Se(plate fk the value: placed onan wdfisiduals Life tb cleat, a Unite HOUSE or te prenledk “~ AGhme, sh 4S }anatiy efryeebu! dete |Lon(de tueonesLashfLeanLheeKNaesublizBrynsoukconat stil Feqiuese strctnes ~ POST OFFICE TOWERS tr propeganda & Communsce Lin & REGIONAL SEATS OF GOVERNMENTte hide ulhen the fuses have all bum oleam. A fh AAA Nu ~* VW ‘ A» de unfermalian j ,Tels andonLone hey ave been entrnteh = jae fat liteDeh andationsThemeanushilewheaLhesreticalsth hentia £rom COnVceny se EL &hucatin ard.dusored Us tk ite sEemanics of thet cles didle: re Ona Ach ¢ tear rete ah dates, O vars bulany nae . arth Oe A pees ge Wehdeds ae EXPERTISE VS, ABILIT7 . ie dined oy Welletacl oTyeusalirnn (jP ble ©pre) Leg bute ank sulin, Ley success ApecithimiedtaCenain,buildingAtper.fstheeEKO (NEEANES, Ther cbliig 4e- Tichle other dezgn pec fers deseares, Arched dexgn a.5fh OR WWeary peciclized rete efined )dhe cif. drauned& be fae romang otherrealityiReltety Cle, ;bey uilelletial Coe s . ,ere matenah pe vee derdez they altenticnn exch wucely te te particular, Duecesefuh ackectarel ae of Jiate Ebtes, ther /f. ~Cmcctel AlfordAchiands <Y ~ (2. = offres oF- Faces or scheols or howrind io ushote AXtag of dada ‘\)eee La“t=gt r 4 spe xtulian vesul& untkK the weihnrouny EQUUS of he ee, meonctercus, HC MIDDLE MAN < SEMANTICS VS,DIALECTICS* prcictsbleersmmmei ax uctedsingly hah, WASTED LIVES .mhbate ee fe : tors vA athteime GREEN us fCrejuime, nshing edit Se 2 Wh NS EG A ALLE, ScLpposes LHLALUZeINEaRcaretAdPLOTESS45LheKE oleSd Scie = fe Spe‘tee pe O RGLEMannAVIE-dpAésiiLePAWESaadABNMESSIEdusarced 4 ~fafa “\e . > —_fe SGV04>Why iehukdvad>Ke Adhefinkplice- {B seOYfeEOCOR:Heheet - iAy ) MOCWRAS do nse aquetin dite cet ale UE dasen fra She dlrs. ot Hkchnelonicdl indulbence and Me human popalatien A, meden Udurtral toc te harinciested SKE Avze otthe beinduced problemsnvctuedingeverninsdiesewort,Sheproblem’ofhouning iz manes’ har cenerited Mumercis selubcins’ avec The pears snce= teonceftheIrdwticlRertuten, henLeferedMhKeLE alg prlucd Me fn nares) and particularly win Ute Lat 5O Hees,MiteAtul haveAenExpresseWarchtecticalphilesephics whch hase iA face Seep NG Mae tan acsthete. saaes ferdhe CoV iz, bisa : ] ye f 2. |Asan, bokubhetly concer Henvrckses uth, makin adesn em “A snllebah Lites. (Lusrtinaleh, ;tere deamss howe been énunportaak ~ LOOet _ a— — ~ J sf connbuleny facler As the Creshicnof Lhe urban uastetiad kt which backdrop AE Mati nvdkdcto of tury are wuted, Chere deamas dle major coun UA The machuery of epresscin, milled enthe mental latticoef undilferent WAecttials and lined. by Jite (Edu hands cf dhendled dcademicr. Ty nuecuc~ tig of tak by discussion pO tucsligtlind Lhe Gilk of pcan i >) . DATA RETRIEVAL Dole ave ben Rluced te data or tieoperelien of Ute aschitéctorel machinentofcurmanAout. AUd-4pedsofbeldingperformanceand fie potential “building users’ equnenteds ate subeck te preuds-sccalific BekannuaByfkoly0Gsadspeciality& uvearebasiclyeo aiialpawPi. .z‘ S about. Aplilfing ite spectrin of human pus i otder Le make Tie nosFe ? {—A. ;—- ‘ 4 As MansASCE mariebe)46Ta orelidlédsCanOne Auchiaormln theye can te preduce yet another compromise sctubton A the predden -":t( “. a sseuely abreddy se miuch & produc of compromise o)te howe ditlte 5Xja ¥ ..a OT Ae Mednind for man of us members, Architedty neu specialize re ..Y.. _coord aching Spacaboms, MEGALOMANIA dlichdzch submis be an deoteay which ensues ther actre pactvecpalzan intheAczishmechauamdhrepensnaJespouuxTateinte seylen; Lwin simnultanecunl aatisly a4 ew edrefully stimulated oprete ferparebypresumingtesuply themwittheobelitytomould he world by desian Ealoniriian ke than décter 4 Ash heen acommar WwfecenWessasaecGe)eet22SUNOTEAkecanscecusu)nawSha Prencour’s ; Ve belief hak auchleclo and planners, canman paldle— people uid Sheu ASUONM ENE AaShat Aan Neen called. ANE “ouchiltectind_ betel A Her" Die kin até urlerable tkak pecple should be manipulated wnHor Way oT an otter, te exutaice cfhan “belt. Auaéyo" 4 used ECE, deck and iw adeaak JS AhE ashley deqman’ chrcusted abars Buclermunler allen ,Caldlsk- fot euchconcepts an the “Worth Cig" and deen of the techrocrtia, holds thin heli hese behinhear&andweed ihisbarietehinphilescphay~“lentley Eont_ mgs, reform the enncemments. ule Sclere w anther piece = dau ochtet unthduntinatli, megalemanacal rdenad; he har subordiadted evetutigh /Maa, Bd ecites stein perronak wiscon teed tedesan accorlirsdy. Sclenscareisanell@neone,— buteukissackmen ae sceneforNesxermerlalyushermay woh te ack out sindaS retes. tutilig a hebemthon-Caw' atttiade une titerund at 40 dlexarers han Cheer &.major theme tn the anthdedtival acheds of the vredém usortd, and deede receak shui 4enphaw,thetienerenainnandrcerauulyeperalits tice: ei cunenks paclining of aehdl = Je inunportak. te understand ihe urerkings aan avchilademAd and Me Aciah cotEae in hich UE usorbs became Ute aurchlZece tn Site middle man on theprascesswherchy soul CPE lie nebutdiad ey. te.}’{\ Jeong ond anakyer y Uke ommpatene ,~eterpbs)tk: Pee .ay WELAA UU eA ot Ale Vth tiuadg. shiek. ALife scuentinn )Keucleg als, A experimental methed’~ laboraten TOOLS OF REPRESSION SSUS AL duo ausakisn, and resultant costa proved Te pmacka morskeun| foslute.HeKitJace:hahexsohesLet4pregeck:inAGLint|cover| WAA such & cicwler thee wo of ce uray Acetate Os ozialbeth tan ondcrunéunnervedtheetsdeaders.Gneofreanutealsonde . ie ‘ . enn page 4ard ok de Neo ! C; z he an ache, -IShadas economic orsscih hnildlign , Jalscte all 1H preven ent, oe -HOE bullends fFSmagine Aci Pewsaak cE umdd be te aluay 0 danenD fled. cere f2S. rarnecerte of UL presen S/ 4 eS, plea an frpaces evererkird lovely el we knows thatanit, re cikes Mig is imprvscble LF achterec Why? . . . Oo. pies Haake te mig (ecApTe Aortak and ecinvomse. Lindley aay : : tere :wu reqyutennerdy a Aotulien uilkau- suck Kec lian wrld fe ricaning les, fe aAcharsicexampleofdnatheofemplingbsgusttyhintore(acca poston tndhryder ushere he csnlietlingand bengamlielled 7) ALE {or oulhonigy Me fst the public, ; lind as sothing more op less Uhcaneid last ot Yeprenton oy maleag Adtenly concrete the wssadtes Woe\ /a.iS 5} he power élite Lat credled hin scization 3(cad sxpply a) dailybread) BRINGING (ITALL BACK KOMG Vleaer heme, the chromic feluve cf Lin stem of myopic specially and picnic, demizacdn Je detier tie cain ;continues Fé produce cewplatety aucidable human tre ches. ng tke Aar& yest dozen of peeple ded vrOe foeak the Ie of (ax plearare cate, unproven Vechnekewy dnd UTEAL puble ‘resporscble’ he Sele held teblame; the Hrcborsual nutenfactoryexplaston ;anottertechnolegical‘mishap, rated the lets Sata ean hug her; and gaxe recen iG an Cld Roples dane (-Che tdbed of tach. o ay posbe a aQnpallid wAtllioneliicd cullen ») wsdr suseph by fet a fatal fue only montly after JS completion. Nedaushile the val of dite Ronan Card ouaster diay been cha ec URtkerulesoftheGe5pecple-packencushichullgue.eae he clung mes fund | Aether dspctabims 7 : produce 4ulote Aoured ofl ol:leark= produce qad-cutn explascon-preay- hound). Alibes effects UGE madem aschutectire har Aad onpecple ones ORE rfAdleiery e j— f tg S08 & presen har Anger timed. pPause een More wuscby deamalcc io ) yee4|. s Speef ACME CANES Aah. other. Fe prem — Exaile £ modem orctiteiicad Fann :’“y° ficaayenais, ref and declare) fouls 5ACME erple: AX Aetna aulliontg USA ALVeNez, cee : Oo pg ‘ : oi 3)Aa fa RD he elise195+&1958GILILAGHieFETEZlunerezoaeekushen_ gee Seepte « in ul \ eS Kes Mido ~scen 15-slaec superblequcs were ematricted Le reheure 09J'f4 =fo.i ressof Aue A IZO,OO0 Aum awelere vw Coan . tis uy compete: Cee Lae dunastrousley -¢Heck PF Lex lsieue rem LA rsesa7tf jaay CIDKCL OF P EGU iB,LAKinet iSULcon9AEXRSECAL (ismesrage has come le ysu fiom PARA Noya ) SIT BACK& ENJOY IT Zopediecars~bucarskil&nan.pepeWeLogic wetraLo . (AMESSAGE FROM OUR SPONSORS) ensueshakmuch(merepeopuserehulledbyeadOe aA Las Manutebil4llleeadameyercnYeongorrcuiclWPA,MOVEpeople WereAdlckAyroodacadeleaLeUSAten.ene Me:ADL gear ua. lhe Wecticn. ewett), he problem T¢amanifactied one, ds bose.isrefulable, 46 ahs inventoun Shedartp.peelkin,LepeeblensCxatandWAeadofhetoinguste rideee:roblemsPbyradicallySarailikeneedfesuck tng as pesenal Irtaspat Keclastowucs ustich kof ete Pe urvtzad 6{males anallampttedevi line4 ted,plennesBe per“pene emaedesanddante, As that : a lendoSeametiereef eae everyone ve il aa ullbelovelythenieseee se eee We‘=oplimunreasonable is beeihneeec 7 a, JUKE bl tack. b <agey ce, COUSUUIVE: , L consummate Ae wnasling Mie of.yout eulteve. RED HERRINGS & BLIND ALLEYS LaW & orDdDER_ : Tie lice uses A rele dad the Aut: Lisgs She Use Ly, 6ak Vj a oeUE & ,Me racial stechaniyrs that: lebncate sahenESchcickfaPa(onudurdualwoKkconf andthe Areecf— feo,ausadicuk=atk.otherPoestrresurl,hak“phere4oo) thers. Abe crural, and poticeefficers use courS oon mote tie thn sothebersanda‘helleJeredoftheachialpocesscsLaus te forcemvkexesotk,MeUPSdheGusoeSirreaclBoxeechasmerely posbyucLhe Doust.usdhepanies14,fai,Jfeorthouse AtgnultZsee fwe guia, 4lushice-,drakethe aleclans ber, ‘ie. bail ad -Auf {hs a Aagil -sagibicadk becasue&usvausaralelySetisarchdectirec,astaistedani15,0AACanc autbdoK,oaiSafSomeof4scuiclys(ialnelsamtefherclanshfp live wearosf fie GurChouse and He pawers-by icRch csvtach dAelieen, Ue trie and the subi Dus uAd 28 fet dite dilkekt parlizs : x} i) Mt &PURPOSE ns ambled Affero mescings g ‘ SheenPheueoperleaonafuactienahardonaene Sunactienally, ue Cu providestellerdecSikedAealicsTakBalr<pleceusiltur,ue 44 netault yah thade Gt 1g 4 Mmentlnent:, tx liecentrdl. theca acuta, petenehdecksa4:NotorkyolesteackAalekeinteeuaaidealogu, ee the plannnnd AeGe roarsand dle dane noe & uslness boxesand 45 fortre ultimated= presents aph wcah modh of tleotganualien he votes finches Fiak SRE REY iouxe Contauan, Gshae.oeprunarbiyTissssAsy xuhickrales etlecdtyThe4actakk taJ " bea Ee thak prowiitces dG: ne FUSCTIONALLY~aSeHfhfe(equtescernsprcchartictADaMMS ak wcctcie atny of sbbullag Mase orl siMBouicALLy~MeforndofMe mechanismsCrdsinemaftanscad BEL PES) oe 4 ty urements and became wflsed ale, een wetY'goad 4t 204sGand 4sypbcls. cheflakroseveappedied eateclawnttheelieah goals«AKAGdpuckiondveceed alazy(=ee KR(bewyr a, abcurdlybteyordkLkébintsGfzsEide iepulacong a machine aesthetez:Ydated, fromApe ‘dib plese eoee iLSC, eldist cullfire oa he V3 Lee ake Hecknols: LRG peor compelea EnerA decay Ihe Common sense ded g€ chucking ptace “yokiy 4Pee ther(e yore tg 8 of. ne fags de waleroftawe hk ded pach&ps. dik toh LOM, thuledeRacte otatC,Aken ctHt CRdeS ay W177)MeLtFOFns.C PISCES—fieseveredaLUNofiereasfeo Ka uistcth He4and ca veged LE |ted, f G yee aewile(AMONEChihi.OShite ee etfest“Kkabs,cgUtaLiMeUsr we 5 and. dhscor need abut. théd- deZS Y Ss te ust olomes jo peau {jraces ol $5 ene Liz nid—-E6O0S Bees beante Nie IdensraTheenter eli,eats a as.heiheddomeaseheck de usile ea andk usTae eae 4 ae B.ickouns!le Ll v= Asc ctAe tedadeaalopplicatitenanNLS=ewSoukAi£HeyWerePal Hey ee Stnukduc abreakin: cua fon cousetlinak roleiws2 beleaknieikalsdamesAieahe.cL -fresmeasmusoo aca oe ansoibeter”be!emulractonn.Dameparsesarffrickural unlege'yhorRENESAS,Neeoeneuallsofcedugs»aeere OSES MER an‘senbd,ferAscuckgyuk,dkak aos ulegrtSa,tak.Sane CS CREME.Le SheeaeNDp[teAAledefied tesfer-teCw, Mernbess, muck as 3 dome tackes °us ere eding ,~bak ‘stl dada WP Se LbQDWEISUEGfOULLESafprceckILhéMatENTE,«RieLoyte— AEN he SOME de AE bE INBRE Ce hice tr hE merle and pitied frcirecre Sfeeaaeeduller,peg AeA unereltiaktheapeAp ITE thine wis nlite ashead Gio:hex2a) Aun -fromk E-ed foures blagh anadeuponnonMcA apseotleiin,dpAhétwatcezuasstion.,ecmepellicr, ~4 76 ask were, walk, ndlire ord ThE tnuserion SCHIZOPHRENIA Saeea res&ynborm.fefpolsAvyHenifallingeae She— es wvduckae ee eee a piledelemurscdAe He ia Ton desing ,aclen Ta cesclien © Shak uShich is a oe oneoinkthetamer, Ley Until the aducdkef eonmunicalien heticen people Such enabled teas Is be Cte iKee could he ns buildiia nd& everof tite most—- panic,thellEGAkecanstrciclientisémak.paseof¢oetiferclae oacudumerkar=e "oubtowel. exchas fe Giblare: th aiaa aprocess of uniprovemesAYmetalofceAicsiningaOA“suchvfe7cettain,ts beunrfusedust:54(ee assumednee wrth,<x sabeue AwAifiedice. ae crudeed thee ducted Bie ae vedind a SAL de: 4desaisMebead could be.es eile - a ]Me i - f iL. - A.PEQUINENenikof«ASEUCAnNnetDEduseeLa(remun&otbote, ret. Me felts rang Comes fer ee ectiern COMMUNICIEI LON BREAKDOWN _ 7H Boyt f ‘*—— &AaJs, foutcuLUue—, fakeThere neper(reuseAchet reThreona “ een. ct human affesurs. sump pease: -Merucalign we” wo aft din,oudsereathatHerea cud_Kabjedtee Weusponmkinaade » vitalheresSyaae ateenucrthrscealscetbestancescenaLah os Alcteacates 0 d ae Jeane ia out EXPE!LENLE I ae : (Poingon) afterSiedred.te-Conotale:liakeen awhaler,cm a)ACEic WE Use Can Neve( DE sore HOE Js. Subjectirel, ra 7,US ah LesifuA ie CMSOME OE oe w Seta ap ceme se) re an ently chee(I aadhyssen A sencthing anak then SeeMAMNEl,“ieaeTonalyobsjeclniejicaliee.weaspoueui.werdonudatc ee YUAD: kyiz ee teatcanto te deal = ifaunas pt ca n n o t. B o Tae ceAf Me fer because ous emunda Ole dite ental fuller dlusait Liszis peck’ e a d ‘ -CATCH ME IF YOU CAN a eae! hesiag,-peobleENS ge [eweulgaefccoueeds chetTe ae ite‘prlen hescluct.SINfackeceyy,Rite ifaESlpGtiese1h,a—iVeraUD¢eedtsbsesUaeLteortaZkutusdual, ; ofeachpetit zsPENSE ls aAte alee JE pveooens Alyce 1ASIN AsSkat-staalion.AlecMEcadGs a ShaaseKonethersmind,NOONECANaame enmet ie needa oafy dauy Aker persony ‘thad.{LoVe 1ultimately , esAe{feeteehapsSteercusndest actaeaneeeeCan doitPfaTeoassunethattheeina,Adultoeeetheehouse peeblem’poeaassume.thalthat‘peblenhacenaetal ulin es COSCLEUMES, dcay petin crasluredunde. sr NEEL Hi a ond ule(ia Ce fer day Urfornialien, we recewe- Ae Theeunfermalion wth I le reochbethpab:blydgiee-akou e perception ef tte kag under ducumcan vy CXproblentsts<defined- ueuPwududlswesofot,MLN, dadyuras ee isoncthe;reshteed,LenNoone:caanpresumeCes HAL another Sak te do Meena< can bud A ti Asuse far (Nas JeCOREG: AuddothowefocONYNEhe,Ae(eee wepoeAyce, bubste ee }AAV)tat: iecanibaock =MEAL ff fansC©fromte statist oi, ffgf!J,ee1 ¢OA.obiAeAESTERS,aSKA.pereau,NeetyUSUSGTAtial:shraagee AN meet “iLpoYsorseeL:tAdODLthNE 7)HENasmeakA ase AceSeertT mf (edd .fw LuSD BAK G reLon, re ec se Thee Elice a Shepplywca A AQEMLES,bikeSacheapf) siteIdnao.=appliedtAeghum begs seme: akeyas reenle-thtellyple ypu SPLITS Snir ando&bolum aeLietameLiza,orte bemare-PrECKE, areefHEsome AdjdiceyOIEONE?Assctlemetteyleaonein yeti (romeiv thotjsanclleapete2pLiea dhepaletakLef func sahiomn, CA kpc nded te Medem tlovemese ase uw et APaS, Afetealintellect usweal,ANbeDEodin furtherstheaa Comp.Lpee LieWwLexicalleyenttained“ekpeRENCESs{busingfect angTiialeinAadbetinse_esseatiok.temademcapdalutandSie idecksaies 3. BACONKTHESTREETSAGAIN Cetin oe allstralionsgf Aew theideclapy of apees 5 exprened XL ufhlercphal cack p! siceh {eI CNEe Can ee lk 4Rete= og iJe Suman,archdetchargeckSealeCarosicae thedes-gok osWeth Ree iw (393 and subyequed acha~ o ws forUte esVlad lad oles4refbiopleasnt,erMaid A1905,heusr Ho cable fietfuslieimee, theforcomaterlolialfp Gpitel bask an ep erd fesleliogs, 4Grate cn reee Cup Wlluce fag Let clssty aboutME Cage bai ge ee[EnnbbeledsGpisdteeaea sisiwadCearurdLhetek He gAdin A obignul by ay Ula lig, Ln asayle fared mats OK, hlteaayLoLigrefGl.eo)Wager wlLeMeLa Apotiblesees ("lhedLiygsofCdKence-Gab aa and Ulercailecsoffmabe Lire. WEallerfotfHe«C4LLpdtfo4facesaAAentantna pcrecent”radialakez esCominunucalix. ee GEvlij—corollieppl<liteyfbi(ibo Syfeel.SE oF =f le fe oashatdLe = [LienUyPreseekecausehecde{SSVCHAIPSaclaly- E— elyRLESSANEeeAiles;placateeeEVErYweclinofVE Cepitel‘Cy 4shouldlar utnl deFINE Menad Me syibelof b(eE ULiliinb 20 EES bh Uf fGasiles IWea. Spal Locator, seal fthe.Main, Le ae AE wre, down Aké- uence which [4s Be, ask front— Like. led Adf fale epresctle, seliineatiill ad practically 4fuenc ffCereee EeUpaLeA Meee 3GHaAe ope ofet Ltedits pond cLLe Peli Wil. cexsbbele LJoe On, & ua ul, Gy.agin ee (clegnidly”acl pos; Ayfeild begeven Cntrdhee:Lacslcen,ateLngemEnk,aeldehaw.lalaanh appirach “ ; en excelextlubekeenofaacnic“almame Wwtheprocessoetraf theexpresiin,facobsqreclasudectas19viletheealegy \ ae paveret) ehenlmin uetem auttonkaran, deste:$9eeaheWeenaruseeeexpreses 4 AONE&bysablesk&ae tralers.She.ba,beakerscr. ands See Jd-wassetilelyfeeAheUnesteatce-Ef,KEponeratAmbala ite | Mdtke.syDotucGUYBAHENL (LiensASESH ibfurtheaesioncel ¢fel q d Uo these SUR nad ka Lea: papel Paci d i nize,Osncelfaye:then,Uso)frendant((enchuz+plannelee earlier 1962, be hadbeer guen the fodcf alfectiy Bredexgn f— pul PA ie aie fader ne overun cal « PitUnga AE dre li tke ae g Menziphes DX Seder LA hiedinte Yeinet bg “Kennedy BU I96Z =: lig / MepeliawihLhPEfippideegiisceMEand.Sea PeleeAG AL,liked aA|Zigle and fam aoleatesah ne.tSed.Lewo,(reflec Jd dheclinul,vonAZONKE.‘UL:7tkneSill fe Amencen.,[elLaerapak a 4o-~,¥Ito 7 Uv Gaoa All orchitectioal.Kapressean i)ledicaledte the idealsof HE StaheRes ASuihe the indindualers Kyaf A& LhE vducdusls dase ‘ fendered seesndany -whos dAGE de the cf the ABE. SCINdA Medes y use alez Au lay 5 Adler 194-3, a “Mean Kenef : moe lakLheLegueiLAddbdOVE4D&EsludaLeththehuseeASU4A rwale cums LMhan Ee magn feclert edifices of MhE hele Cana wakey” CompreadL-hen,hEduerll.AbureallyLeip leanctegnapczaike ohyerede=of seconde une ieee g erecuneateexonlesofhisAPs ude vealAPES,Aete f hard Tax 4nd ae An shivardckiin,OG Modem Ayebulediie,' bryg Jsl07. Richard oe 2.aly 4 p = eorphaien») f2Ud.uerpso ifelendeanphaie5d) Hf [eid ié ateUffaleNaeWenpaselecalein,seal,qthe.NALA, eosnependAtoieaAMEUtlezLownYepLeWUEuhtuck.peHe.earlfrank ofdheCapLRexWALEgiame sealinenleLeycxadpractically MEAsohUGE funclian.. ofcuss thAXLEY eyA‘éaeilnleSfLaoag ee (iPettyofakclin;inh=Fraibucg)hicl.canst72eE wscbleapiecenece Watebd&clegnilyachpreselyshauldhegeen ¢ps— AsebfailRELo)th-KZCALLEN,carvesagemiiil,epelaleHttied.leiltizEMak 79 ypreacl: ZIsiaraene awkcrockepfeleh:releencfneareleedUotheprowessoe(ranafernag theXprRAwn,facoder‘freclarsdesta9vilethepagesicaleigeGeer. asPLETNIES DELETED) Ay. g Ste mr eolen auth sidan, See oe its ts ater de link, ONEGFLOSabKS aes BYS.. =clas Seger wellexpressed by Bie ee teh {orateA ,be unestlance- Ef: [RE pouetct Aymoedo ): He:| Miktkesymbatncnaan (Litnasecences.ib aaa OF 0 in. these fallow Champlea: B itcaitn 4 —f IN1969 ,Dancel Poe han,Usodsfreadant Dace chuzf+planet UAreshenze- earlier rw 96Z,2, he hadbeen qoen the: deb cf affecting He design K— dedeal geCYENUNL:cateHrusldin43and re ie: ae iMenziples a Steak Archdectate. “announ aA ey Scania ae I96Z%: oes l, ; He pele xyshall be AE p2Ee pequucle and p<galeEfaeces AGA arellediak tly Le cad fom edhecl isC cleskleaxgeushed oe (Med will reflect dhedigyuckGyGhertDIVELi sibelofheoAMERA,(Bizz oO a o—~* 10 ay. (lavcnnitanile. Alloxcbibectiz AxpIeseanWDcleducaledtetheidealsofHestilPie oStuchTheandustAvathUg astHeudusdualyduskli ; fendered, 4AEST snpattdicce-ne the ebific cf the ede: eos dedepysotaotve Antes5Adler1943, “MeanKeneft 66 ChaitAattAeHheANEth-Aadbeeha4 & ludaLegsthéhunknbleASIA syateCLUPLETSAhan be M4134hctéri edificesofthéwWhteCaitaby Compared Le Lhém , lhe dusk oh Abu. really Ainge lean etegnepczake -4-- otyeey. x of seconde QZ unger A v Nee cane: examples ng a pe of ideclogical eKpreseon ase not hacktrfind;(a SnSalieduclin,GMlecternHyohiledtiteb,y\.M0.Rchaclo: lntecn parity es chibtie ¢ = “ke/ : YiPe fU— oo thAteSLYAREolijnttyOfAleRHEorelecalicnepomepffmanunleit (2authorsenphas) fosShe iptesscan 6 ‘AgLdcolerte DTA uNTRE bzei qcapdalion. an nuuich bp & govern 7.4L AK, Bask, offices; AMEE, aad. im Thethemecontinues.ke.thestateandcapital are muitcialesu wa oc acucly dad ailing prposes be renascled as one Lf ) Sila peo ong fa tial =.{sg 5 Ausltupcgh 4b ASE ~fO a a hdradAt o deneutelea age olenard, bak uke LC. - i . s ~ ye ; bhCome L=aCHEE UhCmteMé Spal fom Kdegnileproduced ty aderbnes and 4Parcel plarnwy .Ste qresthousing scheme- 4 aaa gf Ait? y : eh A = MESADMindNEEGuUcllces,andAeTakibessacecesdocumschaxthard CmununiigCerl4,canelt ke(epeeMa age«0aply othe ea aos rekegeous poner cind ouystices 7 of ANE (L¢ k ct dhe onléepaler CNH ANCe— “4 po 7a) nik 2S apf gs . piece BS ; Be 1 Ofthe ((7kweerepreseled Aye: &Picaexchleditte-fhazepends? ¢!2 consumablecult buddira4(besohepr,v MES,CNEmAA,mghkelubs, ALeeinAa v9prwrlyokceremonialAulliryandneedstepaveacegnilg fl—-f-.J pues/ ‘~94ffigBOS Aha will fom a 4ALiN bach, round Spr COVETHOPULAL« Jt “Muse alsg CHptEeS pan et.) conttaté- kez basic. Seurse fabriccf oulurbancentes,” dhe (caer eons plac pepored for Carlbs oly ceabte yi hud. Cardi CorparskisnoredieRusecdf-ptepettydesclepersextublcdHeeoa~ partneship&HEMHEondcapBlum.,uafeAswesacchicedrexcdeatial tennts-thexiteice-.YleLikcblecdofUK beinguredehaebeen ready hse comiviciion, use Ud Aove- obtlented Communitiesof heat Nhe cblizratisn han ack beenconplele., uk fhe blight rentdind and (he couse i) Aubbiourel ty ack fot The (dare dhecultéyJabreehe»hecemewet ootkmanymanure;multeabound She oily Ua bdilegren ~people jCounc and vetted inkereceall stig fe fer power ww A Gane ohhee fre unnner inabuses makzac the rules, thee Ee16eat,ratiquah(ExpensesFe ,Deaensfuncional NELLESHES apparent on buildiia and hetizNare ess audh beomeba , hut The qe cf poser and POBSESSLON dahe place tstlhcn,areata consbiiclzay, maly abouk propetyandpeople Shotincurculls KMeusando People temarn, homeless file bulduags GRA. onplg. ubbe HunsaHRArM! “Sane TT1° Gu UuuHug,MA HATATE SS My ahoaday...buildingsareallthesame,everyone’expectedtobethesame...Ue 252-7 Seaaee Jeet TSAESEIar .JESBeEe ~ Serr - me dbaaLdS 7S SSEyear . dlfoalTana Kad Th) 7 BeFS ES iho GS ead Ed 1S} > 3rargPy nadGdEA = weaFSF Capesjos lad ad ed ead Spel .| } —__Ab|aBA 23 PEDESTRIANS OR CONSUMER_ Cee! dhtnverledwlerestSeer aoleyallaroundUA, om(422 atnomeulecanbeAAaboveaecotheze i furtiCredaohcxtwyeywile.vee410,AMEYifee SEGUE MeexplaoR.F.ed, aeaAoeDassthleAy«Gh2en <rar(ligEfSe:Mamita,,ofKZCelevledJ.‘hestrectthetuse— walk dawn jhe hewres naan abe lhe bui ag A. Shuch WS usesAR, is elox,peurorn, Are concrlemutter,tethepspyee lems cf cul dailY tues, tk < potposcless Anes gf poestaana, members 4. he rea tlic’, a CENSUS ,hetishe imdkeers, Cittusrchgcers gf andt(sUrtAty.wuLem4Atcy &pxleUALous.soceelyAisobth conaleactosnvs) hak ae noc natowol -eeptesacen Cethe lass fi Us peeple e used, tuk EeEXPEL «ifaACU HuWmUMaAnN COMPOUEAG ahpa he ae shaman ps relegatedte.less dunandy CN A_LIGKTER. NOTE..... 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As howe empleyces Ue tdmunwter oe a eo “ey oC. wf’fsf%>fWw, SN=peyom f {Vf Y9/ cr Jr? ‘{} gSo,RadVS NadWII I ed As wT . WSS St Sp t EO fe made al osante EqULAnd cb So ie obscene us Len, Us conte. Ie fash 4 =a =f0L espeCrt 4We um f_- nd—lem, Way aanTe Ti IRFf= og 7 LA POISON. PONER_ of sociah, aaAhence petitical, zet P=}oleoueEtpeople= Cut ' UBautlionLAoOtndpotitzcahfoOwe Ob ale ath the ott ae furclsnr ot 4 hy i faeUWweEK MakeoM Ubend ¢akon o MESeas,dndAenonlydics 5, come Whe eda he e Ground fora ULCEILC. ures >fe comorde and cosen ‘ g aeree/\ ae“Statens, Ww ofhuchiN the :|.E TLSder LPEN ETS UNaLinu? Lethety Taq e cadets Cf cao) ’ THE FUNERAL MARCHES ON da : =f f«p,,—" w caGR.KSi)TULEhBUT}Uea 1S}13,JMe(theSu,Asie Sf Aaurau \) Ly<pkAAparticudeslAUond-ECXIMeEsUSaACUSEL-MAOs“etedn hy EXPENICON VA + ryranucd Shickusd wreAr ieculy ,t= entab aod s _— Sans 4 values on {<td-0.IID Of AN = xthe p<yoni w pert aps Tie UV - LO sme KAPTESUNAAuerarchicad-om,otkbyumSLRie SheyANACHEcyofanauthonuan.-PAVAEIN.deeting«thecatisk by a fec Sof Tne Nasty, a UK validicby day d syn1 oA for Aach a Po“ staatfeWwosvalidlpr osUbeweEN LAYMEN LOS J ft lie pases ! I a ees, —_ { obec|}1S,A4LE LOMUAG CE gn.+vfborDe Peppase o(fees OfWUos rat fi A—f ape EuSetCemplonCheyCureurayAMune-slan7Sjak~sheathed Ad}! ns J fe oo): yg me Whecurehuledsas eee UneEZCompedXihebakof Opened PAPUAfb1Gsus=theuuldingWGAwonderful,Sher thehulleus)es, uefiatanertioahm Sane Ae PSLenneend 7 dhé Hae Low er flanreel, and exhate1264»... 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Fre SO THE NORTHAMPTON COUNTHALL. COMPETITION WAS WON BY A PYRAMIL.../ WONDER WHAT OTHER ANCig Tp ARCHITECTURAL FORMS Couch GE AMP TES To MODERA USASE ? STONEHENGE ESter¢ 1Grinding Local Council This ancient form was Used to Symbelise how one } Sectioonfthe Commumity isSacrificed for the rest, i 7 fncies dail one STATESEMBASSY,Santiago. Despite its rotting foundations this edifice yis skill Standing —thon leaning badly. OLIVOILL] BUILDING, Evroville One of the many triumphant monumeats erecked by this {International Foodstults Expire inevery Buroptan city. T DEDDENBURY County HALL. ThE inspiration for this building came fom a Pedieval CASH =coping weil witl Khe new problems oF Steurity and Particinrtion threats. FOOTBALL ASSocIATION HEARKQUARTERS . THIS design takes its fonn Appropriately i Enowah from an ancieutr MaysSoléum. The blact- i and white plastic dome was OF HiNdI4 Mast to light up.! ote eele \ 4 “wg of rl Ges | T 7 maf) PROPOSED NORTHAMPTONSHIRE COUNTY HALL Sa THE ENEMY BUILDS WITHIN US im "WAR IS PEACE FREEDOM (SSLAVERY IGNORPNICE ts STRENGTH" 7 ATH ISREALITY beSheMail ofTrut—uhresvertgly ifercat-fromay otherctyéctn. AgGhe,JEwiencar LOLS.Pytaaradakiii of iqWileOnGee, Jetting of,MenuceaferAerwe,2009 uleMeou... aback inAleve UsexeAre Mee otherbuings ef onlarafppenrane ALESRee heyweeMehemesofLheferAuivilitesAeticen.uSpeck _ Me onli oppacuuaa of gevenmek LAA dink, ie ee ee eaparadigin(MeLOK:Cenluri). ee ; eee aaa, Ege ,orAcusersble hag thelands public Le ae Lesa ar Me hiliibulesofMhe a, ey ff etiiin; LA fre eg Ark Me Nia of -sudler : gocude,anhuplalunUecerslretiiaond2dlcgubtheruse ciptuwane cies AE FpEH real? 23 jis clean Maa ELECTRIC FORTRESS ____(GurmrellyOder) _ tite fanatic, The pyrnuds mouttann Sher marueh fer us Lela ark Ste ave cathed alrof the pas exlgided humanitgs capactiogey and ednategies te peduce avchicle fr eacing heaven. Curenlij, he —vinesk menue couldn culculfic we Dhse built orth De malls feacuces A sation! defence buds ord Shoveutdlecieg te umssk adianced of auruluable Fechadesics . Wher fe Tes Mteindo & dhuevemenks UN. mechanrsalcen es & pap /un the puldan, machiré,, ond of mens: lEdactog'cal electronic uswardey un Ie vdustral machine, (Neehereseesiatelieleceenaenutdrey—ndurtrcah2 conpler. cloak secrecy ,the resultis the masedieme mantestalien of car AGUNG uasariti ds huneagley praciteal i SheresutkisMieCeti Sate. ats CIR GUNISCRIBEDESOUIS MWe (LAN 6T UsoMAN. OY- Gp-of- che -street us fut nomally aurue of tke awwATedscaineeAeeeresetahonuencruy physical HMriere, athe Nan coca wudble oulpas, b — Cucumsertbes He enti exifence & each and even soul onthe lebe, Ee drbematcanalley jie censidates he nerve ayer of the Jrgges® Ura 1: Ss : ea oe : ah)oe septs Macdue ofaltone, inpeceGne babe camtes eledowe z AeHe masses through Ui costtales an immense nekof power connecting Rey qovernmes— atures ,dnd wlémaslly in Griturn, U udeowtlSrsthat‘order’canbe“nauttinedtsTheLekofAoudk, unec& and cuuren he enen & urthins and dc is the qovernmes Cy and os one usihe woman hay Ada. , ‘Sb hard ke fight aA nen whe Ads oulpcste 7 gor Nead. ns :,aa SOLERI'S HUMAN —V} CITY CENTRE PUBLIC a =] ~~ - Con- \* a3 ¢—_ ONS 6tA Um QOro TAY > £ CA |hh sO inita : ao>i —~ y* Nes LN A\ €aeeimoe ed ANTHEAPS vo VERT CAL TAKE-OFF AUR ever” Ti a WHAT RRE THESE AN HIL (DEASOFTHIS MAN) POBLERI? ONE MAN CANNOT DESIGN For THE MASSES. |WANT AHOME, NOTA HOLE of WORLD ClT Vater Dexésals, baren) The surviving cify (below) as a complex of moying units connecting tunnel-linked towers embracing compactly a “.arter of a million people housed, fed, transported, working and entertained in a controlled environment. Cars are significantly absent, conveyor-belt seats taking care of movement between units. This vision of what could be is a machine for living linked with a supply of energy from a network of nuclear reactor islands for which plans have already been developed by concerned experts -NOVANOAH 1~FL0AmINGCITYFor40,000peorte! — MONUMENTA! MANIFESTATION OFAN IMPOSED IDEOLOGY IN A CONCRETE MONSTER... WE WANT DECENT HOUSING " — OMe oF THE ‘BARRORANNERS’ ATA HOUSING CONFEREKE (N 125 ANGELC ,SEPT: 1972. /IMHATDOYouMEAN2— 3 "YOU WANNA Go outside! _ Main GPO microwave system. The chain of concrete touxss| GIVES asabotase- proof link between the mapr cities, and isevidently intended -to safeguard government communicaticns during 6time civil disturbance. The rest Fite system serves radar anda Varjegy of other sites, [t is interesting how several newly built BBC A2TY transmitters seem to bei 4 Serve, (E neccesarf, as microwave | relay stafions. 2 ae : ; Lite byAlteMhe-AdworkolldieotsNeossariakformsnewmodes3 WHILE (HERE (S DEATH.... ANARCHISM LS THE ONC POSSIBLE IPGSPONSE, The movement is trily decatolit, the altemalire soridy has as balances, onsrules,26 huildsanyrhceandevenyuthereia mynad-fomyand chaguines;eefenetmanyAuchcomununtiedbukherwegourond Lite.(fiadaGtfifh,dups_redrug)is-fectirgsublleardpervarice untlucrce on Lhe petential mytics ,dredmes, romantics, hecctics, Arep-ould, revelutionanes and confured Aculy eralleusing in Hie que ound freces te the dincsaut nods. When these ana, Gru oltemplh aka neo uml marifes® theirs’ in urlding They abusasys produce asiltoy )SUrpasnd tmag nahi and. duynan gedled (esponsecd de putting roots cverthedds iene Clie te he wort orlecof weucty we cre fous surbrugele te —~ hameuters, hoot clowning vindictive, dull )Kepetlaie and utter, inwman,. She members of sdccesfuk communkies core ; nie nd wredhases, A and ambdlign care rangers tA iia Min ges dand ~ Spud as TheJNhascelsséemMEculeoutdestinyArtutileMeisedeath LtéeUshope.Lhedecaytssleadyende,r tedlay)aticaethedoum qruseyael ,al Le Uscks ard monotiis ure de tembetmes. dhe.megavrtes CannceAwe,LSbel;isnewsusaslingua}LiensJaofcrnukliet~ Lheohtsrancing ,adthemoileNexrd Nees withhe unberrable usegikcf 4 -Compressed dig ~te dinesautsae onTheataces.hontea ere ee a6Bah eclilin may tun Adtealifier couse, or will thresh and {ack ia pan olestisying exer lland) areuad Then as they fall te ther dedtK and led heaianhetla ofdernalrygor=ort WHERE DO WE GO FROMHERE ? I3 ff<adlance ell tthe Ux pace: Far Mhah, use muse Prepac cutelues Lastly. wfG: Comet —, oe Slarratien and nusen) dor She monster means life ard pleat forthe uorths peoples, gure eta Ake slarralicn and muser of mas& of the ustds peoplesnoward a.the pas has<rsutedThe dade drdhconter of;Li-morbel Vhsupland,Hidrevstilien,hottequaandts Conusd Aetherand meving Aaszns Gots obfutire uttere— Aumanty is returning tis ze.and Te etcthK isbend healed, hey The unpessble uwperscble w 5 as uk and dis UK. fc Ses “i <r of) L subsite : oe Adil,fiedAy f4 aAWG .e/,=arealeA CELL KPT ENE- of“nef 2 ‘yii.fa./ Q LifewanbuldirgWDAlOLrE, deShepresenshitMieMeseedsofthehutare,(herthe Ca Hanes EN nel the temps ond 4 kes we woven, thee+ ae A i), ‘ “AA ee a dine uhenr Me lapesy of Ae ib 4brond ond. peat ,when Hhe— :i intheusbaroundyonuntanytingLeis!OEhanteceheicebok mareofourlfe efereuaandBee saLeefettheperedsLebeam as ucll ad a greak-deal They hase ¢te ansuet fof- (ask Goodman ts ameng® mare ust Aauseartiulated apith & cur time: Menspifolrpatriadg.oalsLzy canelbelieix,liyourd we oheenaléd. Cneer cnliaerk Lhee cscess Urbanitasten Conditonh, APE reel auliorly,forilcsneCanly irmareh LoK. Alaaseon ile : Aelia a he onlyfowble esponoe— 927 ~ Le only poss ble Espotre ~ reper ,vuinay speculslecn “on,crackRea declelxentes ,arA ignoruvce— vodiHfatesalofTrileoplimatce.,taybalancedees. and Ke wold & headed Muar <ciytick disaslel, Under Le ye 4. TES aliTA *%'iy IE was ourhope to combine the efficient andEcologically sound principles of Communism withthe«citingandunpredictableforcesofcreative,anarchy. re We wanted itbath ways . fierce individuality within atight communistic, tribsl-frameuoce. Que experience £0-£3r has proven that the tuo ideclogies are notneccessarily exclusive-... ee * aHii Haan AAAhe oNa & r - cs Me cellent (Ml Vheltibyx” LaelKbp (Et) frome 4c . APPENDIX et ~ FOR EXAMPLE clulecsaedalfelthe-statateny-schezls eee ofa27.mpa ©—: he & fact ah oe ebice blackdesign ulhere: tkallied da fect statilayatatina Wed fimbb’troundednet altelete 4bE LA te arbe ren ANOS sto 6 nde makers . ® *She=ase aczeot wudeuss hat the ertoreemedk HE 27 {oderspelucekiethatJeidssdtignethEsunsi4ndoussaala unduly romtheglareoftheAun,tesuckanie ee oA perndiettedanAGsebetheweqeiighteShiausdmadeee MAA (4pertng7Gwits LiaSf UN mycpec s4pecaialt:io) gx 4lanicste su——— Mer tna problem,eee ee AKstuaaa oeduced,Ac-the tn eater ses =e Chey ose- 014 ‘ cowrersalion usttho fierd, fot A. Giiend (p26 grad aclding Kchactagiot) 28-12-14 well neler Aottn-fos 27 ryeCra Alinttéenas feu Cr lerLaurieoeaeie quctedDinee aa REFERENCES upran gust by Marte, faushey he fle Mevenert ele ese peo 7. 7UnoTALinesquctedbyR|obeGeomAleUyteHannesfle eG(ayher A tony a seen lt A\ 15415 0.42 (1i23) OC Rrajanandd Ananda Qonchask 2. 2.96 7Sncomwensalisnustkafrend,QaareBerar (‘sebdeckished),-1-75 3 Dlani=4 Gurcheun eyuted. be Rober Grecelneim Aller She Fanner F144 ?DanielBurshaenaudtzd CertGordnanAfterYePlannersRIA auc uthbyKeckGotanoltecYlePannen€146 ziatialtHetfec qustehbo (obek GaodlmanAf ShePhaners 2148 lit Rika,|AndateYtoiMezdetmAurkclente £92 a cswrersalion, wath: a rend ,Achan XK. Gerd 29-12-74 IAodhaninee eh (exshical) Gebruary (2)1974 wlaller Gre gael Mastin (aude Phe Itt feeren ae oe pe Cp orea |Beet LViilages R43 Gctdsedk queted ba cf.eels a Qeseted Nilesces PAB a6GalaeneraesRowfiemnhigiucyélRenided”1965 a Cesky ts &play the cuuemmek game 96-77 20 zsh e ers ro Cngcthien MAES OTS A) BI-lO-73 P1026 tee Sree Ko.t. UU ane Gut ed nwResurcuce VOL.5.,N06 P32 vtaul ieee uted WulamtedsepatAL(OatsSow hea3s 225 oo, eourcrdtion wstha frend. , ie 0 Robles (aekiés diet’) 20-\-15 BIBLIOGRADHY AUTHOR, TITLE ,PUBLISHER BOOKS ER ithanrk.Szezelkun+SuawalSuapbeckt~Shelter+Uacam Boks1912 TILE ,DATE Anlutzcts \umah+Odeber24% 1973 Wchizds loumah+Odsber alst IMS “he Gaily leap Magarine+1:.526 Decernber201914 Resugence © Nek, (ls.( jue IGIZ Réuqewe * Vt5, (10.6 part 1q1S Undercurrent{16.7jee 4a 1974 bebimenthly(aprer)-fromUnderumetLisd, Underunentaefle. Oderersllnember1974 LISGuchleyRead,LonvossNif3 OJHERL KJsilier+DesertedMilages +Mact&aGnLid.1910 ymeur Buteancels + She Buslding Regulation 1965 * HMSO (19 <dikan) 40e . de te (Neclem Aratutectare © Architects al Rees 1g6Z Stenaiet Brand (dite) + She Larclihele Aust Cities » Crtda Snstitate 170 lees »Cleeelly~Hos Crosbu, ° mite? the eusionmene game ° engin (V73 rad Herimeticancitg >RilMallRes 1973 Quit&QrermalGeeclunan° ula ~nedasoflusctihood&asapf,fife+Vidiage/|RandonHs.\]4ie RobertGoedman+AdtertheHannes +Rebar197Z. Ulam tedaepath & Wena Sticke »SheAtemabie~-CemunalLifeInfleartnesics «Macilulanitc Reber:Hourict« eee tice+Wbacun/Spheebarks 1973 oRahn(2) 73 °GrterQubtictinn1913alooDemebok2=defied —— Wiham Merin -(leas Strom Nouhere +Rerilted ge & began fuck (1770 <didzn) ee _ Secs Moraferk > he Myth of the aching + Crd (Under Aahte cour» again 1949 (i913 ele n) AN. Richards»AnIitrudtie€n VedemAchitetixe °felizan1940renied1910ditzn) te finttle AydtanyGees+Hanes,tem&Gaffe+doberEGabetd1976521968 PERIODICALS Qu Lata «leMedemMoremeditelitetiveandConeakAclitectaralAtila ea syedeticaly,QtitalyardAolegcalyUntnable +»wsrdbalil: Qu0*e Vania? BUT... % WSR (Tay i913 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Paul F Downton Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Jan-75 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/1d4113e4536fb68028f50aca03950a17.pdf f7f08464c32612ed593dd82cbf80327d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Professional Issues Description An account of the resource A cohort of NAM members became engaged with the professional registration body, standing as elected councillors on the Architects Registration Council and its various committees. Hitherto entirely dominated by the RIBA bloc, the Council began to yield to a new dynamic through NAM's involvement, enabling fresh perspectives on such issues as mandatory fee scales, greater lay representation on the body, ethically-based standards of professional conduct, etc. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Draft letter to ARCUK Registrar re RIBA actions in Council Description An account of the resource i \ \ A LilAsh f es 21% SRUUD web Gh Ceo. gy128)ashyHe? wvLIGg im Questv | er dytU4IvoIespowseAKwerelCrd thenteed. Crudiuy Udalktelurd: WaartricabletateIsta, Vvnk tah byRIP cowtiert ? Tue runy’ Lud [urn file bnigiu\aghatedKarpv’ MaaleficePROV dinedastibuking \ Va luktuste DpteDe>) ie “yin Weba Codes6]Doct and CordihousJLengageuaxok 15 KRU poli. Wadkatlved wudlikels An vee Was, »Ow bowkuianelly aye VMs Unncctlils i pein | PAduc:aed meee snrMOU une wie Ww Lanny ewh We dneliews of bu Kegistvaluion Kiks by i on postin) Ku WAN Pw WAH ulzevslurp rules ou PROUIA . AWA ye Duyowuad he ATW full. | Wau paniiuwlan awn of ability WstdA du BD wus Mei. peeiawunnelANbyPPChnteNowSew @ PACK awd ovpuueKRWE crdalrility vould be erm be ng onyAAneMAA fiaaupsANweldtoe wip ihUyCaysvtcouldbanfinMpthe pale Krad |Bea aan u U 44 wel McPRC- o-¥yi oAlnYessI ee Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource PC Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1980 Subject The topic of the resource Draft letter to ARCUK Registrar re RIBA actions in Council https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/f3c7e17769cddc51a2892fde3d51971a.pdf 3f464ef71c5c9e97f33387f73fd6854e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Going Local Subject The topic of the resource See 'Haringey Builds for the Future' John Murray article about Haringey Building Design Service, based on NAM PDS Group Proposals Description An account of the resource Going Local PCL School of Planning No.8 July 1987 NEWSLETTER OFTHE DECENTRALISATION RESEARCH AND INFORMATION CENTRE — Haringey builds for the future JOHN MURRAY outlines the unique structure of Haringey's innovative Building Design Service, which is seen as an essential part of improving the Council's public design service through community architecture Although the term 'community architec- ture' has become common currency, fifteen years ago it scarcely existed. During that period it has changed from referring to a part-time, unpaid, temporary and largely political assignment as part of the wider community action against private developers and sometimes local authorities in the 1960s and 70s, to achieving respectability and the Royal seal of approval in the 1980s. The ideas underpinning the objectives and structure of Haringey Council's Building Design Service also can be traced to com- munity action and the discussions which took place in alternative architectural circles in the 1970s. Organisations such as the New Architecture Movement studied the part played by the architectural profession in the creation of unacceptable environmental and social conditions following slum clearance and large-scale redevelopment. They proposed that if architects were to avoid these mistakes in future two main conditions should be met. The first of these is the need for control over resources and their allocation at local level by representatives of the people who will use the build- ings, and for architects to work directly with and be accountable to the building users. For this to work effectively there was a second and corresponding requirement for the architects themselves to work in a democra- tic and non-hierarchical way. This was partly to ensure that the people who actually designed the buildings related directly to the people who would use the buildings, and partly to avoid the frustration and lack of responsibility encountered by the 80 per cent of architectural workers who were employees in authoritarian and hierarchical private practice or local government offices. To achieve the change within the profession three main avenues were proposed: the unionisation of private offices; the establishing of design co-operatives to work with tenants and other groups; and the democratisation of the public design service in local authorities. The last of these led to changes being proposed in some local authority architect's departments, one of which was Haringey. At the same time similar ideas on democracy and accountability were gaining ground in local government and in the Labour Party as described in previous issues of Going Local and other publications. The Second Stage In 1985 a further reorganisation of the Architects' Department took place resulting in the new Building Design Service of about 220 people. The new service was structured around eight multi-disciplinary area design teams of 20-25 staff (ten architects, four quantity surveyors, three engineers, three clerk of works and three administrators) and one central support team providing central facilities such as programming, staffing, administration, library and contracts compliance. The teams are responsible for all the design work occurring in their area. The arrangement represents a major departure from the traditional structures in that the people required to provide a complete service work together in one team. The central management or chief-officer function is carried out by a Management Board made up of the team leaders. The coordinator of the Managerpent Board is elected annually from the team leaders. A further aim of the reorganisation is to move towards self-management in due course, with elected team leaders. A key feature of the organisation is that individual workers are responsible to their teams, and teams are collectively responsi- ble to the Management Board. The team leader's job is to make sure that the team fulfils its constitutional duties, and like all team members, he/she is accountable to the team. Similarly, the Management Board is collectively responsible to the Planning Committee of the Council for the work of the Service, the co-ordinator's role being to ensure that the Board carries out its functions. Area Links Teams, which are paired to facilitate sharing of resources, relate to the areas covered by the housing area sub-committees. The reorganisation report states: 'By operating the Teams on an Area basis it is intended to strengthen the awareness of staff to the particular problems and needs of the area and increase accountability to local groups and organisations including area based subcommittees . . . The chief officer function and cross- team co-ordination Chief-officer functions are allocated annu- ally amongst individual Management Board members (and to a lesser extent other senior staff). Decisions at the Board are generally by consensus with occasional votes. Standing panels of the Management Board are delegated responsibility for issues such as staffing and recruitment, capital programme monitoring, etc. Within the Service co-ordination of different disciplines (e.g. quantity surveying, design) in terms of quality, standards and procedures takes place through co-ordination groups of representatives of each team. Teams operate a common agenda and cycle of meetings so that programme information and monitoring is available at the same time. Team leaders formally report back to their teams at regular intervals, and feedback from teams is reported to the Management Board every four weeks. Thus in addition to trade union consultation, all major issues affecting the Service are discussed in the teams before a final decision is taken by the Management Board. A structure consistent with a decentralisa- tion strategy is in place. Systems are being developed to allow teams to operate semi- autonomously at local level while being able to influence the central management and direction of the Service. Six teams are already located in, or adjacent to their areas and the long-term goal is to decentralise in paired teams. This is obviously dependent on the Council's overall decentralisation policy. Employment issues and equal opportunities Clearly the changes outlined above had a significant effect on people in the service. Individual chief-officer and section-head posts were abolished and replaced by collective structures. This affected both existing groupings and the power of individuals throughout the organisation. Recently a substantial increase in the Capi- tal Programme due to deferred purchase arrangements has resulted in an increase in the establishment of BDS to around 300. This expansion created the opportunity to recruit more women and black and ethnic minority staff into the service and thus more closely reflect the make-up of the local community where around 40 per cent are black or ethnic minority. Over the last two years around 130 staff have been appointed. Half have been black or ethnic minority and just over one-third were women. The proportion of black and ethnic minority staff in the service has now risen to 34 per cent, while the proportion of women is around 25 per cent. The changes have taken place at all levels. Of the twelve people now on the Management Board (expanded dup to increasing establishment), three are women and half are black or ethnic minority. 8 Sixteen trainee posts have been established covering all professions. The emphasis in recruitment is to secure employment for local school leavers — again, particularly women and black and ethnic minority young people. There are also three multidisciplinary trainee posts to enable young people to sample the different disciplines for six months each before deciding on their -careers.' Clearly these changes in the composition of the Service are not only of importance in employment terms but also for the quality and sensitivity of the work produced. This point has been stressed by Councillor Peter Doble, Chair of E*nu Haringey's Planning Committee: 'A growing percentage of women and black and ethnic minority people work within the Building Design Service. The views and concerns of these groups have been underrepresented in traditional hierarchical offices. A collective structure with the emphasis on equality of participation should begin to ensure that •a diversity of views are given voice. At the same time, we are intending to achieve much greater accountability to the people who use our buildings.' Quality and user control The belief that the quality of architectural design is dependent on the involvement of the building user is a theme which runs throughout the systems being developed in the Service. Three extra technical posts have. been agreed to advance work on methods and systems for user consultation; to co-ordinate the formulation and development of design briefs for buildings', and to establish and monitor responsive design standards and practices in relation to the needs of black and ethnic minority people, women, and the elderly and people with disabilities. Accountability to representatives of building users as well as to Council members takes place at area sub-committees at a formal level and with tenants' associations before and during the rehabilitation of existing buildings. Design work is also carried out for community centres 'and voluntary groups where the architect works closely with building Users, Recently completed examples include a Women and Children's Centre in Tottenham and nursery for West Indian Under Fives. Currently designs are under way for 'the refurbishment, tof Haringey's Women's , Centre, where the design and construction will be carried out by women. At Broadwater Farm an on-site design group has been established which will eventually have around 25 staff. Representatives of the Youth Association and Residents' Association took part in the recruitment of the team, and regular meetings take•place with community representatives, council, Iors and client officers to agree day-to-day issues, and monitor progress on schemes which include workshops and a community centre. -It is hoped that this close involvement of the community in the selection of the people who will design their buildings will become general policy in due course. Contracts compliance The Building Contracts Compliance Unit has already been referred to as a means Of ensuring fair competition between private contractors and the DLO. As part of this process contractors are required to comply with technical and employment criteria including equal opportunities. All contracts let at Broadwater Farm for example specify the employment and training of local unemployed labour as a condition, and this is being extended to cover all contracts. A new approved list is currently being compiled to ensure that small local firms, particularly of women and black and ethnic minority workers, are able to tender for council work in the future. Summary The Building Design Service over the past two years has been developing systems of internal accountability to positively encourage co-operative and collective working within the Service. Building on the practical experience of staff at Broadwater Farm and other schemes where tenants are involved in briefing designers, methods are being established to allow regular consultation and feedback from building users on the quality, performance and appearance of all buildings designed by the Service. When the enterprise of transforming Haringey Design Service was begun there was a clear understanding that only by making public services more accessible and more democratic could they hope to or indeed deserve to survive. Employers in the private sector of architecture represented by the RIBA, recognised nearly 10 years ago that changes were required to meet the rapid decline in traditional workload and general changes in the building industry. . . . community architecture is not a passing trend. Economic and Social pressures will ensure that for many architects, the nature of the job will change . . . (from RIBA Report — cited in Architect's Journal 19.4.78) The RIBA were naturally anxious to find areas in which private practice could con- tinue to function profitably, to help ride out the then crisis in the industry, but also adapt to longer-term structural changes. The fact that the 1985 Conference on community architecture was not only addressed by the Prince ofWales but partly financed by Regalian Properties, Bovis and the Wates Foundation demonstrates the growing importance attached to this sector of the economy by big business as well as by the private architectural profession. The private sector is therefore moving into areas of work which ought to be met by the public design services. The potential of being something more than an echo of private architectural practice has always been a challenge. It can be grasped as described in this article. The necessary changes are dependent for their success on the skill and commitment of the staff and the continuing support of the union, Council members and building users. JOHN MURRAY John Murray is a team leader in Haringey's Building Design Service, and has been Coordinator of the Management Board for the last two years 9 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource PCL (Paul Hoggett) Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July 1987 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/fba19fa85d319dc1a0311176227874d9.pdf e294b5522e1bc2916e83d95982bafe97 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Future Programme Subject The topic of the resource Syllabus of future work (1 page) Description An account of the resource Future Programme RESEARCH: al x al * sk x 3. QUALITY ate nx 5. A THEORY OF PUBLIC DESIGN PDS Group May 1978 % Our future programme has four parts which consist of, work at a local level, work at a policy and educational level with relevant bodies, work at a comparative level with similar groups to N.A.M. - P.D.S., and a research component which will feed into the other three. After launching the N.A.M. --P.D.S. Group, it was soon apparent that there has been little discussion about local authority architects or their role in the economies of local areas. While the Interim Proposals and collective analysis developed in these papers provide the basis for new initiatives, further studies will be key to their development. The specific possibilities listed below will form the basis of an immediate work programme. It is proposed that an extended P.D.S. Group composed of a number of smaller teams will undertake individual parts of the work. Sources and methods will emphasise collecting and contributing case studies linked by a developed theoretical framework. Publicity, including talks; e.g. to schools of architecture, will be a growing feature. 1. DESIGN TEAMS AND DEMOCRATIC STRUCTURES Test Interim Proposal for area-based teams against capital programme and wards in a number of local authorities. Case studies of office hierarchies and office democracy. Examples from other countries e.g. Bologna. Relationship of job architects to committee structures and departmental structure of council as a whole. Case studies of job architects working directly to users. 2. THE FINANCIAL BASIS OF PUBLIC DESIGN Control of resources by central government - finance, standards, etc. Control of local councils; case studies from overseas. * Examples of how L.A. architects mediate/oppose financial constraints which lower standards. Effective tactics for raising quality - by individual ,unions,departments. 4, HISTORICAL ROOTS - AND POLITICAL STRUCTURES History of selected departments; their formation and growth. Impetus behind the radical movement in the 1930's, ABT/Unions. Links with local political structures. Potential of the lowest tier of local government for greater accountability. Elaboration of a theoretical framework in which the relationship of public and private practice and of the profession, can be located. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1978