5 10 310 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/020d4a4959c19f76aa700b90916e4b59.pdf c28eb73fd0b96c4613071ae924d2cd21 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health & Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Asbestos Kills ! Subject The topic of the resource 2pp advice not to specify any material containing asbestos Description An account of the resource DON'T specify ANY building material containing ANY kind of ASBESTOS! More and more architects are refusing to specify building materials con- taining any type of asbestos, despite a massive, slick and deceptive pub- lic relations campaign being waged by the asbestos companies and their propaganda arms, the "Asbestos Information Committee" and the "Asbestosis Research Council." Remember these FIVE POINTS: 1. Evan slight exposure to asbestos dust can cause slow and painful death not only from asbestosis (an untreatable form of pneumoconiosis), but also from lung cancer, mesothelioma and other cancers. Mesothelioma, of which asbestos is the only established cause, is "a painful, untreat- able cancer (of the membrane lining of the chest or abdomen) which kills by slow suffocation." It can be produced even by the slight exposures to which members of the general public are subject and usually does not develop until at least fifteen years after such exposure. 2. All forms of asbestos, including chrysotile (mined principally in Can- ada, Rhodesia, South Africa and the U.S.S.R.) and amosite (imported from South Africa and used for most thermal and acoustic insulation products containing asbestos), are highly dangerous andcan be lethal, not merely the "blue asbestos" (crocidolite) which is no longer widely used in Britain in new construction. 3. 4. 5. The only safe level of exposure to asbestos dust is zero. Current safety standards in British industry, even were they enforced, do not make the hazards negligible and, of course, do not cover the wor- kers in the largely British-owned mines and processing plants in the countries from which asbestos is imported. Asbestos is a hazard not only to the people who work with it in mines and factories and on construction and demolition sites but also to the people they come in contact with and to the communities in which they live and work. Due to weathering, abrasion, maintenance, repairs and alterations, the people using buildings containing asbestos are also subject to the danger. Asbestos cement flat and profiled sheets, tubes and pipes account for most of the asbestos used in the construction industry, but it is also used in a wide range of insulation and fire-resistant products, vinyl asbestos flooring tiles, asbestos-asphalt roofing compounds, many sarking felts, et.al. For all asbestos products used in construction there are safe alter- asbestos kills! natives. (though glass or mineral fibres are probably not among them). Many cost no more. For others, the difference is insignificant compared to the medical and human costs involved in the continued use of asbestos. Don't put your faith in inadequate "standards" dependent upon unfeasible measuring techniques and understaffed and ambivalent enforcement agencies. Don't wait for your firm or department (or your client) to ban the use of all materials containing any kind of asbestos, or for the workers on site to refuse to handle them. Take the initiative! Don't specify any product containing asbestos and don't allow any on site. Get your colleaques, quantity surveyor and engineering consultants to do likewise. Strong pressure now from architects and other specifiers, along with the pressure already being exerted by organised workers in factories and on building and demolition sites, can help force the merchants of death out of the asbestos business. And don't worry about their "crocidolite" tears... eeethe big asbestos companies are already diversifying into other products and may well want to "cut their losses" before a boycott of asbestos is obliged to spread to their other lines. To prevent potential unemployment in the asbestos industry, the trade union movement must force the companies involved to provide alternative, safe employment rather than continue to subject their workers and the community at large to a lethal hazard. Don't depend on the asbestos companies and their propaganda fronts for in- formation. Refer instead to: Nancy Tait, Asbestos Kills, The Silbury Fund, 1976. (Available for 25p from Exchange Publications, 9 Poland Street, London W1V 3DG.) Paul Brodeur, Expendable Americans, The Viking Press, 1974. British Society for Social Responsibility in Science, "The Prevention of Asbestos Diseases" (submission to the Government's Advisory Committee on Asbestos), September 1976. Pat Kinnersly's The Hazards of Work (Pluto Press, 1973) covers asbestos among many other hazards of work. On the British asbestos industry, refer to The Monopolies Commission report, "Asbestos and certain Asbestos Products," HMSO, 1973. Note also: 1. Cape Industries continues to mine "blue asbestos" (crocidolite) in South Africa and has, indeed, been increasing production. More and more of this deadly production is apparently exported to Third World countries where the trade union movement has not the power to get it banned. 2. The main sources of chrysotile asbestos, which accounts for 95% of world asbestos fibre production, are Canada, South Africa, Rhodesia and the U.S.S.R. Britain imports it from Canada and South Africa. It must be re- membered, though, that Rhodesian exports, since the white racist regime's takeover there, have been known to reach Western markets under the quise of South African exports. For additional copies of this leaflet, send a stamped addressed envelope to the New Architecture Movement, 143 whitfield Street, London W1. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/c0d7439a4065b3b8c678b27cca345642.pdf 2fd047e20c83401dd9e59cf0de86b11c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Attendance List PDS Conference Subject The topic of the resource 34 Names and addresses of attendees at PDS Conference in Birmingham Description An account of the resource Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 06 May 1978 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/af2b7f11f553f4c7b021f367d9af6d24.pdf a47eba001da3f414a8bb9ef37cc54a5e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Harrogate Founding Congress Subject The topic of the resource The Harrogate Congress was the founding of NAM. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Various Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 21-23 November 1975 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Attendance/ Contact List Subject The topic of the resource Attendance lists for Harrogate 2pp, and contact lists by area 12pp Description An account of the resource NEW ARCFTTECTURE MOVEMENT LOEDOLig I R ,SAY 22, 1976 ATTENDENCE LIST N s, -F1eM S tio tIftvliSSW) M1911\43, rkti/ 67 Rmilly Road, Lond6n, N4, 01-359-0491 —ANSON, Brian, 16, Claremont Gdns. Surbitbn Surreys 01-636-0974 ,444=1„....l.adamwb, 610 Finchley Rd. London Y.W.11 , CARTER'., Peter, Green Ban Action Committee, e Nurtha (>4 EDMONDS,S.P., 26, Runneymede 'FEMME 131 Brickfield Rd. oreshore Rd. London, S.E.8 en End, Kingsthorpe, 14a1941.&% N ek-eettitr, 68,Ranalagh Rd. London W.5 4 Birmingham, 021-773-7811,-------OZUga Rd., Whitton MiddlesexThornton Heath, Surrey. 5 -voir7 HOOPS, R. 226, North Mapte, Green Bay, Wisconsin U.S.A. C/./4""") 7 La T('URELLE, Dean, 5 Schoril of Environmental Studies, UniverSity Gower St, London, W.C.1 Architectural Society, P.C.L. 35, Marylebune London W.1 w /6, MARSH, J, School of Architecture, Scroope Terrace, Trumpington Cambridge Marjoram, Kevin, 444, Northampton Buildings, Rmsoman St, London, Maltz, R. 11, -iklmdale Rd. Lond©n N.W.6 -MalsAsy."--44A-r, Architectural Association, 01-636-0974 geTte117-N-e7ille, 610. Finchley 9 PLea4149-5,9-Alexander Road, Hedloway. London N 19. body, Giles,-76B Loveridge Road, London NW6 Rd, St, At 36 Bedford Sq. London, W.C.1 Rd., Londln N.W.11 -CEP. Acram7-50-Bargate Rcad, Belper • Derbyshire. 01-636-0974 14 CV giV VOA RA ONVSantt, 51 Landsduvme Road, Lon-dinn Wll o CBC Bank, 49 Berkely Street, Londo 11 hill SHORT D., 108 Lenten Boulevard, Nottingham. 61C ' TINKER Mark, School of Architecture, Scroope Terrace, Trumpington Street,' fraw c)-Livi 75 40. sawX✓ 41//k-470142t)-4 ,:2681.66N uitel-iiemirrtrlT97gzm 5 thAVIM Cambridge. 2,t ULLATHORNE P, 47 Claudia Place, London SW19 WREN Elaine, 26 Bourne Road, Bromley, Kent. 01-464-8666 --ffer,4 Irv/ 9 dua - Dot_upyl Ftrows. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARC Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Nov-75 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/285e9ac1768e57ff6fab557d6157b33c.pdf c81de158ad0d65bd0d288822b559e41b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Background Subject The topic of the resource Following the Hull Congress in 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and an enlarged NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Group mandated to present their developed proposals at a conference next year Description An account of the resource Batkground At i ts Hul l Congress in November 1977, the New Archi tecture Movement decided to develop further i ts pol icies relating to the publ ic sector. NAM I s interest in this field had already been establ i shed at our fi rst Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) proposals, based on a cri tique of architectural patronage, argued for a local ly based design service di rectly accountable to tenants and users. I t was suggested that Local Authority departments of archi tecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued i n i t ia l l y under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a smal I i ssue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the publ ic could only come through the publ ic sector. By late 1977, i t was cons idered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was requi red and fol lowing the Hul l Congress an enlarged N.D. S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange this conference. Since November, the NDS Group evolved ihto the Publ ic Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addi tion to refining i ts critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authori ty departments of archi tecture and thei r relationship to the profession and private practice. Work has al so been done on the party pol i t ica l context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The resul ts of this prel iminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further informat ion contact PDS Group NAM 9 Poland Street LONDON. . Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 30 November 1997 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/9bf3a5b39c27f700e66478408b9e0ebf.pdf 9de39cae66276ec0f6f650fd71422c46 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Public Design Group Description An account of the resource Argued that it was only through the public sector that the majority of people could have access to the land and resources needed for housing, education and other essential services. The task was therefore to reform the practice of architecture in local councils to provide an accessible and accountable design service. The Public Design Group proposed reforms to the practice of architecture in local councils to provide a design service accessible and accountable to local people and service users. The following 6 Interim Proposals were developed which were later initiated and implemented in Haringey Council 1979-1985 by NAM members. <ul><li style="font-weight:400;">Local area control over resources </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Design teams to be area based </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Area design teams to be multi-disciplinary </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Project architects to report directly to committee</li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Abolish posts between Team Leader and Chief Architect </li> <li style="font-weight:400;">Joint working groups with Direct Labour Organisations</li> </ul> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Background Notes Subject The topic of the resource Background Notes following Hull Congress Resolution 1977 Description An account of the resource Background At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come through the public sector. By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange this conference. Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact : PDS Group NAM 9 Poland Street LONDON. WI. Background through the public sector. this conference. PDS Group NAM 3 Poland Street LONDON. WI. At its Hull Congress in November 1977, the New Architecture Movement decided to develop further its policies relating to the public sector. NAM's interest in this field had already been established at our first Congress in Harrogate in 1975 when the idea of a National Design Service was put forward. The National Design Service (NDS) Proposals, based on a critique of architectural patronage, argued for a locally based design service directly accountable to tenants and users. It was suggested that Local Authority departments of architecture could provide the basis for such a service. Discussions on the NDS were continued initially under the auspices of the former North London Group of NAM, and a small issue group evolved. Further NDS papers stressed the view that any long term advance in architectural service to the public could only come By late 1977, it was considered that a more concentrated programme of research and action was required and following the Hull Congress an enlarged N.D.S. Group were mandated to carry out the work and to arrange Since November, the NDS Group evolved into the Public Design Service (PDS) Group. The Group, in addition to refining its critique of patronage and Local Authority working arrangements, has been studying the origins and present role of Local Authority departments of architecture and their relationship to the profession and Private practice. Work has also been done on the party political context and on an analysis of Housing Associations. The results of this preliminary study are presented here as draft papers, interim Proposals, and suggested areas of future work. For further information contact Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource John Murray/PDS Group Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource November 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/414694fde4879638917442af9f646135.pdf 80fee0b368eca4fbd1e50df9fad1adab Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health & Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bargaining Rights - Which Union Subject The topic of the resource Article on NAM's consideration of four potential unions to join Description An account of the resource 2 BUILDING DESIGN, April 22, 1977 IDINGRDESIGN il Editor Pater Murray News editor Wie Tapner Chief reporter Pater Marsh Reporter Ted Stevens Fantures ecto Stephanie Wilams Crvet sub editor Jane Huschings Sub estor Jon Clare Editorial Secretary Marton Franklin PublisherStanArmold Advertisement manager Tony Arrokd Classdiedadvertisernentmanager Paul Nudds Production manager Paine Rogers Buliding Design is published from Woolwich, London SE18 60H (01 ms nGramolen House, Calderwood Street for economic Just consider the difference wood chipboard can make. Technical and Managerial Staffs (ASTMS); the Tech- nical, Administrative and Supervisory section (TASS) of the AUEW, representing several hundred professionals in heavy industry con- struction; and the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU). In this respect Black was tn sympathy with Ray Moxley, president of the employers’ Association of Consultant Architects. He opposed the NAM claim that “more and more architectural employees can only look forward to a continuing life of drawing board drudgery, insecurity polite line with the DoE. It has been den started in Store Street after the war impressed by the genuine Interest of have been immense, and many of the Minister Freeson in its problems, but improvements may be traced to work done groupslikeCILGtendtotakeonthealr attheBuildingCentre. of extensions of the Government machi- nery rather than stern critics. When the Ing operation has inevitably required a industry is planning for growth such more sophisticated information system liaison is vital for sensible progress — and many areas of the building industry Easy and quick to lay (few joints and fastenings).Largesheetsizes,precisely manufactured to give smooth, flat surfaces readyfordirecttrafficorasabaseforfloor Floorsforflatsandhouses,aticconversions, merely poorly meetings. by going attended along to branch of an independent union embracing architectural workers. thermal and sound insulation and fire resistant properties. Quality control at al Stages of manufacturing to ensure utmost unbiased advice and technical informatioTnh.e coupon ora telephone call isal that’s necessary. Please special conference for May 14 step in to prevent the mem- at which ASTMS hopes product reliability. Just think w here it can be used. Floating and suspended flooring on groundorupperfloors(makesureithasthe CPA Flooring Grade mark stamped on it). Each of these unions is and alienation.” keen to include a NAM group He added that most within its ranks. Alan Black, architectural workers were national organiser for happy to work for a partner- STAMP, told BD that even ship or promotion, as in the an united branch of SO past. members could enjoy a great But Moxley saw no reason influence within his union to object to the establishment The increasing complexity of the build- have introduced more efficient methods of when not even a slice, but only the crumbs ofthecakearetheretobesharedout,itsrelatingandretrievinginformation.How- i nirvana: aas Its1977calendar. use is questionable. ever, not always does the system chosen But the RIBA remains a member of match up to user's requirements. The CILG and one would hope for some magic word “systems” has often fooled the pn rights: which union? Moves to set upa single union for the building professions face severe difficulties. Michael Foster looks at the options open. architect Into thinking that the more you file the more useful your filing information is. With the result that many offices hold libraries far too complex for thelr needs and because of that, are not used properly either in putting Information In or taking information out. The corp mind of the archi! has over the years built up an enormous guilt met at a dinner to toast the service of complex about throwing anything away. Gontran Goulden to the Building Centre But Goulden, as recorded in an interview fireworks from that quarter at the group's next meeting following the announcement of the latest catastrophic workload statis- tics (page 1). ON Tuesday night two hundred of the building Industry and professions Ib in particular and to industry in general. with him In BD some weeks ago, is a The changes that have taken place in believer in discriminate filing. The wpb Is THE New Architecture in which each union guards building Information systems since Goul- often more appropriate than SfB. Movement will face more those members of the build- problems from the trades ing profession already union moyement than committed to its side means offices, shops and light industrial areas. strength and impact resistance. Excellent Just ask the CPA forreliable and ) because the TUC would soon NAM has organised a coverings. Good dimensional stability, workers union was impossible necessarily endorse its aims. ASSOCIATIONLIMITED [i]Stepmheneadnisecussmy asitdidnotinterferewithestablishedunion. 7a Church Street, Esher, Surrey KTI0 8QS Telephone: Esher 66468 Recommended Brand Names Agnes. Aicher. Arbor. Broby.. Byggelit..Caberboard..Edsbyn..Fenolex..Holdan. Huntospon. tives..isku-Board..Karistad Fineboard..Lockne.,Orkla..Orsa. Oulux..Pellos..Plyta..Rexboard.. Royal Span..Ayab..Sasmoboard Schauman..Scotboard.. Sokopan..Spsandex..S-Skivan..Timark — Tromsboard, Truboard..Trysilboard..Umelit..Vanerboard..\Weyroc For instant information tick [2] on reader inquiry card interesitnchopboard establishedtradesunions. ItseemstimeforNAM to In its policy statement throw caution to the winds Working for what? NAM has and elect to join an estab- noted the fragmentation of lished trade union movement the architectural profession with no guarantee that its and the split nature of trade members will be united within union representation in it or prepare itself for a Britain. But the jealous way lonely existence outside. Adkiress: Company Positon in company: — Tel. No 80 _— To. Chipboard Promotion general secretary of ASTMS, make a choice of union to and a TASS representative affiliate with. Black feels this Association Limited. 7aChurchStreet,Esher, unions’ right to represent the that NAM seemsto be “enjoy- architectural worker and ingtheconspiracyratherthan Surrey KT10 BOS send me further in strongly opposed trade union the action,” which it would poaching. To support a NAM only be able to embark on union would be fine — as long after affiliation with an on the use of chipbo: employers ifitopts to form that a united front within the an independent union to TUC would be difficult for workers in architects’ offices represent professional to attain. architectural workers in A TUC spokesman said the private sector of the that his organisation was construction industry this concerned that every newly year. admitted union should be So far NAM has been “stable”. It would be difficult at the unions which represent moment for a NAM union to certain groups of professionals prove this. Although two or in the construction industry in three new members of the the hope that it will gain TUC are admitted every year suitable terms for affiliating these are invariably unions its members en bloc from one with. long..experience,.of of them. These unions arc the negotiating with four trade Supervisory, Technical, Administrative, Managerial and Professional (STAMP) section of the Union of Construction and Allied Trades Technicians (UCATT) which represents about 500 construction _ professionals; Clive Jenkins’ white collar Association of Scientific, in private practice. | bers changing sides. But Stan Davison, assistant architectural workers will bothdefended their respective decision is overdue and said negotiating with management over conditions. As concerns the private architectural worker not yet affiliated to a trade union, Black saw no reason why he or she should want to get | involved in a NAM union. He felt that NAM had over- stressed the would-be political activistnatureofanarchitect But he explained that PatrickHarrison,Secretary “poaching” members from of the RIBA, did not oppose other unions like TASS in an the idea of forming a union attempt toform aS0000 andpraisedtheenthusiasmof strong united architectural NAM, although he did not The end ofa liaison? the quality material THE resignation of the building workers union UCATT from Reg Freeson’s Con- struction Industry Liatson Group (CILG) 1s hardly surprising. What ts more surprising Is that It Is the only resignation. Whenthe group was set uptwo years ago everyone was optimistic that It would be an important weapon In the Industry's fight to claim a fair share of the public expenditure cake. Clearly that has not happened. It seems that after each consecutive meeting of CILG (or the NICC, or Neddy) there have been high hopes of positive action. Hopes ralsed sometimes by promises of Treasury Interest and even, as a special treat, someone from the Treasury to attend a meeting. But each time the Industry has walted for pro- nouncements from Messrs Shore or Free- son, the results have been disappointing. Liaison machinery Is a yery useful tool for Government — for while It creates co-operation and Improves understanding it also lowers the temperature of the argument and removes dangerous con- frontation. In these hard bargaining times the Industry has lost out by taking a far too WOOD CT PBA RG Rumpus over prison project EMBARRASSED senior staff at London architects Richard Sheppard, Robson and Part- ners have been casting round anxiously for the culprit who leaked details of their latest project — a prison cum gallows block for the Libyan govern ment, cuphemistically labelled a “rehabilitation centre’ — to the national newspapers last week. After the report appeared, the hue and cry started. The design work for the project had already caused enough rumpus among the firm’s staff. One of the points of concern was the design for the gallows. During the work the specification had to be changed to strengthen the super- structure, apparently to allow for a greater number of people to be hanged in one go ‘Fire_risk’ oratory experts. It involved the now building iszero-rated. Tomy Aldous looks at thishard-hitting will be supervised by the newly formed Norfolk Historic Baulldings Trust, whose board of managers Includes setting alight of a mock-up of anomalous situation in News é members of the county council and the Norfolk Societ: The trust will buy threatened historic buildings, restore one section of the hospital to Focus. Page 7 them using materials kept in the Dersingham store — and resell. Norfolk County Council has given the trust assess in particular the effect of £26 000 to start the scheme. It Is up to the managers to decide which architects or builders should be employed for fire on the podium roof any project. Renov: ation work costing £4 300 has been carried out on the tithe barn under the supervision of There have been fears that A spokesman for the practice told BD he could make no comment. ‘We cannot discuss our client's business publicly — council on the understanding this would be done — the building was ased by a local farmer as a grain store until deficiencies in the construction it is a matter of professional 1973. It will now hold bricks, tiles, decorations, motifs and any article which may lend ahand to the effort to preserve could lead to a fire hazard. etiquette,” he said. historic buildings In Norfolk. A spokesman for Merseyside Regional Health Authority said the hope was the tests would show the problems were not as serious as had been thought. Results should be known within two to six weeks. Housing chief SIR Lou Sherman, former London cabbie and chairman of the London Boroughs’ Associ- ation,istotakeoverfromLord COMMENT 2,News36and Christopher Warns of the county planning department. Sandringham Royal Estate gave the barn to the county design and material ALMOST25percentofarchitectsemployedinlastsurveyin1972showedtheresuchassurveyorsanddraughts-October. were about 3 500. This rose in men. The other two-thirds were private practice were laid off during the past year the 1973 boom and has since lost entirely from the industry as a direct result of the plunging workload. declined, probably to around Also released today by the Out of this total, about half have managed to find the same figure. RIBA are two other statistical alternative architectural employment, but 10 per cent of A Building Design survey surveys covering new commis- those who lost their jobs have been forced out of the published last October showed sions received by the profession that offices were closing at the and architects’ earnings. New profession into a variety of occupations ranging from pub rate of about 10 per cent a year. commissions continued their management to farming. These alarming figures were released today by the RIBA and were obtained from statistics gathered by the Institute's By Vic Tapner In the public sector the decline of the past two years picture was different, showing dropping by cight per cent in the that 37 per cent of offices had fourth quarter of 1976 to £765 reduced their staff, but that million (constant prices). only five per cent of employees The areas worst affected were regional chairmen. Although it RIBA Council, which was hold- had been laid of. The regional the public sector and private was the fifth chairmen’s survey ing its quarterly mecting in chairmen said this combination housing. The only sources of to be carried out, according to London of figures was “difficult to work which picked up were the Institute it was “the first The survey covered 2 141 accept” and “seems unlikely in commercial and industrial comprehensive national survey private offices where 10 000 view of the critical situation in buildings of architectural employment architects had been employed in local authority offices,”’ On the question of architects’ since the current recession March 1976. But by March this Perhaps the most disquicting earnings, private sector salaries began to affect the construction year, 41 per cent of the offices result of the survey was the rose by between 7-12 per cent industry's workload and had reduced their staff, invol- numbers of architects being lost compared with a 17 per cent employment.” ving 2 377 employees. from the profession. The average among industrial em- The figures were received The RIBA has no firm idea of number redeployed was 230, of ployees. Public sector architects earlier in the week in an the total number of private which about one-third took were “more in line with the atmosphere of gloom by the practices in existence, but the other building industry jobs national average." RIBA votes to keep links with South Africa RENEWEDattemptstoper-nationofalliancewithover-they“gavesupporttostaffandbodies.Thisincludedthe suade the RIBA to sever its seas societies, now withdraw students in the schools who South African Institute. connections with South Africa recognition of the architec- by withdrawing Its recognition tural schools in South Africa.” of the republic's schools of After a ballot — rather than architecture failed again this an open vote, so that week. according to the President were defying the Government and openly fighting apartheid.” The anti-apartheid move- ment condemned the action as being “a marginal adminis- Criticism from anti- trative move”. Architects in apartheid lobbyists has long South Africa would still be The decision to retain its Eric Lyons “consciences were been aimed at the RIBA for its able to become members of Whatever project you have on hand —restaurant, hospital, school, office or works cafeteria — call in Bartlett the experts. We offer a free kitchen planning service backed by over SO years specialised experience in the manufacture and installation of commercial kitchen equipment For further information please write to G.F.E.Bartlett & Son Ltd Maylands Avenue, Hemel Hempstead, Herts. HP2 7EN ; Telephone Hemel Hempstead 64242 linkswastakenafteraheatednotairedinpublicforcontinuedrelationshipwiththeRIBAthrtoheuregcohgni- debate in the Institute's Coun- posterity” — the motion was South Africa. This was not tion of the schools. cil chamber on Wednesday defeated by 25 votes to 18. quelled when, at the Com- The anti-apartheid move- following a motion put for- Tom Watson of the monwealth Association of ment told BD this week that ward by George Oldham. Commonwealth Association Architects’ Conference at the next move would be to try The motion read: “That the of Architects who attended as York last September, an and get a postal vote on the RIBA, in light of the present an observer told Council that agreement was made to sever issue Involving all the Insti- discussions about the termi- the links should be retained as formal links with overseas tute’s members. asze on reader inquiry card hospital seeks cure THREE partners from Holford Associates, consulting archi tects for the ill-fated New Royal Liverpool Hospital, made a 400-mile round trip this week to watch an experiment which could finally decide how much remedial work is necessary on the project The test in Cardington Bedfordshire was being carried out by Fire Research Lab- FRIDAY APRIL 22 1977 Now INSIDE Cedric Price designed » Pam The hospital's cost has Palace and Phun City. Emter- jumped to £54 million since work started in 1965. But this does not include the price of the work which may have to be done to make it fire proof — this could run to another £10m. Action did the Pun Arts Bus and many Fun things. So they beth got together and producaemdew building. Page 12-13. Tax anomaly Eight per cent VAT is levied on repairs and maintenance, yet Goodman as chairman of the Housing Corporation. He takes up the three-year appointment from May 1. Lord Goodman was appointed Master of Uni- versity College, Oxford, last Appointments 22-23. For instant information tick A new Perspective om the changing skyline of the Thames at Pulham. Page 1 Index 24, News in Focus 7, Letters 8-9, Perspective 10, io 1, Week by Week 1, Law Report 14, Platform 16, Japan Letter 17, New products 18-19, Reader inquiry service 20, Datefime 21, The weekly newspaper for the building team AN 18th century tithe barn at Dersingham, West Norfolk, has been renovated to store building materials from structures of architectural interest so they may be used afresh on modern restoration work. The store-cum-museum New RIBA figures show disturbing trends MASSIVE PRIVATE PRACTICE SLUMP Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Building Design Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 22 April 1977 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/a64b71ec9052f10612d0c4a6649b3b72.pdf 2d52a43ce74c03c3d598dc9a85fb8faa Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health & Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource BDS News Subject The topic of the resource The first issue after NAM decision for TASS as the union for architects Description An account of the resource THENEWSOPFATHEPBUEILRDINGDESIGNSTAFPSECTIONOFTASS Inoue1 BDS news Will further growth of trade unionism in the building professions mean the end of “professionaliem"? Or is it long overdue recognition that most professionals in the British building industry are no longer their own bonsen and require effective union representation not only to achieve the economic security and control over thoir working conditions, which have always been considered vital to the professional role, but also to allow them to continue, in changed circumstances, to meet the professional's further obligations to society? While some ‘employer' professionals may contemplate trade unionionm in "their" offices with images of impeding doom and some ‘employee’ professionals may see it as salvation from the law of the jungle, one thing is certain: the whole question of trade unioniem is now taken «|de seriously by many more people than it was even five years ago. Mecrotary writing on juat MaytPaeenbonseane ecme “question tnenmmaa/77 Ps2<. ang finance (gewo rmecs: and controls, and tha Ling. book hat ca ve teaiea an ismie in the building professions is that whereas not only will situations in conflict with the Code of organised in strong unions traditionally the professional Conduct probably be fewer than they could begin to recapture Bath, Bedford, Bristol, Car was ansumed to be an indepen- has been imagined, but the dent practitioner, by now sone actual occurence of such some of their lost influence. Ss Cork, three-quarters of building professionals are salaried employees. Almost half of these work in the public sector and the continuing trend towaris larger offices employees, mont of the pro- in the private sector also fessional codes of conduct suggests that despite all etill appear to have been myths and desires, fewer and written by and for the fewer people entering the building professions will spend much of their careers as principale. Much of the recent growth of trade union organisation and of professionals and the The sight of the building situations is very unlikely". industry continually taking the brunt of spending cuts Despite the fact that the avoided by industries with building professions are now stronger union organisation made up overwhelmingly of only encourages this view. t is in this climate of opinion that a Building Desim Steff section was forned within TASS with its ow branches and its om ons] minority of ezployer and self employed practitioners. It is probably inevitable that Advisory Comittee, in these will change. They give this structure, the organisi- little guidance to people with tion of staff in each office the training and expectations is the key unit, for it is professional militancy must stem from the desire to win back salary and status differentialswhich,especiall:mostrealisticpathoutof affectthematwork. in a period of inflation and position of salaried staff. Many employed professionals are beginning to think that the voice in all matters which only by organising to ther that building professionals will be able to have a real recrultme en printed, and the possible circulation is 7 eroded by better organised consequent democratisation of ive role in the office. To do b @ organised. The leaflet r Banunl workers. But in- practice. And although the this, it mist recruit simifi- creasing concer about job professional institutes have cant pimbers so that it can satisfaction “industrial traditionally been regarded seek official and legal on their professional leaving aside an understandabl sresponsibility to serve the opposition from most employer public interest. professionals, many employee architects, engincers, Torn between trying to be surveyors and planners still learned societies, employers this frustrating dilema is via h incomes policy, have been trade union organisation and EDS aims to play a construct- wi democracy” and the decline in as the defenders of profess- recognition for nesotiating public credibility and status ional values, cases are aris— rights over pay and conditions of the professions may also be ing in which only trade wuion in as many offices as possible contributing to changed backing has protected attitudes towaris organisation employees who have acted have a vague feeling that there is something unprofeas- ional about trade unionian. Nightmares of outside inter vention, leftwing control, closed shop battles, conflicts to young professionals, between union activity and steadily slipping. codes of professional conduct and adoline of professional Advocates of unionisation standards seem to be grounded argue also that in 1977, To this end EDS has launched @ massive recruitment campsim An integral part of this campaign will be the regular production of thir newspaper. Its purpose will be to keep the whole menbership informed of all BDS activities and to provide a forum for discussion of relevant socia? and more in fantasy than in reality. To quote Patrick Harrison, RIBA permanent the "independent professional” National Organiser, AUEW-TASS io already largely a myth, Onslow Hall, Littie Green, considering the influence Richmond, Surrey TW) 1GN. Harry Smith, TASS National Organiser six associations and representa- tives of increasingly frag- mented professions, institutes environmental iemves as well have seen their effectiveness as campaign for better pay and attraction, especially and conditions. Comments and suggestions and articles for future issues will be most welcome. These should be sent to Harry Smith, A massive national Bent campaign is bei g laur eautumn amongst building S recruitment lea i at Intert t lar TASS Head and has begt and challenging task organising itional recruit- ment drive in the K. DESIGN It well ctural fices. "Design shouldn't be _ the satisfaction of popular and low exhaust hybrid drive systems; vibrationles afraid toask this? up a “sodel” Contract of Employment. It is hoped that this effort will help lead to an inprovenen it in the pay and conditions of salaried members in the building professions. done behind closed doors..-it the production process at eumatic-tyred rail/road alvays prepared to come out withic. towards industry if the engin- eers that are trained are quicklymaderedundant,” Put in a broad economic context, these proposals were publishedbythecombineas a Corporate Plan for Lucas ~ only to be rejected out of hand by its management. between employees of a similar Status within the sane office. that parts of itought to be strengthened or would just than 150 suggestions for wockatiy © wh ctsweresubmitted’ Benefits ae needs, but also for making should involve the workforce Lucas more creative — and for vehicles capable of climbing othe: r parte of the Contract neoq not be written but verbal agros. ments in addition to any condition which has been adhereq to by an employee over a periog of time can become an inplied part of the contract. which makes the products that 1-in-6 inclines, wind power result from On it, and the people the maintenance of full bobcarts for who have to use them". employment in its factories apparatuses; r r dimensions of design is hard will fall apart tvo years to find. But Mike Cooley is from now? Why direct educatic braking units. The Statonent of Terms and Conditions of Employment is part of the individual Contract o¢ Employmentanditscontentig legally binding on the indivig. ual employee and can of courne be enforced by the Courts. Beware of Contracts which exceed the minimum requirements a these documents are often 8 Employment and it is intended hours and overtine, holiday entitlement, redundancy procedutes| and terms, étc. and offices. The main principle was, as Cooley puts it, "Why use frantic, children gippled with spina bifid lar energy G the full conditions of explo: responsibilities both of emp’ In the private sector, Contract of Employment outlinin, of Exployment has been published wo an to atimlate In this country at least, such a verbal mixture of trade union militancy and demeaning and alienating appreciation of the social labour to make products that gas fired heat pumps an Former national presid- ent of TASS, he works as 4 senior design engineer at Lucas aborated together and refined Aerospace. Backed by the their ideas util 12 distinct multi-union Lucas Aerospace product lines emerged. The For Cooley the point of the us. to form the basis of specific ed during the first year of pension scheme should state Head Office. Combine Conmittee, Cooley bias was largely towards the initiators of a alternative, labour intensive exercise is to fight redundan- cles constructively; to convince 14,000 factory sweeper! skilled craftsmen and science PhD's that the system's failure) crammed with so much detail that, if the employee does sign they can give his omployer excessive and unjustified 1ogar power over him. Even if the Statemont is not signed and i¢ the "Statement of Main Terms the employee accepts a contract (which includes party to which s/he does not agreo) without objection and carrios on working under it, a Court nay decide after a period of time that the clauses in question had become an imp1- fed part of the Contract. Under Contract Law it is clearly laid down that the contents of any contract must be mutually agreed between the es aoe issueadocumentcontaining shouldbedescribedinan Theminimumnoticerequired make the employee redundant, then compensation will be paid to the employee according to length of service and age The Licas employees coll— to support non-exploitive when the high technology domestic ones. Since then, production and useful products first year , and will rise by a) Conditions of schene one day's paid holiday for mombershi| each year of employment up to b; Whether membership of the @ maxinun of seven wooks' holi scheme 1s or is not representative. The payment will be based on the following scale firm was reeling from the rising public concern about blows of oil price rises and energy has shifted the follows not just from misguided defence industry rationalis- emphasis towards products policies but from the nature compulsory c Whether the employee will Should the employee believe that the grievances have not been resolved in a satifactory way, the grievances may be raised again by the exployee at @ meeting of the partners. The employee will receive rea- salary per month of exploynent ations. After writing ~ without success - to 180 experts’ which use ray materials and of society. consume pover. sparingly. and Conditions of Employment" referred to in the Contract of Employment Act. day. 3.2 The annual paid holiday ts in addition to all public holidays. be required to contribute to the scheme, and the basia of calculation and rates of contribution. Where the employee can obtain further details of sonable notice of this necting the ucheme (preferably in ¢aDte wrheipcrhesesnhte/dhe bymaya cthoiordse to an appendix to the Contrac party. 15.1 The minimum payment is six weeks salary for up to six sonths employnent rising at the rate of a third of a weeks The range of products is tions about what they impressive; it includes zo The Model Contract contains sone clauses which should be used as they are written, and 3.3 sone descriptions of clauso: Should this employment cease The latter appear in square for any reason the employee brackets. telechiric devices (remotely and the like, the controlled sea bed and fire- shop stewards turned to their fighting equipment); silent . up to eight weeks salary after @ year of e=ploynent. For every subsequent six months of ‘employnent, one week's salary is added to the compensation The payments relating to the period of employment when the employee is aged forty years OFOverAmincreasedbyone document which is freely avail should be stated. EXPENSES able to all employees. This document should not contain 3.5 71 any additional conditions of Additional unpaid holiday can The employee will be reimbursed re employment as such, but should be arranged with the enployer. for reasonable expenses incur- ficient reason to terminate 15.2 merely be explanatory. colleagues in the 17 plants covered by the combine. The nse was astonishing. The provisions governing The first 25S-EDS branch was front. Tho aim however is and relaxed atmosphere. reports from and discussion of menbers offices as woll as The branch is probably the only individual problems (non The Branch is now able, in conjunction with the full-time TASS Divisional Organisers to will be given to all employe 2.0 NORMAL HOURS OF WORK ‘TRAINING The employee will be insured taking office, at any approp- 14.1 ise fae aha re8 a, collectors on car roofs = designed fo recharge batteries; The research group will soon be making further and core detailed recommendations ove such key issues as pay policy, its 6 months of existence with on trade union interests, but euch regular forum available menbers are welcome to these provide speakers for office 15.6 menbers in over 25 central London practices, to be a more effective force in the local TASS Division by concentrating on the one area where we have a special knowledge and ability. to building design staff in London and the list of topice for discussion and further research io lengthy; these Anelude a model contract of exployment, redundancies ani orientated towards the bread personal property in the The normal working hours amount course of this employment. PROFESSIONAL CONDUCT 9.1 The employee is expected to adopt a responsible attitude towards confidential inform- ation gained through this employment. : partners. for six months after the edundancy notice expires, It has develéped a forn unique both in building design emi in TASS, Unique design professions, its efforts are directad to this Wutlding design etaff can specific area‘rather than @iseuss mutual problems and the wider political /industrial_ plan action in a responsive Although the work of the Branch at present is to 35 hours per week. 2.2 14.2 Paid leave for taking examin- mence paynent at the rate of All you wanted to weeks pay for redunda paym ent, a minimum 4 and more... Wages B, When Paid Fours D, Holidays Holiday Pay 3 know about | Ss yo your r Contract cts buf were ontraci Compare This proposed model Contract @ public discussion on the many people employed in the Moreover, Sicknes Pensions Periods of Notice Job Title These conditions form the mini- mum Statement of Terms and onditions of Employment. In addition the following terms can be included:~ J. Disciplinary rules ‘The branch has also developed the current ithousing and butter iasues ofpay and For further information please The actual hours of work (flexitime or fixed hours of 6.0 PENSIONS ations is allowed as recoa- mended by the appropriate professional body. 15.0 REDUNDANCY 40% of the employces's salary and continue payment until ahe/he finds employment. This Payment,whichismadeinad- dition to the original comp- ensation, is limited to 40% sessions). 2.1 rhen the employer will com- t @uniqueroleasaformforbapa forhousinglegisla~conditions,it{aintendedto\contacttheSecretaryat work)aretobeagreedand 6.1 monthly ‘seminars’ in which on. There is aleo time sot aside at these monthly meetings for encompass the wider mocial and environment 4 Highshore Road, London SB15 SAA. stated in the contract. 3.0 HOLIDAYS A contracting-out certificate is/is not in force for this branch to activies Servi ployment (not relevant until 10.0 6th April 178)- of the original redundancy If, after appropriate consult- compen: tion. clauses that the employee has not agreed. The fact that in the building professions, contracts have been altered without the consent of the employees involved, points to the wenk- ness of the individual in this position and the in- effectiveness of the profess- ional institutions in protecting their snlaried officehandbookorsimilarbeforeaholidayistaken7.0 =~Theemployeeplaceofworkquarter. The name and description members. Some of the clauses of tho person to whon included in the BDS nodel the employee applies if contract are RIBA recommendations s/he is dissatisfied with which have been researched and a disciplinary decision accepted by that institution, 8.1 Written notice gf termination of exployment shall be . by the employee, and . 12,1 The exployee's 12.2 The employee is responsible eee or has a grievance, but not im nted by its employer members. Individually, it is often dift- icult if not impossible to amend a Contract of Employment, however building design employees organised together in 1. Annual time payments should be explained. over- and 4.3 minimum notice to an employee required by law is one week 12.3 after four or more weeks’ emp- The employee is responsible for ®/nisum notice, whilst under How to make such an application, Explanation of what further steps can be taken 1.2 Overtime work should be by mutual agreement. 4,2 furnish a medical sertificate two years, with one additional ing positions . redundancy payment will be the same as though she/he had continued to be e=ployed until the end of the redund- ancy notice. This Statement of Terms and Conditions given to employees an office can effectively is not in itself a Contract but Te-negotiate their contracts its contents form part of the and maximise the benefits to Contract of Employment. The both parti 4.3 Rate of pay for overtime work ‘The employee is required to weeks' notice after twelve years or nore. AMENDMENTS 13.1 1. Thia {8 a model Contract of 3.1 6.2 10.1 individual contracts between employers and employees in Building Design Professions. It 18 not to be confused with enploynent will be ..... weeks the following: minimun four weeks in the 3. The actual procedure for ment. scheme benofits payable in L11O:C0ATION the event of retirement, ill-health or death, 1.3 . 41 Tho omployor will continue to pay tho full salary during absence through sickness or injury up to a maxinum of 8 weeks in any period of 12 months. This payment is sub- Ject to the conditions in 4.2 by the employer. Note : the tose Name of Employer Name of Employee Date Terns of Employnent become applicable Date continuous Employment commenced. 4.0 SICKNESS OR INJURY red in carrying out her/his duties within the limits set out in the offi¢e handbook. salary, excluding Should the employee give his The employee is required to loyment, and two weeks after other employees in the follow = redundancy notice, then the for absence exceeding three consecutive days. week's notice for each further year's employment up to twelve 13.0 like to make gone general isoften comments,pleasegetintouch m the SubjectpleasegetintouchwithHarrySn!ithattheTASS 8.0 RIGHTS: 15.5 rate with the option of taking ing any sickness benefit from Trade Union : The employee set out in this contract cannot If the employee is made red- shall be 14 times the basic assist the employer inrecover- 8.2 The conditions of esployment time off in lieu at the discretion of the employee. the Dopartnent of Health and has the right to belong to a be amended except by mutual Undant and is a member of a Social Security. registered trade union of her; agreenent. Faflure to reach private pension scheme rel- with fon, Itisfor ‘The annual paid holiday allow- A goneral description of the If the employee has any ations it {8 still necessary ¢ grievances relating to this employment, they should be raised in the first instance with either the employer or by the employees office will be paid salary in liew of any unused holiday entitie- the type and level of his choice, or not to belong agreenent cannot be sufficient *ting to this employment then 5.0 to one or any similar organ- reason to terminate this exp- she/he ay elect to receive 1.4 A salary review will be made ACCIDENTAL INJURY, LOSS OR isation. Should the employee loynent. TM refund of all contributions that she/he has paid into the schene, less income tax plus an equivalent contribution from the employer. twice a year. Adequate notice DAMAGE of a pending salary review choose to join a trade union she/he may take part in trade union activities, including 14.0 riate tine. death, and against damage to 9.0 for the amoun against personal injury or Tine is allowed for training by specific agreement with the f the employee is unemployed will be (the euployers’ office). The place of work cannot be altered except by Fetual agreesent. Failure to this contract 12.0 JOB TITLE The maxinua compensation pay- able is seventy five week's salary The length of employment upon which the compensation is based is up to the end of the period of notice 15.3 The salary upon which the com- pensation payment is based is the e=ployee's salary prior to the termination of the period of notice 15.4 ach agreement cannot be suf- Alook at aTASS unioni$ed industry WHAT THEY DIDATLUCAS — pushesfor the 35 hourweek, overtime Howdo Contracts of Enploynent Legis~ lotion has had a chequered history. The original Act assed by the Conservatives 4 1963 and subsequently snended by the 1964-70 Labour Govern= nent. Later the Tories passed further amendments. By now the Act had boon chopped and changed #o auch that it was re- written, including within it all tho alterations and re~ enacted in 1972. When Labour returned to power again, the 1972 Act was amended by the Trade Union and Labour Relation Act 1974 and the Employment Protection Act 1975. ional groups including architects, engineers, a r& employed in the public sector have for yment and other basic rights and loyees and employers. however, building professions have no such standard document,and}even conditions and pay vary enormously between offices Tf you or your collegaues have any comments to make ot A sound contract mutually agreed between two parties a crucial factor in achieving job satisfact this reason that a TASS-BDS research group has begun drawing was one of £ a radical strategy for diversif- technologies - particularly ication of Lucas's products those suited to Third World back in the winter of 1974 applications as well as Tho Contract of Employment Act requires employers to give enployees documents informing them of the terms of their employment. Within it are included the following mections:~ OFF WHAT THE LONDON BRANCH IS UP TO... im of organised intrade unio’ decisions which affect t determined by em on that only by sites Why TASS? n staff in the private sector are Broader the anches, the ai nua input: * education of all the con- a few years because of the fierce opposition from mos? lobbies within the con- struction industry. 4 fl are joining the general TIecal authority direct labour * there should be greator organisations should also be incentives for technical extended to run as ‘mmicipal competence related to graded enterprises’ able to compete indemity insurance premia; with private contractors for * nenthetic quality should all jobs in their area contin- ues the paper. Nor are the construction professions excluded from the NEC's broad canvas. ‘The professional contribution largely determined the opportunity for contractor efficiency and the client's value for money they argue, suggesting a four-point programe of reforms crucial to improving the professional te put before Parliament for onaland ational » of the union and y 45 experience ack-up stafl a d »only at their general election, it is un- likely that legislation will throughout Britain TUC WANTS TO SOME LARGE CONSTRUCTION commnies should be nation- alised to provide an effect- ive public stake in the construction industry, arguen tho hands of the professional a strongly worded new paper by institutes; the Labour Party's policy forging National Executive Committoo. * there should be a statutory body to improve matters re- lating to contracts and disputes; boost direct author ; partment was appreciat growing Gover represented no amount if the i and showed nt concern, but like the t required to survive. REVERSE TREND Unanimous support for city areas in general, and a p reversal of Govern- further £300 million in civil 8 towards construct engineering projects. m the TUC Congress n of had a demand for a restoration of the expenditure cuts projected for 1978 and 1979. The motion also demanded initiati e and planned > imme of public ks to reduce unemployment e a mich needed There haa" been sone CovErn— ment response in the Budget executive an immediate inje £1,100 mill to re the ival of the Mr. Fre S announ ent of industry. He coupled this with£30 million for public sector § a first step r and house improvements in the recent construction industry debate in the Commons and a further £100 million had been made available since then. The total of £230 million struction industry should be controlled by one central orgnnisation, such as the CITS, and not fragmented in be improved by holding more design competitions. * QS 5 must develop more sophisticated methods of cost control. Although theese proposals were accepted at the Labour Party's Conference in October into the official party programe for the next for an ext ‘for inner £100 construct4 m this financial liams said that it d that by next year The Government may have been industry would have lost roused i ers, but more than a quarter of its as yet it is hardly awake to ment workf , not from the full consequences of a the Lump but of skilled collapsed building industry. f n who had trained for, ce in, a once The motion was seconded by J.Kooyman, Furniture, Timber and Allied Trades Union, who said trend must be reversed "No plans for long term recovery T had set out its this country will succeed > go ina without providing manufacturing "Let us Build’ calling industri ith modern purpose— a £300 million investment built factories”. e building, £500 million proving sub-standard The Building Design Staff section of TASS was set up at the request of staff from throughout Britain who met at an independent conference on 14 May, 1977 to decide on one Union within which to organise. They chose TASS because of its record as an effective union for design staff in engineering plus the strength and quality of the support TASS can offer TASS is tho union for al people employed in private sector offices In architecture, surveying, eoring and planning sultancies, Industry and commerce, oF the voluntary sector . A London Building Design Branch of TASS has stablished and is rapidly growing. Outside ,building design anch in their| y. As more and more join TASS, similar Bui g Design branches will vec be setup in other areas. Mombers are kept In t nal Advisory Committee of bers employed In building design. .whether in Conference Reports TASS the union for al the BUILDING PROFESSIONS TASS isthe only effective union in which million-member AUEW. Another section of the AUEW represents 35,000 workers on construction LABOUR WANTS TO NATIONALISE How does TASS work? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource TASS Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Undated 1977 ? https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/0d12aaf78cca1347049ac669a28aca3c.pdf 3f1770f6ec47b15f8f2033bdd02b9254 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Trade Unions and Architecture Description An account of the resource Themes included action on asbestos and Health & Safety, and involvement with Direct Labour Organisations and Building Unions. Following comparative research of possible options, NAM encouraged unionisation of building design staffs within the private sector, negotiating the establishment of a dedicated section within TASS. Though recruitment was modest the campaign identified many of the issues around terms of employment and industrial relations that underpin the processes of architectural production. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Birmingham Green Ban Action Subject The topic of the resource Report to the Birmingham Green Ban Action Committee (21 sides). Description An account of the resource REPORT TO THE BIRMINGHAM GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE GREEN BAN ACTION COMMITTEE throughout the country. THE AIMS OF THE CAMPAIGN To save the Birmingham GPO To get the exterior cleaned To urge that the interior working conditions other than the public counter. are brought up to modern standards The Green Ban Action Committee is not simply another conservation group. A Green Ban is the action taken by groups of workers who refuse to work on socially and environmentally harmful projects. Our Committee believes that only by creating a broad alliance involving ordinary working people as well as dedicated conservationists, can effective action be taken to protect and improve our environment. The Green Ban Action Committee, therefore,is composed of members of trade unions, community organisations and environmental groups, and seeks to involve a very wide range of people in its campaigns. The collaboration among those who live in the local environment including those who create it by their labour, results in a very powerful force. It raises the prospect of people working together to encourage projects of a socially useful and environmentally desirable nature, rather than leaving profit to determine the sort of environment that we live in, The approach taken by the Green Ban Action Committee is a new one in Britain and it is hoped that it will be taken up in other cities and localities To develop discussions with the public on the use of the existing building A.-M. (CENTRAL LONDON GROUP) REPORT TO THE BIRMINGHAM GREEN BAN AC‘LION COMMITTEE MAY 1976 CONTENTS pages!-4 Notes on the nature of property development:a series of general canments 5- Developers’ calculations: showing how profit is calculated. 12-15 The contribution ofof fice development inthe city centre to the city’s finances: research intg-arguments against centralisation. 8-11Developers calculations as applied tothe Birmingham Post Office site and conclusions tobe drawn. world's money markets, and for an investment to yield a significant level of profit means that it must give a return greater than lending the same amount of money on the open market would. That is, for an investment to be considered viable it must yield a total return of over 12% p.a. Buildings may be used to gain profit in two ways, either they are constructed at one price and sold quickly at a higher price, which is common in the field of spec. housing; or as in the case of office blocks they are regarded more as a capital investment, which will yield a regular yearly income, which eventually will repay many times over the construction cost of the building plus the land price. 2. Buildings are seen as a "safe" investment. Due to a self-imposed scarcity, property amount of money to be made depends to how much property prices many pension funds, insurance prices will never drop, but the upon a calculated guess as and rentals will increase. firms, banks etc. invested property in the 'sixties much higher than current Insurance companies were office space because knew that they would need in such a safe capital in the long run. when the returns expected lending rates. Pension also interested in investing they were expanding in in the ‘sixties and it themselves. Therefore asset as office space could investment not fail then were’ funds and Thus in Notes on the Nature of Property Development 1. Developers are money dealers. They have no attraction towards: buildings other than their ability to generate profit. However, the level of profit is all-important; Britain is one of the 3, .The game of speculation and property development is about taking risks, in much the same way that putting money on a horse is. The developer chooses a likely winner, and the amount he invests will be directly proportional to the level find a tenant, but it may be because he is waiting for rents of return he expects. Obviously if he is investing say £10m he will choose a building which, in form and appearance, like an American T.V. soap opera, will be as bland and inoffensive aS possible. The developer will grant concessions to the planners and the authorities in the prevailing popular taste, i.e. piazzas, pedestrian walkways, parking etc. in the hope of making the bitter pill sweet to swallow, so that he can reduce his risks by building as much lettable office space as possible. 4, The way the developer calculates his risks depends on two important variables, the rent he collects and the year’s purchase, the YP, which is inversely proportional to the return. A return of 8% will give a YP .of 123, and a YP of 4% will give a YP of 25. The capital value is equal to the YP multiplied by the income from The capital value is what the developer takes his risk If he has overestimated value is not what he expected, it will often until rents rise, and then he will increase building by gaining a larger income. This is particularly important as offices are generally leased on long of say 30 years at a time. If the YP is high, is assessed often, say every five years. blocks are seen to be empty, as many are Thus when office in Birmingham at the moment, it is not necessarily because the developer cannot his YP initially, and the value of the of the building the rent. on. the capital pay him to wait term leases then the rent he will try and reduce risks as much as possible. This means to rise so that he can recoup the largest amount from his invest- ment. 5. Anotherrreason why office blocks often the developer is looking for the right obviously in the developer's interest a large company, or a government office, with many so that one tenant occupies either all, or a major building. The developer is therefore unlikely to lose money when tenancies fall vacant, which he would do if he leased space to several small companies in one building. This encourages the worst form of monopoly capitalism. As developers wait for a local authority department, or an insurance etc., to take up a lease office space becomes more scarce, and in the ensuing redevelopment rentals rise. 6. Another aspect of this form of capitalism which is also very monopolistic is the fact that there is only one product. Property speculators concentrate only on offices. They dabble in other building types such as warehouses, plant or houses. The reasons for this are very simple. are attractive as a long term asset simply be built for a very high return over a long period they require a low input of capital after the ment. Houses require large expenditure in terms of management, and also carry high maintenance costs. The maintenance allowable for a converted house owned by the grant Council is stand empty is that sort of tenant. steels to rent office space to because they may employees, part of the of time and initial invest- obviously company, do not or industrial Offices approximately 20% of the year's rent, which is high. Since office buildings are used in a more controlled manner, and for only about one third of the day, the maintenance cost to the developer is much less, well under half that amount. This level of maintenance is very minimal, as the developer merely lets free office space, with no furnishings or fittings, so asset. that the maintenance is mainly concerned with the building's fabric. 7. The inner contradictions of this system are in fact leading to its own destruction. As more and more developers try to develop prestigious city centre property which command a high YP and income, more and workers are compelled to come into the city sites. more office centre every morning and leave in the evening. Like as the parts move closer together, friction builds moving parts slow down. Concentration obviously abnormal strain on the transport system, especially of car parking places given is normally inadequate. employer/tenant has to cope with absenteeism, as well as high running costs. Thus the lateness, etc. a Piece of machinery, up, and the places an as the level 8. Although many institutions both public and private, such as local government, insurance companies, banks etc., will still employ a large number of office staff, it is unlikely that in the future the city centre will seem such a desireable location for their offices, for the reasons outlined above. Many urban planners, lead by Cowan, who described this Syndrome in his study of offices, have concluded that in the future the number 6f office workers in the city centres would be greatly reduced, and would consist only of the people who needed face to face contact with each other. The run of the mill clerical workers would be relocated on the periphery or outside the city. This trend seems obvious, as the Location of Offices Bureau has been saying for years. Thus it seems likely that if the developer speculates in fifteen years time upon office development in the city centre he will be as likely to end up with a white elephant as a valuable capital Bridging Finance = construction time x 10%x AX 2 The loan is divided by two as the developer does not pay the loan out all at once when the building -is started, but in increments throughout construction time. On an office development such as Birmingham the construction time would last for about two and a half years. Bridging Finance =i Slob elk The developer rarely bothers with the management of the building himself, and normally pays an agent to find suitable tenants. Agents Fees = £4.5% x AX Then of course the developer has to make a profit. Profit = £20% x AX Therefore total construction cost, E E = £147% x AX Developers Calculations (Theory) Building consists let for profit, spaces for corridors of two sorts of spaces; areas which and service areas and lobbies, which the developer has to build but can't Total Area Building = Am? let. may be for plant, circulation If the construction cost is £X/m@ then the initial construction cost = £AX However the developer surveyors and structural engineers' fees. Therefore the construction cost rises to:- has to pay architects, quantity £(Ax * 10%AX) The developer normally has to borrow money to build the building with, so he has building is being constructed. to pay interest on the loan while the Once the developer has worked out his total construction cost E, he now has to calculate the kind of return he can expect from the building itself. For this only the lettable areas are important, a. Income = Lax where R is the rental / m@ However the developer has to maintain the building, insure it etc. This normally costs 10% of the letting income per annum. Because the developer treats the building as an object in which he has invested, like a car or a factory, he has to work out the capital value of the object. The capital value is not purely a nominal sum: when he has calculated this the developer can work out how much he can afford to pay for the land. The capital value CV is in a sense a self-imposed figure, because its quantity will fener upon the return the devekioer expects from his investment. One year's income I represents a percentage of the total purchaser price of the building, construction cost E plus land price L. Therefore the year's purchase YP is inversely proportional to the return. Wa 1 % return Thus for a return of 8% YP 1 708 CV SYR ox = 12} Total Income I = £90% aR The capital value is equal to the YP multiplied by the income. The amount the developer can afford to pay for the land is the amount left over when the construction cost has been subtracted from the capital value. L = CV -E L, like E and I, is an aggregate quantity. The amount the developer actually hands over to the land owner will be the amount that's left when the loan finance, the profit and legal and agents fees are subtracted from L. Finance Profit Legal & Agents Therefore 1 = £10%L £1234%L £23%L £754L The guesses made in these calculations are very similar to the kind of guesses and assumptions the developer makes. He has no crystal ball which will allow him to predict with greater accuracy. Property speculation, like pettine on a horse race, is merely a series of guesses made and risks taken. As the calculations are worked through it is easy to see which of the risks are important, such as the rent expected, the return, and the construction time. Developers' Calculations as Applied to the Post Office Site The calculation theory worked through shows whether any proposed development is worth undertaking. of the Post Office site are complex involve the Post Office leasing CDP, who put up the money for building and in return receive interest developer actually lets the building. however a red herring. They merely cut: what the anti-development lobby much is it worth cooking the cake entire scheme profitable? wishes to know is how - or less poetically, is the This question may be answered by working through the calculations. We have ascertained Community Development the areas from Roland Watkins of of lettable and unlettable The circumstances in that they (probably ) the freehold of the site to another developer to build the charges, whilst the These complexities are describe how the cake is office space. We have made an informed guess at construction costs being $20/ft? or £220/m*. Again the construction period of 2} years is an informed estimage. Seifert's office told us over the phone that the proposed development would be air-conditioned, and M.E.P.C. gave us the rates for rentals of air-conditioned offices as varying between £2.50 and £3.00/ft*. (£27.50-£33.00/m°) From these figures we have been able to draw a graph showing the value of the land in relation to the VP, Woe top line shows the maximum rental and the lower line the minimum rental. Supporting calculations are enclosed. We may draw one or two important conclusions from the graph. The first is that the YP must be high, otherwise the whole scheme would not be viable. If the YP is high the return, and therefore the risk must be low. This means with inflation. that the Post Office and CDP must be fairly certain of getting a tenant - they might even have one in mind! This also means that they are certain of making money, and will therefore be unlikely to drop the scheme. However a corollary of this is that if one of these conclusions is wrong or varies, for example if they haven't got a tenant, or if he changes his mind, then it is likely that they will back out of the scheme and try to claim compensation. Obviously the tenant must be a large institution or concern. If the YP is high then the rent will be re-assessed at five yearly intervals, and so the Post Office, and CDP, would be assured of an increasing income. This would keep pace px aeCYUE 1%O% dAS OWS BDiJjIOQ YSOY WoOYBUIWIG a4} JO; ‘S]}DJUad WNWWIUIWW puD WUNWIXDU 404YA0}}@N}DApud}Jodiysuo!yp}a1ay;Bulmoys |OU ydeib (W#))@N}DApud} 4 31,000m* €220/m@ O. i1.7 £10. 2m £27.50/m 2 25 ,000m 2 Birmingham Post Office: Feasibility Study Total area of building Construction cost/m* Construction cost of develop- ment Professional fees Bridging Finance for 2} years Agents Profit Total construction cost If income is at a minimum fees and Lettable area, a £12.15m £1.95m 1 = £1. 46m £m i = aR = £825,000 p.a. SN er OO Disiale CV = £9.27m L = -£0.93m ‘CV = L = = CV = L = = £8.4m Lz £6.3m £10.5n- £0.2n- £0.15 £13.35m £3.15m £14. 8m £4.6m £3,.45m £18.6m the income is at~a maximum, then R = £33.00/m* The contribution of office development in the city centre to the finances of the city. This is an argument against concentration. In it the main purpose is to show not that all office development is bad, but that it should be dispersed to the periphery, or outside of the city. The main argument that public bodies use in justifying their decision to permit office development in the city centre is that whilst it may be environmentally undesirable, the benefit that it will give to the city finances in rate contribution cannot be ignored. Although this reasoning is seductive, it may be disproved by logical argument backed up by some empirical research. Offices are one of the main types of workplace which could easily be zoned into residential areas, since they do not produce noxious fumes, noise etc. However concentrating them in the city centre produces a whole string of ill- effects on the city system. Land values rise in the centre and office workers are forced to live on the outskirts of the city. The city therefore has to subsidise the movement of workers to and from the centre each day: either directly, by subsidies to the public transport system, or indirectly by expenditure on roads. The city directly subsidises the tenants and therefore the owners of the office blocks, by providing public housing near the city centre for essential service labour,, cleaners, bus drivers etc. Since people do not live in the city centre, two sets of essential services have to be provided, one set at the workplace, the other at the home. These essential services consist of, the fireservice, roads, (building and maintenance), planning and administration, the police force, public conveniences, refuse collection and disposal, sewers and sewerage disposal, and many other services such as telephones, public transport etc. One of the highest costs, both in:social and monetary terms, is in transport. The expenditure on roads in Birmingham in the last decade hasbeen large, but it is difficult to estimate the exact amount because of Central Government grants. This logical argument may be verified by figures taken from the financial receipts and the annual abstract of statistics published by the City of Birmingham. It may be shown that expenditure throughout the last decade and a half by Birmingham has been steadily increasing, and that the rate contribution has not kept pace with this increase. Furthermore, the rate contribution from office development provides only a small part of the total rate, so small as to suggest that its inerease by say one percent would have a negligible effect on the total rate. The rate contribution of the city centre may be estimated, and again it is too small for it to be a justifiable argument that the city centre subsidises the rest of the city in terms of rate income. This discussion may be pushed, somewhat tendentiously, to its logical conclusion, by taking an estimated figure for servicing the city centre and comparing it to the rate income of the city centre it may be shown that while the inner ring road was being built the city centre made a small profit but later on it started only to break even. Thus arguments for concentration may not be justified in terms of rate income from the centre, and it may be argued in contradiction that the extra expenditure incurred by concentration practically cancels out any extra income. in (4) above. The figures backing up this argument are summarised in a graph overleaf, and tables. The figures are in the nature of assumptions and guesses, and may not be wholly accurate. The assumptions made in the graphs etc. were:- 1. The total rate income for '71 and '72 was estimated on the basis of the essential services and may not be wholly accurate. 2. The city centre rate income was estimated thus:- from Roland Watkin's table of office space it was estimated that 80% of offices are in the city centre, it was guessed that 60% of shops without dwellings are in the city centre, and as theatres, cinemas, hotels, museums, restaurants provide a total 2% of the rate income, the rate income from the rest of the city centre was 4% of the total rate income. 3, Figures for '64 - '68 and '68 - "70 and '72 — '76 were unavailable. 4, The essential services were fire service, inner ring road, highways and bridges, planning, police,’ public conveniences, public lighting, refuse collection and disposal, sewers and sewerage, andirmiscellaneous services. 5. The consumption far the city centre services consisted of the total inner ring road cost, the total miscellaneous services cost, and 10% of the rest of the services outlined bli ey 65 6! 6'5 64 e's eq 10 city centre % x*—_*—_* Goons 74 +’ * : rate INCOMAa. OS, COMOs Glommeldmmcelommca umes2: Bue graph NO2relatingtotalcityexpendituretotalcityrateincane, ’ and city centre rate income. graph NOSrelatingcityexpenditureonservicesto Ss city centre expenditure om services. dS 20gNim 23.8 24.8 3165 40.0 5307 5502 &n CITY TOTAL RATE RATE INCOMS RATS INCOME I CITY CENTRE RATE INCOME OF EXPENDITURE INCOMS CITY CENTRE EXPENDITURE E CITY OFFICES IN CITY CENTR# &m &m % % &m 20.1 20.8 CITY EXPENDITURE ON BASIC SERVICE CITY CENTRE CITY CENTRE EXPENDITURE ON BASIC OFFICES INCOME SERVICES (SEE PARA 4) (SEE PARA 4) POSTCRIPT exhibition. Since we produced our report for the Green Ban Action Committee Birmingham City Council, as a response to mounting pressure, voted to investigate the cost of revoking the planning consent for the GPO site. The leader of the Council also met a delegation from the West Midlands TUC which resulted in a proposal to call a top-level conference of all interested parties including GBAC. At this conference GBAC was to propose alternative ideas for the use of the building in a manner of value to ordinary Birmingham people. In preparation for this GBAC asked NAM to survey the Post Office building and prepare feasibility studies for its conversion to a leisure centre. Our survey found the building to be in very good condition with a number of large spaces suitable for many sports activities - volley ball, basket ball, etc. Few structural changes were required but substantial fire protection and renewal of services would be necessary. Qur proposals were simple so as to minimise major structural changes. It was anticipated that the ground level would form a deck (the site slopes) on which would be located all major activities with easy access and egress in case of fire, and the main entry would be located at the rear of the building for convenience. The proposed sports facilities only were costed at £186,000 which seems to be good value for money. We anticipate developing the proposals into an outline design which will be shown at a forthcoming Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAM Central London Grp Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan/John Murray Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 1976 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/7a91e14ba060756402cfe75626defcb7.pdf 544c0514babde636478dc44aa6b0e093 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Education Description An account of the resource Many NAM members were engaged in the field of architectural education, either as staff or students, and pursued new ideas for course content and pedagogy, reassessing existing course structures and priorities in conventional architectural training. The concern to focus on socially necessary buildings and to find new and meaningful ways of engaging with building users and the wider community- both central NAM themes - illuminated much of the discussion. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Blueprint for Confrontation' Subject The topic of the resource Guardian article on RIBA versus ARCUK challenge Description An account of the resource the Minister - not tanang about those an• noying holes and puddles that can be blamed on two particularlv harsh winters and clumsily tilled road. works but about the general structural condition of the roads. It is the difference between a house that needs a coat of paint and one with rising damp. Just as untreated damp can destroy a house so. say some experts, roads all over the country could quite rapidly suffer al. most total failure — some. thing like an apparently sound building collapsing when the foundations give wa dére the foundations, out of sight even to the road engineers. can keep going for ears without any particu• larly marked effect on the condition of the road. As a motorist or cyclist you might notice " tracking if the road is used by heavy Iorries, shallow indentations where the wheels travel that are most noticeable and tiresome when it rains. Most dangerous. too, be• cause the carefully cone structed weatherproof skin that should throw off the water is being damaged at that point and at least some of the water is leaching into the foundations. And even more dangerous in the win. ter when a cycle of wet weather, frost. and thawing, freezes the water in those fissures, forcing the road bed out of true and starting to destroy its integrity. Leave that untreated and the tracks become cracks, draining surface water straight into the roadbase. Then, as this water causes the progressive failure of the foundations, comes crazing of the surface as tramc that the road was not designed for keeps up the daily pounding. The real crisis tollows quickly with the break-up of the roadway and failure on a scale that can only be remedied by a complete rebuild of the road from the bottom up — the most expensive treat. ment both in terms of construction costs and dislocation of traffic. One of the purposes of the road maintenance survey is to establish the possibility of just such a collapse, sampling trunk, urban and rural roads all over the country and charting them on a de. fects index which shows year on year improvements and deteriorption. This year, once, before in most respects. and the engineers are getting worried. " My personal opinion is that the situation is ex. tremely serious." Col G. A. CAVepuuii to a decent standard. The i•easons for the overall decline are not difficult to iind. Traffic has increased by more than 20 oer cent since the mid.70s. This has happened despite the reduction m the total number of heavy lorries that was supposed to come about when maximum weights were set at 38 tonnes in 1983. At the same time spending on maintenance has been cut back by about 40 per cent. It looks like becom• Ing a very expensive economy. In 1977 Kent's Courity Surveyor, Alan Smith, produced a chart showing wnat happened when maintenance was ignored. For the first 10 years there is no appreciable effect, but thereafter the cost of restoring them to an ".as steeply ending In total col. lapie at abou! 25 years. Some ally we could be about 20 years into that scenario. These concerns will be reflected in a report which is to be published later this year by the Audit Commission for Local Government. Their former Controller, Mr John Banham, pointed out to an audience of . road engineers last autumn that spending on maintenance was now some 30 per cent below the levels of 1975. " The next few years will therefore likely see the costs of deferring road maintenance rising sharply," he added, diplomatically understating his private opinion on the subject. Although the problem is acknowledged by the civil servants at the Department of Transport as well as by the local authority engineers and many politicians, all at• tempts to et enough money to avoid tke troubles ahead have so far failed to soften any hearts at the Treasury. Politically the allure of an official opening of a new bypass far outweighs the bor. ing job of repairing the old, roads. It is not as if the cost of steering away from the danger is that great — at the moment. ' For the trunk roads it would need about E50 million to E60 million a year. hardly enough to register on the till," Col Leech maintains. " The rest may need E200 million a year for a number of years." Last ni ht snow and slush that fell äuring the day was freezing in tiny cracks in roads all over the northern half of the country. Forecasters expect night frosts until the weekend — just the right conditions to wreck a road. Beirut, to insist that they remove their protection from him for the meeting. Mr Waite met Mr Akram Shehayeb. the PSP official in charge of his visit to Beirut, and insisted, emotionally, that he not be followed. One appointment to meet the two hostages had fallen through two days earlier because a shootout on the southern side of Beirut had prevented his Shiite contact from coming to West Beirut to pick him up. Nothing, he said, must stand in the way of his second appointment, which, against the advice of the tionary Guards. Mr Mugnieh asked for a meeting at the Summerland Hotcl. one of West Beirut's best hotels. on the southern side of the city. The meeting. according to one of those present. lasted five hours. Mr Mugnieh denied any knowledge of Mr questions with the state. ment : " One of the 17 in Kuwait is m cousin." Finally, he saiä he would make contact " with others " and get back to the PSP within 24 hours. He did not and has not. The following week. Mr PSP, he was making after da Terry Waite. . . insisted that bodyguards withdraw Shehayeb returned to see Sheikh Fadlallah. who said år• Shehayeb expressed depressed since the release of extremely careful. He tremely reluctantly, Mr Deek midnight telephone call from Mr Mugnieh was outside Beirut. He. Sheikh Fadlallah, concern. West German authorities had just detained a a third American hostage, David Jacobsen, in Novem- showed the PSP his watch : it had. he said, no battery — agreed. At 6.50 pm, the psp deliv- Mr Waite's contact, the onl man to whom the BritisK been unable to see him five days. Walid Lebanese Shiite Mr MohamAli Hamade, ber. He had already sent nothing that could, in the ered Mr Waite to Dr Mroue negotiator would have Jumblatt. the leader of the med in connec- of them a bible for comfort. prevailing climate of suspi• a former health minister and opened the door. Dr Mroue PSP. reportedly said. " He is tion with the hijacking TWA flight 847 and a West German businessman had ' My 90b told is full Mr Shehayeb.of adven- tures,' he cion, be thought to be a bug. consultant to the wife of Sheikh Mohammed Hussein quoted the contact as ask. ing: " Where is Terry." Dr my son. I would break the door down to get T been seized in Beirut. Per- " I must do this. I know the key men well. I trust them." Before going to a 7 pm appointment at the home of Fadiallah, the spiritual ide " of the pro-Iranian Mroue has refused to meet journalists to discuss his role Waite. But the matter is haps Mr Waite himself might Dr Adnan Mroue, a Shiite wezbolah Party_. in the Waite affair. cult and out of hand." be taken hostage, but the Despite this trust, Mr gynaecologist, in whose flat Last month's murderous British negotiator, said by to Waite was obviously alert to ne was to meet his contact, At 7.40 pm. Dr Mroue was Mr Waite's contact, identi- fighting in West Beirut, the friends to be determined vindicate his good name after. the dangers of this first postIrangate visit. He told the Mr Waite stopped for an hour's conversation with summoned to the American university hospital for a de- fied only by a first name, is said to be a member of the subsequent arrival of the Syrian army and the crack- the first murky revelations PSP his relations with the Saleh Deek, the local PSP livery. He left Mr Waite Musawi family of the Beqaa down on the PSP have put about Washington's arms-for- Islamic Jihad had been diffi- official in charge of his secu- alone, still awaiting his con. valley town of Baalbeck — a the Waite case very much on hostages deals, insisted. cult after Mr Jacobsen's rity. He thanked Mr Deek tact. In his account to the family that has at least one the back burner. " I realise He had been told that the release. They had expected effusively for the arrange- PSP he reportedly said that relative among the Kuwait that the hostage question is a hostages — Terry Anderson. the release of 17 fundamen- ments he had made over the he returned 25 minutes later 17. human,problem that must be former bureau chief of the talists gaoled in Kuwait. It past week. Again he insisted to find Mr Waite gone and solved. Mr Jumblatt said Associated Press, and Tom had not happened. They felt that he was on his own from the front gate, which he had On January 22, Mr this week. " But there is now Sutherland, Dean of Agricul- betrayed. But he row had a the moment he crossed Dr left open, closed. Dr Mroue Shehaveb had a first meeting a political problem that is ture at the American Univer- " messenger " in Kuwait. Mroue's threshold : no also said, according to one with Sheikh Fadlallah. who more im Ortant than Terry sity of Beirut — had been Nonetheless. he was being watchers, no follow cars. Ex-' source, that he received a promised to make enquiries Waite anåthe others." Blueprint for confrontation MARTIN PAWLEY on an architectural storm WHEN on October 20, 1791 come that both parties have toring the performance of council approves its own 42• grounds that the amount of Adams. who gave a long and the architects James Wyatt, taken legal advice. ARCUK schools of architecture has person representation on work available for architects detailed account of the dis- Henry Holland George has even consulted the Privy been delegated to the Riba, ARCUK. sent down a new was far in excess of their pute and then revealed his Dance and Samuei Cockerell Council about its position. with only the odd place on a list of approvals for 1987/88 numbers. ARCUK on the master-stroke ARCUK's met in a pub to found some. The root of the conflict lies visitin board allowed to on which the names of Ad- other hand had resolutely annual meeting was to thing that was eventually to in an EEC directive. The ARCUk. This, insisted the ams and Hinton were con- refused to endorse any put back by two weeks in become the Royal Institute of European Community is try- Department of the Environ- spicuously absent. Worse closure. order to allow the Riba to British Architects, they could ing to unify professional ment, was not good enough. still, the president of the submit a new list of 42 scarcely have imagined that qualifications so that, for ex- ARCUK must not delegate Riba, a Scotsman with a This Riba policy, although names — this time including 200 years later it would be at with itself. ample, Greek engineers can in Britain, and Brit- this crucial process at all. beard named Larry Rolland. it was eventually reversed. did irreparable harm to rela- Adams and Hintom At this war Today the profession's practice Ish architects can set up Because virtually all Riba members are registered ar- and his fire-breathing heir tions between the institute the meeting went wild. with so-called " unattached " ar- leadership is not only split between its traditionalist offices in Spain. This process is so near completion that chitects, and most of the c Itect Nod Hackney. issued press release stating that and the schools of architecture — and forged new links chitects — those who were registered but do wing and supporters of com- this month a Statutory In- 28,000 re istered architects are mem ers of the Riba, a the increasing involvement between the schools and ARCUK. Because not belong to the Riba — accusing therr munity architecture, but it is at war with its own registra- strument will be laid before Parliament to make it law. there might seem little basis for But of ARCUK m educational matters was " not in the best it is open to any architect who pays leader of a sell-out. Some tion council (ARCUK) a body The registration councils of an argument here. own education o cer and its interests of architecture, the public, or students of CIO a year to remain on the register to practice without deft deployment of legal advice saved the day ment in 1931 to make it illegal for anyone to use the required to present a list of approved qualifications chairman, Bob Adams, and The sacking of Adams and member of the Riba as well, won a vote of confidence for having averted a constitw title architect unless their names appeared on a regis- awarded by recognised schools, and in Britain {Nas that the composition of visit. Hinton and the ill-considered ress release liberated a the institute took a dim view of this development. Adams tional crisis — at least until next week. when the Riba ter. The war is about who has the final say in judging ARCUK performed the task. So far so good — ing boards should be jointly arge skeleton from the cupboard. From 1983 until the and Hinton s initiative looked to them like a bid for Will have to decide whether to the performance of 36 seemed because while agreed as between equals, directive hit the fan. end of last year the Riba had power, and this was the real confront the Privy Council in schools of architecture that ARCUK provided the list it the actually supported govern• reason for their sacking. or give to ARCUK's new bid for power and widen the roduce about 800 new archi- had precious little control Only one exploratory dis- ment proposals for the CIO. Matters came to a head split t*tween the troubled ecture graduates every year. So acrimonious has it be. over the schools themselves. Since 1974 the task of moni- cussion was held in January before the Riba, whose ruling sure ot a number of schools of architecture on the yesterday at a packed ARCUK meeting chaared by professton•s ruling bodies yet agarn. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Martin Pawley Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived John Allan Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 19 March 1987 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/aac82d5f8ce62e5e4ddb537dd07068c3.pdf 6bc8206b78090255d2a1706f8048de61 https://nam.maydayrooms.org/files/original/975acf336f42d49fb9bb87b9adc4b845.pdf bdb9116c66e73f262684d81211b1b87a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brian Anson/ARC pre and post Harrogate Subject The topic of the resource Various documents describing ARC ideas and activities See below Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource ARC Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1975-1976 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Brian Anson Letters and Documents 1974-1978 Subject The topic of the resource Brian Anson Letters and documents 1974-78 and AA Lecture 1974 from Albane Duvillier 4th Year AA Essay submissision 18.02.2008. Pia Arias Covent Garden Report about Brian Anson Description An account of the resource COVENT GARDEN Anglo Saxon and Early Medieval Westminster Excavations have confirmed that in the area of Covent Garden and Aldwych, there was the ex- tensive Saxon Settlement of Lundenwic: over 150 acres, with roads, lanes, houses and industrial buildings. It stretched from the contemporary wa- terfront inland of the Embankment probably to the old Roman road beneath Holborn and Oxford Street on the north, and from Aldwych in the east to Trafalgar Square. A wide range of Continental trading contacts, from Norway to France, is indica- ted by imported objects found in the site. Two ce- meteries have been found, one under what is now St. Martin-in-the-Fields, and another to the north in Covent Garden; the latter may have been included burial mounds. The Saxon town, which have gone through several phases of development, seems to have been occupied from shortly after 600 to so- metime after 850. The main excavation, at the Ro- yal Opera House, found traces of timber buildings nearly 40ft long, with lanes, industrial workshops and many signs of a thriving, congested urban spa- ce1. The Later Middle Ages Covent Garden was the name given, during the reign of King John (1199 - 1256), to a 40-acre patch in the county of Middlesex, bordered west and east by which is now St. Martin’s Lane and Drury Lane, and nor- th and south by Floral Street and a line drawn from Chandos Place, along Maiden Lane and Exeter Street to the Aldwych. An ancient footpath called Aldewichstrate (‘Old Farmstead’s Way’) issued from the west gate of the City of London at Fleet Street and Drewerie Lane branched off here to the north. In this quadrangle bordered by wall, the Abbey or Convent of St Peter, Westminster, maintained a large kitchen garden throughout the Middle Ages to provide its daily food. Directly to the north the monks also owned seven acres known as Long Acre, and to the south, roughly where the Strand Palace Hotel now stands, two smaller pieces of land known as Friars Pyes. The monks of St Peter’s Abbey cultivated orchards here, grew grain, and pastured livestock, selling the surplus to the citizens of London. These type of leases did eventually lead to property disputes throughout the kingdom, which the monarch King Henry VIII solved in 1540 when he dissolved the monasteries and appropriated their land. The next year, in exchange for some land in Devon, King Henry VIII granted both Friars Pyes to John Baron Russell, Great Admiral of England, and later the first Earl of Bedford. In fulfilment of his father’s dying wish, King Edward VI, bestowed the remainder of the convent garden in 1547 to his maternal uncle, Edward Seymour, the Duke of Somerset who began building Somerset House on the South side of the Strand the next year. By 1600 rapid growth here and outwards from the city alarmed the authorities, who made several Area Plan from the 1968 Draft Plan. (1) [1] The information about the Anglo Saxon excavation was decribed by Pevsner in his book London 6, Westminster. Pevsner Architectural Guides. attempts to halt, restrict or at least control the builders. None was properly enforced, especially when the Crown realized that fines for non-com- pliance amounted to a useful new tax. The plan- ned private developments of the C17 were able to evade these prohibitions by creating select, we- ll-built new districts that would not fill up with the disorderly and dangerous poor. In 1605, timber was prohibited for house fronts, and had to be replaced with bricks, though it was not given up for decades afterwards. Further Pro- clamations from 1615 tried to regulate floor hei- ghts and to enforce the use of vertical rather than horizontal windows.2 Planning Development The 4th Earl of Bedford decides to plan his esta- te with "buildings that would serve to ornament the town" and commissioned the Surveyor of the King's works to draw up a plan for an elegant square or piazza. During the years between 1615 and 1640, Inigo Jones (1573-1652) was the central figure in English architecture. Born in Smithfield - London, he became the Surveyor to the Kings' Works in 1614. Travelled to Italy and came back greatly influenced by Palladio, Bramante, Serlio, Scamozzi and Vitruvius. He established Palladianism as the Royal Style by dis- playing the Italian influence in the Queen's House at Greenwich, the alterations to St. Paul's Cathedral, the Banqueting House in Whitehall, the Queen's Chapel at St. James's Palace and the Piazza at Covent Garden.3 The Piazza counts as the earliest of the squares of London, laid out on the example of the Piazza at Livorno, the design made one composition with the existing mansion, Bedford house; taking charge of the side, and with streets entering at the middles of the north and east sides, and to the west side, where the center was taken by St. Paul's church. The houses had uniform façades, to make them individually inconspicuous and give them all together a palace air, a uniformity not achieved again in London housing until the C18. The owner cleared the land and laid out streets, but the houses were put up by agreements with speculating builders, who were then permitted to sell them on long fixed-terms leases. The landlord thus acquired the reversion of the properties and kept control of over the quality and design, without the cost of building them himself. Jones's plan also included London's first meows, that is streets meant for stabling and services (Maiden Lane, Floral Street): a device which encouraged the fronts of even very large houses to face directly on the street. And so, for all its quirks, Covent Garden begins the story of what we now think of as Georgian London.4 [2] LionelEsher,onhisbook“AbrokenWave:TherebuildingofEngland”,explainsthisperiodaswellasPevsneronhisseriesofArchitecturalGuides. [3] For more details on Palladianism and its references in English architecture, visit The National Trust website www.nationaltrust.org.uk [4] Inthearticle‘LondontheRing,CoventGardentheJewellofThatRing’:NewLightonCoventGarden,DianneDugganexplorestheEarl’sarchives and his intentions for the development of Covent Garden. Inigo Jones 1577 - 1652 (2) The Market The Piazza is half-filled by Charles Fowler’s Market House, built in 1828-30. Roofed over in the C19, and restored and converted into shops and restaurants by the GLC Historic Buildings Division in 1977-80. The- re were no British precedents for such an ambitious conversion and its immediate success inspired a host of imitations. Twenty years on, the market remains immensely popular, though the small independent shops of early years are less in evidence. Fowler’s structure remains almost intact, the best-preserved Late Georgian market house in England. It has three parallel east-west ranges, with external Tuscan colonnades of Aberdeen granite. The outer ranges are two-storeyed, and have at the outer angles low pyramid-roofed lodges. In the centre of each long side is a tall pedimented pavilion, curiously placed just east of the entrance passage. At the west end the central range stands free, a little set back. Above its columns a balustrade terrace and then the upper storey, pilastrered and with a big central pediment broken by a lunette. Through the middle of this range runs a glass and timber-roofed passage, with shops where herbs and flowers were sold. 5 The Piazza looking North, circa 1717-1728. (3) Their shopfronts were modified with plate glass in 1871-2. Segmental relieving arches above them, then a clerestory of rectangular openings with colonettes. Delicate produce was traded at the E end, which is different again: columns stand four deep across the whole width, making a continuous upper terrace. On the central pediment allegorical figures by R.W Sievier, of Coade Stone. The upper terrace has a glazed restaurant shelter added c.1985. Its wings evoke Fowler’s twin hothouses for the sale of potted plants, but with an obtrusive round-topped link between. The shelter first provided was modest, limited to a small area in the north court, to make it more spa- cious, twin roofs were raised over the outer courts, giving the markets its bulky external presence. In [5] “Covent Garden Market”, in Survey of London - Vol 36 The market building in the 19th century (4) 1874, W. Cubbit & Co added the iron columns and arches, and a glazed roof with an open clerestory. The offices were removed to the south court. Two oblong areas were sunk into the floor, to allow public access to the vaults running beneath. Fifty shops were created in all, some restored or replicated to Fowler’s design. Axonometric section of the Market (5) GLC Covent GArden Action Area Plan, 1978 - Covent Garden Committee St. Paul’s Church St. Paul’s Church by Thomas Homers Shepherd , 1828-31 (6) Built in 1631-5 by Inigo Jones in connection with the 4th Earl of Bedford. The first new parish church in London since before Elizabeth's time, it broke com- pletely with native architectural traditions: a new way of building, intended to suit the Protestant Church of England. The church is a perfectly plain oblong with no subdivision inside. Widely overhan- ging eaves, deep portico with two squares angle piers and two sturdy Tuscan columns between. The conceit of square piers derives from the Etrus- can temple as illustrated by Scamozzi, the rest from Palladio's Tuscan order, though with rather diffe- rent proportions. Originally there were six or seven steps up from the Piazza, so that the temple origin was more explicit. The church also points forward, to the simplicities of late C18 Neoclassicism. The Piazza lies at the east end. Contemporary evi- dence shows however that the altar was originally meant for the west end, with the entrance under the portico. The plan changed during construction, probably due to Bishop Laud's intervention.6 St. Paul’s Floor plan (7) [6] Pevsner, London 6 “Westminster” - Architectral Guide Series Though Jones’s conception can be savou- red undiluted, the church has had an unluc- ky history, and the visible fabric is mostly c18 or later c19. The red brick facing is as late as 1887-8 by A.J. Pilkington. Jones's walls, of rendered brick, were stone-faced in 1788-9 by Thomas Hardwick, but badly damaged by fire in 1795. Hardwick restored the shell up to 1798, renewing the portico. The west front has two more round-arched windows and a central doorcase with oculus over, i.e. the same arrangement as within the portico (if only because Butterfield's restoration erased lesser doorways benea- th the windows there, 1871-2). Low wings to each side: an original feature, made lower by Clutton. St. Paul’s burns on the 17th of September 1795 (8) Westminster City Council Archives Also by him, the semicircular steps and the holes cut to house the bells. The interior has a spare qua- lity that may not be far from what Jones intended, though nothing remains from his time. His ceiling is known to have been painted in false perspective. The present ceiling is compartmented plaster of 1887-8 to a more Jonesian design than Hardwick’s; it may well be Clutton’s brainchild, carried out by Pilkington. St. Paul’s Church Interior, 2007 (9) ©Steve Cadma, steve@stevecadman.me.uk The Royal Opera House Stands upon the site of the thea- tre erected by John Rich in 1731–2. It is the third theatre to occupy this site, both its predecessors were destroyed by fire. The first, designed by Edward Shepherd, was burnt in 1808, and the second, designed by Sir Robert Smirke, was destroyed in 1856. After this second fire, the present building was built in 1857–8 by E. M. Barry. After nearly two and a half cen- turies of theatrical usage 'Covent Garden' has earned many claims to fame—as a theatre still acting under the authority of letters patent granted by Charles II, as the scene of the triumphs of many great actors and musicians, and in recent years as the home of both the Royal Opera and the Royal Ballet.7 In 1983 there was an open competition to refurbish the existing auditorium and foyers, accommodation for the Royal Opera and Royal Ballet along with the rehearsal facilities and a second auditorium. Reconstruction of part of the Floral Hall and a ribbon of shops around the piazza. It was won by the architect Jeremy Dixon. The objectives of the project were: -To modernise the stage and scenery-handling facilities -To move the Royal Ballet to a permanent home at Covent Garden -To improve amenities for the public and make the theatre more accessible -To provide a decent canteen for the staff and performers -To improve rehearsal facilities -To bring the production workshops on site8 Axonometric view of the changes made by the Architect’s proposal (11) [7] Detailed information can be found in the Survey of London Vol 35 - www.british-history.gov.uk [8] The above is extracted from the Archtect’s website, www.dixonjones.co.uk/projects/royal-opera-house-covent-garden/ The Opera house and the Floral Market in 1892 (10) In the reconstructed Floral Hall, a grand pair of escalators (visible through the glass wall) to the Am- phitheatre Bar moves you to above level. Here they either remain in the upper foyer or proceed further directly onto the open loggia overlooking Covent Garden piazza. In place of the hierarchical public access of the old house – whereby the upper (i.e. cheaper) seats were reached from a separate side entrance –now this will cater to the audience from main Bow Street portico. A new public entrance from the northeast corner of the arcade that complete Inigo Jones’s square. The challenge was to meet all requirements of the Royal Opera House and at the same time to find an architectural approach that could respond to the diversity of the site context, bounded on the one hand by the implied formality of the market square and on the other by a series of typical Covent Garden streets with their ad hoc accumulation of uses and architectural styles. SOCIAL HISTORY As the eighteen century approached, the wealthy residents began moving westwards towards the newer squares of Mayfair and St. James. This produced a dramatic change in the social character of Co- vent Garden. Elegance was replaced by bohemianism as not only the poorer classes encroached on the area but also the writers and the theatre people. The theatres were re-opened and many new ones built. The Old Cockpit in Drury Lane was where the ordinary people of London flocked to see the plays of Will Shakespeare, Christopher Marlowe and Ben Jonson. Running parallel to theatrical Covent Garden in the 18th and 19th century was the literary world, centred on the coffee-houses and taverns, which became fashionable overnight. By the late 18th century it was the lower class of citizens who were rapidly taking over the spacious, decaying mansions of the gentry. The mansions of the nobility were gradually converted into tenements9. In 1836, in Sketches by Boz, Dic- kens10 exposed the poverty of much of Covent Garden, of Drury Lane he wrote: Drury Lane, Seven Dials - Illustration by Gustave Doré(12) [9] Lionel Esher, “A broken Wave” [10] CharlesDickens,alongwiththeartists’movementofthattime,livedandgatheredinCoventGarden.Sohewaswellawareoftheconditionsand spirit of the place. ..."The filth and miserable appearance of this part of London can hardly be imagined...Wretched houses with broken windows patched with rags and paper; every room let out to a different family, and in many instances to two or even three - fruit and sweetstuff manufacturers in the cellars, barbers and red-herring vendors in the front parlours, cobblers in the back; a bird fancier in the first floor, three families on the second, starvation in the attics"... Conditions grew so bad that, early in the 19th century, the Duke of Bedford's Estate began a determi- ned effort to change the area from the "lower-class residential quarter" it had become, to a profitable commercial centre. Every decayed house was pulled down without any attempt to make it habitable until major new building work could begin. In 1830 the 6th Duke of Bedford had begun the process of redeveloping and transforming the place, under a Private Act of Parliament, he cleared away the old market stalls and constructed the present central market building. In 1890 the Bedford Estate surveyor recommended that: "All the courts be pulled down as a commencement of the general clearance which it is desi- rable to carry out in this neighborhood..new houses will be constructed, which as soon as they are completed will be leased to very desirable tenants... and by prohibiting without consent the whole or any portion of the houses being underlet, the objectionable class of tenants who for- merly were inhabitants of these houses are excluded..." As the 20th century began, the London County Council took over the role of property landlords of the Bedford Estate. By 1905 the great thoroughfare Kingsway had been constructed, and many streets, alleyways and courts were gone, linking the Strand and Holborn, it was a desirable improvement because it cut through a large amount of slum property. By 1961 the population was down to 4.060 and the area was a commercial jumble composed of a multitude of crafts and trades. The major industry was the fruit and vegetable market, which now occupied an area of 15 acres and was the largest in Great Britain. By that time it was under the control of the Government, who appointed the Covent Garden Market Authority to run it. Since the 19th century, traffic congestion in the market had been a problem. By the 1960s, it had reached a breaking point. Naturally, the area had been designed in the 1600s for horse cart traffic – not for lorries. The existing roads and buildings couldn’t handle the huge volume of produce being brought in for sale, so business began to decline. Because there was no room to expand, the CGMA commissioned Fantus, a firm of ma- nagement consultants, to consider the relocation and to investigate 2 sites: Seven Dials and Nine Elms. In 1966 they gained Government’s approval to move the market to Battersea. The 12 acres empty spa- ce was seen as an opportunity to redevelop the 96-acre site, defined by the five principal roads of the Strand, Kingsway, High Holborn, Shaftesbury Avenue and Charing Cross Road. In October 1965 a con- sortium of the GLC, Westminster City Council and Camden was formed, they set up a Planning team and instructed it to work under the authority of a “Steering Group” composed of the chief planning officers of the three local authorities.11 [11] Lionel Esher, “A broken Wave” The Draft Plan Covent Garden Area Draft Plan, 1968 (13) The Steering Group was chaired by Ralph Rookwood, with Geoffrey Holland, Brian Nicholls and Brian Anson as deputies. There were three main objectives in the official mind. First was the need to clear out a small amount of actual slum and a much larger amount of depressing and redundant warehousing and office space and some archetypically gloomy Victorian tenements. The second was the opportunity, at a time when such objectives seemed within reach, to improve the heavily trafficked main streets surroun- ding the area, traffic was a major preoccupation in the 60s, so new roads had to be proposed. The third and most exciting were to wrap round the historic core of Covent Garden an architectural backcloth which would rehouse and augment the indigenous population, together with the theatres, arcades, ho- tels, boutiques, bars, restaurants.12 According to Anson, the major elements of the plan itself had nothing to do with the real history and character of Covent Garden. For instance, the brief stated that they had to design a plan segregating pedestrian and vehicles, and their intention was to make the centre of the area traffic-free, but to compensate more roads had to be included and it resulted in a drastic road plan that threatened to demolish over half the area. The Market Piazza would be redeveloped as a major shopping and entertainment route, the Piazza would be revived with a national conference centre and hotels. “Multiple uses” was the prevailing wat- chword and “partnership” between the public and private sectors the technique, whereby the profits of the latter would go some (though not all) of the way to carry the burden of the former. [12] Brian Anson, “I’ll fight you for it” Shallow surveys were set on foot to discover what sort of dwellings the locals wanted, and the results were inter- preted according to what the brief required. The ragbag of tiny industries –violin makers, coppersmiths, theatrical cos- tumiers – the 34 bookshops, 26 stamp dealers and 124 pu- blishers, printers and engra- vers, not to mention the Opera House and 17 other theatres, all were happily recorded by young clipboard callers. Urban structure and visual character were analyzed after the man- ner taught by Kevin Lynch and Gordon Cullen, and pedestrian routes and habits carefully plo- tted. Anson claimed that they must have been protected, not driven out: “The interdependence of existing activities must be recogni- zed and special care is taken to avoid their accidental loss”, even if they “may need special accommoda- tion in terms of design, location and rental levels”. 13 In 1968 the Plan was introduced in the most humane way possible: “One of the most exciting prospects is the opportunity offered by the removal of the market to cultivate experimental activities and new possibilities in urban living, small laboratory theaters, new combinations of indoor entertainment, small informal galleries combined with books and the modern equivalent of old coffee houses, linked with ar- tists’ studios, experimental film units... “the residential population would increase (from 2,347 to 7,000) as would space for hotels and entertainment, while office and warehousing space would be reduced. Ve- hicular traffic of all sorts would vanish underground, pedestrian radiating freely in all directions, often un- der cover, from a 3-acre garden that would replace the grim chasm of the ironically named Floral Street.14 Proposal for Road Network (14) Covent Garden Area Draft Plan, 1968 [13] Lionel Esher, “A broken wave” [14] Brian Anson, “I’ll fight you for it” Pedestrian Spaces (15) Covent Garden Area Draft Plan, 1968 The whole project, illustrated by expressionist drawings was uninhibitedly positivist: this would be the new heart of creative London. From Branson’s point of view, public participation was not as nearly as im- portant as economic viability; and with this being a £150 million project, with the private sector providing £110million, there was no question who it had to answer to. The struggle After the project was introduced to the public, major changes were made responding solely to the developers necessities. Little was left of the original plan and so the public, with the help of the press, became aware of the major faults, such as lack of housing and increasing traffic congestion due to the new commercial approach.15 By 1970, Anson was out of the team, and he made it his business to stir up the hitherto apathetic inhabi- tants against the intentions of his colleagues, with the premise that the working class had been left out of the plan by not considering enough accommodation for them, and the proposed ones would have higher rents that eventually would lead to their displacement. The artists joined the movement worried that their cheap accommodation would be eliminated too, and without it, their activity couldn’t flourish. In the Reverend Austen Williams, Vicar of St Paul’s Church, he found a sympathetic listener, and together they unfurled the banner of the defenceless poor and old. In 1971 the Covent Garden Community Association established itself with Anson and Jim Monahan orchestrating the first meeting. Monahan was an architecture student who rallied his classmates to hand out leaflets to every single building in Covent Garden for that first meeting. The demands were clear and a public statement was drafted: “This meeting calls on the GLC to publish in clear terms, what it intends to do in Covent Garden: to guarantee that the existing residents will be accommodated in the area at rents and rates comparable to those they now pay; to guarantee to people and organizations working here that they will not be bought or priced out by the GLC or private developers and to give a promise that the GLC will preserve the community.” Metting outside St. Paul’s Church (16) Coovent GardenCommunity Association The GLC/Camden/Westminster consortium split by political tensions and the GLC assumed the strategic responsibility which had been specifically reserved for it in the London Government Act. A Covent Gar- den Committee was set up, and it was chaired by Lady Dartmouth16. Born Raine McCorquodale, served in her local government for many years. As a member of the Conser- vative Party, she became the youngest member of the Westminster City Council at the age of 23. She ma- rried the Hon. Gerald Humphry Legge on 21 July 1948, and he became Earl of Dartmouth in 1962. They had [15] The above is part of Brian Anson’s statements, from his book “Abroken Wave” [16] More details on Lady Dartmouth’s life can be found on the local press’ obituaries, www.telegraph.co.uk/obituaries/2016/10/21/raine-countess-spencer--obituary/ four children together: William Legge, 10th Earl of Dartmouth, Hon. Rupert Legge, Lady Charlotte, and Hon. Henry Legge. They divorced in 1976, after which she married Earl Spencer, Lady Diana’s father. Soon she was at odds with the planners. Her resignation in a blaze of pu- blicity was a further blow to the beleaguered GLC team. It brought to the side of the left-wing CGCA the powerful support of right-wing aesthetes and liberal conservationists. Against such a background the result of the 1971 public inquiry was predic- table: the Secretary of State, Geoffrey Rippon, gave the GLC its compulsory powers over the area, but at the same time listed the majority of its buil- dings, a secretly prepared list of 245 buildings drafted by two architectu- ral journalists, Dan Cruickshank and Colin Amery, was approved17; and decreed that conservation was to be the central object of the operation and that “full public participation” was to be the technique18. We saw in Covent Garden the first thoroughgoing exercise in public participation and one of the most successful because of the high motivation of the participating parties. The mechanism for this was the Forum, deliberately not a GLC creation but constituted from below to represent by election all the inte- rests in the area, including the Community Association, whose chairman took charge. While the planners churned out discussion papers, slide shows and questionnaires, and organized even more meticulous house-to-house surveys, the new attitude to Covent Garden took shape. It amounted to a charge of cons- ciousness. The time-honoured notion that knocking down worn-out buildings and replacing them with something better was a useful and often a profitable occupation was ruled out. 19 Covent Garden Community Association (18) [17] Miles Glendinning in his book “The Conservation Movement: A history of Architectural Preservation” explains briefly how the struggle over Covent Garden became a trigger for the Conservationist movement in the UK. [18] Brian Anson “I’ll fight you for it” [19] www.covent-garden.co.uk/histories/histories2.html Lady Dartmouth in 1954 (17) GLC Covent Garden Action Area Plan, 1978(19) “Housing gain” had become an obsession on both sides, despite the incurable deficiencies of schooling and the almost total absence of green space in this congested area. The official target was now to raise the resident population from 2.417 to 5.274 (with 1000 children under 15)20. The inflexible CGCA position was the defence of the village against the cultural and tourist invasion. “we ask that there be no galleries or studios in the principal shopping streets...no more museums... no conference Center... no more ho- tels, with loud coachloads of singing Germans arriving at 6 am”. Covent Garden must simply “provide a living, shopping and leisure facilities for the people who work in the entertainment industry, rather than tourist attractions...Covent Garden is not part of the West End.”21 [20] Greater London Council, Covent Garden’s Moving, The Covent Garden Area Draft Plan, 1968 [21] Greater London Council. Covent Garden Action Area Plan. N.p.: Greater London Council, 1978. GLC Covent Garden Action Area Plan, 1978(20) The Plan was printed in 1978, it was affectionately received by all. Density: “Few residents express dissatisfaction with their present accommodation on grounds of lack of privacy, shortage of external space, or noise...Covent Garden residents, in common with those from other parts of the city centre, have a long tradition of urban living and the concept of density is not sig- nificant in their conception of a living environment; the value of plot ratios to control building bulk and employment density is limited”. Zoning: “The Council considers that a mixed-used approach to development control will provide the best possible way of achieving the Plan’s total aims...interpreted as flexibly as possible in order to res- pect the delicate relationships” Housing: “All residents displaced by public development will be rehoused in Covent Garden if they so wish. The GLDP states that planning permission will not normally be given for a change from residential use. The Council will encourage proposals for the rehabilitation by the private sector of existing housing, provided these are not to the disadvantage of existing residents”.22 [22] Greater London Council. Covent Garden Action Area Plan. N.p.: Greater London Council, 1978 GLC Covent Garden Action Area Plan, 1978(21) Traffic: “The most heavily trafficked of the through-routes is Monmouth Street/St. Martin’s Lane which carries 1.100 vehicles per hour through the working day”. Commercial: “It will be the normal policy to prevent a change of use from a retail shop and other uses to showroom use in shopping streets”. Offices: “Each case will be assessed considering the nature of the activity and the benefits to the com- munity such as provision of residential accommodation, provision of specific benefits in the form of buil- dings and other facilities for use of the public, conservation of historic buildings and architecture, provi- sion of small office suites”.23 The defeat of planning in Covent Garden was not primarily a conservationist victory, it was a political one, won by working people under skilled middle-class leadership. Its central theme was that people are more important than architecture.24 [23] Greater London Council. Covent Garden Action Area Plan. N.p.: Greater London Council, 1978. [24] Brian Anson’s thoughts displayed on his book “I’ll fight you for it” RECENT VIEWS By the end of the 90s, Covent Garden established itself as a The place to go for retailing high brands, the market for rental skyrocketed. This encouraged the Westminster City Council to lunch an action plan to secure and im- prove the local environment for residents, businesses and visitors. Resulting from the combination of successful approach in other parts of London, public participation and the Metropolitan Police; it addres- sed problems in traffic, transport, street environment, anti-social activity and street safety.25 The draft plan for Covent Garden includes the council working with landlords to enable shoppers to pick up large purchases by car and to encourage walking. The plans also aim to improve street lighting, reduce 'physical clutter' that detracts from the street and increase street enforcement to tac- kle busking. Council leader Simon Milton says: 'The draft action plan demonstrates our commitment but this must be seen in the light of the city council's very difficult funding situation. We do not have the resources alone to bring about the vision set out in this action plan. If we are to succeed, we are looking for a com- mitment of funding and to work with communities and busines- ses in Covent Garden.'26 Further analysis had taken place, in 2006 the City Council drafted a Planning Guidance for Entertainment uses; to determine the land uses, functions, scale and environmental quality of entertainment in Covent Garden. The purpose was to establish policies regarding existing and new entertainment use and accom- plish a balance between the mixed use character of the place. Land Uses Plan - Planning Guidance for Entertainment uses, 2006 (24) [25] www.westminster.gov.uk/archives [26] Interview for the article “Garden army.” Property Week, 5 Dec. 2003, p. 62. Business Collection, Covent Garden Action Plan,2004(22) Westminster City Council Logo for the Covent Garden Action Plan (23) The struggle in Covent Garden has definitely shaped the conser- vationist movement in London. Postmodernist interventions, such as the Comyn Ching Triangle, have a possibility to be listed be- cause of the precedents set in the 70s. According to Farrell, it stands as one of Covent Garden's land- mark restoration and new-build scheme. Best described his own words, "The Comyn Ching Trian- gle, with much of Covent Garden, was planned to be demolished in the 1970s. Then the Triangle became part of Covent Garden's wonderful regeneration story. My involvement as architect for this urban block lasted over ten years. The public space in the mi- ddle links together restoration and new buildings: shops, offices, interior and exterior details. It is still one of the best things I've been involved with”27. But the area has also grown to become an important part of London’s commercial core, and in this matter recent planning policy for the Central Activity Zone (CAZ) has established stra- tegies outlining hierarchy areas where local authorities will be expected to direct housing, so the office space in central London continues to be a key generator of economic prosperity. Journalist Colin Marrs quoted London’s major Boris Jhonson in his Architects’ Journal article to defend this premise: “The heart of the capital is the foundation of London’s reputation as best city in the world in which to do business”28 Axonometric drawing of the Comyn Ching Triangle by Terry Farrell (26) [27] Interview for the magazine Building Design [28] www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/new-planning-rules-to-protect-city-from-residential-development/10004183.article Comyn Ching Triangle by Terry Farrell (25) List of Images and drawings No Title 1 Area Plan of Covent Garden 2 Inigo Jones 3 The Piazza looking North 4 The Market Building in the 19th century 5 Axonometric Section of the Market 6 St. Paul’s Church 7 St. Paul’s Church Floor Plan 8 St. Paul’s Church burns 9 St. Paul’s Church Interior 10 The Floral Market & the Opera house 11 Axonometric view 12 Drury Lane, Seven Dials 13 Covent Garden Area Draft Plan 14 Road Network 15 Pedestrian Spaces 16 Meeting outside St. Paul’s Church 17 Lady Dartmouth 18 Covent Garden Community Association 19 Conservation Area Boundaries 20 Proposals Map 21 Vehicle Network Proposal 22 Covent Garden Action Plan 23 Westminster City Council Logo 24 Land Uses Plan 25 Comyn Ching Triangle 26 Axonometric view of the Comyn Ching Triangle Author GLC Unknown Unknown Unknown GLC Thomas Homers Shepherd Unknown Unknown Steve Cadman Unknown Dixon Jones Architects Gustave Doré CGLC & W & LBC CGLC & W & LBC CGLC & W & LBC CGCA Unknown CGCA GLC GLC GLC Westminster City Council Westminster City Council Westminster City Council Terry Farell Architects Terry Farrell Architects Type Plan Painting Drawing Photograph Drawing Painting Plan Painting Photograph Photograph Drawing Illustration Drawing Plan Drawing Photograph Photograph Photograph Plan Plan Plan Logo Logo Plan Photograph Drawing Bibliography in alphabetical order 1. Anson, B. I'll Fight You for It: Behind the Struggle for Covent Garden. Cape, 1981. 2. Bradley, Simon, and Pevsner, Nikolaus. London. 6, Westminster. Pevsner Architectural Guides. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 2005. 3. Cavanagh, Elaine. "Up for renewal." Estates Gazette, 19 Oct. 2002, p. 2. Business Collection, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?p=GPS&sw=w&u=uokent&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA93116404&it=r&asid=- 17c76221e87cee84b155429f95d52535. Accessed 5 Dec. 2016. 4. Christie, Ian - Covent Garden: Approaches to Urban Renewal - The Town Planning Review; Jan 1, 1974; 45, 1; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 31 5. 'Covent Garden Market', in Survey of London: Volume 36, Covent Garden, ed. F H W Sheppard (Lon- don, 1970), pp. 129-150. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/ pp129-150 [accessed 10 November 2016]. 6. 'Covent Garden Theatre and the Royal Opera House: Management', in Survey of London: Volume 35, the theatre Royal, Drury Lane, and the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden, ed. F H W Sheppard (Lon- don, 1970), pp. 71-85. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol35/pp71- 85 [accessed 12 October 2016]. 7. Duggan, Diane - 'London the Ring, Covent Garden the Jewell of That Ring': New Light on Covent Gar- den. (Architectural History, Vol. 43, 2000), pp. 140-161 8. Esher, Lionel Gordon Balish Brett. A Broken Wave : The Rebuilding of England, 1940-1980. London: Allen Lane, 1981 9. Glendinning, Miles - "The Conservation Movement: A history of Architectural Preservation" - (New York: Routledge, 2013), 329 – 330 10."Garden army." Property Week, December 5, 2003, 62. Business Collection (accessed Decem- ber 5, 2016). http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?p=GPS&sw=w&u=uokent&v=2.1&it=r&id=GALE%- 7CA111856021&asid=ccf23c7421f25d260c50d9c64c68293f. 11. Greater London Council, Covent Garden’s Moving, The Covent Garden Area Draft Plan, 1968 12. Greater London Council. Covent Garden Action Area Plan. N.p.: Greater London Council, 1978. 13. Hall, John - 'Covent Garden Newly Marketed', The London Journal, 1980 14.Matthew, H. C. G., Harrison, Brian Howard, and British Academy. Oxford Dictionary of National Bio- graphy from the Earliest times to the Year 2000. New ed. 2004. 15.O'Donovan Teige & Cooper - 'Covent Garden: a model for protection of special character?' - Journal of Planning & Environment Law, 1998 16.Richardson, J. Covent Garden. Historical Pubns, 1979. 17. 'The Bedford Estate: From 1627 to 1641', in Survey of London: Volume 36, Covent Garden, ed. F H W Sheppard (London, 1970), pp. 25-34. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-lon- don/vol36/pp25-34 [accessed 4 December 2016]. 18.Westminster City Council - 'Draft Supplementary Planning Guidance for Entertainment Uses', July 2006. 19.http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/pp25-34 http://www.coventgardenmemories. org.uk/page_id__37.aspx 20. http://thespaces.com/2016/02/17/is-architect-terry-farrells-postmodern-comyn-ching-triangle-in- covent-garden-worth-listing/ 21.http://www.e-architect.co.uk/architects/terry-farrell 22.http://www.sevendials.com/about-us/patrons/item/14-sir-terry-farrell-cbe-riba-frsa-fcsd-mrtpi 23.https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/new-planning-rules-to-protect-city-from-residential-deve- lopment/10004183.article 24.https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/big-names-rally-to-save-farrells-comyn-ching-buil- ding/10005959.article 25.http://www.bdonline.co.uk/farrell-submits-comyn-ching-for-urgent-listing/5080195.article 26.https://www.westminster.gov.uk/archives 27.http://www.gustav-mahler.eu/index.php/plaatsen/228-great-britain/london-londen/1381-covent-gar- den-and-drury-theatre 28. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/obituaries/2016/10/21/raine-countess-spencer--obituary/ 29. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/oct/21/raine-countess-spencer-obituary 30.http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3859566/Princess-Diana-s-stepmother-Raine-Spen- cer-dies-age-87.html 31. http://royalcentral.co.uk/other/private-funeral-for-princess-dianas-stepmother-raine-spencer-71011 32. https://www.nationaltrust.org.uk/features/what-is-palladianism Bibliography according to type of sources History 1. Anson, B. I’ll Fight You for It: Behind the Struggle for Covent Garden. Cape, 1981. 2. Bradley, Simon, and Pevsner, Nikolaus. London. 6, Westminster. Pevsner Architectural Guides. New Haven, Conn. ; London: Yale University Press, 2005. 3. ‘Covent Garden Market’, in Survey of London: Volume 36, Covent Garden, ed. F H W Sheppard (Lon- don, 1970), pp. 129-150. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/ pp129-150 [accessed 10 November 2016]. 4. ‘Covent Garden Theatre and the Royal Opera House: Management’, in Survey of London: Volume 35, the theatre Royal, Drury Lane, and the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden, ed. F H W Sheppard (Lon- don, 1970), pp. 71-85. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol35/pp71- 85 [accessed 12 October 2016]. 5. Esher, Lionel Gordon Balish Brett. A Broken Wave : The Rebuilding of England, 1940-1980. London: Allen Lane, 1981 6. Glendinning, Miles - “The Conservation Movement: A history of Architectural Preservation” - (New York: Routledge, 2013), 329 – 330 7. Richardson, J. Covent Garden. Historical Pubns, 1979. 8. ‘The Bedford Estate: From 1627 to 1641’, in Survey of London: Volume 36, Covent Garden, ed. F H W Sheppard (London, 1970), pp. 25-34. British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-lon- don/vol36/pp25-34 [accessed 4 December 2016]. 9. http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol36/pp25-34 http://www.coventgardenmemories. org.uk/page_id__37.aspx Institutional Information 1. Greater London Council, Covent Garden’s Moving, The Covent Garden Area Draft Plan, 1968 2. Greater London Council. Covent Garden Action Area Plan. N.p.: Greater London Council, 1978. 3. Westminster City Council - ‘Draft Supplementary Planning Guidance for Entertainment Uses’, July 2006. 4. http://royalcentral.co.uk/other/private-funeral-for-princess-dianas-stepmother-raine-spencer-71011 5. https://www.westminster.gov.uk/archives 6. http://www.sevendials.com/about-us/patrons/item/14-sir-terry-farrell-cbe-riba-frsa-fcsd-mrtpi 7.http://www.gustav-mahler.eu/index.php/plaatsen/228-great-britain/london-londen/1381-covent-gar- den-and-drury-theatre Academic Publicactions 1. Cavanagh, Elaine. “Up for renewal.” Estates Gazette, 19 Oct. 2002, p. 2. Business Collection, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?p=GPS&sw=w&u=uokent&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA93116404&it=r&asid=- 17c76221e87cee84b155429f95d52535. Accessed 5 Dec. 2016. 2. Christie, Ian - Covent Garden: Approaches to Urban Renewal - The Town Planning Review; Jan 1, 1974; 45, 1; Periodicals Archive Online pg. 31 3. Duggan, Diane - ‘London the Ring, Covent Garden the Jewell of That Ring’: New Light on Covent Gar- den. (Architectural History, Vol. 43, 2000), pp. 140-161 4. Hall, John - ‘Covent Garden Newly Marketed’, The London Journal, 1980 5. O’Donovan Teige & Cooper - ‘Covent Garden: a model for protection of special character?’ - Journal of Planning & Environment Law, 1998 Specialist Press 1. “Garden army.” Property Week, December 5, 2003, 62. Business Collection (accessed December 5, 2016). http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?p=GPS&sw=w&u=uokent&v=2.1&it=r&id=GALE%7CA111856021&asid=cc- f23c7421f25d260c50d9c64c68293f. 2. http://thespaces.com/2016/02/17/is-architect-terry-farrells-postmodern-comyn-ching-triangle-in-co- vent-garden-worth-listing/ 3. http://www.e-architect.co.uk/architects/terry-farrell 4.https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/new-planning-rules-to-protect-city-from-residential-develo- pment/10004183.article 5.https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/big-names-rally-to-save-farrells-comyn-ching-buil- ding/10005959.article 6.http://www.bdonline.co.uk/farrell-submits-comyn-ching-for-urgent-listing/5080195.article Local Press 1. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/obituaries/2016/10/21/raine-countess-spencer--obituary/ 2. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/oct/21/raine-countess-spencer-obituary 3.http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3859566/Princess-Diana-s-stepmother-Raine-Spen- cer-dies-age-87.html Biography 1. Matthew, H. C. G., Harrison, Brian Howard, and British Academy. Oxford Dictionary of National Bio- graphy from the Earliest times to the Year 2000. New ed. 2004. Albane Duvillier, 4th Year, dip 7, essay submission for the Brave New World Revisited/Edward Bottoms appendix Brian Anson. Letter to Edward Bottoms, NOT FOR PUBLICATION. 18 February 2008 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1977-78 Brian Anson. “Let’s sing the Land Song”. Lecture, Architectural Association, London: 20 November 1974 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1974-75 Peter Cook’s unit AA Project Review 1974-75 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1975-76 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 Fred Scott & Bob Evans AA Project Review 1977-78 AA Project Review 1977-78 AA Project Review 1977-78 AA Project Review 1977-78 AA Project Review 1976-77 AA Project Review 1976-77 Brian Anson. “Let’s sing the Land Song”. Lecture at the Architectural Association London: 20 November 1974 Paul Bower : « The paper is over 8000 words long and includes no references as it was a typed manuscript. The paper comes courtesy of George Mills, one of Brian’s former AA students at the time and eventual col- league and friend » “We should sing the Land song again” This talk is about land. Who should own it, what is the power that it contains, what traps ownership of it may hold for common people – or for that matter rich people. It is not a definitive talk – that is it does not give a simple answer – yet it is topical in view of the Government White Paper. It is something in which I have always been interested and which I believe is, if not at the core of social prob- lems, pretty near the centre. It is such a vast subject that I am bound to miss much out, and likewise I am bound to annoy some in the audi- ence more learned than I on the matter, I don’t intend to and if I learn from them I shall be well pleased. I have some facts and some instincts. The facts are mainly in the paper that follows: my instincts are in a hum- ble way those of the great man whose picture appears on the poster; Padraig Pearce – they are with the landless man against the Lord of Lords and the breadless man against the master of millions. It is one of my basic beliefs that you cannot create a just situation from a basic injustice. It is clear to me that exploitation of land for private gain has been the second major course of injustice throughout the history of man, The first exploitation of man himself. Much of the misery, death and indignity that man has endured throughout history is in one way of another connected with avaricious schemes to deprive him of his land. I am aware that at certain times in history, and perhaps today is one of them, ownership of land has not been as helpful to the cause of a better society for common people – Engels, and to an extent Marx, were totally against returning the land to the people – at least whereby they became individual freeholders, Nonetheless I believe that the sacred connection between man and his land is still valid and I treat with suspicion any attempt to ignore it as something unimportant. The ancient traveller returning to his native soil knelt and pressed the earth to his lips manifesting his link to the elemental roots he must have if he is to remain sane. An aunt of mine died recently. Her body was taken by sea to Cork. Then by car to a little village outside Gal- way. They still have a simple tradition in the West of Ireland where the villagers come out 20 miles to escort the cortege into the village. She had been away for many years but her last wish was ‘take me home’. And that’s what the villagers were doing. The instinctive relationship to a sense of place that these two events illustrate are to me still very basic. I hope too many of you are not fidgeting and wondering the relevance of old ladies being taken back to villages or travellers weeping into the soil. I know you want facts, statistics and theories. There is no shortage of them, but the sacred relationship of people to land is possibly a greater truth for we are not in perpetual and rootless motion as the mid-cult trendies with their coffee table paperbacks or mobility theories would have us believe. So before I get down to some of the facts of history, I’d like to simply state where I believe the asnwer lies. Though I can’t as yet explain that it’s achievable. I believe that land must not be exploited for private gain in anyway whatsoever. In the contest of our mixed economy that means nothing less than taking ALL economic value out of land – in fact to make it VALUE- LESS. Paradoxically, in the context of our economically dominated society, to take a sacred element out of the system is to make it PRICELESS – which is what land is in reality. To my mind the common fact of history is the way that land has been exploited for monetary gain to the det- riment of civilised society. Why should we not put it in the same category as those other elements that we now consider priceless. Finite resources such as the air we breath are not yet part of the market mechanism – although in the centre of Tokyo one can ‘buy’ oxygen from a slot machine – and I take it no sane person here would advocate such a policy. The greatest, most priceless – although ironically not finite – resource of all, the human being, is not yet freed from the market system – but I take it no-one here would bring back slavery or the use of child-labour. We are capable now of considering the human resource as priceless – yet we had to struggle for the freedom – and the greatest opponents of the abolitionists were those who argued the collapse of our economic system should slav- ery go. Let us strive, therefore, to free land from the market. This is not day dreaming for at certain times in history, land has been viewed as a sacred and priceless element – and was arguably better cared for to the benefit of all. Sean O’Faolain has pointed out that the early Celts “...shared property in common and their hold on their land was absolute and incontestable. No Chief or King had any claim on the land and he could not legally dis- possess any family in his small kingdom...” The American Indians saw land as a gift from the great spirit and knew that they didn’t own it but held it in trust for future generations – and a whole ecological concept grew out of that belief. The downfall of that whole civilisation began with an attack on the land. “...the white man made us many promises” said Red Cloud of the Oglala Sioux “and he kept but one: he promised to take our land and he did”. I don’t know whether my concept can be made to work, anymore than the economic theories of Schumacher can be, but I think it’s in the right direction and I think it’s worth a try – in any case there’s been not other solution to the land problem in this country for the past six hundred years. I used to work for a stupid architect who, thinking he was a modernist, once said to me, that he was not inter- ested in anything written yesterday. I think the exact opposite and in order to learn what little I do know about the land problem I’ve had to go back a good many centuries. And so I begin in the past. But learning from the past is not the same as living in the past – so travelling through seven centuries as rapidly as possible I’ll end up with the current Government White Paper on Land Reform. And then if you’re still interested we can discuss it. We think we have a land hunger now and we think that the great inflation in land values of 1973 was an ex- traordinary event. The only extraordinary thing about it was that the Tory party at last publicly admitted the existence of what it euphemistically called “The unacceptable face of Capitalism”. According to Toynbee’s “English Social History” as long ago as the thirteenth century there was land hunger – too many people and not enough land in cultivation – greatly to the benefit of the landlords. Then the Black death wiped out half the population and the ensuing two centuries were to the benefit of the peasant – who struggled out of serfdom during this period. But by the sixteenth century land hunger was back fr the birth rate had wiped out the rav- ages of the plague and now there was a surplus of labour – the landlord was back in business. “Hence” as Toynbee states “The economic opportunity for the landlord to do what he liked with land so much in demand”. Worst of all the hated Enclosures Acts came into being at this time and ‘Economic neces- sity’ became the Tyrants’ pleas for much oppression when the common land was taken from the people. To be fair, I suppose, the landlord was under some financial pressure as inflation was running at a pretty high rate – between 1500-1560 food prices had trebled – but this plea of economic necessity went too far and became popular wisdom in later years when as Toynbee again says “ the dismal science of Political economy bore iron rule over the minds of men”. Tragically this dismal science has survived up to the present day and economic necessity is still an excuse for land crimes against the people. I am not an historian, but from what little I do know concerning the land question from the 12th century on and particularly with regard to the Acts of Enclosure, I acknowledge the tremendous complexity of the issue. What is not denied by any historian, however, is that the Common Law of England established under Henry II was an excellent foundation to work progressively towards a most just social system in society. Indeed much of that foundation has remained intact in such things as the jury system, and the birth of Parliamentary democra- cy. But not in the case of land, despite the fact that Trevelyan maintains that: “The starting point of our modern land law” began in 1275 under Edward I through his two statutes De Donis Conditionalibus and Quia Eviptores Laws which helped bring about the downfall of feudalism by vesting land rights largely in the King. I can’t see the reality of this, as in later centuries, particularly the 17th and 18th, the parliamentary democracy was largely controlled by politicians who themselves were large landowners. But to return briefly to the land system under the Common Law of the 12th to 15th centuries. It was John Stuart Mill who pointed out “it is custom, immemorial custom, which is the most powerful protector of the weak against the strong, their sole protector where there are n laws or government adequate to the purpose. That custom which even in the most oppressed condition of mankind, tyranny is forced in some degree to respect...” If there is any one major basis on which social life of England rested during the common law period it was this one of “immemorial custom” and particularly over land and tenant rights. The Durham Halmote Rolls pub- lished by the Surtess Society at the beginning of the 19th Century gives a vivid account of community life in Medieval Northumberland: “The dry record of tenures is peopled by men and women under the various phases of village life. We see them in their tofts surrounded by their crofts with their gardens of pot herbs. We see how they ordered the affairs of the village in matters concerning the common meal of the community. We hear of how they repressed their strifes and contentions, of their attempts, not always ineffective, to grasp the principle of co-operation. Local provisions for public health and general convenience are evidenced by the watchful vigilance of the village officials over the water supplies, the care taken to prevent the fouling of useful streams, and stringent by-laws as to the common place for clothes washing and the time for emptying and cleansing ponds and mill dams. labour was lightened and the burdens of life eased by co-operation on an extensive scale. A common mill ground the corn, and the flour was baked into bread at a common oven. A common smith worked at a common forge and common shepherds and herdsmen watched the sheep and cattle of various tenants when pastured on the fields common to the whole community.” According to Cardinal Gasquet writing in the early part of the 20th century – a review of the halmote rolls “leaves no doubt that the tenants, had a recognised right in their holdings, which was ripening into a custom- ary freehold estate.” Professor Thorold Rogers in his lectures on “the Economic Interpretation of History” given at Oxford in 1887, adds further evidence when he says that: “The peasant was rarely without his patch of land and beyond the plot which he held in severalty, the peasant had more or less extensive rights of common. The common, even if it did not afford herbage for his cow, was a run for his poultry, and assured him the occasional fowl in the pot.” The key phrase is “ripening into a freehold estate”. The immemorial custom backed up the obvious advantage of co-operative working may quite easily have developed over time into a well-nigh-unshakable social system based on co-operation and Communal ownership. That was well removed from despotic state control or bu- reaucratic Communism. Even Gordon-Rattray-Taylor in his recent and pessimistic book “Rethink” describes how one of the most com- mon topics of conversation during this time was the definition of a fair profit and he suggests that an individ- ual those aim was unlimited profit would have been forwned upon by society in general. Professor Rogers sums it up when he says: “...the rate of production was small, the conditions of health unsatisfactory and the duration of life short; but on the whole there were none of those extremes of poverty and wealth which have excited the astonishment of philanthropists and are now exciting the indignation of workmen. The age it is true had its discontents, and these were expressed in a startling manner. But of poverty which premises unheeded, of willingness to do hon- est work and a lack of opportunity, there was little or none. The essence of life during the Plantagenets and the Tudors was that everyone knew his neighbour, and that everyone was his brother’s keeper. My studies lead me to conclude that though there was a hardship in this life, the hardship was a common lot and that there was hope...” Three events changed all this, and in terms of the land problem changed the course of history: the Acts of En- closure, the dissolution of the Monasteries and the birth of the Industrial Revolution. The first two were to change drastically the ownership pattern of land; whether it be legal ownership or own- ership by ‘immemorial custom’. The industrial Revolution was eventually to create, amongst other things, the industrial city and the land problems that are with us still today. All three events together were to produce a new class of people which from now on was to lie at the very heart of the land problems: the “landless labourer”. In effect the industrial working class man was born, and his increasingly desperate plight was to complicate the land issue enormously right to to the present day. In future centuries some like Proudhon, the bourgeois Socialist and Parnell, the Irish Catholic leader would try to leas him back to that co-operative wonderland of individual ownership partly described above, while others like Marx and Engels would keep him away from such ownership and petit bourgeois traps in order that he might lead the socialist revolution. It is not the purpose of this paper to discuss the religious validity of the Reformation in England. As so often in the past, and still today, religious friction has been used by the ruling class as a cloak to hide or evade real social problems. But the social upheaval caused by this event was enormous in England. Again the issue is complex with one side, such as the partisan Catholics, arguing that the Abbots, Monks and Priors were re- sponsible and benevolent landlords to their tenants, and that the dissolution of the monasteries robbed the communities of a sound and reasonably happy base for living. The passages I’ve quoted above by such as Pro- fessor Thorold suggest there is some truth in this. Others, not impressed by ‘other-worldly’ attitudes towards community structure place greater emphasis on the undoubted misuse of responsibility shown by many monastic settlements and suggest that long before Refor- mation the monasteries were being run by secular middle-men with an eye to profit. It is for the individual to make up his own mind on whether the dissolution was socially retrograde step or not. Personally I tend to agree with the Protestant Radical William Cobbett, that the event was more a social disas- ter than civilised progress. But again there is complete agreement by most historians on one significant point. Dramatic events in history are neither entirely good nor entirely bad. Henry VIII and later Edward VI having confiscated the monastic lands had a wonderful opportunity to redistribute it justly amongst the people and in fact some historians suggest that in Henry’s case this was the first intention. But as Trevelyan says in his English Social History “...the Exchequer was empty and the courtiers were greedy and the hasty sale of the lands to private purchasers was the course adopted. The dissolution of the monasteries and the confiscation of the property of the chantries and guilds resulted in the transfer of well over 2,000,000 acres of land into the hands of new proprietors. The change of ownership was disastrous for the poorer tenants although many of the stronger yeomanry class did very well out of it and their first step to becoming property owning capitalists. The new brand of owners, who had in many cases paid large sums for their land, began immediately a system of rack renting and encroaching upon common land. As regards the early acts of enclosure there are again mixed views. There is clear agreement that the very poor suffered enormously as their common land was enclosed and they were deprived of its benefits, When the Parliament, as it then became, was closed by law to anyone not a considerable owner of land it is impossible to argue the right of ownership of land by ‘immemorial custom’. And that is the only right the peasant had. Prior to the dissolution of the monasteries and the Acts of Enclosure this right was largely adequate. The vast reduction of small holdings left the peasant farmer helpless and the worthless compensation that he did, on occasion, get merely led him to the alehouse. Suddenly great numbers of people were homeless, job- less, half-starving vagrants. In connection with this Elizabeth in 1495 brought her Statute of Labourers. According to Professor Thorold the object of this celebrated or infamous act was threefold. 1.To break up the combination of labourers To secure the adequate machinery of control To make the peasant labourer the residuum of all other labour – or, in other words, to forcibly increase the supply Not long after, in 1541, the first Poor Laws came into being. So one way to look at the results of the dissolu- tion of the monasteries and the Acts of Enclosure is to see them as robbing great numbers of poor people of their customary rights in land by confiscation; creating a new rich and powerful minority owning large estates; creating in the process a new class, that of the landless labourer; the creation of poor laws and destitution on a large scale – culminating in the terrible state of the working class in the 19th century in England – and finally as being the origin of the class scars that mark our society today. Others argue that while the early acts of enclosure created social damage, the final enclosure Acts of the 17th century and early 18th century were a national necessity. England, in those days, did not yet have access to the great granaries of the world – such as Russia, and with an exploding population and the rapid growth of the cities, the country must produce much more food or starve. As the traditional small farming methods were wasteful they must be replaced by a more streamlined arrangement of land use. Whatever the merits of the latter argument, the 17th century was also the pinnacle of the landowning gentry class – and poverty amidst affluence was commonplace. The Acts of Enclosure were beneficial to sections of the population even including the yeoman class and many of the craftsmen, but a whole section of the poor were totally excluded. In contrast Denmark which proceeded with enclosure at the same time took into account the interest of all classes, even the very poorest, with excel- lent consequences in the Danish society of today. By and large I agree with first Cobbett, and finally Toynbee, the modern historian who says: “Henry VIII had been driven by financial necessity to sell most of the confiscated lands privately. The potential value of the land was much higher than the lay purchasers had paid. The ultimate beneficiary of the dissolution was not religion, not education, not the poor, not even in the end the crown, but a class of fortunate gentry whose power replaced that of the great nobles and ecclesiastics of the feudal ages and whose word was to be law in England for centuries to come...” So land hunger and its consequent exploitation is nothing new. What about rocketing land values? Again it’s all happened before as 19th century Scotland shows, to give just one example. In these islands it is the Scottish people like the Irish who know deep in their bones what land means – they suffered one of the worst indigni- ties of any nation – they were driven from their land by sheep – the Cheviot. But as John Prebble says in ‘The Highland Clearances’: “...the land owners could see no reason for complaint. Wool was making them rich. Wool had forced up the value of land all over the highlands. In five years the sale price of the Castlehill Estate had risen from £8000 to £80,000. Redcastle, which had been sold for £25,000 in 1790 was shortly to be sold (in 1817) for £135,000 and the Fairburn estate, which had yielded a rental of £700 in 1800 was now in 1817 worth £80,000 rental a year.” They had a rather quaint legal system in those days for at the trial of Patrick Sellar, one of the villains of the time who spent his time evicting poor crofters in order that his masters could make the sort of profits I have described, it was stated: “that a bed-ridden woman of 90 had been evicted from her house and died five days later in an outhouse (the cottage was in fact set on fire by Sellar while the woman still lay in her sick bed). This was not contested in court and the judge and jurors agreed that Mr Sellar could not be held responsible for the ‘natural tendency of a person to die if rendered suddenly homeless’.” This is just one of millions of examples whereby horrific and tragic death springs directly from private ex- ploitation of land. Only two weeks ago I read of how fifty square miles of this same countryside that Patrick Sellar ravaged in the early 19th century is to be sold on the international market so that Lady Sutherland may rationalise the other 100,000 acres of her ancestral estate. To rationalise means to provide a lucrative grouse shooting, salmon fishing, golf course for the multi-national oil magnates no doubt. First it was the Chevi- ot, then it was mid-century Shell-Esso man – BUT WHAT THE HELL HAPPENED TO THE PEOPLE? Of course they never came into it. They never did in the past and if huge profits are to be made today from land they are likewise excluded. The Scots know that history will always attempt to repeat itself. In 1973 the last Tory government was deter- mined to bring its LAND DEVELOPMENT BILL in order to expedite the oil-rush. A spokesman stated publicly “We must have the platform building sites whether the people like it or not”. WE WILL BRING THE GREAT CHEVIOT IN WHETHER THE CROFTER LIKE IT OR NOT. But one last comment on Scotland. Even bureaucracies throughout history can occasionally make a statement that has the ring of pure simple truth about it. And the final statement of the Crofters Commission of 1892 said: “...the solution of the Highland Problem is not land purchase but the resumption of the Clansman’s right to occupy the Fatherland....” No mention of economic necessity or investment or a healthy economy – but a question of human RIGHT and a RESUMPTION of that right. Just think about it for a minute and ponder on modern interpretations: “The solution of London’s housing problem is a resumption of the old communities RIGHT to occupy the city....” “The solution to the Irish problem is a resumption of the Native Irish’s RIGHT to occupy the motherland.” And what is the land story in Ireland. I must confess that it was an interest in the history of that country that led to the beginning of my interest in the land problem. Land and the so-called Irish problem are synonymous and some of the greatest agitators for land reform in the 19th century came out of that country. I have already mentioned that the old Celtic order had a system of land ownership based entirely on the com- munity. A system of land control that was ta the base of social structure extraordinarily communistic in its character and in the truest sense of the term. Amongst the many dreadful deeds that England perpetrated against that nation, it’s attack on the land was par- amount in its destruction of a way of life. They first tried to conquer the land – and failed; they then tried to plant it with aliens and only partially succeeded, then they reinforced the little bit they could hold and invent- ed “The Pale” and finally in the great tradition of all imperial powers they partitioned it. In the early 1840’s two million people starved to death in Ireland and another two million emigrated with half of those dying in the coffin ships before reaching their destination – often because they were driven from the land. Never lecture an Irishman on Genocide. Nor indeed on the economic necessities that a poor landlord has to face. For it was as a direct result of land exploitation that Ireland changed overnight form being the fastest growing population outside China to the sparsely peopled land she is today. It was at the height of that famine that starving peasants were evicted from the land and when they built SCALPEENS to protect their shrivelled bodies from the weather. a scalpeen is a ditch with a bit of a roof over it – hence the Irish saying that you can never stumble into an Irish ditch without falling down a chimney - They were evicted from the Scalpeens. When this matter was raised in the House of Lords in 1846, Lord Brougham stated: “It is the landowners inalienable right to do exactly as he pleases to do with his land, If this were not so money would no longer be invested in land.” Fortunately history is not all gloom, for 1846 brought something good to the land question in Ireland. It brought the birth of Michael Davitt. A man of high courage, moral no less than physical, a passionate man totally intolerant of cruelty and injustice, and most important of all the man who was to become the father of the LAND LEAGUE. But before Davitt a few words on James Fintan Lalov who died three years after Davitt’s birth in 1846. Where the latter was the father of the land league, Lalov is popularly seen as the prophet of revolutionary Irish land reform. The social system of 19th century Ireland gave supreme power to the landlord and no security to the tenant. The growth of the landless labourer, referred to above, was very rapid in Ireland. Lalov assumed “...the gen- eral and common right of all the people as joint and co-equal proprietors of all the land ... and no man had a right to hold one foot of Irish soil otherwise than by grant of tenancy from the people in common...” Lalov was not interested in nationalisation – but rather in co-operative ownership. He considered the posi- tion of the landless labourer to be beyond repair, and his theories have little connection with the dense urban problems of our day. Davitt’s views are more pertinent and in the end he was as suspicious of individual peasant ownership as an answer to the land problem as Engels was. The son of an evicted Mayo peasant Davitt moved into Revolutionary politics through an early five year spell in the Irish Republican Brotherhood, the Fenian forerunner of the modern IRA. In addition his foundation with Parnell of the Land League in 1879 increased his radicalism for the organisation, through technically legal, was animated by the spirit of social revolution. The battle cry of the Land League was simply the land of Ireland for the people of Ireland and its initial aim was the overthrow of an oppressive landlord class.. Davitt was eager to emphasise its universal implications and declared that “...the principles on which the land movement rests are founded on natural justice ... the cause of Ireland is the cause of humanity and labour throughout the world...” The problem arose, and still today arises, when Davitt had to consider what system would replace the landlord. The tenant farmers led by Parnell (who incidentally would never tolerate Trade Unions) were clear on the aims – their own holdings would belong to them. Davitt thought otherwise – in line with Henry George, whose famous book ‘Progress and Poverty’ had appeared in 1879 – he saw nationalisation, or state ownership of all land – as the solution. According to Davitt, “Land was a unique commodity, it was no man’s creation, it was essential to all life and it was fixed in quantity. It ought therefore to be directly owned and administered by the state. Private monopoly in land meant that the landlord appropriated most of the wealth produced by labour returning only a bare liv- ing to the tenant. Under national ownership the tenant would enjoy the full product of his industry and would have a virtual freehold, paying a tax equal to the annual value of the bare land, and observing certain condi- tions. he holding must be cultivated: it should not be larger than the tenant could personally manage – and the State should have the right to authorise mines and minerals worked in it. In general terms the ultimate outcome in Ireland, peasant proprietorship, was not the solution of the land problem at which he aimed. His suspicion of this ‘solution’ was matched only by the contempt of such an aim by Engels who declared:- “...for our workers in the big cities, freedom of movement is the prime condition of existence, and land own- ership can only be a fetter to them, Give them their own houses, chain them once again tot the soil and you break their power of resistance to the wage cutting of the factory owners...” In England the land of nationalisation theories of Henry George, the American author of ‘Poverty and Prog- ress’ were advocated thirty years later by another George, Prime Minister, Lloyd George. In his budget – his Peoples’ Budget as he called it – of 1909, he introduced taxes on land values. Looking back on them they were not startling – eg. one 1/2 penny in the pound on the added value realised by the sale of land where the com- munity had made that value possible. But they caused a tremendous political storm and the House of Lords (which incidentally Davitt had referred to as that Den of Land Thieves) rejected the budget, and a constitu- tional crisis ensued. Lloyd George travelled the country presenting the land issue – and in his famous Limehouse speech he de- scribed the landowners living on unearned profits as parasites: “Who created these increments? Who made that golden swamp? Was it the Landlord? Was it his energy? His brains? It is rather hard that an old workman should have to find his way to the gates of the tomb bleeding and footsore, through the brambles and thorns of poverty. We cut a new path for him, an easier one, a pleasanter one, through fields of waving corn.” But the land taxes brought in little revenue and were abandoned n the days of the coalition. Lloyd George continued to proclaim his belief in public landownership and a total abolition of freehold. In the mid-twen- ties he was the main force behind the Green Book and Brown Book. The former called for public ownership of all agricultural land and the latter for total nationalisation of all urban land. Had these proposals been adopted our economic situation today might well be different. The Green Book proposed that the vast, and growing numbers of urban unemployed world return to a coun- tryside that belonged to them and not the large landowning farmers. Advocates of Lloyd George’s policy formed an organisation called the Land and the Nation League and toured Britain advocating land nationalisation. But the opponents of public land ownership were beginning to dig-on and eventually even the liberal party was divided. The early planning acts form 1909 through to 1932 had not proved a success – perhaps because they were too loosely drafted on such a vital issue. It proved too costly to pay compensation for development refusal, and the collection fo betterment levies provd well nigh impossible. Three major inquiries, the Barlow, Scott and Uthwatt, in the 30’s and early 40’s agreed on the need for a na- tional land system. Ultimately the 1947 Planning Act took up Ultwatt’s main idea: a transfer to the State of all development rights in land. The three major principals of the ’47 Act were: Planning Permission required for all development (this for the first time). No compensation paid for refusal Betterment would accrue to the State through Development charges paid to a CENTRAL LAND BOARD. In addition, and in retrospect fundamentally, all land was expected to change hands at existing use value. This in theory Local Authorities could buy land cheaply. Three things happened instead: Owners held land back (they hoarded it) Privately land changed hands at market value – this keeping up the price Landowners sat back expecting a future Tory Government to repeal the Act. Which is exactly what happened in 1951. The Tories kept development control and the no compensation clause – but abolished the Central Land Board. Now an absurd, but legal, two-pricing system existed. Local Authority could still buy land at a price exclusive of development value – if they could find it. But private sales took place at full market value. The Tories 1959 Planning Act reinstated the full market value for all land exchange – from now on no more cheap land for public services and amenities. The market mechanism was in top gear. From the early 60’s to the present day has been the boom period when land prices have soared and massive unearned fortunes have been made in property. Prior to this time land and property was not even quoted on the Stock Exchange; now it occupies the front page of all financial papers. One meek and mild attempt was made by the Labour administration to stop this criminal profiteering – when it set up the Land Commission in 1967. It called for a 40% flat rate tax on development gains – but noth- ing much else was done. Local authorities could still not buy land cheap enough to build desperately needed homes. In any case, the Tories abolished the Land Commission in 1970. It was during this time 1966-1972, that land values rose 228% house prices rose 113% manual earnings rose 52% During this time, according to Counter Information Services, 100 men between them shared £400 million from property and land deals. During this time – the profits of the big private architects rose 118% while the number of new commissions rose only 34%. During this time a senior official in Manchester Corporation Planning Department said – “Land means mon- ey – not just money – it’s a gold mine”. During this time I personally watched the first Chairman of the Covent Garden Development Committee dan- gle prizes of enormous profit from inflated land values before the slobbering faces of Britain’s top developers. During this time I got sick to death of the professions I was in because of the way land was handled as a mar- ketable commodity and the way the architectural and planning professions made no move to change the situa- tion. And now we are at the White Paper. I’m not going to go into great detail over the Land Nationalisation Bill – for one things it’s not a very detailed document anyway and had been criticised as such by none other than the Labour Party Home Affairs Commit- tee – but in any case I should be concluding soon. It’s important to see the Bill as just another stage in a centuries long effort to sort out the and problem in our society. This really has been the whole point of my talk. To understand the present we must understand the past – then we might have some hope of getting things right in the future. Of course it depends on your own viewpoint in the end – some would say we don’t even have a land problem, and many Marxists take this view, but when in 1974 we have 9 million families living in slums and well over a million totally homeless, yet in the last ten years 100 men have made £400 million pounds profit from land deals – I can’t see that we don’t have a land problem. The ultimate aim of the Land Bill is to take from private individuals into the community purse the wealth real- ised from values created by the community and to enable local authorities to have a more positive influence on development in accordance with public needs. This ill be done (it is said) by: Giving Local Authorities strong compulsory powers to purchase land at existing use value Charging a 100% Development Land Tax (DLT) on all developed land. This means that when land is devel- oped, the increased market value of the land springing from the development will go to the community. The argument for this is that the infrastructure which creates the increased value was provided not by the developer but by the public who thus should benefit The ultimate scheme (100% tax) will not come in for some time, say 5 years (by which time incidentally if his- tory repeats itself – and on land issues history does repeat itself, the entire Bill will be repealed by a future Tory Administration). An interim scheme will charge a flat rate of DLT of 80%. Ironically this is less than can be charged under De- velopment Gains Tax – where the maximum is 83%. I find Anthony Crossland’s (the main sponsor) reasons for delaying the ultimate scheme puzzling to say the least. He is quoted as saying the land values would drop too suddenly if the 100% tax was introduced immedi- ately. In the context of the phenomenal rise in land values during the last 5 years, I should have thought we wanted values to drop drastically. Certain land users are totally excluded from the payment of Development Tax: Owner occupiers Agricultural land Forestry land Statutory undertakers Builders and Owners with planning permission on White Paper Day (12 Aug). In basic theory the profits from the development of land will either accrue to the Local Authority or the Exchequer. The Local Authority have the option, instead of granting planning permission (whereupon the developer pays out his DLT to the Government) can acquire the land by Compulsory Purchase – net of DLT – then ease it back to the developer at the Developed Value. Crossland described this at his press conference as “money for Old Rope” and calculated that the public would profit by £750 million. Others think differently – and argue that the taxpayer will have to fork out £500 to £1000 million merely in order to fund the purchasing of the land even at existing use value. It’s a moot point – although Local Authori- ties have no money – and the Government is hardly rich. But it’s more complicated and worrying than that. Tony Crossland has in some quarters been called the Devel- opers’ Saviour because of the possible implications of the Bill. The argument goes like this:- Local Authority somehow finds the money to acquire the land by CP. Local Authority cannot afford to do much with it – and can’t allow it to remain idle – as some interest changes have to be paid. So Local Authority attempts to lease it to Developer – at increased Developed Value (remember Money for Old Rope). Developer won’t consider anything not profitable. (He’ll go into oil, or art or pornography or something in- stead) Suddenly Developer is in the driving seat again. As always he’s got the Local Authority by the curlies – and of course all his negotiating skills come to the fore. And bingo – we’re back where we started. An unwanted office block on that part of the site and a bit of expensive Local Authority Housing on the other. There are many other obvious criticisms of the Bill which unfortunately ring true. The market in development land will dry up because owners will not bring land forward unless profit is guar- anteed. They will simply hold tight hoarding the land until a future Tory administration repeals the Bill. All this has happened before. If Local Authorities have the purchase money and the expert staff (and this is a very big IF), to ‘hunt down’ the land hoarders, great social hatred will be engendered. It is argued, justifiably, that Local Authorities lack the expertise to handle such massive land-banks as would be required to solve our housing and other social problems. Furthermore Local Authorities do not have a very good reputation of looking after land. That they have acquired – a glance at any city centre will prove that. Finally the whole process can be bogged down in inter-area arguments over the definition of development land – and this is especially in the contest of the general public antagonism and mistrust felt towards Local Authority planning departments. On the bright side the Bill, as expected, really smashes the more blatant property speculators. For example if a building like Centre point is not occupied within two years after construction date – then the Local Authority can acquire it at construction date value. In the case of Harry Hyams Empire this can be the difference between £5.5 million and a market value of £42 million. But as I said this sort of Government action was expected and could well divert attention from the more complex land issue. Reactions to the White Paper are mixed. The RTPI is split – with half warning the Government to go slow on Land Nationalisation and the rest saying do it in a big way. The Association of Metropolitan Authorities are wildly enthusiastic – I presume because they will be given the power to buy land cheaply and sell it dearly. This is a very attractive idea to any group of human beings. I would call that an emotional response. On the other hand the Incorporated Society of Valuers and Auctioneers call it a blueprint for disaster – again I would think this is an emotional response – as the valuers commodity may well reduce in price – and no group of human beings like that idea. The Labour Party Home Affairs Committee chaired by Tony Beurn seems very disillusioned with the Bill – be- cause it is not strong enough or if you like not Socialist enough – you could call this an emotional response but at least it seems to pay some heed to historical truth. A final comment on the White Paper. Let me read you the paragraph on Land Disposal. ——– So what conclusions might I draw? I think the Bill will fail because it is not strong enough. I think most of the criticisms against it are valid, specifically I don’t understand why the 100% DLT could not be introduced immediately. I can’t understand some of the categories excluded from the force of the Bill – for example owners and builders already holding planning permission. I think the public’s disillusionment with the Local Authority power base (particularly in the light og recent corruption) is deeper than the Government thinks – and thus the increased powers of land purchase given to them is not so wondrous. But mainly I think the Bill will fail to solve the eternal land problem for two basic reasons: Nationalisation – or public land ownership is by itself neither here nor there – it is what one does the power of ownership that counts. And our representatives have not shown themselves responsible enough in recent years. Solving the land problem will not on its own solve the social problem – of production and power. My basic view at this stage is:- that first we must have total nationalisation of land immediately. Second: a new community-based power structure must be set up -possibly within the context of a Republic. Thirdly: public ownership of the means of production And fourthly, since none of the above have any meaning whatsoever without financial change, the Nationali- sation of the Banking System. Or if this seems too strong – the New Social Role of Money as James Robertson puts it. I have not stressed Nationalisation to such an extent because I believe in State Control – I do not – but rather because I believe more in balance as the real reality of social life – no-one can deny the existence of total im- balance on the issues I have mentioned. I am suspicious of the avalanche of books being written that pertain to be revolutionary but whose only message is: we will create a more just society if we only become good little people. Even dear old Schumacher’s book comes down to that. My view is get the balance back then we can make progress. To conclude: Land does belong to the the people – it belongs to you and to me – and thus to no-one in particular. This is not daydreaming, such a general attitude has been prevalent before in human history. That fact that our so- ciety, in terms of land-ownership, took a wrong turning somewhere in the past, and that our social system is based upon the consequences of that turning does not mean that we must forever live with it. For why should we accept that reality that has been forced upon us? The raped cities, the pollution or our environment, the millions of homeless, the hideous and unacceptable face of Capitalism, the death of Archi- tecture, the wars and the bombs and the bullets, the corruption of our representatives. We have the power to choose another reality. A reality based in co-operation, on the understanding that we can share things especially those common to all of us and vital to our existence. A reality based on past evidence – on a past when Arab and Jew did co-exist and not struggle over land – when Irish catholic and Irish Protestant did not kill each other over land. A past when the American Indian did offer to share his vast plains with the White Settlers and when the indigenous urban poor did share their land with those more well to do. I’m certainly not saying the answer is simple – I know that I personally must do much more studying of the issue. But if land does belong to the people, whether is it God-given or not, then at least I can begin from that basis and never flinch from that fundamental truth. If we wish to alienate people, make them sullen, make them desperate, and finally if we wish to experience more bombs, bloodshed and tragedy, then all history has shown the most effective way to accomplish this – cast them out, make them homeless – deprive them of their land. As I said I don’t know the full answer – I know it’s not simple – but I know that we are not going to reach it by picking ay a centuries’ old problem that came into being on the wave fo basic injustice. Out attitude must be more fundamental than that. 60% of the wealth of this country is owned by 3% of the population, and much of that wealth is in land. At the very least we must correct that situation. It may sound unhelpful but the best analysis of the situation I have come across is that which was printed in the events list. When Henry VIII dissolved the monasteries, which played some part in the Acts of Enclosure he did so by con- fiscation. Perhaps society will just have to confiscate the land back again – then we can begin solving the land problem. There are certain issues with which it is better to be angry rather than to have fashionable objectivity and kind- liness towards one’s adversaries. I think the existing power of the big land owners is such an issue. Bernadette Devlin ends her book “The Price of my Soul” in which she records her fight against the Unionist Party, with these words: “For half a century it has misgoverned us but is is on its way out. Now we are witnessing its dying convulsions. And with traditional, Irish mercy, when we’ve got it down we’ll kick it into the ground.” I have the same feeling over land ownership. I owe the title of this lecture to Dingle Foot who in a rather pessimistic article on the Land Problem as outlined in the White Paper, concluded: “We should sing the Land song again”. I agree and I’m going to. Of all people it was that old Tory Winston Churchill who led the singing of this song to vast open air meetings at the turn of the century. I’ll sing two original verses with the chorus plus three I’ve written to bring it up to date a bit. The tune is marching through Georgia. Sound a blast for freedom boys and send it far and wide March along to victory for God is on our side While the voice of nature Thunders o’er the rising tide God made the land for the people. CHORUS Hark the sound is swelling from The East and from the West Why should we beg work and let the landlord take the best Make them pay their taxes for The Land. We’ll risk the rest On the land that’s free for the people. CHORUS Why should Harry Hyams And the likes of Charlie Clore make their filthy fortunes from the homeless and the poor With their lousy architects Who are rotten to the core They all take the land from the people. CHORUS Why should Bonny Scotland Where the common folk are poor lose their homes and farmland to the oil rigs off the shore while the Multinationals just watch their profits soar from the land they took from the people. CHORUS But one day we’ll awaken with a passion that has grown to the sound of freedom boys. We’ll go and take our own And to Hell with Politicians and the lies that have sown We’ll take the land for the people. CHORUS The land, the land it’was God who made the land the ground on which we stand Why should we all be beggars boys With the ballot in our hand We’ll take the land For the people. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Albane Duvillier Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JM Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 18 February 2008